11 Critical Reflections on Regional 38 New Economic Spaces in Asian

Competitiveness
Gillian Bristow
Cities
From industrial restructuring to
Locating Right to the City in
12 Governance and Planning of
the cultural turn
Edited by Peter W. Daniels,
the Global South
Mega-City Regions Kong Chong Ho and
An international comparative Thomas A. Hulton
perspective
Edited by Jiang Xu and 39 Cities, Regions and Flows
Anthony G. O. Yeh Edited by Peter V. Hall and
Markus Hesse
B Design Economies and the
Changing World Economy 40 The Politics of Urban Cultural Edited by Tony Roshan Samara,
Innovation, production and Policy
competitiveness Global perspectives Shenjing He and Guo Chen
John Bryson and Grete Rustin Edited by Carl Grodach and
Daniel Silver
34 Globalization of Advertising
Agencies, cities and spaces of 41 Ecologies and Politics of Health
creativity Edited by Brian King and
James Faulconbridge, Kelley Crews
Peter J Taylor, J V. Beaverstock
and C. Native! 42 Producer Services in China
Economic and urban development
35 Cities and Low Carbon Edited by Anthony G.O. Yeh and
Transitions Fiona F. Yang
Edited by Harriet Bulke/ey,
Vanesa Caston Broto, 43 Locating Right to the City in the
Mike Hodson and Simon Marvin Global South
Tony Roshan Samara,
36 Globalization, Modernity and Shenjing He and Guo Chen
The City
John Rennie Short Forthcoming:
44 Fieldwork in the Global South
37 Climate Change and the Crisis Ethical challenges and dilemmas
of Capitalism Edited by Jenny Lunn
A chance to reclaim, self, society
and nature
Edited by Mark Pe/ling,
David Manual Navarette and
Michael Redc/ift

ｾ＠ ｾ ｯ ｾ［ＡＺｮｵｰ＠
LONDON AND NEW YORK
First published 2013 Contents
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint qfthe Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 20 13 Editorial matter and selection: Tony Roshan Samara, Shenjing He
and Guo Chen; individual chapters: the contributors
The right of Tony Roshan Samara, Shenjing He and Guo Chen to be
identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for
their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77
and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
List of illustrations ix
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now List of contributors xi
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the pub Iishers. Introduction: Locating Right to the City in the Global South
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or TONY ROSHAN SAMARA, SHENJI NG H E AND GUO CHEN
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data PART I
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
A city divided against itself 21
Library ofCongress Cataloging in Publication Data
Locating right to the city in the Global South I edited by Tony Roshan
Samara, Shenjing He and Guo Chen. 1 Towards the right to the city in informal settlements 23
p. em. MONA FAWAZ
Includes bibliographical references and index.
I . Urbanization-Southern Hemisphere. 2. Urbanization-Developing
countries. 3. Urban sociology-Southern Hemisphere. 4. Urban 2 Cities without slums in Morocco? New modalities of urban
sociology- Developing countries. 5. Urban policy-Southern government and the bidonville as a neoliberal assemblage 41
Hemisphere. 6. Urban policy- Developing countries. l. Samara,
Tony Roshan. II . He, Shenj ing. Ill. Chen, Guo. KOENRAAD BOGAERT
HT384. D44L63 2013
307.76-dc23 2012025386
3 The divisive nature of neoliberal urban renewal in
ISBN: 978-0-415-63564-6 (hbk) Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso 60
ISBN: 978-0-203-09110-4 (ebk)
WOUTER BERVOETS AND MAARTEN L O OPMANS
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear
4 Greening dispossession: environmental governance and
socio-spatial transformation in Yixing, China 81
Printed and bound in the United States of America by Publishers Graphics,
JIA- C H ING CHEN
LLC on sustainably sourced paper.

PART II
Governance and cosmopolitanism: escaping the South 105

5 Urban governance, mega-projects and scalar

transformations in China and lndia 107
XUEFEI R EN AN D LIZA WE I NSTEI N
viii Contents
6 Bourgeois environmentalism, leftist development and
neoliberal urbanism in the City of Joy 127 Illustrations
PABLO S. BOSE

7 Public space versus tableau: the right-to-the-city paradox in

neoliberal Bogota, Colombia 152
RA C HEL BERNEY

8 Resisting the neoliberalization of space in Mexico City 171

DA VJD M. WALKER

9 City ghosts: the haunted struggles for downtown Durban Figures

and Berlin Neukolln 195
CHRISTINE HENTSCHEL
3.1 Map of Ouagadougou 66
3.2 Selected case study areas 67
4.1 Location of Jiangsu Province and Yixing City 83
PART III 4.2 The Yixing city region 84
Governance and counter-governance: the shape of urban 4.3 An aerial view rendering of the New City project as a "green
conflict and the urban future 219 tapestry" 87
4.4 Emphasis on comprehensive urban design: "public cultural
services distribution" 89
IO Insurgency and institutionalized social participation in
4.5 Map of"land use present conditions" 90
local-level urban planning: the case ofPAC comuna,
4.6 "Regional ecological and spatial structure" diagram 91
Santiago de Chile, 2003- 5 221
4.7 "Ecological value appraisal map" 92
ERNESTO L6PEZ-MORALES
4.8 "Ecological spatial structure and conditions" diagram 93
5. 1 The administrative hierarchy in China 114
II Distinguishing the right kind of city: contentious urban 5.2 The administrative hierarchy oflndia 115
middle classes in Argentina, Brazil and Turkey 247 6.1 Greater Kolkata 133
RYAN CENTNER 6.2 Builder's map showing proposed apartment complex 134
6.3 Proposed restoration of parks and water bodies, KElP 142
12 Bloggers' right to Cairo's real and vir tual spaces of protest 264 6.4 The diverse demands on the East Kolkata wetlands, KElP 144
WAEL SALAH FAHMI 6.5 Proposed nature interpretation centre, KElP 145
7.1 Bogota depicted as the only municipality in Colombia in the high
Afterword: re-engaging with transnational urbanism 285 (alto) category for achieving the UNDP millennium goals 160
7.2 Bogota envisioned in 2001 as "a city that constructs spaces of
MARTIN J. M UR RAY
citizen encounter"- Plaza San Victorino in the centro 164
7.3 Vendors waiting for customers at one of the entrances to Parque
Index 311 Tercer Milenio, 2006 166
8.1 important sites in Mexico City's historic center 176
8.2 Calle Brasil filled with informal economic activities 181
8.3 McDonald's-sponsored trash bin amidst colonial-style Cinco de
Mayo Street 182
8.4 Police officer questions ambulante women about their activities 185
8.5 People protesting against the Program a de Rescate in Tepito 185
246 E. L6pez-Mora/es
MINVU - Ministry of Housing and Planning (2008) Actualizaci6n Plan Regulador Met-
ropolitano de Santiago. Online: www .minvu.cl/opensite_ 20080421111 026.aspx
(accessed 19 March 2012).
11 Distinguishing the right kind of
MINVU - Ministry of Housing and Planning (1999) Circular DDU No. 55: Plan Regu- city
1ador Comunal, Santiago: MINVU.
NUi!ez, C. (2006) "Plan Regulador Comunal: U na Propuesta desde Ia Comunidad de
Pedro Aguirre Cerda", Santiago.
Contentious urban middle classes in
PAC Community Leaders (2005) " Proyecto de Memoria de Alternativa de Ia Comunidad Argentina, Brazil and Turkey
al Plan Regulador de Pedro Aguirre Cerda", Santiago.
PCF (2005) "Proyecto Plan Regulador Comunal - Comuna de Pedro Aguirre Cerda",
Santiago: PAC Municipality. Ryan Centner
Rajevic, E. P. (2001) "La Planificaci6n Urbana en Chile. Revista de Derecho, 1". Online:
www .cde.c1/ wps/wcm/connect/3 703 6b804 fbf7edd81 b3ab46ce4e73 65/5.
pdf?MOD=AJPERES (accessed 19 March 2012).
SERPLAC - Regional secretary of planning (2005) "Programa Regional de Inversiones
Regi6n Metropolitana de Santiago 2005", Seremi de Planificaci6n y Cooperaci6n-
Regi6n Metropolitana de Santiago.
At the center of the redeveloped waterfront in Buenos Aires, a new addition to
Shin, H. (2009) " Residential Redevelopment and the Entrepreneurial Local State: the the landscape in 2006 seemed to support the right to the city in quite radical
Implications of Beijing's Shifting Emphasis on Urban Redevelopment Policies", Urban fashion. In this privileged quarter of the city, the proprietor of a failed kiosk
Studies, 46:2815-40. decided to gift the space to famous local activist Raul Castells in order to open a
Slater, T. (2009) "Missing Marcuse: on Gentrification and Displacement", City- Analysis soup kitchen for children in need, and to stage graphic posters decrying deadly
of Urban Trends Culture Theory Policy and Action, 13: 292- 312. inequalities across Argentina (Lipcovich 2006). Access to free sustenance and
Villagra, P. (2009) "Nueva Violaci6n a Ia Libertad de Expresi6n: Allanamiento a Umb- grounds for protesting injustice in this particular location, however, were more
rales TV", Clarin electronic newspaper, Santiago. Online: www.elclarin.cl/index2. remarkable because they were an affront to the right kind of city. Indeed, indig-
php?option=com_content&do_pdf= l&id= l6683 (accessed 19 March 2012). nation in Puerto Madero over this abetTant tenant was fiery (Murphy 2006). The
property holder, while perhaps genuinely supporting these causes, knew that
giving ground to Castells would spur an uproar because his presence was so anti-
thetical to the predominantly elite and middle-class character of the neighbor-
hood, which was exactly the point, as this disgruntled impresario sought to
express his own ire over local certification disputes with creative flair. While the
case of Castells in Puerto Madero is just one illustrative example, this pitting of
privileged actors against each other represents an especially contentious yet
common urban dynamic among the burgeoning middle classes across the Global
South in quests that actually undermine the right to the city by attempting to
create the right kind of city, which is always subjective and largely self-
referential in class terms.
This chapter examines conflicts over the use and signification of space in the
largest cities of three middle-income countries that have attracted global atten-
tion for their expanding urban middle classes: Argentina, Brazil and Turkey. The
definition of "middle class", however, is imprecise and malleable - features that
are important in shaping the nature of these urban contl icts. These groups articu-
late a right to the city, which Henri Lefebvre (1996: 158) highlights as not "a
simple visiting right" but a "right to urban life", which David Harvey elaborates
as "a right to change (the cityJ alter our heart's desire" (Harvey 2003: 939).
These are meant to be inclusive definitions that prize all those who "inhabit" the
city (Lefebvre 1996: 158). Yet what we witness in the cases I survey is an exclu-
sive right to the city, crafted essentially as the circumscribed property of a
248 R. Centner Contentious middle classes in Argentina, Brazil and Turkey 249
certain group. Ultimately undermining the right to the city, in the broad sense, advancement that ostensibly anchor continued progress even in difficult times.
different groups that invoke middle-class labels attempt to distinguish and mobi- Yet there is no agreement on exactly who comprises these much discussed
lize around visions of what they see as the right kind of city, often with very middle classes, ranging sometimes from the nearly elite to the barely subsistent.
specific discourses of livability, morality and citizenship. These struggles are Bourdieu's insights help us understand practices of marking class distinctions in
clearly rooted in class, yet they also exceed its economic content, as there are ways that go beyond economic means. Although his own work centered largely
often different middle-class groups who militate against each other around dis- on French society, Bourdieu 's research explored disparate social contexts- from
parate notions of appropriate tastes, beliefs and everyday practices in order to Algerian villages to Parisian arrondissements- yielding a remarkably transpos-
stake their claims to the right kind of city. able framework that pertains to matters of significant upheaval and far-reaching
To illuminate the nature of these struggles, Pierre Bourdieu's scholarship on change in a range of locations (Wacquant 2002). Across the great social varia-
distinction is especially useful. The creation of class-based distinction in the tion that comprises the category of cities of the Global South, a consistently
urban realm is, of course, quite counter to the right to the city. Yet it is important pivotal feature of middle-class situations is the effort to create some kind of dis-
to understand how the nature of challenges to spatial justice continues to change. tinction - within city spaces, on individual bodies, in ways of behaving - that
This is particularly the case in these kinds of cities, where growth processes are renders respectability, itself heavily tied to specific understandings of morality
dynamic but highly inegalitarian, and intersect with longstanding yet unsettled and judgments of what constitutes a desirable way of life. In other words, this is
boundaries of right/wrong, us/them, modern/traditional, European/other and so about distinguishing the right kind of city, according to the engrained judgments
forth. Rather than offer an exactingly comparative case-by-case analysis, this of middle-class actors.
chapter uses excerpts and extrapolations from fieldwork in Buenos Aires, Rio de Bourdieu writes that " [s]ocial subjects, classified by their classifications, dis-
Janeiro, Silo Paulo and Istanbul over the last decade, to provide a conceptual tinguish themselves by the distinctions they make, between the beautiful and the
toolkit for grasping how contentious middle classes assert exclusionary visions ugly, the distinguished and the vulgar, in which their position in the objective
of the right kind of city. classifications is expressed or betrayed" (Bourdieu 1984: 6). There are thus
First, in contrast to work that explores whether new middle classes in always efforts to discern and enact markers of social difference related to one's
middle-income countries can be an important subject of politics, it is necessary own group and others, and that very marking of difference illuminates the social
to understand that the category of "middle class" is blurry and used strategi- whereabouts of those who seek to distinguish themselves. Emergent middle
cally. In other words, midd/eclassness is an important object ofpolitics: which classes are certainly not the only ones who aim for distinction, but theirs are
groups count as middle class, where, when and according to what metrics? some of the most fervent and perhaps anxious efforts to do so because of their
Second, it is useful to see space itself as a resource that groups attempt to relatively novel and often precarious social positioning in the cities of the Global
control by deploying different forms of capital (cultural, social, economic) to South.
make claims on the city. This involves procuring the power literally to take These middle classes articulate what is fundamentally a right to the city - for
place, a kind of spatial capital. Third, above and beyond claims that cities themselves. Echoing Lefebvre's classic formulation, Harvey writes that
have become increasingly fragmented along class-based lines under the influ-
ences of globalized neoliberalism, this chapter illustrates fractious forms of [t]he right to the city is not merely a right of access to what already exists,
belonging that center on rights to urban space but involve quarrelsome, exclu- but a right to change it after our heart' s desire. We need to be sure we can
sionary claims linked to other scales of legitimization (e.g., nationalism, tran- live with our own creations (a problem for every planner, architect and
snational religions, prestigious foreign citizenships, etc.). By identifying and utopian thinker). But the right to remake ourselves by creating a qualita-
analyzing the shifting maneuvers that obstruct real inclusiveness even while tively different kind of urban sociality is one of the most precious of ail
claiming to promote the right to the city, it is possible to envision what kinds human rights.
of strategies might be most effective in countering these efforts to impose sin- (Harvey 2003: 939)
gular, inegalitarian visions of the right kind of city in these contexts of ongoing
urban dynamism in the Global South. Rather perversely, however, instead of a city for all its inhabitants, we see strug-
gles over the right kind of city, appropriate for a certain class of urban residents.
From the right to the city to the right kind of city Yet the identity of the "middle class" itself is an important initial quarrel. While
some authors have emphasized these middle classes as new political subjects
Attention to the growing middle classes of middle-income countries, and espe- (Davis 2010; Villegas 2010), we must also consider how middleclassness is
cially their novel urban milieux, remains strong despite recent global economic politicized in ways that affect how various middle-class groups shape the city in
turmoil (Davis 20 10). Indeed, these groups symbolize the righteous stalwarts of their own image.
250 R. Centner Contentious middle classes in Argentina, Brazil and Turkey 251
Politicizing urban middleclassness middle class in a single city of the Global South. What is consequential, though,
Postulation about the subjecthood of the new middle class is appropriate, as there is that these disparate characteristics can yield more than just some minor aspect
is a wide variety of definitions given to this group across different national and of individual or class identity: they can render legitimacy to specific claims,
local contexts. Diane Davis underlines the importance of rejecting "essentialist often in the form of a moral assertion of righteousness in politics. It appears that
arguments about so-called middle class culture and its role in economic develop- jockeying over middleclassness as a moralistic trove is a fundamental feature of
ment, seeking instead to identify differences among the middle classes" (Davis urban and national politics in a range of developing-world settings.
2010: 246, emphasis in original), further asserting that there is not "some essen- To associate one's political actions with the interests of the "middle class"
tial cultural or political disposition about class politics or class discourses associ- seems to be a key way to signal, ostensibly, both innocence and upstanding
ated with middle 'classness' " (ibid.: 258). But beyond attempting to enumerate intentions that selflessly benefit society at large - as especially well documented
exactly who counts as middle class in each setting, and determining whether in studies of several Indian cities (Anjaria 2009; Ellis 2012; Ghertner 2012).
Innocence here is rooted in a conscious recognition of middle-class distinction
they are best described as "old" or "new" in their character as political subjects,
we must recognize that there are indeed social and cultural attributes ascribed to from the situational dispositions of elites and poorer masses alike: according to
the middle class that are also a matter of contention, and that there is no single powerful, widely circulating tropes, the wealthiest segments of society are trans-
proprietor of these features. In other words, middleclassness is a contested parently greedy, corrupt, even abusive, while the poor, purportedly, are unfortu-
nately myopic, easily hoodwinked and quite possibly criminal. Upstandingness,
ensemble of characteristics, endowed with variable political valences, that dif-
then, derives from middle-class orientations towards hard work, honesty and
ferent groups seek to own, manipulate, and deploy to a range of ends.
fairness, which are supposedly also exactly the features that have enabled
In line with authors writing on other middle-income contexts (e.g., Baviskar and
middle-class people to achieve, if often by tooth and nail, whatever level of
Ray 2011; Kracker Selzer and Heller 201 0; Stillerman 2010; Davis 2010), I concur
success and security they have within an inhospitably bifurcated political
that there is no essence of the middle class that transcends all settings to create a
economy.
single type of new subject. Instead, what I am suggesting is that the idea of the
Both "old" and "new" middle classes appeal to these same flexible attributes as
middle class is a powerful tool that can mean many, sometimes contradictory,
a buttressing narrative of moral legitimacy, and indeed people who range from
things as an object of politics. We can think of this ensemble of traits, in Bourdieu's
rather wealthy to barely exceeding subsistence might also turn to this ensemble for
terms as a field of struggle (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992: 97) in and through
far-ranging political ends. By stressing that middleclassness is an object of politics
which various actors attempt to craft and control a falsely essentialized sense of
quite aside from the question of whether the middle class is a new political subject,
middle-class morality. All fields have a particular relation to the field of power, and
1 want to emphasize that myriad alliances (e.g., between different middle-class
certainly squabbles over middleclassness are fundamentally about defining the
fractions, between old and new middle classes, between middle-class and elite
proximity of those with a kind of middling power to those who dominate society.
groups) can obtain because the content of that middleclassness is so manipulable
Within fields of struggle, the actions of social groups depend on how they see the
as a set of discourses that are relatively vacuous but morally powerful and emo-
field, and make judgments about it, through a particular habitus. According to tionally loaded. The nature of these alliances, then, will depend on other aspects of
Bourdieu ( 1990: 53), habitus is a set of accumulated and lasting predispositions that local society, culture and politics beyond class positioning itself. Middleclassness
are transposable across distinct social settings. The core features of habitus are must be linked with other mobilizing discourses and deeply felt issues to· tip the
shared by large class fractions, as socioeconomic characteristics give a broad - but balance of allegiance among the class fractions involved.
far from absolute - unity to the experiences of each group in any given social In Argentina, a middle-income country that has long defined its identity in
setting. Habitus can, however, be shaped by other dimensions of social life, such as terms of having a more substantial middle class than elsewhere in Latin America
culture, religion, sexuality, regional background, etc. For that reason, there could be (Germani 1962; Germani 1987 [1955]), despite frequent, catastrophic and class-
many kinds of middle-class habitus in a single setting, and thus a range of contest- polarizing developmental setbacks (Waisman 1987), there is a strong if contested
ing views on what are the proper characteristics of the middle class. sense of middleclassness today. Buenos Aires - the capital with a metropolitan
Middleclassness, in some sites, might entail the ability to maintain savings, population of more than twelve million residents - exhibits particularly well
the priority of sending children to private schools, the penchant and wherewithal some of the different claims on middleclassness that can manifest with divergent
to consume certain goods from clothing brands to food genres; in others, it could political aims. First, there are vocal articulations of middle-class morality in the
be associated with speaking English crisply, or being in tune with fashion from city by modest residents who commit to the daily grind of disciplined work and
abroad; in still others, it might be about expressions of outward political disinter- dutiful improvement of both themselves and their community, and who can
est, possession of some kind of professional certification, or adherence to partic- afford adequate but not luxurious living conditions: a small multiroom condo-
ular religious norms - and all of these might manifest as the -ness of the varied minium in a low-rise building, or perhaps a duplex, with all the basic utilities. In
252 R. Centner Contentious middle classes in Argentina, Brazil and Turkey 253
neighborhoods of the city with a longstanding middle-class identity, such as almost any major city in the Global South, but in Istanbul, an issue causing divi-
Palermo and Caballito, residents who live in these kinds circumstances are sion within the middle classes is the rather more specific matter of religion and
embroiled in conflicts with developers who are erecting massive towers with its expression. More than 90 percent of the Turkish population professes to be
sumptuously appointed units (see Ciccolella and Mignaqui 2008; Cosacov 2009; Muslim, but the manifestation of this faith in public, and as a political input,
Kanai 2010). The terms of these confrontations revolve around the righteousness demonstrates profound variation across the populace. Merely two decades ago, it
of middle-class residents and their entitlement to appropriate living conditions ｡ｾ＠ would have been rare to see a woman from an economically successful family
a matter of morality. However, both sides are mobiliz ing middleclassness as a wearing any kind of turban (the Turkish term for headscarves in line with hijab
discourse about themselves, battling over whose claims are more legitimate, - Arabic for the generic, gendered Islamic dress code) in the largest city of this
more accurately middle class. Some utilize middleclassness as a sign of modesty officially secular country. Today, in this same stridently cutting-edge Istanbul,
and precisely the inability to afford skyscraper living, while others demand that the tiirban is abundantly visible in all areas of the city, including every quarter
the ability to opt for such lifestyles is a matter of middle-class achievement, that might be characterized as any shade of middle class.
saving and freedom. While many Istanbullus do not fret over this emergence, there are others,
In some ways, this kind of conflict - widespread in Argentina during its particularly those asserting their middleclassness as a moral justification, who
recovery from deep neoliberal crisis after 2001 - 3, but also common in many see the marked increase in women's Islamic garb within their neighborhoods and
middle-income countries - represents old versus new middle classes. Yet its cast daily rouhds as an unwanted infiltration. This shift, from opponents' perspective,
of characters betrays another feature of this kind of debate: only the c/ases popu- treacherously undermines the secular tradition established by the founders of the
lares, or the poorest Argentines, as well as the most dizzyingly wealthy, except Turkish Republic, upending the country's orientation towards European civiliza-
perhaps pertinent investors, are absent from this scenario. Therefore, middle- tion while drifting in the direction of ostensibly less civilized Arab peoples, fan-
classness is a field of struggle that involves many, but excludes those who lack cifully cast as some kind of peripheral rabble (Navaro-Yash in 1999; Refig 2008)
the power or desire to evoke its mantle for some particular end. In other conflicts - paralleling divisive discourses about the place of public Islam amongst immi-
over living space and lifestyles in Buenos Aires, quite different sectors of a very grants and their descendants in France and elsewhere (see Gokartksel and
broadly defined middle class all grab onto middleclassness as a flexible but right- Mitchell 2005). This disagreement surges in areas that have long borne a diffuse
eous self-identifier in order to scuttle claims of legitimate residence by poorer middle-class character tied to the city's unique identity as a crossroads of dispa-
Argentines in adjacent informal settlements. Whether the employees of the lucra- rate cultures, such as Beyoglu and other neighborhoods extending from Taksim
tive expanded global service sector who live in the redeveloped glamour of Square (Arat-Ko9 2007; Sozen 2010; Gokartksel 2012), rather than in districts
waterfront Puerto Madero's unbeatably central location, or the hardscrabble but where the headscarves are actually abundant, many of which are significantly
mortgage-bearing residents of dilapidated former state housing in Villa Soldati poorer (see Tugal 2009a). Also in areas where the landscape is defined by
on the city's rusting southern edge, these dramatically disparate groups, at strate- sprawling new middle-class construction, such as Levent, this conflict rears up
gic moments, situate themselves as "middle class" in order to delegitimize villa as a struggle over what middleclassness means. Hijab-wearing women and their
(i.e., informal settlement) dwellers - and other precarious urban denizens - supporters argue there is no dissonance between being an outwardly observant
whose ramshackle but growing shelters abut their communities (Centner 2012; Muslim and a Turkish patriot (Karahan Uslu 2008; Turam 2011): indeed Turkey
see also Girola 2007; Lederman 2012). In attempts to eradicate or at least limit has become the center of an "Islamic chic" garment industry that recasts femi-
these poorer neighbors, both the groups claim middleclassness of some kind - ninity and Islam for global markets of the fashion-forward faithful (White I 999;
amongst other, shifting bases of legitimacy - in order to manifest a moral claim Navaro-Yashin 2002; Gokanksel and Secor 2009). These women assert that, in
of greater deservingness over others. fact, to be a morally upstanding member of the middle class means to embrace
Turkey displays, in some ways, an utterly dissimilar set of issues over mid- and defend religious values, including hijab, but to do so in a self-styled modern
dleclassness and morality, tied in significant ways to a vastly assorted Islam (see way, expressed with vibrant colors and in line with staunch professionalism in
Turam 2004; Secor 2011). Yet striking political-economic similarities also char- one's career.
acterize the comparative recent history of Turkey, Argentina and many other The rise of middle-class hijab has coincided with the success of the cur-
middle-income countries and their largest cities. In these settings, formerly rently ruling Development and Justice Party, or AKP (Ada/et ve Kalkmma
rather elite urban enclaves are now sites of intertwined middle-class and poor Partisi), a quasi-Islamist yet aggressively neoliberal movement that has vigor-
settlement, with both ranks growing as rural migrants with meager means con- ously sought to boost economic growth in Turkey (Kalayctoglu 2009; Secor
tinue to seek opportunities in the city while more educated, privileged residents 2011 ). This party has also attempted to speed Turkish accession to the Euro-
ascend the burgeoning professional heights of expanding global services and pean Union, demonstrating a clear affinity for many legal precedents in
other lucrative, high-skilled occupations. That part of the story could apply to Europe, especially regarding religious freedom and its own ability to lead a
254 R. Centner Contentious middle classes in Argentina, Brazil and Turkey 255
constitutionally secular country while articulating open adherence to Islam. In The power to take place
several ways, then, the purported "Europeanness" of the AKP and the women
who dress in high-fashion hijab across Istanbul is somewhat obvious. Less bla- Peter Evans (2002: 1- 3) asserts that livability entails, by definition, the combina-
tantly "European," however, are the masses of poorer Anatolian migrants who tion of both livelihood and sustainability, yet this is a normative goal, often
have come to Istanbul in recent decades, making homes in interstitial gecekon- rather distant from the actual endeavors of urban dwellers who pursue their own
dular or other precarious settlements, and who also generally endorse hijab visions of livability that can be much less altruistic, and may have little to do
(Secor 2002). These urban newcomers and their rural brethren are the mainstay with collective consumption on a societal scale -such as the right to the city.
of support for the AKP on a national scale, yet in Istanbul this population For example, livability today might well include the provision of air condition-
makes few gestures at middleclassness (Tugal 2009b: 430-3). And indeed, the ing in residences and offices where the new middle classes spend most of their
position of these poorer city residents in debates over legitimate presence is time in steamy cities; this could also extend to the favoring of speedy, comforta-
rather different. In some cases the religious observance and political leanings ble transportation in the form of new, user-pay highways for private cars with
of these groups do rouse ire amongst other Istanbullus, but such characteristics routes that strategically link middle-class and elite sites. Clearly these represent
typically conflate with an otherness that is mostly about class in a city where strivings at odds with the collective good in many ways, but they betray a certain
gentrification is far-reaching and ongoing (islam and Behar 2006). 1 The crux vision of the right kind of city.
of dispute within the middle-income population, then, is what aspects of daily How is this kind of relatively lavish livability legitimized? One way is
life and appearance, linked to deeper sentiments and potentially to politics, are through recourse to that very middleclassness as a moral compass: it is necessary
appropriate for middleclassness. Moreover, the debate revolves precisely to live in modest comfort in order to work productively and support the develop-
around where these expressions are acceptable, and particularly how middle- mental ascent of the national economy, which is an honorable goal that recur-
class places beyond the private realm of the home are inscribed (see Gokanksel sively justifies the measure of wellbeing that the middle class ought to enjoy in
20 12; Turam 20 II). This is, therefore, a question of what kind of middleclass- these working and living quarters, despite the squalor that might surround them
ness will prevail - will it be "European" or "Arab", " faithful" or "faithless"? in other settlements throughout cities of the Global South. In contexts where new
These characterizations are patently oversimplified, but such are the frequently city users have emerged on the urban scene - be they comprised of a particularly
invoked terms of the conflict, which points to different idealized visions sizable occupational cohort, large ranks of immigrants, or members of the new
grounded in disparate forms of ostensibly middle-class habitus. This conten- middle class in cities of the Global South - there is likely to be some noticeable
tiousness is manifest also in the city's current interventions in cultural land- effect on the character and use of space, and a recasting of already existing
scapes for the European Capital of Culture 2010 mega-event, for which there places within the city. When those new city users assemble a range of privileges
have been complicated efforts to cast Istanbul as indelibly E uropean and yet of from social to cultural to economic, as is often the case with new middle classes,
Ottoman - and thus inevitably Muslim - origins (Centner 20 I 0; Goktilrk et a/. then the remaking of place in a quotidian sense is likely to occur on their own
20 10). ln all of these debates, the Islam of the poor barely registers, and indeed tenns, often to the exclusion of others. This is, literally, a process of taking
their homes and quotidian venues tend to be the quick victims of unflinchingly place, one that demonstrates an exertion of spatial capital in a field of struggle
stark efforts at urban beautification (see, e.g., Kuyucu and Onsal 2010), typi- where space is at stake.
cally aimed at serving those caught up in quarrels over the cultural and aes- In Bourdieu's sense, there are many fields in any given city that exhibit strug-
thetic inflections of middleclassness in remade urban space, the socioeconomic gles over material space, such as who can use and control different sites that are
content of which is already clear. ostensibly open to everyone, from public spaces to the quasi-public but ultimately
These brief examples from Istanbul and Buenos Aires highlight the great private spaces of shopping malls. If we think of these sites as fields, then Bourdieu
manipulability of middleclassness, and expose how some of the most significant would suggest that efforts to dominate them are tied to the strategic deployment of
contention related to the middle classes can actually occur among them in battles cultural, social or economic capital, or some combination thereof. Symbolic
of habitus that assert differing moral claims. They also show that middleclass- capital, in turn, could be any of these other three forms when it gains a greater
ness is a political object, and in fact often a tool for jousting with other middle- meaning than its actual value, such as when money is seen also to indicate moral-
income groups or for trouncing groups considered to be socioeconomically ity or some kind of right that far exceeds its currency. fn a field where space is
lesser and, indirectly, less righteous. But these examples also point to the impor- contested, symbolic capital is connected to spatial power: in turn, spatial capital is
tance of space in these inter- and intra-class conflicts. This is not merely space as a form of symbolic capital in a field where material space is at stake, as I have
location - e.g., urban versus suburban versus rural, and how these coordinates elaborated elsewhere in relation to privileged new city users (Centner 2008).
can affect views and actions. Rather, this is space as a field of struggle, specifi- Spatial capital, then, is the power to take place, but in a literal sense. It is
cally over the ability to impose visions of "livability". about controlling and manipulating a place in ways that fit a particular habitus-
256 R. Centner Contentious middle classes in Argentina, Brazil and Turkey 257
those accumulated and transposable dispositions tied to class and class fractions. within neighborhoods such as Baixo Augusta as its character shifts towards a
In this framework, middle-class groups might indeed strive for their own version particular vision of middleclassness. Parts of this area in the blocks downhill
of livability, but this is likely to be grounded in the visions of a particular habitus from Avenida Paulista bear a somewhat unkempt or even outright dilapidated
of middleclassness, which might itself be contested but which we have little appearance in some comers. But the character of the area is undergoing major
reason to expect would either tum to the state to ensure collective consumption, changes, which could be described as gentrification. More analytically illuminat-
or be overly concerned with the implications for other classes in a spirit of sus- ing, however, are the group-specific, intra-class spatialized practices through
tainability, especially when so much effort pours into distinguishing middle- which transformation has been progressing. The imprint of artists, literati and a
classness. Even if this distinction is somewhat clumsy and convoluted, it is still a quickly growing entrepreneurial gay and lesbian presence are marking the area
matter of marking difference, and doing so with spatial designations that set off as a particular kind of middle-class place in conscious contradistinction to neigh-
middle-class places. boring, markedly middle-class Jardins with its high-rise towers and demure
In the deeply unequal landscapes of Rio de Janeiro, we witness competing shopping venues. Baixo Augusta is undergoing an incipient change that refur-
forms of spatial capital at work in recent conflicts over the use, control and char- bishes older structures in a kind of preservation ism that is very unusual for Sao
acter of various places that have long underpinned notions of middleclassness. A Paulo, while marrying this trend with the insertion of new, edgier, small-scale
series of increasingly spectacular conflicts have pitted the middle class and constructions for a mix of commercial and residential uses that underline the
various authorities, but especially the police, against diverse criminal gangs, the artistic and alternative if still blatantly middle-class character of neighborhood.
latter often tied to drug trafficking and rooted in the numerous Javelas (informal Despite the presence of one large development - Shopping Frei Caneca - this is
settlements) that riddle the city, with many innocentfavelados caught all too lit- mostly-a property-by-property shift, with each transformation signaling a small
erally in the crossfire (Alves and Evanson 2011). The conflict is not merely but important taking of place, 2 although this may soon change (Brancatelli and
about the regulation of illicit trade; rather, there have been brazen efforts to dem- Saldana 2010). Spatial capital is therefore at play in the slow encroachment of
onstrate the authority of clandestine power over key sites, highlighting the impo- this kind of character on the more rugged working-class d istrict that had formed
tence of the formal rule of law. Certain large, very profitable gangs have there in the late twentieth century, and which persists on the margins of Baixo
effectively demanded the shutdown of key areas of Rio on particular days in Augusta - indeed, a place name that had not existed in the pau/istano lexicon
recent years - from the central business district to parts of the plainly privileged until a handful of years ago. So far, violence in this area has been moderate by
Zona Sul, which encompasses the famous neighborhoods of lpanema and Copac- citywide standards, and the creation of middle-class Baixo Augusta is ongoing.
abana. On fear of death, businesses and everyday residents have shuttered their The point is that we see struggles to assert some sense of middleclassness in
doors and resigned themselves to hours or days at a time of forced standstill (see, particular places - sometimes much more embattled than others - that align with
e.g., Penglase 2005), resulting in eerily silenced places inscribed with the power some vision of " livability" but that might well quell the aspirations of different
of gang networks to exert their will on urban space. Counterstrategies have groups who also seek to imprint place with their habitus but have competing
involved massive armed responses by the police and military, including aerial forms or lesser quantities of spatial capital. This particular notion of competing
assaults on favelas within Rio that have been greeted by anti-aircraft artillery bases of justification points to fractious forms of citizenship, wherein different
from within the shantytowns, as well as a growing "shock of order" that includes groups mobilize claims of legitimate presence in the city via various, shifting
long-term militarized "occupation" offave/as by special "pacifying" police units geographic scales.
(de Carvalho and de Fatima e Silva 2011: 65), and the tight regulation of spaces
of the city that are public but nonetheless associated with middleclassness -
especially its beaches (Godfrey and Arguinzoni 2012). In these situations, forms Fractious citizenships
of middle-class morality confront an entirely different habitus with its own justi- Differently privileged fractions of the middle class often resort to disparate
fications and versions of livability. Both sides of this conflict actually envision resources to assert their rights as citizens according to their means rather than their
their own livability in ways that quash the lives of others - perhaps the most citizenship status. Some, for example, secure expensive private solutions to injus-
ironic manifestation of this endeavor to produce a specific kind of city. These tices whereas others turn directly to the state to realize their demands as citizens.
exertions of spatial capital demonstrate vividly how there is little collectively This differentiation of citizenship within the urban theater is essential to understand-
shared striving for improved urban situations across the yawning gulf that sepa- ing how new middle classes seek to craft the right kind of city among competing
rates the predispositions of these disparate forms of habitus. claims from fellow citizens of diverse economic and social backgrounds.
In Brazil ' s largest city, Sao Paulo, there are violent clashes following some of James Holston (2008), writing about the quickly urbanizing peripheries of
the dynamics outlined above (see Alves 2011). But the transformative use of Sao Paulo, conjectures that a willingness amongst average Brazilians to familiar-
spatial capital is visible in more peaceable if nonetheless consequential ways ize themselves with applicable laws and then realize their rights as citizens
258 R. Centner Contentious middle classes in Argentina, Brazil and Turkey 259
through the judiciary signals a new, insurgent form of citizenship - one that in Aires, their understandings of citizenship and how they make demands to shape
itself grants the institution of citizenship a worth that it never enjoyed in Brazil the city.
before the late twentieth century. For much of Brazilian history, to be a citizen, In their efforts to seek a certain kind of livability in Buenos Aires, many of
Holston shows, was to be "an anonymous other, a John Doe - a person, in fact, these middle-class groups seek not only to improve their immediate circum-
without rights ... 'a nobody."' (Holston 2008: 4). Yet in his research, Holston stances through personal initiative or by appealing to local authorities or social
finds that a rapid nationwide shift to city dwelling in the postwar years, coupled movements. Instead, they are animated by visions of key elsewheres- especially
with overcoming the hardships of authoritarian government from the 1960s to Barcelona, Madrid, Milan and Rome. These are places where they may have
the 1980s, has created a more robust sense of rights that can indeed be activated spent some time, but at the very least in which they have some vision of func-
for and by citizens, with constitutional guarantees and the courts providing a tionality and order, and due to their secondary citizenship there, they aim to rep-
means to level social differences in one of the most inegalitarian countries in the licate those often highly fantasized characteristics in Argentina, ostensibly as a
world. Insurgent citizenship, then, is about disadvantaged groups improving their matter of birthright. If Barcelona can manage to have im peccable and safe pu blic
own lot as they, essentially, become more immersed in middleclassness- as new spaces, then Buenos Aires ought to pursue the same basic achievement: a sense
small landowners in the city with vested property they seek to protect - and thus of beauty and security in Spain should be transportable by these dual nationals
seek to trump older elitist hierarchies that had excluded them fTom protection, as anywhere they live, so the logic goes. In this way, middle-class residents of
citizens who were mere " nobodies." Buenos Aires are staking citizenship claims in an entirely different scale, that of
Holston's research on insurgent citizenship chronicles important transforma- the Italian or Spanish transnation, in order to make demands on urban space in
tions in Brazil, and marks the rising importance of citizenship discourses there Argentina, and often at the expense of other Argentine citizens who do not share
and elsewhere in cities of the G lobal South (see also Davis 2010: 256-7). Yet this same imagination or basis for legitimacy in how they seek to use or improve
there is a much more varied picture related to citizens hip and its mobilization by the same terrains of the city. Those others, however, might have very d ifferent
differently positioned urban populations in their quest to make a range of bases for claiming legitimate presence in urban space, guided by different forms
demands on city space. There may indeed be the kind of insurgent citizenship of habitus (see Centner 2012). Differentiation of claims by habitus is evident in
that Holston delineates among less advantaged but increasingly middle-class- this case as there is a roughly even distribution of Italian and Spanish descent
oriented groups, but there are also what I capture elsewhere as microcitizenships across all income levels in contemporary Argentine society, but not all groups
(Centner 20 12). These go beyond the ambit of the poor and the powerful - i.e., have the interest, wherewithal and funds to seek EU citizenship. It is the middle
the main groups of focus for Holston as well as other citizenship scholars classes- fam iliarized with images of Europeanness and keen to the benefits of
working in the Global South (e.g., Ong 2006) - to encompass the differentiated middle-class societies -who see value in seeking out a second citizenship, and
citizenship assertions of all manner of urban dwellers, including quite variegated also appeal to the urban conditions that they imagine prevailing there as justifi-
middle classes, who turn to disparate bases of legitimacy to make claims on the cation for the kind of environment they demand in Buenos Aires.
city. A particular feature of microcitizenships is that there are appeals to distinct
To return to Buenos Aires, in an arc of middle-class claims from the rather geographic scales (e.g., the city, the nation, the transnation) even as the object of
elite Puerto Madero to quite comfortable Palermo and Belgrano to much more contention remains city space itself. The overall result is multiple and competing
modest San Bias and Villa Devoto, it has become common over the last decade citizenships that articulate fractious forms of belong ing in urban space due to
for Argentines with immigrant ancestry to formalize a second nationality by their basis in differently scaled legitimacies, each w ith its own v ision of territori-
obtaining passports from Italy or Spain - the two most common genealogical alized rights. When successful, microcitizenships are thus habitus-specific nego-
backgrounds in Argentina, which also have some of the most access ible qualifi- tiations with some level of the state that entail both recognition and service
cations for citizenship by descent (via one grandparent) amongst European provision in order to grant exclusive but temporary rights to particularized legiti-
Union countries. This can be a means of easing travel or becoming elig ible for mate uses of urban space. Although middle classes are only one group that might
some kind of overseas retirement benefit, but it technically also opens up work seek to make such claims, they are often some of the most effective, partly
opportunities anywhere in the twenty-seven EU countr ies. There are no figures because of their ability to resort to middleclassness as a hallowed if flexible
on exactly how many Argentines have availed themselves of this dual citizen- political tool in buttressing their other-scaled leg itimacies.
ship and the ability to work abroad in much higher-paying professional settings,
but it appears several thousand are indeed living in Spain (Margheritis 2007),
while there is a very high rate of return to Argentina by dual nationals of all ages Conclusion
(Novick 2007). Awareness of Europe, or even an imag inary conception of All of these features of middle classes in cities of the G lobal South point to d if-
"Europeanness", has had profound effects on middle-class residents of Buenos ferent ways in w hich distinction is not only crafted, but spatialized. Distinction
260 R. Centner Contentious middle classes in Argentina, Brazil and Turkey 261
is a thorny matter, whether between recognizable classes or, especially, within Notes
broad classes wherein groups seek to differentiate themselves from each other.
I In addition to class, but often tied to it, sometimes issues of ethnic origin are pivotal in
Of course these assertions of distinction become rather more crucial when they
processes of othering in Istanbul, particularly but not only regarding Kurds (Secor
involve the remaking of space and the taking of place. This is especially so in 2004; Mills 2010).
cities - such as many in the Global South - where dense conditions mean that 2 This particular kind of new middle-class place is emerging with little involvement by
space is at a premium, making the wielding of spatial power absolutely momen- any level of the state, other than the most basic infrastructural provis ion and regulation,
tous. Certainly there are many actors apart from the middle classes who have the which had already been in place for more than a half-century anyway.
ability to transform urban space, including not least the state and more elite ech-
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