THE CHANGING

RURAL STRATIFICATION
I SYSTEM
(A Comparative Study of Six Villages in Rajathan, India)

I
I
K.L. SHARMA

1 ORIENT LONGMAN
THE CHANGING
RURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTEM

BY K.L. SHARMA

First published March 1974

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I
Stratification has a strategic importance in structural aoalysis of
the sodety. It is a field where forces of social, economic and
I politicaJ changes are generated. The changes in the stratifica-
tion system imply reallocation of status, power and economic
privileges. As such, the study of this probIem constitute8 the
most jmportaot area of sociological analysis. So far a few
studia on the changing patterns of stratification have Wn
conducted systematically, whereas rhe hofistic analyses of village
communities abound. There are dso numerous tepmtsmd
monographs analysing specific systems and sub-systems of the
rural society. With the exception of the works of FAG. Bailey
(Carte and rl~eEconomic Frontier, 1957), Andre Beteilte (Carte,
C l a ~ sand Power, 1966) and Ramakrisha Mukherjce (me
Dynwnics of a Rural Society, 1957), the focus on structural ana-
lysis and change has nor been equally articulate in the
literature on rural sociology in India.
In our study we have tried to finalyse the structure hod
process of stratification system of six villages from selected
regi0nb in Rajastban. Our approach is not only analytic but
also comparative. On tbt one hand, we have attempted to
hi&]ight the emerging changes in tbe status system, class and
caste structure and power structure of the villages as a reslllt of
the impact of varioua forces of change both external and inter-
nal to the rural system, and we have dso attempted on the
other hand to h d out the variations in the structure and
direction of this change on the basis of the controlled variallohs
in the historical backgrounds of the villnges, specirIly in respa3
of the traditional system of land tenure, degree at exposurn to
urbanisation and the devciopmentd setting of the vilfaged
concerned. The common and difircntial aspcots of these
changes we have tried to analyse in tbe light of d & d forces
of social ahange. Out of the six villages, two are h m Sikar
district, two from Jaiput district and the remaining two from
Bharatpur district. In each district w have selected one village
which very near to the urban centre and is exposed to a great
extent to urban contact. The other set of villages hare been
selected on the basis of their remoteness and lack of active .
communication networks. The six villages could also be roughly
classified on the basis of dry and wet farms of cultivation and
the two traditional types of land settlement, viz, joint Zamin-
dari and Jagirdad.
We have found significant differences in !be emerging
patterns o i stratification between the Bmindari and Jagirdari,
remote and sub-urban, and irrigated (wet) and non-irrigated
(dry) villages. The power structure of the ex-Zamindari
vikages lends iu & more sonce~tralediu Iivour uf the ira&
tionalIy dominant classes. On the contrary, the ex-Jagirdari
villages have undergone significant changes in respect of their
powec-ntruc~ure after the abolition of this system. In the;e
villages a new dominant class has emerged which cootroIs the
village affairs.
The remote villages are less afiwted by the external facton
of chnng, such as roads, railways and industrialization. On the
other hand, sub-urban villages have more diversilication o f
occupational structure, migration and urban contacts. These
villages are less dependent upon agriculture than the remote
ones. We f n d that the greater thz dependence upon agricul-
ture more pervasive are the traditional social bonds. The
Sajmani system is found, rbcrefore, more intact in the
remote villages tbaa in the sub-urban villages. As such patron-
client relationships persist in the former which have undergone
many changes in the latter type o f villages..
Also, the incidence of migration, dependence upon urban
centres, education and divetsification of occupntional and S D C ~ ~
roles ate less in the irrigated in comparison to the non-irrigated
villages. In the farmer, diverse agricultural activities absorb the
villap population, whereas in the latier (non-irrigated villages)
they d o not provide sufficient opporlunities for employment, and
this Ieads i o more migration and consequenliy to more out~5dt
contact and occupational divzrsification.
Despite these differential patieras, we find that the tradi-
tional d&t caste and class groups continue to be power-
 ful :andinfluential. Their 'composite status' i s higher than that
of the lower~sectionso f the villag~people. Ther.e'are,.how~ver,
some cleavages among caste,, class ~ n power'
d hierarchies, but
these are. not serious enough to threaten the continuance of the
dominance a n d power of t h e upper sections. of the village
community.
The field-work for this siudy was undertaken as a part. of
be author's doctoral programme during July 1965 and Decem-
ber 1966. ThP dissertation for the award of the doctorate
degree was submitted to the University of Rajastban in
September 1968, However, the original dissertation bas been
substantially revised for presentation jn the book form. Efforts
have also been made to update this volume, but the main
sources usr:d are those available up to 1971. Some 0.f the data
presented here. bave been utilised by the author in articles that
have appeared injournaIs of sociolagy and social anthropology.
I am immensely indebted to Professor Yogendra Singb,
'

who bas been my teacher and resewch supervisor for this study,
for bis able and enthusiastic guidaoce whilc the work was in
progress. 1must also thank. Professor Andre Beteiile of Delhi
University for the pains be took in going through th& manu-
, script and making many valuable suggestions. The Indian
CaunciI of Socjal Science Research has made this publicnfion
possible b y providing some financial assistance. Shri B K.Nagla
and Shri 1.P, Modi helped in preparing the index and 1 am
.grateful t o them.
A number of friendsand colleagues have offered criticisms
and suggestions from wbich I havc benefitted in making the
final draft. Butthe responsibility for the views expressed in
this book is entirely mine.
KANHAWAIA SHARMA
Centre for the Study of Social Systems
School of Social Sciences
Jswaharlal Nebru University
February 19, 1974
N e w Delhi
 To
My Grandfather
 Contents
I
PREFACE (v)
-
1. THE THEORETICAL FORM ULATlON OF THE '

PROBLEM
Approaches to stratification-Studies on
stratification in India-The prcsent study 1-27
#

2. W E SIX VILLAGES
The sandy or desert region: Roopgarh,
Sabalpura-The irrigated-cum-dry region:
Bhutera, Harmara-The wet cultivation
region: Ba wari, Murwara 28-55

3. CASTE. STRUCTURE AND STRATlFlCATION

Caste as a stratification system in the six villages-
me upper castes-The intermediate castes-
The lower castes-The 'untouchable' castes-
The Muslims-The jajmani svstcm and the
caste ~tratifica1ion.-Strains in caste
stratification 56-97
4, CLASS STRUCTURE AND STRATIFICATION
Traditional class structure-Emer~ng class
structure-Caste and class-
Changes in class structura
5- S O C W MOBIUTY
Mobility in caste structure-levels oP mobility-
The emerging patterns of mobility-
Occupational mobility -The emerging trends
of occupational mobility-Attitudes towards
ocbup~ionalmobility 125- 168
6. RURAL STATUS SYSTEM
The structure of rural status system-
The factors of status determination-
Status mobility 169-183

7, POWER STRUCTURE
Traditional power s t r u c t u r e
Contemporary or existing power
structure-Power sttucture and village f
institutio~s 184-204

8. CONCLUSION

GLOSSARY

INDEX
 The Theoretical Formulation
of the Problem

Stratification is a system of social ranking involving

relations of superiority and inferiority. The relations of
superiority-inferiority between the units of ranking are govern-
ed by a set of norms. These relations are essentially social
relations. Parsons calIs 'patterning' or 'ordering1 of social
relations a stratification system of socie1y.l 'Ordering' or
'patterning' of social relations would invoIve the vaIue-systeni.
the power-structure, the role of ascriptive and achievement
aspects, the patterns of conformity and deviance and reward
and puni~hmeni attached wit11 them. Bcing so central, the
problem of social stratification occupies a strategic place in
the processes of social change in a society.
In India systematic studies of social stratification have not
been conducted so far. Specially in regard to rural society,
mobility, changing indices of status deterniination, class struc-
ture and its role in social integration and change have not been
made. Only one aspect of social stratification, viz. caste, which .
is no doubt a very important one, bas been widely and systema-
tically investigated. A comprehensive underatanding of the

I. Parsrms, Tdcott, 'An Annlytical A p p r ~ c hto

. the Theory o f Social
Stratificet ion'., fisays in Sbciological Theory (Glencot : The Free
Pres., 1954), p. 69; nnd 'A Revised Analytical Apprcach Lo I11c
Theory of Soda1 Slrati6cation', Ibid., pp. 3U:6-439.
Parsons writes : 'Social stratificationis regarded here.abthe differen-
tial ranking o f thc human individu&Iswho compose B eiven. social
sysrem nnd their trentment 'superior and inferior toencsno~her
incertain socially important mpects;'p. 69.
2 THB CHANGING RURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTBM

pattern of social stratifi~atio~i

may be possible when an attempt
is made t o delineate and :analyse the various processes and
principles of stratification with reference t o their reciprocal
adjustments and compatibility patterns in all their ramifications.
Studies of caste without reference to occupational, economic,
cultural, and other foci of social stratification have remained
incomplete.
This chapter is divided into three sections. In the first
section, reference has been made to some general theories of
stratification. In the second section discussion focuses upon
the studies of social stratification in vjllage India, and in the
third section the plan of the present study will be discussed.
I
APPROACHES TO STRATIFlCATION

Approaches to the study OF social stratification have been

classified in a number of ways? Haw ever, two main approaches
occupy a place of prominence in stratitication theory. These
are :
1. functional approach ; and
2. dialectical approach.
Factional approach
The keynote of functional approach to the study of socia1
2. Warner. W. Lloyd, 'The Study of Social Stratification', Review of
Suclolog~~,Joseph B. Gittler (ed,), (New York : John Willey and
Sons, Ic., 1957), pp. 221.258.
Warncr observes tbat the behaviour examined and the parts of the
sodety ~tudiedran@ fmm iocial-c)ass aystms, m t c 5 , occupatiuns,
-ijooal and social mobility, age and sen divigioas, political,
-n-ic, e&-*118.ll, md ccclutiantical and other instittttianat
hierarchies to the relalions of these inslitutions to !he general socia]
structure.
T. H.h!arshnll in Sonbtog~at the C f o ~ ~ t o o m
d ~~ d Ofher &ayJ
(London : Heinemnn Educatianal Books Ltd., 1463), makes
a distinction between 'deterministic' or ' m ~ n a - d i ~ ~ ~ ~ i
apptc.udtand 'rnulLt-~~cndonal' apprwch to stratlficatjon.In the for-
mer, he includes parti~ularl~Karl Marx,and in the lattet
the Functionahsts, pp. 120-149.
See o1~0 b a r d Peissman, Class in Americm S W L I ~(Loadoa :
Rmtledgo and K e e n k u l , 19@), p p 3 s111; and T. H. Manhall,
Jbtd., pp. 128.149.
 TtJB THRORBPICAL FORMULATlON OF THB PROBLEM 3

.stratification is that functional diEerentiation is an inevitabh

.phenomenon. One person cannot perform all or most ofthe
functions in a society. For different functions, persons of
different intent and ability are required. The PerBODS are
rewarded according fa the value attached to the functions they
perform. This differential reward pattern gives rise to stratifi-
cation and hierarchy.
The functional theory o f stratification advanced by Davis
and Moore conforms with the above analysis of fictional
approach to tbe stratification. The saIient characteristics of
their theory are : (1) inevitability of functional differentiation;
(2) need fot diflerential intent and ability for different func-
tions; (3) differential evaluation of different social positions
and duties; (4) reward on the basis of differential value
attached with the different functions ; and (5) values and
rewards constituting the social differentiation and stratification."
Thequintessence of the functional theory of stratification
is that social hierarcby is a result o f inevitability of differentia-
tion of roles aad duties. Different duties and roles carry
differential power and prestige. The differentiation of roles
and duties is inevitable for the survival of mankind. In this
Way, stratificntion bccomes an inevitablc phcnomcnon o f s a i d
life.
Schumpeter observes that classes emerge from varying
historical conditions. The formation, nature and basic Inws of
clssses depend upon two criteria : (1) an the significance that iu
attributed to the function performed by class, and (2) on the
degree to which the dass successfuIly performs the function.'
The criterion that functians are 'socially uecwary', hawever,
cannot alone decide relative evaluation. The importance of
3. Davis. ICiogsley. and Wllbull?. Moore, 'SomeMocipies of Stratifua-
tion., American Soclologica~ Revlew (Val. 10, No, 2, ApriI INS),
pp. 242-249.
See Davis. Kingsley, Human Socicly (New YUk : Tht bFaani1lao
Campa~y.1449, pp. 364-391,
4. See m a 8. Heller (ed.), Srrucrrrred Smial Inequality (New Ymk :
T$e Mamilha C b , 1%9), 'The Rhe aod Fall o i Whole ClBPser by
Joseph Schnmpater, pp. 39-50.
(m
Sea also Andre Beteilk (cd.), Sacla1 Iiwgualliy Bookr, I-),
for R. A m ' s two dehlfions of c l ~ pp. , 6 7 a . The 1 ~ d d l P i -
tioos arc : (1) the American in which tbs emphads is on ~ M I C ~
 an individual class member in a given sitnation is particularly
a decisive factor. Schumpeter's two 'cri~eria', however, are
nearly synonymous with the 'functional necessities' of Davis
and Moore except his added historical significance given to the
class stratification.
The basic assumption of Davis-Moore theory tbat strati,fi-
, cation is an inherent feature of social organization, has been
challenged by Tumin6. He doubts the historical validity of the
criterion of futlctional importance for the necessity of stratifi-
cation. Turnin considers the idea of positions with greater
and lesser power and prestige as posited by Davis-Moore to b e
a 'tautology ahd unsound procedure'. According to him, true
inequality takes place when persons are rewarded according to
their assignments and performances. A distinctionbetween 'less
functional' and 'more functional' is also misleading according
to Tumio, so long as the necessity for different type of func-
tions remaim there. One function becomes infructuo~swithout
assistance of the other.
Buckley accuses Davis-Moore of confusing social digeren-
tiation, the existence of specialized roles or of a division of
labour wit11 social stratitication, which he de6nes as 'a system of
unequally priyjleged groups', the membership in which jsdeter-
mined by the inter-generational transmission of rbles, or of
opportunilics to attain lhem though kinship &liatlon.@ Davis
coidders this as 'a termjooJogjcal question' only.

characlcr, prestige and status determine class ; end (2) tho Eleach is
which the realist tendency is there. Class represents lofa(reality,
collective consciousness, and thus class is differentfrom strata.
5 , Tamin, Melvin M.. 'Soma P~incipleSof Skatificalioq*, AlneriClrn
Sociolagfcal Review (Vol. 18, August 1953).
See Replies and Ccrnmenla from Davis-Moore, Americnn ~ ~ ~ j
Review (Val. 18. h g u s t 1953). PP-387-397. See atso Tuminos
papers, viz. 'Rewards and Task-Orientationto,Amcticah socblOgjcal
Revim lQal. 20. A w s t 1955), pg. 41 7423; 'Some UnDIannedan-
sequences of Social Mobility in a Mas Socletyw, ~~~~~l
(Vol. 31, Octobet 1957). pp. 32-37.
See M. fumin, Melvin, Social SfraIIJication (Ne\vDclb;: Rentice-
H ~ ofIIndia. 19691.
6. B u c u e ~Wd!cr,
, 'social Stratification and the Functionel Theory of
social Differentiation', 'Americpn Sociological Review (%I. 23, August
195~3.w. 369375.
 FORMULATION
THE ~ E ~ I C A L OF THE PR.OBLEM 5

Wrong criticizes functional theory for being too general;

it says nothing whatsoever about the range of inequality and
the determinants of the rank in concrete sooieties. It '......
ignores the possible disruptive consequences o f mobility and
inequality of opportunity, a theme notably neglected by
American sociologists."
Dahrendorf observes that the division between 'conform-
ists' and 'deviants' constitutes an element of socinl inequality!
The application of socinl norms to human behaviour in the
form of sanctions necessarily creates n system of inequality of
rank and that social stratification is therefore an immediate
result of the control of social behaviour by positive and negative
sanctions. Sanctions always create 'a rank order of distributive
statua ' Dahraodorf agreeing with Durkheim observes thaf every
society is a 'moral community' and recognizes norms to regulate
the conduct of its members. These norms require sanctions to
enforce them by rewarding conformity and penalizing deviance.
As sucb, stratification according to Dahrendorf 'lies neither in
human nature nor in a historically dubious conception oC
private property.' Tt lies rather in certain features of all human
societies which are necessary to them. A society has an autho-
rity structure to sustain its system of norms and sanctions. It
bas a system of 'institutionalized power'. Thus, stratification
originates from ccIosely related trinity of norm, sanction a d
power'. As such, the functional theory of stratification in

See Richard L. Slmpson. 'A Modi5utton of the F ~ c t i o n a Thmry

l of
Social Stratififation', Sacial Forca (Yol.35, December 1959), p. 123.
7. Wrong, Dennis H,'The Punctiooal Theory of Stratification', Amcrlcan
Soclologicnl Review (Val. 24. December 1959~,pp. 77'2.
See John C. Hamnyi, 'A Bargaining Model for Social Status in
Irifmmal Groups and Formal Organintiom', BeA&ioural Sciencej
(Vol. 2, September 1966), pp, 357-369.
Klngsley, Davis. 'The Myth of Functional Analrslt as a Special
h f 4 1 o d in Sociology and Anthropology', An~ericnn Sociologlcnl
Review (Vo1. 24, Deamber 1959). pp. 754-782.
See Otrhard Lmki, Power und Privfle~a: A Theory of Social
Slra~Vicrrrbn (Nmw York : McGraw-Bill Book Go.. 1966). t e w k i
observes thnt t h e fwtjoaal &my bears a cobtermrive character.
8. Dahrendorf, Ralpb, 'On fhe OMn of I n q ~ ~ UAmong ty Men', in
Andm Beteilk (d.), Social Inquily ( P m g ~ bBooks, 1969),
PP. 1w.
 terms of its basic characteristics af functional di Eerenti'ation,
differential intent and ~hility,reward based an diEetential value
attached to diffezent functions and differential evaluation do&
not take nate of the crucial issue of historical reality of the
aaciety and its eGstence.
Functional approach bas been particularly usefuI in under-
standing the gresent on-going social systems. Witb this
approach the parts of the society can be related to the whole,
and one part to another. Stratification covers economic,
social and political aspects. A comparative role of these
aspects contributing to tbe status of an individual or to a
position' can b e assessed when one aspect is related to
. another and then all the aspects to the objective of the study.
Thus, functional analysis, besides its insistence on universality
of functional rolea and importance of differential positions,
has contributed to a compreheusive and deeper understanding
of social phenomena.

Dialerticnl approach
Karl Marx is the principal architect of the dialectical
approach to the study of sacia1 stratification. Here it would
be quite relevant to mention that Marx did not propound a
simple theory of technological or economic dererminatiofl. He
propounded a wide structural theory of society, However,
Marx eqnates class stratification with all Ihe other types of
siratification systems. H e considered power and slatus strati&
mion aa the products of claw stratification? Thua, to Marx all
other types of upects of tbe society are subordinate to tbe ECO-
aomic. aspect: as be considered the .hitex as 'deterministic' or
'fundaments and the former as the 'by.products','aecondary' or
*super-sttuctute'. Acc~rdingto Mar%stratification is determined,
therefore, by the system of relations. d productionj and 'statua'
is determined by man's position in this vety ayatemin terms of
ownership and wn-ownership of the means af production.
Under the label of 'class' and 'class-struggle' Mar~rpropounded
not one theory but a ~alaxyof theories. He b aa nat make a.

a '9. Se& T. B,B O t t m ~ ~ cC,ldS6.S [s M&t~...&fe(y (krp&a ;Gemge

and Unwin, 1%5),khaptur 2.
 THE THEORETICAL, FORM.WTION OF THE PVOBQM 7
distinction between 'class' and 'status' or betwew clasabierarcby
and social stratification. Marx, however, makes it explicit that
fproduction' is by 'social individuals', and. therefore, it should
be understood in 'social context'. The assertions of such a
nature make it clear that Marx's theory af 'class couId be
understood and sociologically examined as a syslem of stratifi-
cation in terms of 'domination' and 'subjection' or 'effective
superioritg-inferiority reIationship~'. The basic cbaracteristics
of the dialectical approach of Marx are as follows10 :
1. ecoaomic interests are the basis for all other types of
relationship-social, cultural, political, etc.;
2. tbere are two classes : (i) owners of the means of pro-
duction (bourgeoisie), and (ii) workers (proletariat);
3. the interests of these two classes clasli with each other,
as tke bourgeirisie exploit tbo proletariat, and therefore,
there is a class struggle; and
4. the bourgeoisie get more than its due share, which Marx
names as the theory of surplus value; this accelerates
class struggle, which finally leads to revoIution a d radi-
cal tranSformation of the stratification system of society.
Thus, to Marx classes are basic features of social organiza-
tion. Classes are the product of the processes of the productive
system. One cInss owns means of production, and the other
supplies the necessary human labour and services. Therdore,
the basis of the stratification system is the economic structure,
and the resulting concreta units of stratification are Haves and
Have-Nots.
Marx considers class as a social reality, an exbting fact, For
Marx class is a real group with n developed conscicluness of its
existence, its position nnd goals. As such Marx considers class
as a mitrar for seeing the totality of relations of every society.
Because, every society would have at least two classes who*
interests alwaya clash. Tbjs clash of interests divides the whole
society into thee groups or clases. One could infer that any
aaregate ofpersons who perform thegamefiroctionsin an organic
zation of production would constitute a class. In an organization
of production 'two great hostile camps' (bourgeoisie and proleta-

10. Marx, Karl a d Bogel, FrieMoh, Thb German ZlZBdogy (New York :'
Interaational Poblisbbers, 1947), p. ?3.
8 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATIPICATION S Y S W

riat) am the cansiituant units of class st mcture. Marx says that

the two claeh, and unite to defend their respective interests,
and particularly he gave a call to the workers to unite as apoli-
tical organization to fight against the bourgeoisie. He thinks
that the ideas of the ruling Basses have been the 'ruling ideas'
in every epoch. Marx believes that concepiiw of political
power is nn adjunct to class power and paIitical struggle as a
special form of class struggle. State functions as a managing
committee for tbe common affairs of the bourgeoisie. Thus,
Marx considers that the material ercistence of men determines
their life-situation and even 'consciousness'. Class is a social
reality, a vital existing fact and a gate-way for looking into the
entire social structure (including social stratification). -
Marx's dialectical approach to the SCudy of d&ss and s t r d -
fication is deterministic in nature. Marx considers the owner-
ship of property as the 'life question of any given class'.I1
Weber has made a distinction between class and s t a m
He refers t o 'class situation' and 'status situation'. Aceording
to Weber class is absolutely an economic category, a product
of the 'msrket situation'. The 'status groups' constitute the
social ordef based on honour, The way in which 'status hon-
OUT' is dixtributed is important in understanding the stratifica-
tion system. Weber daes wt mean that 'classes' and 'status
groups' are independent phenomena. In fact, his theory
of 'class, status, and party' corresponds with his three 'orders'
in the society, viz. the economic, the social, and the political.
Power is ihe keynote of Webtrian theory of strati6cation.
Both the prapertiedand the property-less can belong ta the same
status group. Thus economically determined power is not nlways
identical with the social or the legal power. Economic power
on the other hand may be a consequence of power existing on
orl~ergrounds. Striving for power is not a\ways for econmin
-
11. D~hrendorf, RaIr, Clasr a d C1ar.x Cadiclr fn Tnduhrrial Saclety
(London : Routledge and. Kegan Paul, 1959), p. 10. Sociological
elements DS Marx's theory of &*have been elabtately dincussed by
Dahmndorf, op. cil., pp. 18.27.
12. ~ e b c r ,Max, 'Class, Status, Party', Gerth, H.H.and Milla, C.W
(as.),from Whr, Essay# in Sociology (-don ; hutIcdpe
~ ~ 19471, pp. 180-194, See GC- and .wUs (pp. 46-H))
crud K C BPanl,
for a lucid comparison a€Mam and webcr.
 well-being. It may be for its own sake and social honour. All
Power does not provide social honour, and power is not the.
only source of social honour. Thus, status is determined by
the social h o w u r one enj~ys,and the latter is expressed
through different 'styles of life'.
Weber's theory of stratification is a reaction to tbe deter-
ministic nature of Marx's theory of class-based stratification.
Weber's stress o n the distinction of the three 'orders' (economic,
social, and political) has considerably helped in analysing the
social slructure with a broader perspective than the economic
determinism of Marx. Secondly, ps$Amfogica~ phenomena
such as attitudes and motivations do not get an adequate atten-
tion inMarxian theory and which may not be pkrely a product
of economic order. Economic determinism implies a higb
degree of rationaty, which cannot be expected normally. Such
irrational elements also work with individuals, and attitudes and
aspirations are not always determined by economic position of
individuals. Marx believes that the material existence of
men determines their consciousness and not the vice-versa
Thirdly, there are occasions on which people unite, in spite of .
their ecvuomic differences and comlicls, for example, generally
at the time of national crises people forget about their olass
rivnlries. Such an jdea of mutual aid and co-opwution is absent
in the Marxian theory except that tha proletariat unite as a
politica1 force for annihilation of its class-enemy, inen, the bour-
geoisie. Finally, Marx's prophecy tbat the proletariat would
overthrow the bourgeoisie, and thereafter all the people would
enjoy equality and the state would go awny has not come to
be true.
As a renclion against both the ucunornic determinism of
Marx and the deterministic claim of the 'functionnl' theory of
strofjfication, Dahrendof bas provided a 'coercion' theory of
social change.IJ Dahrendorf's thesis is tbat the society has ta be
visualized in tema of the 'coercion' theory of social structure, i.e.,
'change and conflict' have to be assumed as ubiquitous, all ele-
ments of social structure have to be related to instability and

13. Dahrtndarf, Ralf., op. cit., ' ~ ~ d oawry

t r of sgcicb Views sadlI
s m t u r e an a form of organizatbn held together by far@and con-
atmint, and reaching continuously beyond itself in ths sensm of prw
io susm
THE CUANG~NURUi?AL,,~TRA~A'tTON

change, and unity and coherence have to be understood as

resulting from coercion and constraint,14
The quintessence of the conflict: theory of Dahrendorf is
that social change is a universal phenomenon. SimiIarIy dis-
sensions and conflict are a universaI process. Thus disintegra-
tion and change go together. In every society some members
are coerced by others. Tbese are the common elements between
Manr and Dahrendorf.
The coercion tbeaty of Dahseodorf implies two classes of
people, i.e., the group which is coercive and the group whicb
is coerced. Such domination and subordination or subjugation
are found in all the arenas of social li fe-economic, political,
industrial, social, cultural, etc. Dahrendarf explains tbat the
coincidence of economic conflict and political codict, whicb
Mam assumed, has ceased to exist. Industrial relations do not
domimte the whole of society, but are limited to the sphere of
industry. Thus,Dahcendorf 's theory is not macro-structural
as the theory of Marx is.
Dahrendorf's theory refers to different structures having
their own typical forces and factors of change and conflict.
According to him a common nelure of conflict and coercion
cannot be appliable to all forms of social structnres.
Dahrendorf's thesis is that there can be no conflict, unless
the conflict occurs within a context of meaning, i.e., some kind
of coherent system. h this sense, a theory of group codict
awordiog to Dahrendorf has to haye a reaourse to the integrat-
ion thwy of social stmcture. The fuactionrrl theorists did
not think about the prevalence of conflict within tbe function-
ally co-ordinated norms and roles of the society. Similarly, M a n
did not visua\ize the existence of some degree of consensus in
the society as a necessity for its very exietence. Dahrendorf sees
no possibility for a generalized theory of dialectics, or integra-
tion or coercion. 'Conflict groups' (he uses 'conflict groups'
instead of classes) emerge out of conditions of social structure.
cAuthority' is a hitimate relath Of domination and subjection,
according to Dahrendorf, and identificsdon of variously equip

ducing within &Ifthe forces ;bat maintain it in an mendkg prrtctss

of change-' P. 159.
M, %Id., p. ,237-
 TEE THEOXeTlCAL FORYUM'TION QP I S B PROBLEM II
~ e authority
d roles guides conflict analysis. These authority.
relations are always relations of super- and sub-ordination. The
superordinate controls the subordinate, but this control is
specified and a generalized one. These konflict groups' in
different authority structures are loose aggregations combined
for specific purposes and within particular associations, whereas
'classes' for Marx are looking glasses into the entire social
structure, and therefore they are all-inclusive and permanent
groupings.
There are some thinkers who feel that classes are subjective
categories and strata are objective ones. W. Sombart bonceives
of a social class as a group which, by its way of thinking, standa
for a particular system of economic orgaaization'.16 Kornbauser
observes that the persons who are similnrly concerned about
their positions add interests, and have a common oudook, and
a distinctive common attitude belong to the same status group
o r CIBSS.'~
Centers considers crass as a aubjecfive comp~rient'~like
Sombart. He makes a distinction between the 'objective' and
the 'subjective' dimensions of class. He relates 'stratum' with
tbe 'objective' dimensions, which he defines as csocial and
economic groupings and categories of people distinguished on
tbe basis of occupation, power, income, standard of living,.
education, function, inteUigence and other criteria.'Ia As a
subjective component he has defined dass as 'psychological
grouping essentially subjective in character, dependent upon
class consciousness (i.e., n feeling of group mernbership).'le
Centers explains tbat mbjectiw identification is the real
crux which gives class its reality. A man's class is e part of

15. See
-
Ricbard Centers, T11aPsycholo#y of Social C / ~ S S:PA~ Stud)' of
Cluss C~rrscib~~fless(New York : Russell and R w U , ]%I), for
Sombart's view. p. 20.
16. Kornbauner, Arthur W.. 'An Analysis of Class Struetun in ChpfM-
PorUy American Society : Psychological Basis of Class Divisiws'.
Swanson, a.E., Newcomb, T.M. and Harklcy, B L (edr.). R ~ I fn~ s
Soelal Psychology (New York :Henry Holt and Co., 1952).
17. Centers, Richard. op. cil., Chapter 11.
18. lbld ,p. 27.
19. lbid.
22 CHANGING RURAL STRAmICATION SISTRM

his ego. He always bas a feeling OF belongingncss to his class

which is bigger than himself. Persons with similar status and
-role in economic, social, and spheres develop certain
--values, attitudes, and interests, which in turn give rise to
.similarity of class consciousness.
The analysis of class by Centers seems to be a variant or a
'rounding out* of functionalthcofy of stratification. His distinc-
tion between stratum and class seems apparently unconvincing,
as the objective basis of 'stratum' provides psychological
expression to the 'class'. 'Thus the real basis is the same.
However, the theory of social class of Centershelps in analysing
role of psychological attributes irl the sludy of social stratifica-
.tion in a number of ways.
As we b v e mentioned earlier Dahrendarf regards the
'functionaT and the 'conflict' theories as complementary to each
.other for understanding social stratification. However, these
theories accordjog to Dahrendorf cannot be combined into an
integrated theory of integration and canflict. In fact, society
has two faces, namely, conflict and integration, and therefore
-they could be looked at from daerent perspective^.^^ Lenski
is, bowever, optimistic trboul tbt: combination of the two
2heories.u His observation is that the distinction between the
t w theories
~ is basically of approach. The process of synthesis
i s already underway as he feels. This synthesis is 'analytical',
and it has been possible through the result of the application of
the scientihc method of study to stratification. Whatever may
be the extent of the combination between the two approaches9
the controversy between the 'functional' and the 'conflict'
acbool~today still remains as lively as it was ever before.
The recent coinage of words, such as 'embourgeoisement',
privatization', 'deproletarianization', 'status congruence'
and 'status crystallization', and alw the use of the con-
cepts bearing ideological overtones such as 'dasslessness*,
'egalitarianism', 'destratificatinn' and 'restratification' shollld
be empitically tested, pasticularly in the Indian society
which has been witnessing vast changes in the post-indepen-

20. ~ h a d o r fRalf,
, up. cit.
21. h n a k i . Gerhard, Power and Prjvfltge : A Theory ~JSociaISlrat$ca-
fi~n (New YO& : MEGmw-Hill, 1966).
 dence era,Pa These c o c e p t s no doubt would help in under-
standing both the nature. of the social distance and the ( r w d s
of social m o b i l i ~ .

U
STUDIES ON STRATIFICATION IN INDIA

Both foreign and Indian students of caste considex caste as.

a system that penetrates the Hindu society to a deep level. The-
characteristics they explain nre 'hereditary specialization,
hierarchical organization, and reciprocal repulsion' as the core
of the system.28 These characteristics are no doubt even today.
the central foci of the caste system, The ritual considerations
(pollution-purity and commensality) are the central basis of
the characteristics and sanctions of caste system: The entire
caste hierarchy is based on high and b w ascribed, rjtllal cade
rnnks.
However, there are some areas of social life in which
secutr, utiIifarian or pragmatic cbnsiderations get an upper
hand. In some of the economic, occupational, and cultural
aspects, competition between different marginally superior and
marginally inferior csstes could be witnessed, particularly since
the ibdependence. Howevcr, endogamy still remains as,
the 1~11essence of caste syslem. A bol ation of cnste endogamy
i s considered as sin involviog pollution. The rules regarding.
commensality are also found almost intact in certain matters.
Dumont is of ihe view that to consider .the caste system as
P 'closed system of social stratification', asystem based on
'structural criterja', and characterizing 'the principle of status
summetion' as the structural feature of caste system does not
provide worthwhile nnalysis.?l A comparative approach would

22. Sea J.A. Jnckson (cd.). .soda/ Slrut@cation (London : Cambridge

University Press, 1968). See purticularly Jacksan, J:A., pp. 1-13, and
Allardt, Erik, pp. i4-24.
23. Bouslc, C.,'The Essence of Rcafity of Caste System'. Dmant, Louis.
c tIndlnn
a a d l'ocmk.. 4.jeds.), C o ~ t r i b u ~ iro ~~ ,~ocia/ogy(NO.2, Ap.til
1958), pp. 7-30.
14. Dumont, Louis, '[kste : A Phaoomcnon of ~ocialS t c u m or an
Aspect of lndian Culture', fo dc Reuck, Aatbony,and Knight, Jdle
(c0ntd.L
14 T& CCHANGINO 'RURAL S T R A T ~ I C A ~ O N
SYSTEM

help tbe analysis of the caste system, i.e. ideas and values
cannot he separated from 'structure'. The caste system could be
uadentood according to Dumont in terms of hierarchy as tbat
which encompasses and which is encompassed, the opposition
to the orientation to the whole (holism) to the orientation to
the element (individualism), and concentration of power in
terms OF ritualistic hierarchy independent of power and ruler-
ship, and again tbnt the 'twin forces' rogether encompass all
the rest, Thus, caste should be viewed as a system of super-
ordination-subordination relationships, in terms of its rigid
character and permissiveness and as a system of power
relations.
Thus, there are broadly speaking two areas of social
activities. I n one, ritual considerations get an upper hand, and
~iathe othei, pragmatism gets more weight. The utilitarian
ar pragmatic view is not a new factor in caste stratification.
In earlier times, there were horizontal ditferences between the
families within the same caste. There were landlords having
big estates and middle-size estates, small jagirdars, talukedars,
and zamindars. These different categories of landlords often
belonged to the same caste and sometimes to the same clan.
But they did not enjoy the same prestige and honour. It
varied with the nature of their estates. Similarly there were
hierarchies of priests and other sections of people. The
prevalence of horizontal Mereaces in the past explains that
the ritual confiderationsin the castt system were not absolute
i n character. It might be true that the ritual performances
-corresponded with the feudal as priestly statuses. But it was
mainly a result of the latter.
Some of the studies have taken I I pollution-purity
~ consi-
.deratiop%as the sole basis for the analysis of the caste stratifi-
cation system. The caste system has been equated with the
entire Indian social structure. T h e whole Indian nation haa

(Canrd.)
(&.), Caste and Race : Compnrativ~Approocl~e~ (Doston : tittle,
mown and Co., 19671, pp. 28-38. See also L. Dumont's Homo
Ifjerarc/ifcu#. The Cmre S y f t m and Its Implicrrtions (London:
GITW~BPublishiag La., 1972) for a d b l t d ma inteosc analysis
.ofoaele System.
 . . .
been understood as:a nation of cas!e systern~~l3owevijri therg:
are some studies which have ccafizPd the: limi,tan'omof such.
proposition^.^^
T h e studies on stratification in tbe Indian context can be
divided isto two categories : (1) the studies on.caste 'stratj'fica.
tion.; 'and (2) the studies on strati6catioq basedon other factors
such as c l a ~ s ~ p w e r ' a n'styles
d of life'e'along with castti.

.Studies on caste strntificntion

The main tenet of the shdies of stratification based on
caste is that they focus on caste as the sole institution of socia1
muking. ln fact, caste and ~ o c i astructure
l in India have been
considered fiynooymaus. The authors of these studies have
rarely gone beyond caste system to analyse stratification system
in the village community in India
Theoretical interest in caste studies baa been over-
whelming. In their analysis of caste stratification, W e b ~ ,
Kroeber and others have understood caste as an extreme form
of class and of the stratification system." Weber calls tastes
as 'closed cornmu~ities'.~~ Myrdal considers castes as 'the
extreme form of absolutely rigid class'aQin which freedam of
movement between groups is not permissible. In the writings
of Hutton, Ghurye, Hocart, etc., socio-religious and ritua-
listic considerations have been delineated aa the central foci of
caste biera~cby.~~lo these writings cast8 .bas been consi-

25. Krmber, A.L., 'Caste,, E n e w ~ ~ o e d i o o j S a cSbiences

i~l (Vol. 3,.193Q),
pp. 256257a,
S B lYtar
~ Weber, ry. clf. ;Hutton, J.H., Cu& j? I& {Bombay :
Oxford University Press. 1963); Gburye, G.S., Cusfr, - Clam and
Occuporio~ (Bombay : Popular Book Depot, 1961) ; Hoeaft, A.M.,
CCI&IC (Lundon: &thew and CD.. 1950) ; Myrdill, Ouimrir, An
A ~ r i c u aDIcyn~lin{Nem. York :Harper and Bruthers, 1944) ; and
Cox, 0.C ,Caste, Clas ntrd Race (NewYork : Doubledayad Co,,
1948).
26. Sre L. Dumoril, op. t i / . (1967) and E.,R, Leech, 'Introduction:
What S h u We Mcnn by Cagte' ? in A+~VIJB/Cud&iu S&I& I&,
Cephn amf Norllr- W m paklxran, pp. 1-10. Leach, E.k.ded,), (London:
4
Cambridge Uniwsfw P-, 14601.
27. Web=, Max, and 'Praobcr, A .L., op; cit.
28. wew, Ma7, cp. dt.
29. Myrdal, Gunnar, op. cit.
30. Hutton, J.H.,
Ghurye, Q.S. and H w r k , A.M., op2.id.
16 THB CAANGMG R U M STRA'IIFICATION SY-

dered as the institution of stratification in India.

Some of the recent village studies haveanalysed socio-
religious and ritualistic consideratjons as the basis of caste
hierarchy, In these studies other criteria of social ranking do
not find adequate attention. The stratification sytem has
been equated with the caste ranking and as such these studies
tend to have the limitations which earlier annlyses of caste
system do have.
Srinivas writes that pollotion-purity are the basis ofthe
caste hierarchy, and lhis principle governs inter-aste relations.31
'Ritual impurity, norma! ritual status and ritual purity' make
a hierarchy says Srinivas. The hierarchy in Rampura village
studied by him has ritual considerations an its h i s .
Dube also observes that all pervading idens of poliufion-
purity govern the interaction between different segments of
'The main criteria for the ranking of castes are ritual
and not econorni~'.~'
Dumont and Pocock consider cnstc and its religiaos concep-
tions as the central source for the study of social stratification.3"
The main characteristics of their analysis are as follows :
1. In the caste system we have to do pre-eminently witb
religious ideas connected with purity.
2. The caste system can be understood when we realize that
it is permeated by essentially religious conceptions and
further that these religious conceptions ate based upon
a social apprehension of the pure and the impure.
3. In order to understand the distribution of occupations
in India we have to go to beliefs of a religious nature.
4. It is above all religious ideas rather than economic
values which estnblish the rank of each group.
31. Srinivas. M.N., Religion and Soclcfy afnong the Cwrgs of Surrrb fndjo
(London : Oxford University Press, 1952).
See also M.N. Srinivas, 'Caste', in C~crrenlSociology (Vol. 8, No. 3,
1959); Cute in M o d d a n olller E ~ J O ) ?(New
~ Yark : Asia
Publislring House, 1962).
32. ~ u b oS.C.
, 'Ranking of Castes in Telaosoa Villaga', Majumdnr,
D.N.Ed-)Rural , Pro$les (Lucknow : The Ethnographicand ~ o l k -
Culture S O C ~ CU.P.,
~ ~ ' , 1955), pp. 54-62.
See S-C. Dubk Indian v i l l u ~ e(NewYork : Cornell Unjvcrailppress,
1955).
33. & o n t ,L.and Pacock, D.F., og, ci,.
~
 5. These religious valus co-mingte with dements of power
and form a composite system of social stratitication, which
Dumont calls 'Kingly model'. The Kingly model accord-
ing to Dumont rests upon thc mutuality and inter-domi-
nation between tl;c principles of Ksho~raor Power and
Brahman or the priestly normative order; boa are,
however, rooted in the religico-ritualistic order of rhe
caste system.
Simihr views have been expressed by others too. Bailey
considers caste as a system of 'closed organic ~trati5cation'.~
Lewis writes thnt caste system acts both within the caste and
without it as an integrating and cohesive factor in the villngc
as if covers not only kinship ties but p~litical and economic
relationships too.s5 Mayer's thesis is that it is the caste and
kinship ties with which other relations are involutedmN Mathur
reports that the ritual beliefs orient the social actions of the
Hindus of Pot10d.~' Oreostein explains that 'pollution' tends
to produce 'alienation and dehumanization' since it creates
large differences in caste
Marriott considers 'caste ranking' as 'a part of s o u 3
structure'. He writes : 'it (caste) is the body o€ colIeciive
opinion concerning the placement of ethnic goups as corporate
wholes higher or lower han one another in precedence or
~steem',~@ Marrioit has made use of the tcrm eldborafibn as a
'parameler' or 'comprehensive measure' of caste ranking.
Caste ranking is more 'elaborate' 'when a #ven number of
ethnic groups is placed by public opinion in a relatively large
34. Bailey. F.G., Casre md rhe Emnomie Franrfer (hfanche~ter: Man-
cbester University PrW, 1957).
35. Lewis, Oscar, V i l l o ~ eLifa in Norfhprm India (Urbnon : University of
Illinois Press, 1958).
36. Mayer, A.C., Caste and Kln~hipin Cenrrrrl lndla (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1960),
37. Mathur, K,S., Cmtr and Ritual In a Malva Yillrrge (J30mbey:Asia
Publishing Rouse, 1964).
38. Orenstein, Henry, Confit and Cohesion In m Inrt'ltn Yillugr (hinee-
ton : Princeton Univenity Press, 1965).
39. Marriott, Mckim, Casle RankIrg and Commrrnlry b Ffve Regions QP
r~rdiaa d Pakkran maria: Deccan College, 1965). p. 3.
,yes atso a n i o l t , Mckim. 'rmetnaiional and Affributional Theoriw
of ask Rankbgbrin Man in I d a (Vd. 39, No. 2, April-June 1959),
pp. 92-107.
88 THE CEUNOLNC) RURAL STUTLFICATION SYSTEM .

mmber of discrete corporate ranks'. Caste ranking is 'less

daborate' or 'simple' 'when the same given number oP ethnic
~WUFS is placed by general agreement in a relatively small
number of discrete corporate ra.~iks'.~OMarriott bas analysed
caste rankiag in five regions, namely, Kerala, Coromandal,
Upper Ganges, Middle Indus, and Bengal Delta. He fiads that
caste ranking is more elaborate in Kerala than in any other
r e ~ i o nof the sub-continent. He writes :
"The caste ranking hierarchy of Kerala most closely
lresembles sociologicsl ideal-typical conceptions of Hindu
<castehierarchy in that almost every caste group in a given
Hindu village OF this region is said to occupy a unique
and practically unquestioned rank, higher or Iower than
the rank of each other local caste groups'.41 Hc: further
states at anather place : 'This linear ranking of castes in
KeraIa parallels ritual interactions concerned with popula-
tion and with inter-caste servi~e.'~?
A little less elaborate caste ranking is found in the Coro-
mandal region. There is disagreement among the lower castes,
as to which caste shpuld occupy which unique rank. In the
Upper Ganges region, caste ranking is relatively simple and
'horizontal. There is a lack of elaborately stratified interactions,
*ither or non-ritnal. In the 0 t h two p~edominantly
Ipnuslim egiom, caste ranking is still relatively less elaborate
and is simpler than in the U p p r Ganges region. The consi-
derations of wealth and power override the ritualistic considera-
&ions of social ranking in these regions-
The above studies make caste as the sole locus of stratifi-
=tion. such mainly ritualistic mnsideratians have received
.atention. Moreover, these studies imply that stratification
-system in the village community in India is only vertically
h s c d . A number of other studies have brought forth the point
,that horizontal differences within the same caste rank hove
:been taking place in spite of the existence of the vertical caste
.aKerentiation.
Horizontal mobility within the caste rank implies a con-
&&on of some extra-caste factors which are not =&&
4.Marr[ott, Mdtim, qp,clf. (196.5). p. 3.
41. /bid., p. 3.
42. Ibld., Q. 90-
 THE TRWRIX1C.k iFORMULA'TION OF ~~ PROBLEM 19
ritualisticallyoriented. ~ o l w omodernizing
f forces and indivi-
dual capabilitiesneed a Jot of consideration i n this context. The
studies which concentratteon other bases of stratification along ,

with the caste considerations ..are briefly :referred to below.

Class-like distinctions within a caste bave. been the main focal
point of discussion in the multi-dimensional studies.

Studies baaed on the caste stratification along with other

determioantfi of shti6cation (multi-dimenatonal studies)
Thesc studics on stratscation do not make 'caste' only as
an all-inclusive basis of stratification, ns we find in the case of
the studies listed above, A number of determinants of status
and rank such as economic position, cultural style of life,
educational achievements, occupational status, personality
attributes and caste rank have been evaluated separately
and in relation to each other in the studies under discussion.4a
43. tl*Lcille, Andre,'Closed and Upen Social Stratitication in India'.
European Journal nf Sociology (Vol. 7. 1966). pp. 2'14-46. Belei(lt
e~p~ainsthat*differentiatedinati!ational st~.uctumof virious k i n w
bave: emerged. These sRuchlrrs are : (i) . the growth of money
aonomy as opposed to inherited status; (ii) a new 'caste-frd
.acupational smrcturc; (iii) a new kind of educational system; and
(iv) the development of differentiated political structures. Further,
hc pin-points that a number of intensive itudia of villagecommuni-
ties do not always give a clear idea of chnnptes in the association
betweeacasttandlandowaahhip becauna of the dominanm of the
caste framc of reference to the relative neglectof the agnrian class
structure comprising landownen. tenants and agricultural Iaboqrs
as a systcm of relations in ikaelf.
Becauseof these reuons, 1 hava clussifled ~tudies on villagacommu-
n ity into two categories, namely, studies based main19 o n a s t e
'

stratification and studies based on multiple. bases of stnriificatlon.

No doubt, caste still remaim a vital detarminant e m today but. tlm
aer-0 of 'differentiated institutional ,~trucwras'
bns n e c d d t a i d
atteati03 oa dttorminlntD ~Pstratificatlonother than caste. As such,
thp studies grouped in the .scco~drrategmy a14 .in $a'&, an &dl&@
of.ibeearlier studies on castc'scratihtion.
See ako Andre Beteille's 'Ideas and Interests : Some Conceptual
Problems in the Study, of %cia1 Stratification i p Rural I?,dla,',
I11terno1iond~Sou'uI Sclcnce Journal (Vol. 21, No. 7.1969). pp- 219.35;
and 'Agrarian Rcla>ioasin: Ta@arc.District, South India'. %&lo*
19721.. m. l s - ? S l t
gical ~ u l l e t l n(Vd. 21,. No.. 2, ~.bemW,,
That writings uf &icillc am z h r l y indhdva of the sbie from
@$t-oriented studies to cl-ienl& aindiw of -1:SWtIhsatlon.
20 THE CHANGlNO RURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTEM

The studies on caste stratification consider 'caste' as the

'summation of roles' and 'attributes', whereas these studies
concentrate on the corresponding ties tbat cut across the caste
rank. These studies consider caste as one of the factors and
not the sole representative OF all the factors of status determi-
nation.
The multi-dimensional studies facilitate a penetrating
analysis of the role of the factors that weaken caste stratifica- .
tion, and perhaps weakeuing of caste would lead to ~restratifica-
tion' based on secuIar elements The studies on class relations,
power structure and universal voluntaristic orientations may be
mentioned in the latter category. Tbere i s an acute dearth of
the multi-dimensional studies on stratification; however, some
studies which are not caste-ridden to the extent the studies on
caste stratification are, have been analysed below.
In a study of a Tanjore village, Gough reports that a
major section ofthe people is landless in hdia in the region
the author has studied. The landless people stand at the bottom
of social hierarchy.44 The poor castes think of a political
revolt against the old structures of the caste system. Their
economic depression is not kcause of the caste spLem, but the
recent economic and political legislation has made :hem SO.
Because of land legislation the lower caste tenants were deprived
of their tenancy, as the landowners manipulated the transfer of
land in their names. This led to disputes between the landlords
and the tenants and labourers. The landlords of several
different castes made coalilions to oppose unitedly the tenants
and Iabourers. This is, in fact, a conflict between tlle landed
and the landjess.
R.K. Mukherjee explains the association ~fclasa grouping
caste hierarchy on the basis of the findings of his study o f
eng gal v i H a ~ s . ' ~He places nine occupational groups into
+. Gough. E.Kathlwn, 'Caste in a Tanjore Village', hch, RR. (ed.),
UP. c i f . (1960), pp. 11-60, Such conflicts and litigations have also
been reported lucidly by b l j i t Singh, N e x ~Step in Village India,
(Bornby: Asia Publishing House, 1961).
45. M~kb~+jee,Ram Krishna, The Dynrunia of rr Rural Society *La
Akademtie Verlaa 1957). This is a study that was c o n d u d b*ofe
and pubIishcd in 1957, These villngts are In
the hndinga of the study am of a pioneefing
cbamar and of vital significaom for the retxashm today-
three classes. These classes are :
(1) landholden, and supervisory farmers (class I);
(2) cultivators, artisans, and traders (self-sufficient.
peasantry) (class II); and
(3) the shate-croppers, agricultural labourers, service
holders and others (class III).
The upper caste Hindus belong to class I; the lower caste
Hindus and the Sayyed Muslims to class 11; and the Scheduled
castes and the Scheduled tribes to class IU of the economic
structure. Mukherjee explains that the people of class 1 main-
tained their economic and social status and this did not aUow
upward mobility for the people of the other two classes, and
thus caste and class rank went together. This study ekplaim
that the ritualistic (po11ution-purity) considerations alone do
not determine the hierarchical character of the caste system;
cconomic hierarchy also goes with ritual hierarchy, and there-
fore, facbrs othcr than t h e ritualistic ones are also equally
significant for an analysis of strati6cation.
I n an another study of changing power structure in U.P.
vilhges, it has been shown that upper caste and class status
coincide and upper castes continue to hold power in villages.48
Bailey's study examines the forces that reduced the ecanomic
power of the traditional land-owning class (the warriors), The
ex-landowners sold the Iand they possessed and this .was pur-
chased by the members of the other castes." The coming of
the Iand into the market brought some sigdlcant changes in
the traditional caste stratification as now Iandownersbip &d
not go with caste hierarchy, a n d hen: one could see the cleavages
between caste and class.
Beteiue's study of a Tanjore viUage exhibits chat the rural

46. Slngb, Yogeo*ra;The Changing Power Structure of ViUnge Cm-

munity-A Case Study of Six Villages in Eastern U.P.'; I n Rural
Sorlalogy In Indio,Desai, A.R, (cd.), (Bombay: The Indian Sociev
of Agricultural Economics, 1961), pp, 669-688. Recently, Yagenba
Slneh in the rapon on Soclulo~yo/SoclnI Sfrat$iwtfon in Ihdfa has
discussed the trends of studies on stratification. This mport is being
published IICSSR, New Delhi.
47, Bailey. F.G., Cmtc and the E m m k Frumier (Manchester: Man-
chestu Univmity Prcss, 1957). See also Scarleu T. Epstefa.
Ecanomlc Deyclopmeni a d Social Ghurlpe fa SoMh J& [Mancbedtec
Manchcsta Univeniiy Press, 1962).
2 :THE CHANGING RURAL !3TRATlPTCATlON :SYmER(.

social system bas acquired a much more complex and dynamic

character, and now there is a tendency for structural (stratifica-
tianal) clea~agesto cut across one another. He writes about'
.
Sripwam village that ' . . . the class system overlaps to a
considerable extent with the caste structure, but also cuts across
it at a number of points'?a Sirnitarly the distribution of power
creates a certain hierarchy in the vilIage, 'although of a very
fluid and amorphous character'. This study explains that the
hierarchies of caste, class and power are i~depmdentlyvisible
>inlhe village community. These hierarchies do not coincide
fully with each other. In other words, a higher w t e man does
nat have necessarily the corsesponding higher ~anksin class
and power hierarchies.

lll
THE PRESENT STUDY

Most of the above studies af both types (studies on caste

stratification and other studies on stratification) bave put consi-
derably less emphasis upon the criteria or deteminants of
ranking other than caste. Even the studies of the second type
do not give adequate place to economic, cultural and political
considerations of status determinntion. The number of studies
based aa multiple status d e t e r h u t s is very meagre, and there-
fore, no generalizations can easily be made about differentiation
of ties between caste, class, power and other determinants of
saciat stratification, A consideration o f multiple criteria of
social ranking facilitates a deeper unders:anding o f horizontal
differences within the various units, between different units and
subunits.
Horizontal differences witbin the same caste imply that a
caste is not a homogeneous group. It has class distinctions
(economic, cultural and political) within its constituent families.
With a heterogeneous character the caste as a whole cannot be
dom-t. However, a considerable degree of coincidenoe
between three dimendons of stratification, i.e.. caste, U B

48. BcteiUe, a r e , Carlc, Class and Power : UwfRB 5a1*ern

E~rat&athn fn A T&re Vilkaxe (Bornby; W ~ f m
d i eity Prcsb,
1%). pp. 1-18.
 TRk TAE0RFnCA.L EORhdZ1UTlON OF T H E -PROBLEM '-23

and p w e r might exist.The families wEich bavkFachieveii or

a b e d tbg coincidence of caste, cIassAandpower at the'higbest
level of stratification would dominate in the village. This
coincidmcc betweep caste, class and power wolrld also be a t
other levels, namely, middle and lower.
On the other hand, it is 8150 possibk that a family with &
marginidly lower cnste rank but with higher economic, cultural
and political ranks may be at the top of power hierarchy in the
village community compared to a family with a high caste rank
but with medium ranks at otber levels (economic, cultud+
political, etc.). The real test of status and prestige in the:
village community would, therefore, depend upon bow people:
have access to these 'facilities' and evaluate their position, Thus.
differential accessibility by different sections of rural society t~
elements o€ podtion and powr seems to be a cnrcid trend*
partjcularfy sjnce independer~ce.~~
The other two possibilities are that a family hnving merely
high caste rank with lower nnks in other respects m a y not have
a decisive hand at all in the affairs of the village community.
Similarly, it may be that an 'untouchable' having qwte high
economic status and superior 'style of life' does not have a
decisive hand in the affairs OF the village community.
These observations about the nature of determinants of
social ranking and caste imply that caste munot bea sole
determinant of status and stratificationsystem. Nowever, caste
is a very significant institution of the village community in India.
Here we would like to mention that caste should not only be
studied as a 'corporate group', as it does wt represent always
its mrporsteness, and particularly in connection with 'occupa-
tional mobility' and other economic achievements. Themfore,
it should be studied through its constituent elements tbe
'families as well as caste as a group (Jati).
-

49. This rrmd is mented in a number of atudics of land tehrns, green

tevolutirm and a m i a n rcl~tious. The rural rich haw beconse r i c h
and the goor have . .. . panperitcd. Set, for maple, P.C. Jobhi,
'Agmrian Soclel Swcture and S& thsngp' (New Wlbi: mimom-
pbsd, 1971), Grieory KatavskP, Awdan Rqhm ZH W e (Neb
DcIbi : People'a Publiehig ROW, I-).
24 THE CHANGDJG RURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTEM

$IypolheticaI questions
- In view of these observations the foILowing questions have
been formulated for the present study:
: (1) H o w far do the ascribed elements of a society play a
role in determining the nature of the status system,
and what are the areas where their role is more
effective and pervasive ?
. (2) Wbat roles the units of 'ranking' such as caste, class,
hmily, and individual perForm in status determina:
tion in the society 7
(3) How far the various djmensiom of social stratification
(caste, class, power and cultural attributes) are
interrelated, and to what extent they go tagether or
cut acrass in determining status system of the village
community 7
(4) What are the ideological bases of the system of strati-
fication and what are the practices being used in
evaluating status or social position of a caste group
or a famiIy o r an individual ?
, (5) What factors motivatelinitiate changes in stratification
system ?
(6) What patterns of stratification system are likely to
emerge as a result of changes which are being enfor-
ced through structural modifications and cultural
innovations in the village communily ?
(7) HOW far the emerging patterns in rural society would
help in rcduchg social inequalities or id strengthening
them ?
These hypothetical questions have been formulated in
such a wai that they seek answers for both the structural pers-
pective (idealired roles) and cultural 'cleavages' in stralification
system. An analysis of caste, class, caste and class conscious-
ness, occupational mobility, status mobility, power-strum~,
and value-orientatiod, etc., encompasses both the structural and
the cultural dimensions of stratification system in the
community in India. The present study is an attempt to
stand the rural stratification system not confining to caste but
ro focus upon the emerging forces, such as land reform,
Sanchayati Raj. education, occupational opportunities and
cantact with urban centres and other networks.
 Universe .
Oa the basis of economy, geography a d cultural dis-
tiuctiveness, Rajasthan could be divided into three main regions.
- These regions comprise dry cultivation, irrigated, and dry-cum-
irrigated parts of Rajasthao. On the basis of these regional
variations, we have selected three districts, namely, Sikar,
Bharatpur, and Jaipur. These districts correspond with a sub-
region of these major regions at some level. We find distinctions
#

of soil type, rahfall, crops and economy amoqg these sub-

regions. In addition to these dbtinctions, we also notice varia-
tions in regard to dialects, dn;ss, riruals, erc.
We have selected two villages from each sub-region, one
suburban and the other remote. These villages are Murwara
and Bawari, Harmara and Bhutera and Sabalpura and Roop-
w h ffom Bharatpur, Jaiput and Si kar respsrivaly. The rab-
urban villages are Murwara, Harmata and Sabalpura. The
other remaining three are the remote villages.
These villages were selected to aaalyse the changing
patterns of stratification in two different situations. This was
done to assess and analyse the impact of urbanization in bring-
ing about social change in the run1 society. The assumption
was that the remote villages wete less affected by urbanization,
whereas the sub-urban villages were considerably affected by i t
The remote villages were taken as 'control' units and the sub-
urban as 'experimental' ones. The distinctions between these
two types of villages were examined by the degrees of differcnt-
iation of roles, refaxation in &ritualcomplex', migration, occu-
pational mobility and the workin2 of some of the institutions,
such as Jajmani system, traditional village and caste paacbayats.
These two types of villages were also selecied to examine
the repercussions of two types of feudal systems, for example,
the Jagirdari and the Zamindari. Bhutera and Roopgarh were
the Jagirdari villages. The bthet four had the Zamindari
' systems. Bawari and Sabalpura were the 'KhaIsa' (crow's)
villages, whereas Muwara and Harmara were the non-Khalsa
(Zadndar's) villages.
, The* two sjtuatim of the six villages not ody facilitated
a comparative analysis of the emerging patterns of ~tratification
among the villages of three divergent regions, but also helped ip
understanding the nature of these patterns in the same suky
region, as each region consisted of both sub-urban and remote
villages. Thus, the selection of the six villages from three
egions, taking into consideration the factors of regional distinc-
tioa, urbanization and feudal backgtound, is justifiable to make
a comparative analysis of the two villages of the same sub-
region as well as of different regions.
The procedure of study consisted of the following steps:

Collection of preliminary information

Preliminary information was collected through a census
and enumeration schedule. This included information about
caste composition, occupation, education, income, migration,
distribution of population on the basis of age, sex and caste,
distribution of land holdings, ownership of cquipments, family
size and house type.

Sample
Preliminary information about the aspects mentioned
above facilitated in drawing out asample from the total universe
in the villages. On the basis of caste, income, and mupation
all the 1160 hou~eholdswere stratified add a sample of 32.5
per cent (377 households) was drawn from these total households
for an intensive study. On the bais of these variabIes of caste,
income and occupation andysis has been made in the sub-
sequent chapters.

Iuferview schedule
I h e beads of the hou9ehoIds drawn by the sample were
interviewed with a schedule of questions. The scheduk con-
tained questions on occupation, caste ranking, class interests,
caste and class consciousness, education, power-structure, and
value-orientations. The questions on these,aspectaof stratifi-
cation wers aimed at understanding of tbe attitudes, values and
aspirations of the village people.

Jntewtew gdde
An ipteiview guide was prepared for gathering idomtion
8'boflt hi&toricelevents, caste and elass rivaldes, cute pancha-
pats, village panchayats, land revenue collection, administration
of Jagirs, backgropnd or Zarnindars and such other matters
rekvant to out investigation.

Case studies
Case studies of a number of individuals, institutions and.
events were made, which were of specific interests, The inno-
vators, the newer 'institutions and specific $vents were analysed.
-on the basis of the case studies which were made.

Secondary data
Information through some secondary sources was caliect-
ed. These sources included village hand-boo& Patwan,.
police, statutory Panchayat and Panchayat Samiti records and
Census Reports. The atpects covered were land holdings, litiga-
tions, feuds and developmental works.

Analy 4 s
The data colfected through all these sources \ere tabulated
and analysd on rhe basis of the variables of caste, class, income,
education, amupation, power and rural sub-urban distiaction,
The tests of reliabiliry were also applied. These tests induded,
C b i a and quartile. Tbe analysis OF thc data was made in the
cantext of the bypo~hetjcal qnesljons posed earlier in lbb.
cbapter.
 The Six Villages
I
INTRODUCTION

Rajasthan has a unique chara6ier in the Union of India.

'It was known as Rajputanal (the abode of Rajputs) before
2946; and since then it is known as Rajasthati (the home of
princes). Before 1948 Rajasthan was divided into nineteen
princely states and three chieftainship. A small territory of
Ajmer was directly administered by $he Government of India
through a Commissioner.* Among the princely states Tonk
was the only one that was ruled by a Pathan (Muslim) royal
lineage. The other eighteen states were under the nrle of
princely Rajput dam.
Geographically Rajasthan could be divided into three
regions : (1) the plains of the east and central districts; (2)
the sandy, 'deadlands' of the north-west; and (3) the bush
jungles and valleys of the south and east.s

1. Tod, James, Annals and Anriquilies o j Rujrurlian (London :Rout-

ledge and K w n Paul, 1950). pp. 1-15.
See State's Reorganisation Act (Government of Rainsthan, 19%).
2. Chaturvedi, Shrinath, New Zmuge of Rajaqrhun (Jaipul : Directorate
of Public Relations. Government of Rajasthan, 196G), p. 3.
3. Ramtshwar, S.M.. Rezutgenr Rajuthon (Apex Publimtiona, 1%2).
Tbis volume provides a general gJimpseoFRajartha~wizh a historical
perspective,
See Boslc Slmisilcs Rajnslhm (Jaipnr : Government of ~ajasthan,
196S), end Quarlerly Digest of Econ~mjcs and Strrtbrlcs (Jaipur :
VO~. 12, NO.3, 1967), pp. 12-14.
 The amount of minFall and the nature ofcrops differin
the three regions. Tbe plains or flat region bes moderate ~ainfalt
(24" on an average). The major crops of this region srre wkat,
barley, g e m and millet. The sandy region has very k ~ w 0 7'
an an average) rainfall. The major craps of this region indude
millets, Moth, Muog and Guwar. Mainly kharif crops are
taken in this region, as sinking of wells for irrigation of fields
at a lcvcl of 150 fcet below is a quitc difficultcnterptise. The
south~eastregion, however, has irrigation facilities, for example,
canals, dams and wells. The rainfall is also considerably
higher (27"on an average) than the flat region.
There are distinctive cultural variations in the thrce
regions mentioned above. The flat region wbjch is also known
as 'Dbondbr' is the seat of Dhundhnri dialect, which is spoken
along with another dialect called Jsripuri. Tbe <saody' region
consists of northwest districts of Marwsr and Shekbawati (sub-
regioas). The chief dialects spoken am Manvari and Shekba-
wati. The south-ea5t region repitsen$ mnialy Lhe Hadoti aod
the Brij speaking pnrts of the stnte. However, tbere are diffe-
rences of dialects and styles of life within the same region. The
above-mentioned regions outline the brond culturaI areas that
arc found in the srate.
Rajastban has an area of 132,150 square miles with a
population of 25,765,806 (1971 ceosus). In I961 the population
of Rajasthan was 20,l 55,602.4 The culturable area is 101,200
square miles. The total number of villages is 34,6416 Tbe
dcnsiiy OF poplation is 152, which is very low compared to the
all-India population deosiiy of384. Sjoce 1901 the population
of the state has doubled. In 1901 it was 10,294,09D, whereas
according to the Census Report of 1972 it is 25,765,806,
m e e principal systems of laud tenure existed in
Rajastban, namety, Jagif, Kbafsa, and Slamindari.* In 1950 at

4, Cenrusaflwdio,~961,vol.f,Indla, Part-11-A {ii). Pori971 Cmub,

C ~ n s r dof Imdia, 1971, Striccl, India, Pfiper-T o f 1972, Final
PUbIicatians.
5. Finmee Inquiry Commirrre Report, G ~ ~ m n w onf i~ o j a s ~ h(1956~.
m
6. Ibid. of fh&e
far at h i f e d .acc~t&tf O F l&dkn~rt? in
Rajasiban.
See Do41 Siqgb, A Sju@ n f h d Rujbrnrs.i~ i%j#hn# (New Dtlhi :.
plmoing Commission, Government :d'bdiif,19,643.
30 THE CHANGING RURAL KI'EAWCATION SYSTEM

the time of the integration of the princely states 5,400 Jagirs

.(units) occupying 60-7 per cent of the total area were settled
for revenue purposes. There were 14,400 villages under Khalm
-and Zamindari systems, but the area covered was only 39.3
per cent of the total area.
In the Jagir area the Jagirdar had t o pny 'tribute' to the
ruler of the state. The tributes paid by the Jagirdars were not
subject to revision, The Jagirdars eqjoyed freehold righQ in
rspect of thc Iands assigned to them. The Zarnindari or
Biswedari system was in operation la tep districts of the state
covering 4,861 viltages. Tbere were in all 318,860 ~arnindari
estates; these were abolislied by 15 January 1960. The Zamin-
dxri system was mainly prevalent in Ajmer, Alwar, Bharatpur,
Ganganagar, and Udaipur districb. Bharatpur alone had
107,399 Zamindari estahs,' the highest number for a single
district. The Zamindat was free to realisc the 'rents at big
pleasure. The tenants were treated as tenants-at-will, and were
liable to ejectment at the will or the Zpmindar. Khalsa lands
were under the management of the sbte which
received Iand revenue directly from the occupants.

7, See Report of :he Ruj~srhonStare Land C4mmi~sIon( ~ d c e m b r1959).

ThiP report depicts lucidly the state of affairs in Rajaatban berare the
abolition of tha Jagirdarl and Dmindari 6ystems.
See S b m a , M.L., 'Changing Clam Stratification in Rural Rajasthang,
In Man In T d i n (Vol. 50, NO,3,1970). pp. 267-68. 'Jagifdari and
Zaindari wera two land-tenure syslcrns. Jagirs werc bigger estaw
&ap tho Zaminbrls. fasirs were grap1.d [a certain military
commanders,ministers and courtiers, who took the revenue fm their
0- aupgort or that of n military fomwhich they wcro b u n d to
maintain. Thw,JBB~Rwere under tho control OF assimees, ~motees
an4 r u b - m t c c r ofi the former kings and chicfs. The Jagirdar was
an intermtdinry bhvecn the tiller of the soil und thc state, but practi-
cally behaved as Owwr of tbe land in relation to ihe peasants.
'Charge' lands were Zgmlndari lands. A mrson appointed to manage
the tract under his infloence was daiarated as 'land-holder' or
'Zarnindw' of his territory. Tbc duty of such a Zamindar was strictly
14 &ather revenue, and retain only his own ftcognjxd share of the
Total. The Jwirdar was to Pay a fixed amount or tnbuta to King
of his atsic, Mereas the Zemindar was gbca a d&&e s h e of tho
total revenue. I n Westhan about Ml per writ of tofa1 lmd was
mder !he Dgirdari sydem and (hem i n i n g 40 ptr ~ aunder
)
thb Z-indari ssgstcm'
 These land-tenwe systems were not go simple as they
appeared to be. Those who were 'occupancy' tenants formed
a 'link' between the Jqgirdar and the actual cultivator. me
-occupancy tenants gave their lands for share-crappiogor s u b
cultivation charging additional rents from their sub-cultivataa.
The occupancy tenants of the Zamindars also gave lands on
sub-letting basis charging higher rents, The Jagirdm ~w
lands as gifts to their kinsmen and lhey gavc these lands t o
their tenants, and these tenants gave it further for share-cropp-
ing or sub-cultivation on subsequently increased rents.
These systems came to an end with tlie enforcement of
the Rajasrhan Land Reforms and Resumption of Jagira Act,
1952, and the Rajasthan Zarnindnri and BismdarLAbolition
Act, 1959. These Acts provided full rig5ts to the tenants by
putting an end to tlle claims of the Jagirdnrs and Zamindars to
any other land but h e i r own. The Jagirdars and the Zamin-
dars were given compensation and rehabilitation grants. The
actual work of resumption started in 1954 when the biggest
Jagirs in Khetri and Sikor were resumed. One Jagirdar in
Sikar and another in Khctri received Rs. 45-5 lakbs and
Rs.43.4 ] a h s as compensations respectively. The Govern-
ment of Rajastban had t6 spend Re. 5D crores for compensa-
tion and Rs. 6 crores for administration up to 1970.
The of these systems of land tenure -must hate
significantstructurnl repercussions on the stratification system
in Rajasthaa. These systems embraced all aspects of the life
of the people. The Jogirdars and Zamindars intervened in all
aspects of sotid and cultural life of the people. Therefom, the
abolition of these systems, and 0 t h social, economic, and
political reforms initiated a series of promseg, which may
bring about changa in sofiaf s ~ ~ u G ~ Ua-fld
W a e system of
values in RitjasthaT1.

his study of changi~gsocial stratiGcatioa focuses garti-

cularb upon the relevant social wnseqaenDes f d o ~ i n g fmm
these reforms. A study of six vjllagcs, two each from the three
regions mentioned above, has been condpcted to facilitirte an
inter-regional and intc~-regio~iI
imormsof the emerging patterns
of social stratification.
 il
THE SANDY OR THE DESERT REGION

The districts of Bikaner, Churu, Jhunjunu, Sikar, Banner,

Jodhpur, Pali, Jalore and Nagur comprise the desert part of
Rajarthan. These distrias produce mainIy Kharif crops. The
Kharif crops depend upon the monsoon. Both systems of land
tenure, the Jagirdari and the Zamindari, existed in this region;
however, the 'Shekhawati' (a sub-re~ion) and other western
districts h8d predominance of the Jagirdari system. TWO
villages bave been selected from Sikar district of this region.
Thee are : Roapopgarh, a village which is in a remote p a ~ af
t the
district, and Sabatpura, which is connected by a road and is
marc exposed to outside contact and exogenous forces. Both
the villages mainly grow Kharif crops and people depend upon
aficulture and other accupations connected with it. Both the
villages are multi-caste, but they hhvc different historical back-
grounds. They also differ in other matters. Roopga~h
was a Jagirdari village and Sabalpura was under the Zamindari
system. Sabalpura is easily approachable and is well-connected
geopgarh does not have such

Roopmrh '
Woopprb is situated at a distance of about 26 miles to
the south d Sikar. Being in ;be interior of the district, it
not I h k d either by a pucca or a kuccha road with the district
the Tehsil beadquartas at Sikar and ~ e n t a - R a m W h
~espctiveij. The latter is at a distance of eight miles 10 the
/ south of R~opgarh. However, r remlar bur service operates
/-
: from Danta-~amgarhto Sikar. Roapmrh is only at a
distance of one mile from (he nearest b u ~stoppaae, Tehth, the
chief hamla of Roopwb. camel^, eamsls-c~,rt~, bu~laek-cpns,
b u f f d m 16s Q ~ ~ Uman8X available for transport.
R o a p ~ hhas a Middle School, I bramh part-once, an
a m e d i c d i ~ n avilla$t
~ , pncbeylt, a c ~ d i tmprr+
hadqumers of the Pgtwari a d the V-L,W,
~ ~ u have t came ~ 4 Ths
i up~ in ~ 0 0 nrbsina~ 1953,
MAP SHOWING THE LOCATION OF VlLLAGES
STUDIED IN THREE DISTRICTS OF RAJASTHAN.

INDBX
STATE BOUNDARY.
DtSTRlCT BOUNDARY,
STATE HEAD QUmTER,
1OISTRICT HLAD Q U A R W .
TOWNS:
V I L L ~ G E S STUDIED

L--[ ROADS
 Present Middle School wa,s:$t.artedaga Prihry &l11~1 jp 1953;
The village panchayat was in&f& .in9954,.
' .Tbe-po$ ofice'
and !he dispensary were opened 13 and ?.:years:agorespecti~ely.
Thert are seven grocery ships, of whicb$hyee:are o.wn'edby the
Banias, two by the Brahmins, oni by a Darjee and one.;by a
k t . There were no tea and Pan shops till 19'11. Recently two
tea and panshops have come up, one is run by a Bmhmln and
the other is run by a Jat. . ,

Rooggarh has a population of 1,495 persons distributed

among 16 Hindu castes and two families of Muslims. There
are 21 S. householdsB in the. village. Numerically the principa!
castes are the Brahmins, Jab, Kumhars, Bnlais add Regars.
These castes live in cornpait units. The Brahmins,.Rajputs nnd
Banias occupy the norih-west pait >of the village, wherens the
'

Balais. Naiks, Regars and Bhangis (all untoucha'bles) live on the:

outskirts of the south-@st side of the village, The houses
adjacent to these untouchable castes are of the Gujars and -
other intermediate.castes; '%irnilarirly'in the barnkt Tehlh, Jat8,.
Kumhars and -is l i v ~tipa~t'in separste rlustets. Thehqmlet.
bas 6 new portion. of h6use-sites where the hou.as of
the Kumhars and Jats are located; these houses 'are:not
segregated. b
Thus,theinhnbitation pattern catcgodcally refleccs cant&
segregation and hierarchy. Roopgsth as a whole is reledvely
less exposed to outside contacts than other villagss. A S such,.
caste hierarchy and caste distincrions are considerably in
evidence. The life styla o f t h e people reflect t h e u w t e ranks
and positions. However, the upper castes:in genefil have.more
outside contacts than ewn the upper castes of the sub-utban.
viltages about whidl we shaj! write below. Thepeople of the
intemediate, the lower and the ex-untouchable c a s k 3 are 6 ~ 1 1
- traditional in styles of Uving.,ifidbehsvi~urpatterns. This is
rewaled if we look into the ecofiomicand occupatio.na!sRuCtUW
QF ?hopgarh.

W e bi ve usid thb t w t ho".&,ojd hhd family in rile a

do
rn
2 'manner.
The figures are: bared :on:onrcerrsui'a,,,d
m $ m ~ t ! , mRo@pgiirh
.~f
Thefigurcs rega(dina:tfie.&&c. ~. . 'w
i :ib ~ our.-Invasli-
~ ~
p don.
 THE SIX VILLAGES 33

present Middle School was started as a Primary School in 1953.

The village panchayat was initiatgi in 1954, The post office
and the dispensary were opened 13 and 8 years ago respectively.
There a r e seven grocery shops, of which three are owned by the
Banias, two by the Brahmins, one by a Darjee and one by a
Jat, There were no tea and Pan shops till 1971. Recently two
tea and pan shops have come up, one is run by a Brahmin and
the other is run by a Jat.
Roopearh has a population of 1,495 persons distributed
among 16 Hindu castes and two families of Muslims. There
arc 215 householdsg in the village. Numerically the principal
castes are the Brahmins. Jsta, Kumham, Bnlais and Regars.
These castes live in compact units. Tbc Brahmins, Rajputs and
Banias occupy the north-west part of the vilbge, whereas the
Balais, Naiks, Regar3 and Bbangis (all untouchables) live on the
outskirts of the south-east side of the village. The houses
adjacenr to lbesc untouchable castes are o i the Gujars and
ojhcr intermediate castes, Similarly in thc hamlet Tchth, Jats,
-
Kumhars and Bdais live apart in separate clusters. The hamlet
has a new portion of house-siles where the houses of
the Kumbars and Jats are located; these houses are not
segregated. 1

Thus, the inha bitat ion pattern categorically reflects caste

segregation and hierarchy. Roopgarh as a whole is relatively
Iess exposed to outsida contacts than other villages. As such,
caste hierarchy and caste distinctions are considerably in
evidence. The life styles of the people reflect their caste ranks
and positions. Ho wewr, the upper eastes i n general bave sore
outside contacts than even the upper castes of the sub-urban
villages about which * e shall write below. The people of the
intermediate, the lower and the ex-untouchable castes are still
traditional in styles of living and behaviallr patterns. This is
revealed if we loak into the economic and occupational sttuotun
of Roopgarh .

n. Wc bave used the tmfihousehpld family inthe same manner.

The figtiresarc G q i d on oui~e;~ms;nnd enumwatlw o f RoGpmfi.
'The %gum regarding tfic dthr villiges are d&obirsodonow iavestl-
gallon.
 TA?L%.!l
D"tr"ul{on of POPU/&~~&&:&&~~-os,,itin
... . . .
~h~~~r,,
Caste No2 of No. of
hwseholds persons Average.size
househo~d

Brahmin 24
(1 1.2) 217
(14.9) g;O
Rajput 6 27 4.5
(2.8) (1.8)
Bania 6 37
(2.8) (2.5) 6.2
Swami 3 22
(1.4) ( 1 .%) 73
Kllati 6 40
(2.8) (2.7) 6.7
DarJee 2
(0.9) 12
(0.0) 6.0
Jat 41 333'
(19.1) (22.3) B. i
Gujar 12 73
(5.6) (5.3) 6.6-
Kumhar 24 I26
(11.2) (8.4) 5.2
Meena 6 33
(2.8) (2.2) 5.5
Nai 2 39 19.5
(0.9) (2.6)
Daroga '1 B
(0.5) (0.5) 8.0
BaJai 33
(15.3) 119
(13.3) 6.0
Naik 7
(3.3) 48
(3.2) 6.9
Regar 35
(16.3) ( 1234
5.6) 6.7
Bhangi 5 25
(2.3) (1.71 5.0
Muslim 2
(0.9) (1.1)
16 8.0
- '

Total 215 1,495 6.9

(100,0) (100.0)
b
 THE SIX VILLAGES 35

Out of 41 1 male workerso, 163 ate cultivators, 71 are agri-

cultural and manual bbaurers (the majority of them work in
the village itself), 60 are shoe-makers and 43 are doing white-
collar jobs, particularly, in the government departments, as
teachers, clerks, oficers, and peons. The rest of the male
workers are masons, priests, artisans and otber village func-
tionaries.
The majority of the frrrniIies depcnd upon cultivntion nnd
other sources of livelihood availablc within the village. The
upper castes, and particuIarly, the Brahmins depend over-
rvhelrningly upon the sources of livelihood that exist outside the
village. Out of 24 families of tl~eBrahmins 19 depend on
income from outside. Out of the 74 persons working outside 35
are Brahmins. The Rajputs depend nlainly on cultivation nnd
occupatiu~~sw~~zlectedwilh it. T h e casks other than the
Brahmins and the Banias have agriculture as their main source
of livelihood.
There is no scarcity of land in Roopgarh in comparison
to Harmara and Bharatpur villages, namely, Mutwara and
Bawari. But the rainfa11 is scanty (14 inches). Irrigation of
fields by wells is difficult as the level of water is about 150 feet
low. The same is true tbr Scbalpura, another village we have
studied in this region. As such, people have to depend mainly
on the rainfall for better crops. The Kharif crops which arc
grown are mainly millet, Moth, M u g , and Guwar. The main
Rabi crops are wheat and barley. The Rabi crops are g o w n
on about 50 acres out of 5,468 acres of total cultivable land or
the village. Droughts and famines are common, The years
1939 and 1940 were of acute drought and famine. Again, the
people in the village had to face extreme scarcity of foodgrains
and other hardships resulting from famines in 1946 and 1947,

9. The male workers have &en included for Ihe present Study- Women
and children have been left out, as Lhey work generally lu; helping.
hands in tha iamities and not as the majot earners of livelihood.
Afll~ulturi~llabourers depend' mainly upon farm labour. W ~ C K ~ ' &
manual labourem art efiga~ed in conslruction labour, quarryins,
camel-cart driving, efc. However, dun'ug the drou&ts,such a distiac-
tion betawn agricultural and manual labour is n.at cleatIy visible,
as all would depend upon manual labour available in the villaae or
outride the vlllage.
and then in 1964, 1965 and 1966 continuously, and again in
1972-73 about which the people say that, such a warst famine
they do not remember in their living memory.
The relative remoteness from the urban centre and absence
of the mcans of livelihood other than cultivation and functional
occupations have kepf the social and economic organization of
Roopgarh reIatively unchanged and more traditional in
characier. For example, Jajmani system operates more effctively
in Roopga~h than in Sabalpura, Harrnara and Murwara
because the latter three villages are sub-urban in location, and
therefore, the villagers do not depend much on the functionaries.
The Nais, Khatis, Regars, Meenas and other func-
tionary castes are still governed by Jajmani relations, though
not in the same way as they were before the abolition of the
Jagirdari system.
The centralization of landholding and property is also in
the hands of a few families of the upper castes and class. The
41 families of tbe Jats, mainly an agriculturai caste, own 1,969
acres out of 5,468 acres of the village land. The average land
per household is about 48 acres among the Jats. Similarly the
6 Rajput families own 680 acre+" 24 families of the Brahmins
own 607 acres of land. The Brahmins are mainly engaged in
white-collar jobs. The Jats and the Rajputs are the main
agricultural castes. The other castes depending on cultivation
are Gujars, Kumhars, and Balais. The castes such
as Rcgats, Bhangis, D a r o w , Khalis and Naiks depend
on a variety 0f O ~ ~ U P ~ ~ ~ Oboth U S , traditional and
non-traditional in nature. Actually, a combination of occupa-
tions is Found not only at the level of Jati but also at the level
of household.
The upper castes. and particularly the Brahmins, hold

Roopgarh is a part of the Sagir of Khoor. Khaot is s bigger village

than b o p g w b . The Jagifdm of Khoor, however, has been livins
akcn at Roopgath. He owns about 2 . W acres af land at prwnt
m a m b e r of villages of his ex-hgir. In Roopgarh Luc~r,he
&out 400 a m of land out of 680 acres owned by the six hamholds
oftheRsjpub. nlso owns two big palacm and a fort in the
villas. Deiails about distribution of landho!dinls, occuparions and
education are give0 in h e respective chaprers on class-struaure and
mobility.
 major positions and:~fficesof.~o.wer and prestigein the village.
The Sarpanch of the viliage patichaya't; the Secretary of the
. cooperative sociiiy, and the.:.pre&denf of 'the Nyay Panchayat
are . B r ~ ~ o bT . W con&ntration:of higher positions,or ranks
with.the families o.f the upper castes has dgnibcmt-repemus-
s k n s on the:stratification system.of Roopgarh. 'The differential
nature of education,. outside contactsand differential achieve-
mcnts by the p,eople of Roopgarh in olher aspects of life: need
a serious attention for a thorough understanding,of the system
of social ranking.

Sabalpora
Though Sabalpura is a 'sandy' or desert vjllage likc
Roopgarh, yet Sabalpura exhibits a numbcr of distinct charac-
reristics which are not found in Roopgarh. The similtiriiies
between Sabalpurt~ and Iloopgarh are h t the two
villages speak the same dialect, bave simikr crop pnitern, caste
and class compositions, and cultural styles of life. The distiac-
live features of Sabalpurn are that it is a sub-urban village
and linked by a pucca tarred road. It is at a distance of three
miies from the district headquarters. A majority of the families
in &his village depend upon urban employment and government
services, particularly in the police and army. The drift toward
the township has been a severe b b w to the institutions, such
as the Jajmani system and traditional occupations, etc. How-
ever, the caste system still remains a pawerfuI pivot of hicrar
chical relations.
Sabalpura is ~ituatcd on the roadside on Sikar-Churu
route. One can approaclr the village by tonga, bicycleand
bus. Regular bus services are available to and from Sikar and
Laxmangarb. The village has a bratlch post office, a primary
school and a credit caoperative society. The village panchayat
headquarters is at the nearby vilIage Bharonpura at a distance
of two miles. At Bharonpura a Middle School and tha
headquarters of the V.L.W. and the Patwari are situated. Both
the Tehsil and the Pnnchayat Samiti headquarters are at Sikar.
There are no grocery and tea shops in Sabalpura. as the pcople
visit Sikar nlmost daily for one or the other rmson and make
their purchases there.
With 308 households, Sabalpura is a multicaste village,
38 THE CHANGLNG RURAL STUVRCATION SYSTEM

Among the upper castes the Banias are c~nspicuousl~ absent.

~b Brahmins and the Rajputs are in majarity. However, the
ovenvhe[ming majority is that of the Jats, who constitute about
one-third of the total households. The Chaman form another
major group consisting of many households. The mjnority castes
are the Khatis, Malis, Nais, Dhadhis and Naiks. Besides these
Hindu castes, Sabalpura has about 60 households of Muslims
who comprise the second largest group in Sabalpura.
The settlement pattern of Sabalpura like Roopgarh reflects
caste segregation and hierarchy. The castes inhabit together in
clusters of families. The houses of the upper castes, that is, the
Brahmins %idthe Rajputs are adjacent, whereas the houses of
the Chamars and the Naiks ate at :ome distance from the
houses of the upper castes. In between are the houses of
N&, Khatis, Dhndhis, etc. The Muslims too live sepa-
rately together in the western peripllery of the village site.
n u s the physical structure of Sabalpura reflects social tank
like Roopgarh. But we find some sharp contrasts between
Sabalpura and Roopgarh in regard to their oc~upational
structure and a few institutional networks. Urban contact has
considerably influenced the functioning of caste and Jajmani
systems in Sabalpura. It has also altered the nature of econo-
mic, occupational and political interests of the villagers.
The size of household differs from caste to caste, The
Muslims on an average have smaller families in comparison to
the Brahmins, Jab, Chamars and Rajputs. The Brahmins
have on aa average larger farmties than the other castes
like Roo~garh. The Jats are the major landowning caste.
The average landholding among the Jats is about 15.4
acres, w h e ~ a samong the Rajputs and Brahmins, the average
landholding per household is about 12.5 and 9.1 acres
respectively. Anlong, Muslims. Chamars and other minority
castes the uvemge landholding is still meape. Thirtyeight
families are landless. Out of these 38 families 17 Muslim
families and 16 belong to the lower castes. Only four Brahmin
and two Rajpul families do not own any h d except for theit
residential plots.
Thus, the majar share of the land of the viUage
goes to the upper and the upper-middle castes; the Jats,
Raj~uU and Brahmins are the main beneficiary casts, Among
 Castc No. of Total No. Average
households of.'persons household sim.
-
-
Brahmin 34 238 7.0
(11.0) (13.4)
Rajpuc 33 185 5.6
(10.7) (10.4)
Jai 116 593 5.1
(37.7) (33.5)
Khnti 6 - 29 4.8
(L9) (1.6)
Mali 4 1.9 4.8
(1.3) (1.1j
Nai 7 44 6.3
(2.2) (2.5)
Darosa I 4 4.0
(0.3) (0.2)
Dhadhi 5 24 4.8
(1.6) (1.4)
Chamar 33 223 5.8
(I0,7) (12.6)
Naik 8 44 5.5
(2.6) (2.5)
Muslin1 61 223 4.0
(19,?) (12.6)
Total 308 1.772 6.0
(~00.0) ( lOO.0)
-

these landowning castes, there are, however, some families who

own mote than a hundred pucca Bighas (about 60 acres) of
lend. The families who own land in abundance constitute the
village influentials, Higbly educated persons, white-collar
workers and induentials or leaders spring fmm these families.
Occupational structure of Sabalpura is quite distinct from
that of Roopgarb. Sabalpura and Roopgnrh both are wholly
dry viIlages, Less than a hundred acres of lnnd in both the
villages is irrigated. The peasants can cultivate only dry
cultivation crous such as mlllet, Moth, Mung, and Guwar. On
the irrigated land mainly barleyand wheat are culti~ared. Both
the villagek have subsistence economy, There are no significant
sources of cash income except shq-breeding and monthly pay-
packets which the men in various services send to'their families
in these two villages.
However, land is not the sole source of livelihood in
Sabdpura, here am multifarious economic activities in which
people are engaged for their Ijvelihood. The lack of sources of
irrigation bas led to the diversified nature of economy. A
number of households in Sabalpura derive the major parts of
their incomes from sources other than agriculture. For example,
out of 436 working male members in Sabalpura 165 are engaged
in services, mostly in the government departments. They are
mainly police men and army personnel, teachers, peons and
clerks. About 174 persons are cultivntors. The majority of the
arc engaged in manual work and farm labour.
However, wc find some basic conlrasts between the
economies of the two desert villages. The traditional ecoilolny
of Sabalpura has been more didurbtd by the external economic
forces thau that of Roopgarh. This is primarily due to proximity
of Sabalpura to the district township of Sikar and its connection
with Sikar by road, We find many members engaged in the
non-traditional jobs from almost all the upper castes such as
Brahmins, Rajputs and Jats.
Sabalpura and Roopgarh were almost identical villages
More tbe abolition of the Jagirdari and the Zamindari systems
in terns of impact of external economy, availability of
and avenues for jobs in the urban centres, The two villages
are distidct today particularly with regard to their occupational
structure and educational achievements. Sabalruta islinked by
a hrted road to district headquarters. Ro0pgarh is not only a
remote village, but is also not linked by a pucca rod.l-hese
distinctions have varied effects on social organiu~on of the
two villages. More diversified the roles of the people, more
would be afiected by the traditional social structure. such,
Sabalpura has more diversified roles, and therefore more
changed roles and relations are found in SabaIpura t b n
in Roopgarh.

nl
THE lRRIGhT6DCUM-DRY REGION

TWO villagts have been studied in the irrignted-mm-dry

 region of Rajasthas in the dist~j=t'ofJaipur; The -: d.w.c,um-wet..
region has both iriigated and non-ir~igatdland$ .wellsare
the maiq;sourca of irrigation. Thesinking of'weUs isi-caier in
this region because oP. the high level of wafer than in.the: dry
region. The rainfall iS aIso..'slightly higher than in the desed:'
'

rcgbn.. T& di&ts i p k e a are a156 diFermt from the dialects.

of the dry region.. The villages seIected are. Bh'utera. and
Harmara, the interi.oradd the sub-urban respe~tively. The sub-
urban village.,js situated on the national highway numbei 1 I. at
a distanca of ten miles from the city ofJaipur. Bhutera i s
situated in the same direction at a distanceofabout 3.5miles
born the capital town. The latter does not have the facilities
oFqmmunications and transport such:as road and bus service.
Now we may describe some of thesalient features. OF the
two villages separately and compare them with those in the
desert region.

Bhutera
Bhutera is situated ta the west of Jaipur in the Tehsit of
Amber and falls in the Panchayat Samiti of Govindgarh. It is
not linked by either a kucha or a pucca road or bus service. The
nearcst place where transport is available is the railway station
of Kishanmanpllra at a distance of four miles. Govindgarh L
at a distnnce of eight miles and from there buses, which ply on
Bikancr-Jaipur and Loharu-Jaipur routes, are available. hmcls
and buIlock-carts are used to travel to Bhutern and back to the
nenrest railway and bus stations. Bhutera has a primary
school, a branch post office, a credit cooperative society, a
village pancbayat sad tbe headquarters of the Patwari. Thus,
B hutera is better offin rsspect of other social and adrninistra-
tivc amenities.
The common features of Bhutera Hrith Roopgach find
Sabalpsra are its multi-mste composition, segregated settletllent
pattern and concentration of big landholdings with the U F P ~
and the upper middle castes such as the Brahmins, hjpu%
Jats, Ahirs and Kumhar-Malis.ll The castes in Bhutm

11. mere ate two, rub-cater of Kumbm : 'ma Matib.qkc: (PD~-

maken) and tbc Khgtibarar (.ihc CUIIIYRINS;. The bmh~-MaliQ
refer to the latter sub-casteof fkKurnhm-
42 THE CHANGING RURAL S'IRATIFICAIION SYSTEM

possessing moit of the laad are the Jats, Brahmins, Rajputs and
Kumhars. The lower and the functionary cast- tosether
comprise 24 househoIds lead a life of poverty and suppression.
There are 19 casre groups in 210 households and 1,217 persons
in the village.
Traditional values associated with social hierarchy, such
as ritual distance amongcastes, belief in pollution and purity
are p r e d o m i n ~ ~int Bbutera; it is probsbfy because this village
has been less aKected by the forces of change.
First, the geographical conditions of the village lead ta its
isolation from the autside world. The formidable sand-dunes
and the river which flows only during the rainy season create
barrien in the way of easy transport facilities for the people of
Bhutera. Its physical isolation partly contributes to the persis-
tance of the traditional ways.
Secondly, a considerable part of the land of Bhutera is
irrigated by wells. The level of water is much higher here (30
feet) than in Roopgarh and Sabalpura (150 feet in each). There-
fore, both Kharif and Rabi crops are grown. Chilli, onion,
and other spices and groundnut are also grown for cash
income. The foodgrains produced are wheat, barley, gram,
Bajra, Moth, Mung and Guwar.
Educationally too Bhutera is far behind the other villaps.
There js not even a single graduate in the village. There are
about 10 matriculates and they too belong ta the upper and
upper-middle castes such-as the Btahmins, Rajputs, Banias and
Jats. Probably there is some relationship between the heavy
emphasis on agriculture and the continuity of traditional way
of life in the village. As more land i s irrigated, a g r i c u l ~ u r ~
absorbs most of the population of the village, and therefoR
motivation for migration to cities is lower for employment.
There are o d y 56 person. working outside the village.
Out 05 204 households 161 do not depend at on outside
~tl~orne.Thus, we do not find an emergence of diversified
economic activities and interests in Bhubra.'2 h,foreover,
-LZ.See Scarlett Epslcin, T.,Eron~mic Devclqment and Socio[ Chongc in
Soath Itzdin (Landon : Oxford University Press, 1962). nia
provides a comparative picture of iwo villages, namely, dry and wet,
Differential Pattarbs and Processes of change are found in these
vflhge~.
 TABU3 3
of i11e hugieholds and . ! ~ ~ ~ P ~ Pof~ Bhulera
Cafle-wise dk~rlbuflon !uI~~II

Caste No. of Nu. uf Aqge

households persons h&ehoId.~izc

Brahmin 33 lk9 5.1

(15.7) (j3.9j
Rajpu t 4 22 3.5
(1.9) (1.8)
Bania 3 26 8.7
(1.4) (2.1)
Jat 63 417 h.6
. (30.0) (34.3)
Khatl 1 8 8.0
(0.5) (0.6)
Kumhar 25 148 6.0
(11.9) (12.2)
Al~ir 22 125 5.7
(10.5) (10,3)
Swami I 2 2.0
(0.5) (0.2)
Jogi 6 22 3.7
(2.9) (1.a)
Nai 5 37 1.4
(2.4) (3.0.)
Rana 1 4 4.0:
(0.5) job31
Dhobi 2 10 5.0
(1.0) (0.8)
Damga 2 6 3.0
(1 .a) (0.5)
Meem 5 27 5.4
(2.41 (2.2)
vyns 1 1 1.0
(0,s) (0.1)
Paqir 2 5 2.5
(1.0) (0.4)
Balai 18 99 5.5
(9.6) (8.1)
Rew 14 78 5.5
(6.7)' (6.4)
Bhawi 2 11 5.5
(1 -0) (1.0)

Total 210 1,217 6:O

(iao,O) (!rn.Ol
overwhelmingmajority of the working population is engaged in
traditional Out of 321 male workers, 189 are
cultivators, 49 are agricultural and YUUIU~ labourers, 16 are
2nd 8 depend on 'Mangat' (ritual begging). Only a
few persons are engaged in secular jobs.
are no significant distinctions of a class nature
hetween the upper (Brahmins, Rajputs and Banias) and the
intermediate castes (Jats, Ahirs and Kumhars). A number of
families from among the Jats are economically better off tbao
the majority of thc families of the upper castes. Due to this
divergence of economic status between the upper and the inter-
mediate castes, the upper castes do not enjoy rhe status corres-
ponding to their ranks in the caste stratification. The Jats,
Ahin and Kumhars arc the dominant landholders. These three
castes together numerically too l'onn a formidable group ta
oppose any move that goes against their common interests in
the villnge. The Jats have a greater sense of caste loyalty
than otber castes in the village.
The relative absence of exposure to outside contact, urban
impact, education and migration helps in retaining tbe tradi-
tional values associated with social ranking. The above
features of Bhutera make it distinct from its counterpart ~ o o p -
garh and the sub-urban village Sabalpura. A comparison bet-
ween Harmara (the sub-urban village from Jaipur district) ~ i l j
facilitate a still deeper understanding of Bhutera.

Harmara
Harmara is aituated just on the roadside to the west of
Jaipur on the National Highway at a distance of about ten
miles. Transport facilities including tongas, buses and trucks
are available round the clock from Jaipur to Harmara and back.
The nearest railway statha is hardly two mites, at Nindar-Benar,
and a puma toad CmneGls the vilIage with it. Harmata has
relatively more tcilitiC6 of tranSp0rl and communication than
the other viUages. The indigenous sources of transport such
as camels, bullock-carts and c~mel-carts arc used here
often as in other villages. as
Harmara has a Middle School, a villa* panobayat,
a ~olieestation, headquarters of the Patwari and V.L.W. and a
branch post-ofice. Apart from these institutions, thee are
 also a f ~ wvoluntary organhakions such as the Nav Yuwak
h d a l (a youth organisation), credit cooperafive iociety, milk-
~ ~ p p l ~caoperati
iag ve society, q uarry worker's union, Gautam
Sabha and Maheswari Sabha in this village. The last two
are caste orwisations of the Brahmins and the Banias respec-
tively. Only these ~ V O castes have such forrnnl caste
associations.
Harrnara i s well connected with a number of small t o m s
and the city of Jaipur, the capital of Rajasthan. Jaipur is only
half an hour's bicycle ride from the village. There are many
persons in the village who work in Jaipur and make daily trips
to the city and return here in the evening. Others go to the
city to sell their agricultural products. Thus,the village is ja
cIosc urban contact.
Harrnara also is R multi-caste vitlagc, there arc 18 Hindu
castes nnd 2 families of Muslims, one of whom is a blacksmith
and theother is a bangle-m~ker. The settlement pettern in
Har~narais not different from that of other villages. The house sites
represent caste segregation and hierarchy. The majority of the
families of a caste live at one place. The Thakurs (the Charan
ex-Zarnindars) occupy the northern upper part of the village
site. The Brahmins live adjacent to the Charans. T h e Banias
live in the centre of the vitlagc. The houses of the functionary
castes surround them and the ex-untouchables live on the out-
skirts of the village. Harn~ornvillage site consjsts of parts like
Roopgarh. The new part is coming up on both the sides of the
road. The price of land along the road-side is higher than that
of the old viljage. The higher caste farnibs are trying to
acquire plots of land at the new part of the village: the lower
castes though desirous of poaessing land at this site cannot
afford to out-bid the upper castes in the price of the had.
Caste hierarchy, particularly its rules of ritual distance
and pollution-purity hnve been immensely affected by urban
inipact and modern means of transport and comm~nication,
However, the caste as a ~ynternof stratification remains aho5t
intact wit11 regard to group relatitions and mardage allfancea.
The forces of recent changes have mainly disturbed the tradi-
tional occupational structure witbout setioml~dfilacati*g the
kinship. marriage and ritual functions of Caste. *e upper
castes, being in the highest position of prestige and Power
46 TI% CBANGWG R W SlRATlrJCAT10N SYSTEM

the village, contribute to the persistmce of the caste rules-

Three factors together have contributed to the overwhelm-
ing exposure of the village to the urban impact and industriali-
zation. There is an acute scarcity of agricultural i n the
village. Moreover, the dominant landholders are from among
the families of the ex-%mindus. The landless and the meagre
landholders, therefore, considerably depend upon Ihe income
from the sources other than cultivation in and outside the
village. Secondly, easy accessibility to new opportunities,
t h i n s and contacts has speeded up migration to the city of
Jaipur. Availability of pucca road h$s facilitated and furthered
contacts with the outside wortd for the people of Harmara.
Finally, diversification of the occupational structure is found to
be greater in Harmara than in the other villages. Today (he
village has shops for tea, pan, bicycle repairing, and petrol and
oil used for automobiles. These shops did not exist in the
village 15 years ngo. The people outside the village are engag-
ed in a number of activiIies.
The introduction of road has also affected the crop
pattern. T b e crops which provide casb income, particularly
vegetables, are now grown more than 15 years ago before the
introduction of tarred road. There are 30 wells for irrigation and
about 250 acres of Ia~rdare irrigated by these wells. This shows
a change from subsistence economy to cash economy. People
prefer cash crops to foodgrain crops, as the former bring
more cash income. Therefore, cultivntors purchase foodgrains
instead of producing the same at their own fields. Thus, road
led not only to cash economy, it also intensified efforts for
improvement of means of irrigation, Only a few years back,
that is, by the end of 1969, the village was electrified.
Educationally, Harmata is considerably advanced; it is
much ahead of all the villages under our investigation except
Roopgarh. We find e i a t graduates in Harmara which include
one medical doctor md one engineer from amoag the Banias
and the Cbarans respectively. There are 40 and 10 persons
having education UP to Middle and High School
respectively- Education up to High School is aminimumrequire-
ment for white-collar jobs. Therefore, education up to
staudard is taken by those who wish a sreer
worker. a whia *olla
 TASLB4
:nnd.d;stribrrr&nof p o p i ~ l a i i a n ~ ~ ~ m ~ a r- n, .,
Caste co~~~poslria~r
. r . . .
,..;.; . -
<
,

...A--v' . '
C~ste No.of No.'o f ~. ~ .
r &- #.
h bhui
~-
bhbld:~ '

households persons

Brahmin

Charan

Bania

Khari

Sonar

Mali

Kumhar

Gujar

Bunkar

Dakot

Klrntik

Daraga

Nai

Dholi

Be!ai

Regar
Bhangi

Muslim

Total 237
(100.0)
48 1RE CHANGlNU RURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTEM

~h~ majority of popdation of Harnlara depends on urban

sources of income and work opportunities. Out of the351 male
workers, 185 pefions work outside the vjllage- They work
mainly Jaipur. Only 163, that is, less than even 50 Per cent
of working population, work in the village. Out of 231 house-
holds 130 depend on income drawn from outside the village-
Cultivation is i ~ o at key source of livelihood of the people of
Harmara. Only 43 persons out of 351 depend exclusively on
cultivation, whereas 36 persons are indus~ialworkers and 13%
are mnnual labourers. These workers go to Jaipur daily by
hicydes. The other impartant occupational categories in the
village are : teachers, clerks, businessmen; shopkeepers, masons,
artisans and viltage functionaries. A drift toward Jaipur is
visible quite conspicuously in the village. The Nais have
opened hair-culling shops at Jaipur. Some Brahmins have
opened tea shops, the Dakots have started driving tongas, and
some persons work as peons. Tbe Khatis have opened a
furniture shop a t Jaipur and some ofthe Banias have established
their business there.
In Hatmara, like Roopgath and Sabalpura, traditions\
stratification systsm has not changed considerably. The families
of the upper castes occupy positions a t power and K~gher
prestige. The majority castes, for example, the Malis,
Chamam and Regars arc not influential and powerful. Their
economic position is quite impoverished in comparison to
the position of the powerful familks of the upper castes,
The overwhelming impact of the city of Jaipur has not changed
much tbe traditional stratification system. The changes jn
occup0l\o9~ struct~re,however, are found in abundance and
the Jajmani obligations are almost severed and in disarray. The
higber prestige-providing jobs and new avenues are slat being
c o ~ r o l l e dby the traditionally privileged caste groups; and tlIc
introduction of road, irrigation and electrification have
ed only unskilled nnd manual jobs to the )ower and
ticmally non-privileged caste groups. tradi.

% wet region is not only disti act from other

 THE SIX VILLAGES 49
-
geographically and topographically but also enjoys uniqueness
of cuItural patterns. From tlis region (for our study) we have
selected the district of ~ h n r a t ~ nfrom
r, where two villages, one
in the interior and one reIativeIy closer to Bbaratpur city, have
been studied. The main dialect which p ~ o p l espeak in this
region is called 'Brij'. The styles of living and dress pattern
are also considerably different in this region from both the
d e w t and the dry-cum-wet regions. The two villages selected
from this region for the present study are : Bawari (which is
an interior village) and Murrv~ra(which is at a distance of two
and a baIP miles from Bharatpur). The availability of sources
of irrigation and heavier rainfall in these two villages in com-
parison to other villages described earlier have led to many
differences. The crop pattern is quite different from the other
four villages. There are also differences in respect of land-
holders, agrarian traditions and its relationship with social and
culrura1 life.

Bawari
Bnwari is an interior village situated at a distance of about
30 miles from Bharatpur in Bayana Tehsil. It is eigbt miles
away from Bayana. The transport facilities are very poor. The
village is about a mile to the east of the Bharatpur-Dholpur
puaa road route. One has to wnlk this distance to mach thc
bus-stand for either Bharatpur or Dholpur.
Bawari has a primary school, village panchayat and a
credit co-operative society. There is no branch post office or
ayutvedic aushdhalaya in this viUage, It is a village of medium
size, relatively smaller than the viUages of Sikar and Jaipw
districts. It has 105 households comprising a population of 590
persons, Bawari too is a IIlulti-C~skvillage, There are nine
castes with the Brahmins at the top and the Bbangis at the
bottom of the caste hierarchy. Jn between are the Jats, Gujsrs,
Babajis, Khatis, Nais, Kumhars and Chamars.
There is no difference &tween the settlement pattern of
Bawari and the villages described earlier. The inhabitation
pattern crystallizes casb segregation md exclusiveness. The Jats
and the Gujars have their houses In the wntre of the village.
The Chamtlrs a d [he Bhangis are on the outskirts. The other
castes such as the Nais, Kumhars, Xhatir and Sanjogis live
50 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATIFLCATION SYSTEM

TAeLE 5
composirjon
cgsic and disrribitrion of~o~rrlalion
61Rwori

Castc No. of No. of Average

households persons household size

Brahmin 2 17 8.5
(1.9) (2.9)
3st ?4 186 S.5
(32.4) (31.5)
Guiar . 27 145 5.4
(25.7) (24.6)
Bbaji 5 21 4.2
(4.8) (3.5)
mati 2 7 3.5
(1.9) (1.2)
Kumhar 4 50 12.5
(33) (8.5)
Nai 1 7 7.0
(0.9) (1.2)
Charnar 29 147 3.1
(27.6) (24.9)
Bhaagi 1 10 10.9
(0.9) 11.7)

Total 105 590 5.6

(100.0) ~100.0,

the families of the Jars and tthe Gujars. The two

families of the Brahmins are neighbours and their houses arc
mixed with the houses of the fats. Bawari has only one small
gocery shop. Tht vilIage does not have persons en& in
mercantile pursuits. The grocer is a Bania who belongs to the
nearby village, Baroda.
Both cash and food-crops are grown in Bawari. The
Wds are irrigated by the dam of Bandh-Baretba, one of the
'biggat dams of Bharatpur district. Tbe Rabi crops include
wheat, barlc~,m m . wtato and spices. Suga- is major
crop grown for a s h income. The hnd heere is more fertile in
comps~isonio the otbr villages. The price of ]and ftom
Rs.3,000 to 4,500 per acre, whereas in the villages of S i h t and
Jaipur districts the same ranges from Rs. 230 to 500.
Agiculture is the m& source of income md livelihood in
V G ~Out C91the 105 houstbolds, 101 d o p d on dtivation
*
L- . 1
 THE:SIX VILLAGES 51

and other occupations connected with agriculture. Only four

households depend partly on income earned from non-agricul-
tural pursuits outside the village. One person each from them
households is engaged in scrvices with the government. Out of
the 177 male workers in the village 129 are cllltjvators and 29 are
agricultural labourers. Tbe rest (19 persons) work as artisans
and village fnndonaries. This pattern of occupational str~~cture
highlights the predominant agricultural economy that the
village hns.
The availability of source of irrigation, higher rainfall
(27") and remoteness from Che township of Bharatpur have not
contributed to a speedy growth of education, particularly the
higher education in the village. There are 10 matriculates, who
are the J a t ~attd the Gujars. None of them is a Charnar.
There are only three graduates, two are Jats and one is a
Brahmin.
The dominant castes in this viIlage are that of the Jats
and Gujars. The land reforms have brought no significant
changes in the monopoty of their pawet o t prestige. They are
the biggest landholders. Out of the 705 acres of the village land
383 and 2 M acres are owned by the Jats and the Gujars respec-
tively. The Chamars on an average own only 2 acres of land
per househoH, whereas the average landholding among the
Jats and Gujars are 11 and 9 acres respectively.

Murwara
Murwara is also a medium-size village like Bawari . There
are I 10 hou;eholds comprising a papulation of 621 persons.
which are distributed among its 11 cast&. Murwaw is situated
at a distance of about two and a half miles to the west
of Bharatpur. Though the village is not linked by road, yet
access to the village can be bad by bicycles. Bicycles are found
almost in every household in this village.
There vllIage has a primary school, a credit co-operative
society and the village panchayat in Murwara. Facilities oC an
ayurvedic dispensary and post-office do not exist in Muswan-
The viIlage is not connected eitber with railway or bus station.
Tbe difficuIties of transport and communications, howem,are
not felt acntely, as Bbaratpw is appmatbable by a 15 min.erte
ride on the bicycle or cycle-riksha.
52 THE CHANGING RURAL STRAn!3ChTION SYSTEM'

Numerically the principal castes in Murwara are :

Brahmins, Jats, Matis, Gadarias and Cbamars, The Jats and
the Braldns live in the central portion of the village. The
MaIis are in the nearby hamlet, named Chak Murwara. The
Charnars and the Bhangis live at the south-east outskitt. The
TABLBG
Carre cornpasifion and caste-wise disrribution ofpopulation of h f ~ ~ v w o r a

Caste NO-of No. of Average

households persons household size

Brahmin 15 88 5.9
(13.6) (14.2)
Baxiia 1 3 3.0
(0.91 (0.4)
kt 26 177 6.6
(23.6) (28.5)
sanjogi I 2 2.0
(0.9) (0.3)
Mali 10 107 5.3 ,
(18.2) (17.2)
Kuolhar 1 2 2.0
(0.91 (0.3)
cadaria 12 72 6.0
(10.9) (11.6)
Nai 4 16 4 .0
(3.6) (2.6)
Meem 3 16 5.3
(2.7) (2.6)
&dia 3 I1 2.7
(2.7) (1.8)
Qamar 21 I12 5.3
(19.1) (18.0)
Bhmei 3 15 5.0
(2.7) (2.4)

Tdnl lld 621 5.6

(1W.O) (1W.O)

Gedarias, Meenas and Bedias live in the northern side. These

caste paups live toeether in clusters of houses. Thejr houses are
not mixed. Thus, in Muwara too, inhabitation pattm reflects
segregation and caste hierarchy in the other five villa*.
Mwwara, like Bawari, does not grow both ca& and
 THE SIX VILLAGES 53
food grain crops. It mainly grows faad-crops, Both Kharif
and Rabi crops are grown. The major crops are gram.
wheat, barley, groundnut and mustard. Sugarcane is not
grown, as there are no sources of irrigation available through
out the year.
Lack of facilities of irrigation, either by dams or canals,
and proximity to the township of Bharatpur have exposed
Murwara more to the outside contact and urban impact Out of
the If0 families only 65 depend solely upon agriculture or other
occupations connected with it. These families do not have
sources of income from outside the village. The rest of the
families depend both on agricuftura1 and outside sources of
livelihood. Out of the 173 male workers, 53 work outside the
rillage, mainly a t Bbaratpur. These workers visit Bharntpur
daily by bicycle. Bccause of the proximity with the township
shopkeeping has not become popular in this village. There is
only one small shop owned by a Brahmin ex-Lambardar, who
deals mainly in Biris, match-boxes, tea, Gur, etc. The people
make most of their purchases at the markets in Bharatpur.
The exposure to outside contact is evident from the
occupational structure of Munvara. Out of the I73 male workers,
103 are cuItivators, 23 are agricultural labourers and about 40
persons are engaged in industrial and wliite-collar jobs. Educa-
tion, particularly higher education, is relatively absent in Murwara.
There are only 12 persons with middle school education and 4
with matriculation, and only 2 have done graduation. Almost
all of these educated and literate persons are from among the
upper castes, namely, the Jats and the Brahmins.
The Jats and Brahmins also posses the biggest land-
holdings in tbe viltage. Out of the 804 acres of land, 162 acres
are owned by I 5 families of the Brahmins, and 25 families of the
Jats own 364 acres of this land. The average landholding per
family among the Chamars is about 4.5 acres only, whereas it
is 11 acres among the Brahmins and I5 acres among the Jats.
The Gadarias, a shepherd caste, own only two acres of land per
household on an average.
The influential and powerful families are from among the
bts and the Brahmins. The Sarpaneb of the village Panchnya~
ir a Jat, the secretary of thc credit co-operative society is a
Brahmin. The president of the Nyay Pancbayat is also a Sat.
54 ?HE CHANGING IlURAL STRATIFlCATlON SYSITbf

Thus,the offices of power and prestige are held by the families

of the upper castes.
Agriculture occupies the central place in the village
economy. However, the village has been exposed to outside
contact and the processes of industrialization: and urban con-
nections have made somc impact on the village life. As such,
Munvara provides a situation where both the traditional and
secular elements of social structure combine to bring about a
stage of slow transition.

Canclnsion
ncsix villages have both contrasts and similarities. The
rainfall varies between the three regions. There arc no sourccs
of irrigation in tbe two dry villages, except about a dozen wells.
The major portion of t h e Iand js non-irrigated. The Kharif
crops are grown mainly in the dry villages. The soci-dl structure
the system of values of the villages which mainly depend
upon agriculture are relatively less affected by outside contact
and urban impact. There is a greater dependence upon agricul-
ture in the interior villages than in the sub-urban villages.
Consequently these villages are less affected by outside impact
and contact. The families of the upper custes occupy the
positions, of higher prestige and power in the remote villages.
The persons of the upper castes have monopolized bigher
prestige-providing occupations. The position of the lower
casks, however, has not considerably gone up.
The sub-urbnn villages are comparatively more exposed 10
the outside contact than the remote villages. The traditional
occupational structure bas been undergoing significant changes
in these villages for the lust two decades. Migration and urban
employment are found more in the sub-urbanvillages than in the
remote ones. Migation, urban employment and outside
contacts have relaxed some peripheral rules of caste hierarchy,
such as ascription of traditional occupation, untouchability and
pollution-purity in certain matters. The basic eIements of
stratification such as endogamy, bierachy and segregation
unaltertd. This exposure to the outside world has not effected
significantly the traditional social stratifiation system in the
sub-urban villages. The families of the upper caste and
bald positions of power and prestige. ~ usome t families ofthe
 THE SIX VILLAGES 55

intermediate castes have improved their meagre position mainIy

due to the land reforms. ' The different crop.patterns, variations
in rainfall, sources of irrigation and exposure tofhe outside
world lead to some.differential significant patterm of stratifica-
tion, in spite of the similarities of social ranking, concentration
of landholdings and power in the hands of a few families o f the.
upper castes.
 Caste Structure and StratGcation

The caste system is a pivotal institution of Hindu society.

i t shapes and directs relations of its members in a number of
ways. Caste has been considered both as a unit and as a system
of social stratification. As a system of social stratification, it
its units, sub-units, and all its members in an order of
hi& and low ranks. Thcse rank are ascribed by birth in
different castes.
,411 the systems of stratification have some common
such as exclusiveness, inctusivencss and
hiemrchical relalions &tween the various units comprising the
systems. The units of a stratification system maintain their
=?ilstcnce as exclusive, independent, recognizable units in
totat system. The persons who fulfil the requisite conditions
art: atiowed to be menhers of a particular unit. Thus, same
persons are excluded and others are included. The units farmed
on these criteria of exclusiveness and incIusiveness are rank&
in a hierarchical ordcr with high or $OW positions i n a stratifica-
tion system.
The oaste syslem displays these characteristics (e.g., ex-
cinsivenes~,inclusiveness and hierarchical rcladons). But the caste
system has some specificcharacteristics of its own, which are of
immense signifiance. They are endogamy, commensaljty, ritual
status (~ollution-purity),hereditary specialization, cultural differ-
ences, and domination and power1 based on hereditary
1. See far a detailed account of &re attributes of caste system J.H.
~ u t i o n ,C u t e India (4th printing, Oxford ~ni-ity. p m ~ 1963);
,
and G.S. Ghuryc, ' C u t e , C~UJand Oec~po~ion'(Bombay :Popular
nook Depot, 1961).
 CAST8 STRUCTURE AND S T R A ~ C A n O N 57

. Endogamy means the cqdinement of marital ties within

one's own caste. Commensafify refers to the rules and pres&p-
tions about inter-caste relations in regard to eating, drinking of
water and exchange of hukka (smoking pipe). Ritual status
denotes birth-ascription. Ritunl purity and impurity form the
attributes of ritual status. Hereditary specialization refers to
lbe caniioua tion of :the occupations of one's fore-fathers.
Cultural differences denote that each caste has its own set of
rules and regulations about endogamy, commensality, poliution-
purity, occupational specialization, etc. The differentiation
is regard to these attributes Iead to different ~ t y l e sof life' for
djfkrent castes. The castes which have a sl~pesjorjtyin tbese
attributes exercise influence and power over the castes which are
lower in respect of these attributes of hierarchy in the village
community.
Thesa spccific characteristics of the caste system make it a
uajquc institution. In the present chapter the centraI focus is
on the analysis of these attributes in regard to inter-caste
elations and caste hierarchy. The various castes are grouped
m d e r four categories, which are : (1) the upper castes, (2) the
intermediate castes, (3) the lower castes, and (4) the 'untouch-
ables'. Muslim castes have been treated as a separate category. 1
i
1
CASTE AS A STRATIFICATION SYSTEM IN m E SIX VILLAGES

Thirty-two Hindu castes are found in the six villages we

have studied. Brahmins, Rajputs and Banias constitute the
upper castes. Among the upper castes, the Brahmins have a
strength of 130 households out of 215 (19.3 per cent of the tots!
population), The intermediate castes (list given in Table 7)
form !he biggest group in the vilhges; 507 (43.7 per cent) llouse-
holds Moog to this category. The Jats are numerically the
krgest group. The lower caste group has the largest number
of S W e cast&. Bus this group consists of only 83 b~ust-
holds, divided into 15 castes. The 8untouchbIe' castes form
one-fourth of the total number of households in the six viIlages.
mey are divided into four castes. The Chaman ara numerimfly
the second Iargest group after the Jats.
The Muslims are found in Sabalpura, Howwer, they form
58 THE CHANGING RURAL STRAnFICAmN SYS'IFlrl

only 5.6 per cent of the total households of the siF villages..
They have their own systems of social hierarchy. Some of the
Muslim families were Zamindars before the abolition of the
zamindari system in Rajasthao.
The various castes a,re placed in a hierarchid order as
indicated in Table 7. Some castes from the list below,
e.g., Khatis, Nais, Darjees. Chamars and Naiks, claim status
equivaleit to higher castes but their cIaims are not accepted by

Hierarchical armngt.,,lcrrr of the varicrur coxle grullps O ~ O J Il ,v~i f l ~

//~cfriradirional callings and n~~nrcrical srrengfh

Castes Tmdilional calling No.of house-

holds

Upper rasles
1. Brahmin Priesthood, leaching, etc. 139
2. Rajput Land owncrrhip, Zmindari,
Warriorship 57
3. Bania Trade and comrnc~ce 28

Total 3

fnl~rnredio1acures
4. Swami
5 . Sanjogi
6. Khati
..
Infemcdiate castes priest

Carpentary
I( 11

7. Darjce Taitoring
8. Sonar Goldsmithy
9. Jat Cultivation
10. Mali Cultivation and honicuttutr
11. Gujar Animal hubandry and cultivation
12. Abir Cow herding and cull ivatirm
13, Kumhar Pol-maling and cuftivarion

Total 10
h ~ e casfes
r
14. Gadaria Goat-keeping
15. Daroga ~ o m e s t i cservice to Rajpur
Zimindars and Jagirdars
16. Meena Chowkidari ( ~ u c h ~ ~ i a n s h i p )
17. vyas Low caste temple worshipping
18. Nai Hair-ytring. domeslic service and
cleaning or utensils, elc.
Beg~ing.singins and tanrric activities
Sani Dcva pries1 (low caetc priest,
alms lakirry)
21. Khatik Meat selling
22. Rana Dtum bcaring and singing
23. Dholi Drum bcatins and singing
24. Bairagi Alms taking
25. Dhadhi Indigenous singcrs with dmmr
26. Bunkar Weaving
27. Dhobi Wahe~an
28. Bedia Jug& (Nsr)

rmrrr
'Un?o~~rknble.~'
29. Balni Shoe-mending,dispo~alof carcass,
(Chamar) skinning. agricultural fahour 169
30. Resar Shoe-making, cleaning and
(Shmlaker) colwring D[ raw hjdg 89
31. Naik Basket-making; midwil'cry 15
(8askct-
maker)
32. Bbangi Scavenging 16
(lowest in
hierarchy)

Muslims Cul~ivqtion,blackrmirh$, W l e - 65 (5.6)

pa kin^ and service in the ( 1W.0)
Ksudal courts

Grand total 32+l llSa(loO.0)

other castes. We shall analyse these cases below. Inter-caste
relations between different castes are still governed considerably
by ritualistic considerations such as 'pollution-purity', and
accordingly the rules of colnmensality are adhered to in the
villages. An ovenvhe1ming consensus is prevalent in the six
villages about caste hierarchy to ba based on birth-ascription.
Endogamy is strictly practised. An attempt is being made
below to analyse the hierarchical relations between the different
caste groups and individualcastes belonging to separate groups.

11
THE UPPER CASTES

Each caste category has hierarchical divisions within itself

in respect of the individual castes who comprise the group.
Within the individual castes also there arc sub-castes which
fork a hierarchy of status values. These may be analysed 'to
have a fuller grasp over the problem of stratification. The
intra-caste hierarchy is equally significant for the analysis of
caste stratification.

n e Brahmins
l%ere are nine sub-castes of the Brahmins in the six
villages. These are Gaur, Dayma, Khandelwal, Gujar,
Gaur, Gudhaaia, La! Chobe, Dedhrnwate, Kuchhnagia and
mryana Brahmins. The Gaur Brahmins are on the top of the
hierarchy. The Kuchhnagia and the Haryana Brahmins occupy
the Iowest positions among these sub-castes of the Brahmins.
The Gaur and the Dayrna Brahmins are supposed to have
an expert knowledge about the Hindu sanskritic literature. The
orher Brahmins also know a little bit of sanskritic texts. The
Brahmin sub-castes which enjoy higher caste position are also
those who ace more c o n v e r a t and closely related with
=nskrific texts and rituals. This group includes the b u r ,
Dayma and Khandelwal. Tbis group of tbo sub-castes of
Brahmin5 is termed as 'Daivik' Brahmins. The Gaur hi^^
are found in R O O P W Sabalpura
~, and Bhutera. In Roopgarh
there are only the Gaur Brahmins. Ill Sabalpura and Bhutera,
the Gaur, Dayma and Khandelwal Brahmins are found. ln
H m f a , the =andelm], Gujat Gaur and Hqana Brahmins
 are livins. There are only two families of the Khandelwai
Brahmins in Bawari. Murwara has 13 hmilies of the Brahmins,
which arc divided into four sub-castes such as : (I) Gudhanias,
( 2 ) La1 Chobes, (3) Dedhrawates, and (4) Kuchhnagias.
In Sabalpura, Bhutera, Harmara and Murwara, where
mare than one sub-caste of Brahmins live we 6nd that status-
hierarchy on the basis of intra-caste norms exists. These sub-
castes strictly follow sub-caste endogamy. Not even n single
case of inter-marriage between sub-castes has occurred in the
six villages. The Gaur and the Dayma Brahmins avoid four
'gotras' (lineages) in establishing marital ties. The four sides
are of the fatber, mother, father's mother and mother's mother.
The other sub-castes of Brahmins mentioned above avoid only
the father's and the mother's 'gotras*.
There is hierarchy at the commensal Ievel too among
these sub-castes. The Gaur and the Dayma Brahmins do not
accept Kucba food from tbe members of oiber sub-wstes of the
Brahmins. Even some castes such as the Gujar Gaur and the
Haryana Brahmins are not included in their 'Nyati' (a block
'oC a number of sub-castes who are iavited an some occasions,
particularly on Bhoj ceremony-death feast). All sub-castes
of the Brahmins, however, accept food and water from the
Gaur and the Dayma Brahmins. The group of sub-castes of
the Brahmins which cannot ~ r o v i d efood and water even to
some of the superior sub-castes (of the Brahmins as mentioned
a buve] are termed as 'Laukik' Brahmins.
In Sabalpura, Bhutera, Harmara and Bawari, the hier-
archy within the Brahmins is more crystallised, as there are
more than one sub-caste of the Brahmins in these vibges, ID
Sabdpura and Bhutera the Gaur Brahmins top the hierarchy.
They have the right to preside over public worships. T b g are
the priests of the principal temples of their respective villages.
In Harmara and Murwara, there are no Gaur and Dayma
Brahmins. Therefore, the top Brahminic positions are occu-
pied by the next higher castes, e.g. the Khandelwal and the
Gujar Gaur Brahmins in Harmara, and the Oudhania and the
Dodhrawate Brahmins'in M'urwara, In Bawarj two familits of
the Khandelwal Brahmins enjoy the highest priestly status, aa
t h e a are no other Brahmin wb-castes 3 the village. The
ritual status of the B r a h u h depends upon the avaifability of
61 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATtPICAnON SYSPM

other Brahmin sub-castes in a particular village. The Khaadel-

wal Brahmim who have a subordinate rank in Sablpura and
Bhutera villages enjoy the highest priestly position in &wad,
as there nre no families of the Gaur and the Dayma Brahmins
in this village.
There are no sharp distinctions bemeen these sub-castes
of the Brahmins on occupationaI basis. However, it can be
stated that the Gaur and the Dayma Brahmins are employed
either as priests or as white-collar workers. The ather sub-
castes are enmged mainly in agricultural pursuits with the
exception of the Brahmins of Harmara. These sub-castes of
the Brahmins do not have sharp cultural differences among
themselves, But minor differences in the !life styles' of the
Brahmins at the top and tho* at the bottom of this caste
hierarchy are observed. These distinctions are in regard to dress
pattern. education, occupation, and performances of marriages,
rituals i n d ceremonies, etc.
The Brahmins, irrespective of their sub-caste, are regarded
high in ritual ranking by other castes in all the six villages. 1"
ritual aspects their role is considerably higher than that of the
other non3rahminic castes. But their influence and power in
other domains depend mninly upon their monomic and cultural
achievements. The Gaur Brahmins of Roopgarh are domitlant
not -use of h i r high ritml status alone, but because t h y
enjoy equally dominant positions in economic and educational
spheres. In Sabalpura, the Gaur Brahmins do not have corns-
panding statuses in cconamic and cultural hierarchies. There-
fore, they do not have a dominant Status or a decisive hand
the affairs OF the village as the Brahmins of Roopgarh have. 1

Similarly. i n Bhutera. Bawari and Murwara, the Brahmins

have sub-ordinate positions in econornjc, political and ' cultural
areas. The Brahmins of Harmara, however, exercise consider-
able influence in the affairs of tbe village because of their
superior economic and cultural positions as well.

The Rai~uts
-

The Rajputs OGuPY the second higher1 place in

hierarchy. of the six vlllap~sRajputs are found only in
three villages, viz. Roo~garb,SabaIp~raand Bbutera. All of
ttiem bcIwg to the sub-caste of the skthawstRBjPUt~. T ~ L Y
 CASTE mUCTUR13 AND STUlTF1CATLON-, 63
-?3.At -
have a hierarchy on the basis of the size of their landholdings
(in the form of the Jagirs and the Zamindaris). . .The size of the
landholdings no doubt varied highIy between one.Jagirdar and
anotber Jagirdar and between one Zamindnr .and ,anb.ther
Zamindar, and between a Jagirdsr and a Zamindar:--Ra.mer,
there were no two Jagirdars in the same village, whereas JaS;r-
.dar and a number of Zarnindan 'could be found in the same
village.
Roopgarh and Bhutera were under the Jagirs oFKhoor and
Bhutera respectively. Sabalpum was a Zamindari village, the
land of the Wage was shared by about 34 Rajput fnmilies.
Harmara, Murwara and Bawnri too were under the Zamindari
.'system, but the Zamindars in these villages were Charaas: Jab
and Brahmins, and Jats and Gujars respectively. In Murwara
.and Bawari dominant landholders were the Jats. The families
.of the Jagirdar Rajputs which exist in Bhutern and Roopgarh
,enjoy higher social status in comparison to tbe Zamindar
Rajpuk of SabaIpura. Before the abolition of Jagirdari and
.Zamindari systems Rajputs used to present gifts to the Jagirdars.
This custom still continuel in a Loken form. The hierarchy is
.more crystalljsed in Roopgarh and Bhutera, where both the
.Jagirdar Rajput fnmilies and the families of the Zamindar
Rajputs live together. Similnrly, hierarchical relations flre found
between the big Zamindar Rajputs and the small Zamindar
'Rajputs of Sabalpura.
The hierarchy based on the size of the Jagirs and the
Zamindaps is not closely associated with commensal and
ritual bases of the caste stratification. Among the Rajputs of
Sahlpura, and Roopgarh, inter-marriages are permissible.
However, a Jagirdar Rajput may not like to marry his son or
daughter to the daughter or the son of a Zamindar Rajput.
Hypergarnous and hypogarnous marriagm are given due cons&
--
a. Chmns are a Zamindar c a ~ cgroup. Lands were given to the
Cbarans ns graots by tho rulers of the state in praise of th&
~ abili~y. In Hmmars, the Charans were landownets.
poclic i n f e n and
There were no Wputs in tbs village. Therefore, because of the
absence of Rajputs. the Charans pmtjcdjy rojayed the same atatus
nnd prestige which the Rajputa enjoyed inother villagesas IWdownen
(Thakurs). The C h a m are sl separaie mst+?~ ~ ; b o ws~ ~ a e ~
have included tfwm with the Rajprs Tor iheparpofies of ansl~sia,
64 THE CHANCING RURAL STRAllHCA'llON SYSTW

deration in establishing marital relations. The position of a

family is given due consideration within the caste in marriage
alliances among the Rajputs. The size of Jagir or Zamindari
is the main consideration. The Rajputs avoid only the father's
and mother's gotras in establishing matrimonial a!IiZtIICes.
The Rajpufi do not observe intra-caste commensal restric-
tions to the extent the Brahmins do. n e restriction among
Rajputs in this respect is based more on class o r economic
than ritual (pollution-purity) ones. For instance,
Jagirdar would not dint: at the residence of a Zamindar who
is poor but would accept food, both Kucha or pucca, cooked by
him at his own residence or elsewhere. Not only this, the
Rajputs accept food and water from some other intermediate
a s t e s t o o such as the Jats, Malis and Gujars. For example,
a man from Damga caste cooks the food for the Jagirdar family
in Roopgarb; formerly even Nais used to render this service.
Thus, the Rajputs are more liberal about commensal rulesin
comparison to the Brahmins. The Rajputs too, however, do
not accept food or water from the lower and the 'untouchable'
caste groups.
Although the economic status of a family determines &e
social rank of that family within the Rajput caste group, yet
there are some exceptions to this rule where families with lower
economic status enjoy precedence on many ritual or ceremonial
occasions. This is partly determined by k i ~ f i pfactor and
partly i t represents a form of delegated authority by t h e upper
class Rajput to the lower class family kin. Ritual shtm of
Rajp~tsseems apparently equal among themselves as they do
not have sub-castes of a hierarchical character like the Brahmins.
But there are status distinctions among the Rajputs inspite of
this ritual homogeneity. In Roopgarh, only Sawai Singh, a
~amindar,who is a close kin of Jagirdar Mmgal Singh, can
preside over the festivats of Holi, Gangor, and Teej, etc. me
other Rajputs do not have tbis privilege. The processions on
Gangot and Teej start from the house of Sawai Sin&. such
a ritual d i d a d o n among the Rajputs is also found in Saw-
pura, Bhuteraa and l-h-mara. Such privileges of ritual a t u s
are bestowed upon the Jat Zarnindars of superior descent in
~ m a r and a Bawari.
,411 R a j p a were land-owners, they generally did not
 CASTE S T R U G ~ AND
E STRA~FIGATIQN' 65.

cultivate themselves. They gave land on rent to the tenants, to

whom they could eject at their will. The abolition of the
Zarnindari and the Jagirdari systems has rcsultcd in n change
of their hereditary rights and privileges. They could not retain
the same amount of Iandholding which they had bsfore the
abolition of their rights and privileges. Economic position
both of the Rajput Jagirdars and the Rajput Zamindars has
come down considerably. .Now they own eve11smaller land-
holdings than their ox-tenants (see Chapter IV). The Rajput
Zamindnrs who owned hundreds of acres of land before the
abolition of the Zarnindari sysrem, they possess now 12.5 acrcs
on an average p:r household in Sabalpura and 12.4 acres in
Harrnara. In Roopgarh with the exception of the Jagirdar,
other Rajput Zamindars own 36 acres of Iand on an average
household. The same is the situatibn- i n Bhutera. The Rajput
ex-Ja~irdarsof Roopgarh and Rhutera nwned about 15,000
and 3,000 acres of landholdings respectively before the abolition
of the Jagirdari system. Now they possess about 400 and 2 0
acres respectively in the two villages. The ex-Jagirdar o r
Roopgarh, however, owns lands in other villages too.
Some of the Rajput families today possess Iand which is
hardly suficieat for making a bare living. A majority of t h e
Rajputs are now Khudkas t Khatedars (self-cultivators). TWO
families of Rajput ex-Zamindors of Roopgarh today have to
work a s manual labourers to supplement their income. Such
examples are found in Sabalpura and Bhutera as well. Three
families of Rajputs in Sabolpura partially depend upon manual
labour for their livelihood. A substantial number of Rajputs
work as police constables and soldiers in the army, For a
majority of tbe Rajputs of Sabalpura service in army and
police has come as n substitute for the abolition of the Zarnin-
dari system. Formerly, they depended upon their landholdings
and a few of them served the Rao Raja of Sikar. Considering
their former status as Zamindars, these occupations i n wbich
they are engaged t d a y marks a radical down-gmding of their
social statue in the village. Such cbadges, however, have bem
most prominent in tbe status o f small and medium-sized ex-
Znmindars. The statu of the ex-Jagirdar continues to be
endowed with prestige even today. The changes mark a shift
ih the social stat us of persons from higher t o lower position.
66 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATIPICATION SYSTEM

mlis applies to the Rajput ex-Zamindars and 0 t h privileged

~
families who now do not enjoy privileges they had in the past
in the form of grants, 1andown:rship andritual StaLuS- kIowever,
the Rajputs in the four villages (Roopgarh, SabaI~ura, Bhutera
and Harn-iara) still exhibit their distinctiveness thraugh styles of
living, the pattern of dress, the perC0rInance of marriages, and
rhe observance of ceremonies and rituals, etc. They have a
specific style of wearing Dhoti (under waist cloth), putting on
turban and moustaches, etc.
Rajputs enjoyed bath economic and political hegemony
before i l ~ eabolition of their Zamindari rights and privileges.
Being a privileged goup, the Rajputs generally did not care to
get theit chiIdren and wards eddcated during the period of the
Jaardari and the Zarninki systems. For example, in Roop-
m r h and Bhutera, the Jagirdars are educated but the Rajput
Zamindars are illiterate. The Rajput Zamindars who are today
proletarianised due to the abolition of the Zamindari system
are not in a position to afford the expenses of education of
their children. In Sabalpura, one Rajput family could retain
considerable area of landholdings and has, therefore, been able
to make advancements in educational and political fields.
Similarly, in Harrnara, one family could retain about 352 acres
of land, and this family also could get the younger male
members educated. The result is thaqthis family continues to
enjoy considerable influence and prestige in the village. In
Bhutera, the Brahmins and the Jats are comparatively less
advanced in economic, educational and political fields than the
ex-Jagirdar, Nahar Singh. Consequently, the ex-Jagirdar7s
family is still influential in the viUage. The families of the two
Rajput Zamindars in Bhutera, however, do not have the prestige
and power they possessed before the abolition of the Jagirdari
system and also much less than Lhe ex-Zamindars of other
villages.
The case of Roopgarh i s different one. The Brabmins
have achieved higher positions in economic, political, and
educational fields. The Jars are not in a position to compete
with the Brahmins. The ex-Jagirdm has withdrawn fmm
village politics. Howover, he has still an ownership over more
tban2000 acres of hnd. The exJagirdar cou\d retain this land
h constiluting agricultural socieiias under diffef~ntnames and
 CASTE STRUCI'URB AND SlRATIFICATlUN 67
also because the wi1irig I ~ Hhas
; not b s n impl~mentedsofar in
the state in spirit.

The Banias
The Banias live in four villages, namely, Roopgarh,
Bhutera, Harmara and Murwarn. They also have intra-caste
hierarchy or sub-divisions. In Roopgarh and Murwara, there
are only tba Jnin Banias who believe in the Jain Dharma. h
Bhutera and Harmara, the Bania sub-castex are those of the
Agarwals, the Maheswaris, and the Khandelwals. These four
sub-castes are endogamous groups. All the sub-castes of the
BBniiis avoid the gotras on the mother and the father's sides in
establishing marital relations. These sub-castes of the Banias
d o not observe commensal distances among themselves as
.strictly as the Brahmins do. The sub-castes of the Bnnias
except the Jains worship Hindu Gods and Goddesses. The
Jains who are a separate religious community worship the idol
of the lord Ma havira. The Banias do not enjoy the rights and
privileges of presiding over village ceremonies and fefitivats like
the Brahmins and the hjputs. However. they rank next to the
Brahmins and Rajputs in caste ranking.
Commerce, trade and other rner~mtilepursuits are tradi-
~ional occupations of the Banias. All the Bania families in the
six vilIages with the exception of 2 pursue their traditional
occupation. Of the 2 families 1 which is in village Harmara
b dependent on one of its members who is a manager of a
factory: the other fnmily is in the village Murwara where a e
earning member serves as a peon in a power-house at Bhararpur.
The Banias have a typical economic ethic of their own suppor-
ted by their traditional caste values. They prefer business and
the occupations connected with it. Even the educated persoas
arc nbt sent for white collar salaried jobs because they enrn
more by getting engaged in business than doing white collar
salaried jobs. For example, in Roopgarh, three educated sons
af a Bania (two graduates and one matriculate) were neither
allowed further studies nor they were sent for salaried jobs
.expecting that they would ultimately opt for business. Th6
notion is, thus, that further education would not help much
particularly from the point of material prosperity.
We find that the educated Banias do not have a dominaot
68 CHANClUKi RURAL STaATIPICA'IKlN SYSTEM

voice in the affairs of the six villages. They remain engaged in

their business, and try to maintain good relations with all the
villagers to achieve their economic goal of more earning. On
the other hand, in all the villages, improvement of economic
position of the Brahmins and the Rajputs have resulted in a
co-ponding elevation of political and educational aspirations.
the six villages, the families of Brahmins, Rajputs and
jats are competing among themselves for attaining power and
prestig. 'rhe Hanias, for example, howevcr, do not openly
oppose ~e Charans in Harmara. They support the Brahmins
against the Charans in omera. Any kind of opposition may
harm their trade interests, whereas concealed opposition perhaps
protects tbese interests to a n e a t exrent
Because of their better cconomic position, the Banias
spend lavishly (generally more thnn the Brahmins and tbe
Rajpuk) on marriages, death feasts and food and clothing.
Economicall), they are in a better pasition than other caste
groups in all the four villages with the sate exception of a family
in Murwara. The Banias, however, have had inferior position
in power hierarchy. The Rajputs had political power, and the
Brahmins enjoyed their support and dominated in socio-
cultural field. The Banias could not assert directly their econo-
mic superiority. However, they extended loans even to the
Brahmins wd tbe Rnjputs. I n Roopgarh, Ganga Bux, and in
Harm-, Sri Narain Banias, for example, extend even today
loans to those families who are at the top in the caste
hierarchy.
We may conclude that the upper and the upper middle
castes still dominate in the six villages. n e e castes are
Brahmins in Roopgarh, Jats in Bhutera, Brahmins, Banias and
m a n s in Hatmara. and Jats and Gujars in Dawari.* Tradi-
Jats and Gujars wen: land-owning caste8 'm Mwwara and Bawari
(villa~esin Bharatpur). These castcs, no doubt. according to tbe
caste hiernrchg have had intermediate ranks, however, they e~jjoyed
the same influence and prestige which the land-ouniog llejpuis
enjoyed in 0 t h villages of hipur and Sikar dist~icts. I n abnlpIVa
and Bhutera, Jatsenjoy a cmsidcrable influence psrticuIarly since tbc
abollthon of the Zamindari and Jagirdari ~ y ~ f abe~ BbOliiion
. has
resulted in improvement or lheir csonomic pesitim. w t w -Ie
tthnocenui- and mhibition of nume+ical aread on x v a a l
-ion% ~ r t i n i l ~inl Patlchayat
~, daimr.
 CASTE STRUCTUBE AND STKATIPICATIO~ 69
tionally, these caste groups were at the top of social hierarchy.
Today they occupy all the major positions of power and
influe'nce in the six villages. However, some individual familiq
have lost their traditional position and prestige due to land
reforms. Position of some families (particularly of the
ex-tenants) has gone up due to transfer of big landhold-
ings.
Secondly, power has not shifted from the upper castes to
the lower castes as a result of recent changes, Traditionally,
for example, the Rajputs ware solely dominant cctstc group in
Roopgarh, Sabalpura and Bhutera. Now dominance is shared
by Brahmins, Jab and hjpnks. In Harmara, the same is
shared by the three upper txstcs. In Bawari and Murwara, the
same castes dominate as the abolition of the Zarnindari system
bas not considerably ofmted tbe traditional pattern of land-
holdings, as such the Jats, Gujars and Brahmins dominate in
the two villages. Thus, we find a circulation of power from
one group of families to another group of families among the
upper castes. In either of the six villages, none of the lower
and the ex-untouchable caste men occupy positions of power
and prestige.
The contrnsts are found in regard to their differeotinl
occupational, pursuits and outside contacts. The Rajputs have
been more affected by land reforms than the Brahmins and tbe
Eanias. They now mainly depend upon cultivation and service
for their livelihood. No significant changes are found in the
traditional occuparioos of the Banias. A majority of them are
cven today shop-kecpers and money-lenders. However, the
Bnhrnins are found as a conglomeration of families enpgcd in
multiple cconomic activities. Among them, there are culti+ntors,
manual labourers, teachers, clerks, peon$ shop-keepers and
Government officials, etc. The above similaritia and contrasts
reflect incongruities among the upper castes as weH as between
the upper and the lower castes.

111
THE LmERMEQ-[ATE CASTES
There are ten intermediate caste groups (8s indicated in
the Table 7) in the six villages, 'The Swamis and Sanjogis are
70 T I E CHANGIF@ RURAL STRAlfFIUTION WSTEhl

at the top of the intermediate caste hierarchy? The K n m

occupy the lowest position. Eo-between are the Khatis,
Dariees, Sonars, Jats, Malis, Gujars and Ahirs. The numerial
!
strength of the Jats, Malis, Kumbars, Gujars and Ahirs is
greater than that of other interinedjate castes, such as the
Swnmis, Sanjogis, Darjees, Sonars and Kbalis. The Swamis, I
Sadjogis, Darjees, Sonars and Khatis together constitute 30
households out OF 507 houstholds of the intermediate castes in
the six villages. The Jats alone have 266 households. They
i
constitute numerialIy the biggest caste group jn the six
villages. These castes may be grouped idto three categories
mainly an the basis of the nature of their occupations. They
are : (i) tbr: caslcs drtpetldiog upon begsing (Swamis and
Sanjogis), (ji) the village functionary castes (Khatjs, Darjees,
Kumharr and Sonars), and (iii) the agricultural castes {Jats,
Malis, Kumhar-Malis, Gujars and Ahirs).

beggar castes
The Swamis and Sacjogis constitute the beggar 'castes
from among the intcrmcdiatc caste groups. These Lwo rdstes
have ten households. The Swatnis live in Raopgurh and the
~aajogis in Murwara and Bawari. The members of the two
castes put on the sacred thread. They are priests of the temples
of the intermediate castes. The Swamis do not accept f w d
and water from the rest o f the intermediate castes. But the
Saojogis do not observe such commensal rcs~rictions. They
w e p t both food and water from thc Jots, Cujars and Mdis in
the two villages of Bharatpur district. The two c s l e s are
separate endogamous groups. The prohibiicd 'gotras' are of
the mother and the father's Lineages. But ~Nata' (widow
rernmkgc) is permissible wilh the younger brother OF the
deceased husband or with a near kin who is younger than the
deceased husband of the widow.
The peopje of the t w o ca~tcri depended mainly upan
begging and lands granted to them by thc Zamindas and

-- - -- -- --n the inmediate

4. RE i s rlv: Wa$is are priea\Iy ~ s i at
~ w a i ~ and
levcl of priestly hierarchy, They did not accept kuccba f d and
water Itom {he inmmediaie castes in be paa. and put on sacred
htad. ~ o d a y they
, a10 not aerious shout these observances.
 CASTE STRUCTURE AND STRATIEICATION 71

JaTagirdars before the abolition of the Zamindari and the Jagirdari

systems. Now they depend upon begging as well as Khudkost
(elf-cultivation). There are no white collar workers from
among the Swamis and Sanjogis. The economic position of
the fa milies of the t WD castes is not better off compared to some
other intermediate caste groups such as the Jats, Guiars, Ahirs
and Sonars.
Neither the Swamis riot the Sanjogis are involved in tho
Jojmani system. They perform worsbip at the temples aod beg
flour every morning. All the faruilies of the two castes owla
cultivable lands. Therefore, they depend upon both, begging
and cultivation. The two mstes have not undergone significsnt
changes because it is evidenced by their adherence to the
traditional callings such as beggng and euftivatioo. They have
not adopted practices and customs of the upper castes like
Khatjs and Darjeej.

The functionary castes

Tbe functionary castes coinprise Xhatis, Darjecs, Sonars
and Hurnbars. These caste groups use lo perform Jajmani
services with the exception of the Somrs. The Kbatis, Darjees,
Sonars and Kumhars are discrete endogamous caste groups in
the six villages. The Khatis tivc irr all the six viflnges except
Murwara. The Darjees live in Roopgarh, and the Sonars in
Harmam. The Xumhars arc found in all the illag ages wirb the
exceptiou of SabaIpura. The Khatis, Darjees and Sonars do
not accept food and water from cach other. TbeKuinhars
accept food and water from these three functionary c u t e
groups.
All these four castes do not have sub-divisions or intm-
caste hierarchy. They avoid two 'gotras' (lineiqes) on ~ h sides
c
of father and mother in deciding marital relations. The
Kumhars, however, have rwo sub-divisions, mainly based on
m c ~ ~ a t i o n ndiRcrentiation.
l There arc: of the poi-makers and
of the cuItivators. The latter sub-caste of the Kumhars is
mmed as the K~mlmr-Mdisor the Khetihara-Kurnhars. The
former kWuP is hewn as the Matibra-Kumhars. The two
sub-divisions of the Kumhars do not inter-marm, ho~vever,they
dine together. All the four castes practiw 'Nata'. the rituals
they observe are not different from that of the upper castes.
However, the members of these caste3 do not spend conspi-
cuous~y on macriagcs and, festivak as the upper casks peopta -I
do.
A majority of tbe ~ n e r n b mof these OW castes arc
I
enganged in their traditional occupations. All the fanlilies of the
Khatis are engaged in carpentnry with the exception OF twa
persons. One of these two persons is a primary school
teacbcr in Ro~pgarhslpd Ille other owns a flour-mill and a
I
7

tractar in Harmara. The other members of the ranities of these

two persons pursue mrpentary. The Khatis are doing carpea.
tary on the lincs of the: Jajmani systcm but not in the manner
they did it before the abolition of the b ~ n i n d a r i and dip
Jagirdar~ systems, Now rbe lCbatis prefer to work on cash
payment basis instead of J@jrnauisystcrn.
Tte Da j e c s arc engaged in tailoring in Roopgarh. They
orr the basis of c s h payment. One of he twa ratnilics
of the Da jees lives in the village; the other i s in Assa~nbut
doing its traditional occupation there os cash payment bnsis.
The only Sonar family depends upon the making of sliver and
gold ornaments. Tbc Kunrbars (Matibaras) too depend upon
their traditional calling of pot-making on the pattern of lajmani
systcm lo a considerable extent.
Economic status of these four caste groups is not better
off than other intermediate castcs engaged in agriculture, which
we shli discuss belaw. Tbc Four castes have not improved
considerably their econonlic position far the last two decades.
The Xhahs have, however, adopted practices and oustoms of the
upper castes, particularly of the Brahmins la improve their cade
rank. The Khatis used lo accept food and water from all othm
intermediate castes about 30 years ago. But now they wfue
to accept he same. They put on aacred thread and trace out
theit origin rrain rhe lard 'Viswabrma': the creater of the
wortd. They label themsJves as the IJangir-Brawns'; the
~iahminswho dm\ in w i t t r y . US, tbc ILhptis are a
or 6Saoskrit~zation'5as they have imitated some of the

--- -- - -----
5. Ssini-vns, M.W, 'A Nwe on Sanskri~i&tion aad Wesrerniation'. Mra
Far Eusrtrn C?rtorterl)' [xv, 4, August 1956). See also his Caste i~
MdW# M i a and OTkr Essays, (Nw Yo& :Asia Yublisbiog House,
I%?); 'me Social System of e Mysare Villa@'; in M a k h Martlot;
 Brahminic practices to improve their caste position. Rowever,
the imitation of the Brahminic practices has not helped in up-
grading the caste rank of the Khatis. They are still treated as
the Khatis and not as the Brahmins by all other castw. Their
conjugal relations are limited ro their caste. Tbe other three
castes of the functionary group, bawevar, havenot imitated
such practices and customs, Only one Darjee has put on sacred
thread in Roopgarh. He regolorly worships the lord Shiva.
This too illustrates the process of sanskritiultion.

The agricultural caster;

The agricultural castes include the Jats, Malis, Gujars,
Ahirs and Kumhar-Malis. These five caste groups highlight
some similarities among themselves. They arc mainly agricul-
tural castes. No significant distinctive characteristics are found
among these castes in regard to commensal restrictians. All
the d i s k s accept food and water from each other, whereas the
other intermediate castes mentioned above observe such restric-
tions'of a cornmengal character.
N o distinctio~isin regard to styles of living and pattern
o f dressing arc found among these five castes. The people of
these castcs avojd two 'gotms' that of the father and the
mothr's sides in deciding marital alliances. The practice of
'Nata' is also permissible to the members of these intermediate
agricultural castes. None of these caste groups has sub-
divisions. We do not find significant distinctions among the
above mentioned ngiclrltural intermediates in regard to com-
mensality, rituals and Jajmani system. None of these castes
serve other castes ns Kamins. They are discmte endogamous
units having the above similarities. But ihe distinctiafis atu:
found in regard to economic status a d sanskritization of their
values among these castes.
Economic position of these caste groups reflects a great
deal of heterogeneity. The Jats are the richest caste group.
-- -- -
5- (~vurd.)(ed.), Yilloge Jndio, (Chicago :The UnivcrsilY of Chicago
p r a J955)pp. 1-35; Religion iutnndSocie~yamong ~ h GmVfr rr/'SonrR
In&, (Odor&: Clarrndam PE~SS,1952); 'Caste in Modern India';
The Jn~rrnalof 4siut1 Studlt~s(XVI, 6, August 1997) pP. 521)-54B;
of Cnlilomia
Ahrial Cl~an,qehi Mrrdem I d a , ( C a l i f d a :-univo?rit~
h, 1966).
They live in a11 the six villages except Harmara. The position I

of the Jats in Murwara and B a w d is supenof to that of the

s Roopgach, Sabalguraand Bhuteta. The Jats of Bawvan,
~ a t of
and Murwarfi were the Zamindars, whereas their ~OunteWads
in other illag ages were tenants-at-will. The Jats in RoopIPrb,
Sak[pura and Bhutera, however, have improved their sociab
and econamic position since the abolition of the Zamindan and
and Jagirdai systems. Now, they enjoy the Khatedari rights
over the lands they cultivated as tenants-at-will. The transfer
oflandholdings to the tenants from the &rniiidars and the
Jagirdars has affected considerably the sanctions b a t g o v m e d
caste strstification. The economic and political power rein-
forced c s t e hierarcl~y ill the pas[. Such a reinforcnne~t is
not possible today on the basis of sheer ascription of higher
caste position-
The Jats constitute nunierically the biggest agricultural caste
group. On the basis of their overwhelming numerical strength
they put up formidable opposition t o the uppr castes in
Roopgarh, Sabalpura and Bhutera. The Jats are Sarpanchs in
Murwara and Bawari being traditionally a dominant caste.
TbeJats of Bhatatput villages retain their dominlince in eco-
nomic and culiural fields because the land reforms did not
change considerabIy the size of their landholdings and they
continue to be prosperous as in ihe past.
The other inter~nedinte agrjcultural castes are neither:
numerically strong nor economically and culturally advanced.
The Malis live in Harmara and Murwara. They exercise w ~ n e
i d u e ~ l c cat occasions being the largest group in the village. But
they do not own big landholdings Like that OF the Jats oT
Roapgarb, Sabdpura and Bhutcfn. They a n mainly a dass
of manual labourers. Therefore, the Malis cannot have an
effective voice in the affairs al the village due to their backward
economic position. The same is thc case the Malis of
Munvara. They too lag bebind from the dominant casts
such as the Brahmins and the Jats.
The Gujars live in Roopgarh, Harmam and Bawari,
The Gujars of Bawari were Zamindars. mey could
some landholdings. The Gujars of at1 the villages,
d ~ a Upon d c ~ \ t i ~ t i oand
n animal busbandry. The G u j a
of Bawari being the Zamindars in the past and numatically the
 CASTB STRURIURE A N b STRATIFICATION 75'
I
second largest group, they axercise some influence in the village.
The Ahirs and the Kumhar-Malis both are agriculthrai caste
Soups. They live in Bbutera only. The two castes are less
dominant comparcd to the Jnts in Bhutera. Their economic
position is also not stronger than the Jats.
The above mentioned intermediate agricul~ural castes
constitute the bulk ofthe totnl households in tha six villnges,
that is, out of 1160 households, 507 are of the intermediate
castes alone. These castes have considerably jmptoved their
economic position compared to other caste groups. The transfer
of landholdings to the people of these castes has been mainly
responsible for the elevation of their economic posi.tion,

IV
THJ? LOWER CASTES

There are meen castes jn the six villages which fall under
the category of lower castes. These fifteen astes together
constitute only60 households. The Kais, Meenas and Gadarias
have numerically a greater strength than the rest of caste groups
o f this catcgory (see Table 7). The caste groups ofher than the
Nais, Meenas and Gadarias have less than seven hou~eholds
each. TheGadarins and the Bedios are found in Murrvara.
The Darogas live in Roopprh and Bhutera. The Meenas live
in Roopgarh, Bhutera, Harmara and Murwara. The Nais live.
in all the six villages. The Dakots, Khatiks, Dadhis, ~ n d
Bunkars are found in Harmara only. The Ranas, Dholis,
Vyasas, Jogis, Baitagis,,and Dhobis live in Bhutera. Thus, these
caste groups are spread over in all the six ~illages. A single
village does not have all the castes. The lower castes nre
divided into the categories of the beggar and the functicnan:
caste group like thc intermediate cnster mainly on the basis OF
accupational differentjation. There are no castes rtom
among :the lower castes whose members tre mainly dependent
upon cuLivatioo.

The beggar castes

The beuar castes comprise the caste groups such as
Vyasas, Jogis, Dakok, Rams, ~ h d i s Bajrngjs,
, Dbadhis, and
Bedias in the six villages. AU these castes are e n d o ~ m o u k
discrete groups. They avoid two 'gotras' on tke father &d the
rn~ihm'~ sides. All these castes practice 'Nata' like the inter-
mediate castes. They strictly adhere to the rules of cammen-
sality among themselves, bowevcr, acwpt food and water from
Lbe intermediate arid the upper caste people.
Tl~csecastes generally pursue their traditional taI\ings. The
Vyasos depend upon temple worshiping and alms-taking. The
logis are cnnsidered to be expert in 'Tsntra', and as such they
are supposed to protect the crops against any eventuality in the
villages and are obliged by giviag alms daily. The castes such
as the Dholis, Faqirs, Dhadhis, Ranas and Bedias mainly
include singers and drum-beaters. Ttlese castes depend upon
alms-taking still to a great extent. The Dakots are the low
caste astrologers. They depend, however, upon 'dan' and
alms for their liveIihood. The familes of these castes except
the Jogis of Bhutera do not possess landholdings. The Jogis
have considerable Iandholdings in Bhutera. They depend upon
both cultivation and begging. The Dakots in Harmara mainly
depend upon Tonga driving.
These castes stilI go on with their traditional caIIings to
a considerable extent iri the six villages, but they were not
involved in the Jajmani-system directly. All these castes, how-
ever, had distributed the households in all the villages among
their respective families on the basis of their Nak (right on
the basis of lineage) to get Inarns (rewards) and meals at:
the occasions of birth, marriage and death, etc. These
castes have not improved their caste positions They have not
imitated the practices and customs of the higher castes. This
is probably due t o their jmpoverishcd economic position. These
castes do no\ have decisive hand in the viIIage affairs.

Functionary c a ~ t e s
Nais. Dhobis. Meenas and Damgas constitute the
group of functionary castes from among the lower castes. These
c a m are p ~ i i a i l yengaged in their tradi6onal callings as well
as involved in the Jajmani-system in the six villages. n e Nais
t o pwform Jajmani obligations such as ]lair-cutting,
.cleaning of Jutha plates, deIivery of invitations to h e relations
in other villags and to the villagers in the villaps itself at the
awthions of birth, marriage and death, etc. The Nais have
 discarded the cleaning of Jotha ~Iatesfor the last 10 years in
all Ule villages except Butera. The Nais in Ethutera took a
decision t o continue their traditional callings fortheir livelihood.
Consequently, there are two groups among the Nais: (a) of
those who have stopped cleadng of Jutha plates; and (b) those
who still stick to all their traditional callings. These two groups
of the Nais are not permitted to have matrimonial relations
between themsetvcs. This restriction was enforced by their
format caste associationc at the levels o f the Chaukhnfas and
the informal caste Panchayats in the villages.
The Dhobis are only in Bhutera. Their main source or
livelihood is manual and agricultural labour. Traditionally.
they used to wash dirty clothes of all the higher castes on the
pattern of Jajrnani system. Today, this traditional aczupaliona1
basis does not prove remunerative and as such the t~ml~erruen
, in Bhutera hove to depend upon m ~ n u a l1abo11r.
The Meenas are a part of the Jajmani relations.
Traditionally, they are supposed to render the service of watch-
manship (chowkidari). They arc obliged to compensate the
k f t s romn~itedby the thieves and robbers in case they an:
unable to trace out the culprits. They receive in kind
(food-grains) annually known as 'Palla' for their services of
Chowkidari. Besides this, they receive meals and cash at the
occasions of b i d , marriage, death and other festivals. The
Meenas five in Roopgarh, Bhoiera, Narmara and Murwara.
The Meenas in Roopgath still adhere to their traditional
occupzttion. But in other villages (Bhutera, Harmara and
Murwrs) they hare discarded the o~cuptiionof Chowkidari,
considering it probably degrading and low, as it involves them
in the matters of theft and robbery, The Meenas of these
villages are a m e of sanskrjtiration. The Meenas in the four
villages, however, depend considerably upon cultivation and
W u a l labour. A11 the families af Meenas own modaratu
landholdiogs.
The D a r o ~ are
s a group who used to render domestic
S e r v i a to their Raput laadIoda Thy cooked their fend At
Present, in Raopgarh, Bhutera and Hannata, thew am Ilo
FrWm from the Daraga caste who render their tladitional
services to the ex-Zamindars from the Rajputs, The Gadarias
live only in Murwara. Tr~ditimaHy,they are a shepbrd Caste
7 8 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATIFlCATION SYSTBM

group. a u t at present they are mainly e n ~ g e din cultivation

and manual and industrial labour.
The above mentioned lower castes are not dominant in
either of the six villages. Numerically, these castes are small
-groups. Economically, they are backward. With exceplion of
the Meenas and some families OF the Gadarias none of these
castes own considerable landholdings. All these factors together
contribute to their low status and positon in the social hierarchy
in the six vil h g s .

v
THE 'UNTOUCHABLE' CASTES

The Balais (Chamars), Naiks, Regars, and Bhangis

fonlprise the 'untouchable' castes. The Balais are found in all
the six villages, and are numerically the second [argest group
among all the castes in tbe six villages. The Rega~slivein
Roopgarh, Bhutera, and Hntrnara. The Naiks live in Roopgarh
and Sabalpura. The Bhangis are found in all the villages except
Sabalpura. AlI the four castes of the ex-untouchables are
discrete rndogamous units. They avoid two 'gotras' on the
sides of mother and father like the lower castes. AU the
castes practice 'Nata'. These castes strictly observe commensai
restrictions w i ~ h[he exception of the Bhangis, who accept food
and water from all other castes in the six villages. The Bhangis
even take the 'Jutha' food (Ieft-over in the plates) given by all
the higher castes except the ex-untouchable castes. No significant
distinctions are found in the life styles of tbe four castes, how-
ever, these castes claim their caste distinctiveness and superiority
aver each other except the Bhangis who occupy the lawest
caste rank.
Traditionally, the Chamars who are addressed as the
'Balais' are a shoe-mending, and leather-dealing caste group.
They used lo remove carcass and skin them. For the last 15
years they hnve discarded these traditional callings on the plea
that they Iowered their position and kept them 'impureT. p~~~
they do not touch the carcass and mend the shoes which they
did on the Pattern of Jajmani system. Manual labour and
cultivation are their main sources of livelihood today in aU the
six vil1ags. Ps~chologially, tbe Chamars feel themselves
 emanicipated from a de@ed position by tbese changes in the
araditiooal callin&. The Cbamars bave tbns sanskritized their
way of living by imitating the upper castes. They are not
hvolved in the Jajmani system. Some of the Chaman in aU
*he villages even do not eat meat and drink liquor t o d ~ .
The discarding of traditional occupations has created
divisions among the Chamars. The majority comprises the
sanskritized Chamars. We find, however, one family in
Roopgarh, two in Sabalpura and one in Murwara of the
Charnars wlio bave not left their traditional callin& These
!two grokps do not sit together. Those who adhere to the
traditiona1 occupationsare considered as the 'outcaste'. Dining
together, even touched food and water are not permitted tot118
sanskritized families. N o marital ties are possible between the
families of the two groups,
The Naiks were low grade servants in the court of the
3agirdar in Roopgarb. The Naiks in Sabalpura are traditianal
basket-makers. The women-folk, however, in both the viIIages
used to work as midwives at the time of birth delivery. They
have discarded midwifery which was a part of the Jajmani
system. The Naiks now depend in Roopgtrh mainly upon
musonary work, cultivation and labour. In Sabalpura, they
depcnd upon basket-making and manual labour for their liveli-
hood. The economic position oftfie Chamars and tbe Neih
is con~paratively backward than the Regars and the Bhangis.
This is probably due to dislocation of the traditional occupn-
aions of thc two.castcs. Thc Rcgars and Bhnngis ha the not k f t
their traditional occup~tionsand rather adopted some of the
discarded callings of the Chamars and the Naiks.
Tbe R e g r ~depend a bsnlutely upon sboe-making in
Poopgarb, however, in Bhutera and Harmara they depend
pattially on manual labour alongwith shoe-making. By and
large, the ecooomic p ~ stii ~ nof the Regars is better off than the
Cbrnarp and the Naiks. There is no dislocation of their
t r a d f t h l calling. Thy have rather adopted shoe-manding
and other works discarded by ,ye Charnars. The new occupa-
rional adoptations haw involved thm ia the ~ a j m ksystem
i in
all the three villages in whi~hthey Live, This has stten~tbened
their economic positiod In Roopmrh, abut half oFthe familias
from among the Regars own pucca houses, wbmas hardly five
80 THE CHANCING RURAL S 7 R A m C A n O N SYSTEM

per cent of the Charnars own the pucca houses in tqis village. a

The Bhangis are the lowest caste group in all the villages,
however, they are found in a better off economic position than
other '~~~ouchable' castes. This is primarily due to multiple
sources of livelihood which they have. They are engaged in
scavenging, basket-making,bone-collecting,cultivation, and serve
as sweepers inthe Municipalities in the cities. In Roopgarh, three
Bhangis own pucm houses. Two of them lend money to the
Chamars. Similarl>l, ~ h cBhangis in Har~nara serve in the
municipal board at Jaipnr.
The 'un!ouchable' casles, inspite of their occupatiooal
dise'erentiation, are quite conscious about their lowcr caste
positions in the caste hierarchy. The result is that the nlembets
of thes:: castes unite during thc Panchayat elections and get men
of their cnstes elected. This has happened in Roopgarh, Sabal-
pura, Harinara, and Murrvara. It does not mean that they
have a decisive hand in the day-to-day affairs of the villages
and enjoy considerable power and prcstip. Even the elected
members of the viuagc: Pancbayats from amang these lower
castes do not have an elfective voice in deciding the affairs af
the villages. This we shall analyse in detail in other chapters.

VI
THE MUSLIMS

Out of the total 65 fardies of the Muslims, 61 Iive in

Sabalpura, 2 in Harmara, and 2 in Roopgarh. There are nB
~ u s inbthe other three villages. Though the Muslims do
not fonn a part or a unil of tbe caste stratification in Sabalpm,
they are a part and parcel of the econamic and the political
networks of the village. The Muslims have a hierarchy of their
own, which is not so 'elaborate' as it is among the Hindu
castes. They do not observe strictly right rules regarding
marriage and commeasality, The hierarchy among the Muslims
explains distinctions of Status and prestige. In Sabalpura, the
~ u s l i r n sbelong to three main elms, namely, the Khokhars, the
hthans, and the Kyamkbanis. The Pathans are graded lower
than the Khokhus. f i e latter ate superior to the Kyamkhanis;
Similarly, the Luhar (b~acksmirh)Muslims are lower the
Ma& (bnngle-maker) Muslims in Harmara
 CASTE STRUt2URB AND STRATIFICATION

There.is no commensal segregation in regard to food and

water among the Muslims. They acceptfood a d water among
themselves and even eat fogether on occasions of fesfivaIs
such as Id, Mubarram, etc, he^ rather cherisll drinking and
eating i n t h e ssme utensils. The Muslims have public. waterhuts,
whereall the Mllslims can take water usingthe same glass. This
is particularly round in the cities such as laipur and Siknr.
Like the Rajputs nnd the Jais, some families of the
Muslims were Zarnindars in Snbalpura. The abolition of the
Zamindari system has affected their economic and socia t posi-
tion adversely in the village. Today the Muslims depend
mainly upon the services in the Pofice and the Army. A majo-
rity of the servicemen arc constabls and soldiers. A number of
EamiIies depend upon cultivation, manual Jabour and masonary
work. The Muslims have a different set of customs and practi-
ces of their own. Their dress pattern and accent of speech also
differ from the Hindus. But their position in emnomic,
educational and cultural fields is generally lower than that of
the intermediate castes. The position of the Muslims is, how-
ever, superior in social hierarchy to the position of the mostof
the Iowct castes. Rajputs, Brahmins and Jatf enjoy a bettap
position than the Muslims.

V1I
THE JAJMANISYSTEM A N D THE CASTE STRATIFICATTON

The Jajmani system is closely associated with the msie

strafification. The higher castes are the Jajmans (who re&w
services from the lower castes). The lower castes are the
Kamins (who swve the bigher castes in a number of ways).
Thus, hierarchal relations constitute the core of the Jajmani
system. The higher costa such as the Brahmins, Rajputs,
Banias and Jats do not serve other castese. On the other hand,
6. GmId. Huofd A; 'Priest and Contrapriest ; A Structural Analysis
of Jajmani ReIationships in the Hindu PIains and the Nilgiri Hills,'
in C0ntr;butlons To Indian Sorialapy. [New Series. No. 1 December
1967) pp. 26-55. Gould mcntions that at thepolas of hictarchr, then,
both the Brahman and the S u b are purjan in relation to all orhcra
wit15 regard to their priestly functions and are jajmn to M
me', p. 38. Both Brahman a d pmjnn, according to Oould, FOIIOW
ritual services, one being at the top of the hjeratchy md the other at
82 THE CMNGMG RURAL S T U ~ ~ C A l l QSYSTEM
N.

the lower and Qntouchable' castes, such as the Nais, Kumbars,

Meenas, Dhobis, Khatis, Chamars and Bhangis serve the Mgher
castes in the form bf Jajmani obligations. The higher castes
pay for their services both in cash and kind.
The Jajmani system has b:en analysed with a number of
perspectives. According to Gould, Beidelman and Harper, it
is an economic system or economic aspect of caste. O p the
otle hand, there are landowning, wealth and power contt~llIng
high castes, and on the other, there are landless, lowef and
duntouchable' castes, who offer u~enial service and crafts to
their landowning patrons.
Hocart considers Jajmani system as a ritual or sacrificial
o r p n i z a t i ~ n . ~Basic to the Homrt's theory is a commitment
to a royal or lordly way of life as an ideal. Wiser, Leach and
Kolenda consider the Jajmani system as a system of economic,
political, and ritual interrelationships between castes.O According
-
(Cofitinuedfmm pose 811
the bottom and. therefore, both are .ourians - (kamins).
. As such, it is
~ ~

wrong to conceive the twicehorn cages are jajmans and do not

scrvc oll~srcastes. But o m lras tq make a disriucliou bctwccn khc
ritual services offered by the Brahman and the Purlan. The serviccs
,OF the Brahman are cnnsidercd as above the aerviccs oflered by the
Purjan. He i s never treated as a Purjan, whereas a functionary
gets rhc treatment of a Kamin.
7. Gauld, H. A; Quated from Pauline Mahar Kolenda, 'TowardA
Modcl of the Hindu Jajmni System'; Humon Organizorbn, (Vol. 22,
No. 1 ; 1963).
Rsidclma~~, Thomas, 0 ;A C o ~ ~ r p r r ~ o4nu!yslsof
~ive /Ire Jqinrunl5ysl~m.
(New York; L m s t valley, 1963). Bcidelmnn defines Jajrnani systmt
'as feudnlisticsystem of premibed heceditaw obligations, payment:.
and of eccupa[ional and cer.emoninl duties between two of more
specific lamities of different m t e s :in thcsame locality' (P.6).
'Harper,,Edward B; 'Two Syrte,m of Economic Exchang in Village
?India';Amcrican Aathmpologisf, (Vol. 61. 1959) pP. 76-78.
g, 'Hocart, h . M ; Carte, A Comparativr Sfudy {London : Mathew and
CO., lY5O.), pp. 48-49, M v r t writes about. Jajmani system of
Ccylon t h a ~Sinhnlcsesociety cmnot carry an wjlhout wasberman or
b~rbtc&cause withant them cin\u\s rc.gardiag birth, man iaBc, and
death remain iniomplete.
9, wiser, w . u ; ' T ~ ~ Jolmanl S p t m (Lucknow : Luckaapr Publi-
Hindu
shing House. 19361. also Behind Wa/ls (New York : R.R,
Smith, 19U)).
Lea&, E.R; [ad.) A ~ p e c pofCa!le fin South India, Ceylon and Norrh-
W s f P d f d a ~Iandoa:Cambridge UGv-aity Press, 1960) ~f.1-10.
 CAKl'E S T R U C Z ' AND
~ ~ STRATTnCATMN 83
to Lewis and Pocock, the.basis of Jajmani system is dominance
and power.lVhes-e different views expressed about the nature
of the jajmani system help understanding of the existing patterns
of this system in the six villages.

Patterns of Jajmani relations

Three patterns of theJajmani reiations are round in the
six vilIages. They are : (I) the lower castes serve tbe higher
castes and receive their remuneration in both cash and kind ;
(2) there is anexchange of services some functionary castes serve
other functionary castes o n the exchange basis ;and (3) some
functionary castes serve the lower and the 'untouchable' castes,
aod receive payments both in cash and kind.
In all the six villages the upper and the upper middle
castes, for example, the Brahmins, Rajputs, Banias, Jats, Malis,
Gujars and Ahirs are served by the functionary castes, such as
the Regars, Khatis, Dajees, Kumhars, Meenas, Nais, Bunkars,
Dhobis, Balais, Bhangis, etc. The upper and the upper middle
castes do not serve other castes as the Karnins do. They make
payments to the Kamins both in cash and kind.
Secondly, there is a pattern of exchange of Jajmsni
ssrvices ktween some functionary castes. The castes involved
in the functionary services are : the Khatis, Darjees, Kumhars,
Meenas, Nais, Dhobis and Chamars, They exchange their
respective services and crafts and do not make payments either
in cash or kind. The hierarchy of tbe Jajman and the Kamin
is not significantly emphasised among these castes who make
an exchange of services.
Finally, there are some castes who serve some lower and
the 'untouchable' castes too. For example, the Kbatis,
Kumbars, and Mcenas ofier their services even to the Cb~mars,
Regars, and Naiks. They accept payments from them both in
cash and kind. But the casks such as the Khatjs, Kumhors
and Meenas are not the Karnins of the 'untouchabIe' cas.teS

10. Lewis, Oscar, Vlilqge LiJa in Nmrh India, (Urbana : ~ n i v e t s i t yof

Illinois Prcss. 1954).
P o m k , D . R 'Notes on Jqjmaoi Relntionshipe', Coatriburionx TO
Indim Sbciology, (TheHAW: Mouton and Co. Vol. V I Dcccmbbr,
. 1962) PP.78-95,
84 THE CHANGING RURAL SnrATlPlCATION SYSTEM

whom they serve on the Jajmani lines. Thus, ritual ranking is

not determined by the Jajman-Kamin relations. Ritual rank is
essentially determined by the position in the caste hierarchy.
The Brahmins serve the lower and intermediate castes and
receive for their services both in cash and kind and at the
same time are not considered as Kamins.

Changes in the Jajmani system

Significant changes have taken place in the patterns of the
~&j~&ni-obligations. However, the changes vary from viIlage
to villa^. The differential patterns of change are based on the
rural-urban differences and the nature of economy of the six
vjhges. The Jajmani ties are not so strong in the sub-urban
villages, as they are in the remote villages. The Kamin
castes in the sub-urban villages are not heavily depen-
dent upon the Jajmani system for their livelihood. The
Kamin castes cultivate on their meagre farms, and in the
time they seek employment in the urbnn centres. F o r
example, some of the Nais and the Khatis of Sabalpura and
Harmara have opened hair-cutting and furniture shops respec-
tively at Sikar and Jaipur. Thus, the Jajmani system is not a
main source of livelihood for the functionaries today. The
physical proximity to the townships has paved a way for a
relaxation of the ties of this system.
Secondly, the menus of transport, such as roads and
buses, have lessened the dependence upon the service castes.
For example, Sabalpura and Harmara are linked with Sikar
and Jaipur by pucca metalled roads. The peopIe of both o f
these villages and of Murwara have an easy approach to the
cities of Sikar, Jaipur and Bharatpur. They are in a position
to fulfil their requirements from the markets of these urban
centres.
But the changes in the Iajmani system are not so rapid
in the remote villages. The Kamin castes depend mahly on
labour, cultivation, and indigenous crafts and arts which
constitute a part of the Jajmani-obligations in all the six
viuages. The functionary caste families in the remote
therefore, cannot d g r a t e to the towns, as the fatter are not
easily approachable as h e y are in the case of the families of
the euburban villages. On the other hand, the Jajmans
 CASTE !XRURTURE AND SIRAnPICATION 85'

cannot rush to the cities all the time to fulfil their require
ments. Because of these limitations on two sides (the Jajmans
and the Kamins), the Jajmani system has not changed t o the
exlent it has changed in the suburban villages. However, the
Jajmani system has undergone a series of cbanges in both sub-
urban and the remote vilIages which they have expressed abouf
the Jajmani system.
Generally, the people in Sabalpura, Harmara and Murwara
depend less upon agriculture than their counterparts in Roop-
garh, Bhutera and Bawari respectively. The more the villagers
depend upon agriculture, the more they need the srr vices of the
Kamins and the functionaries. Therefore, the villagers of
R o o p ~ r h .Bhutera and Bawari require more Jajrnaai-based
services than the people of the sub-urban villages. For example,
in Bawari all the villagers depend mainly on agriculture and
agricultural labour with the exception of four persons who are
working outside the village. In h w a r i , the Khatis, Nais,
Kumhars and Cbamars perform the functions of the Jajmani
system considerably in the ideal-typical way. The peasants
need acutely the services of the functionaries of the village.
nerefore, they do not allow the service-castes to discard the
Jajmani-based occupations, as there are no other oltcmatives
available in the village. Similarly, in Roopgarh and Bhutera,
the Jajmani syst-zm is working, but mt in the same wny as it
functions in Bawari. Agriculture is not a basic source of
livelihood in Roopgarh and Bhutcra. Therefore, in both the
villages, white collar jabs and factory work are reaIised as
alternative sources of income ta compensate tho deficiency of
the agricultural earnings.
The increasing consciousness of status and prestige has
also initiated changes in the Jajmani system. For example, the
Nais. Chamars, Naiks, and Meenas have discarded their
tmtlitional occupations because they considered them impure OJI
the plea t h ~ tbese
t accupafions contributed to their Iower and
'untouchable' caste ranks. The process of sanskritizntion
as a said proof of the c h ~ g e sthat result kcause of
such a slatus c o ~ i o u ~ n e s s .
The structural changes, such as the abolition of t b
Jagirdari and the Zarnindari systems and decline in the solidarity
the caste system and the caste Panchayat, have also wakened
 TABLE 8
The responset of remofc and sub-urban villagers 10 the question as i0
wherlter Jajmmi rjbstemis intact at ir w a r In the pmr or very much
-
changed or i5 almnosf &sent
-
T y p 6 of Infactas Verymuch Almost Total
villages in the past changed abscnl

Suburbah I4 92 102 208

(6.7) (44.3) (49.0) (100.0)
Rcmto 13 92 64 169
(7.7) (54.4) (37.9) (100.0)

Total 27 184 166 337

(7.2) (48.8) (44.0) (1Op.O)

TABLE 9
Thejwuency distribution of responses to the question as to what type of .
changes people would like ro hove in rhe lojmani syslenl

Types of Should remain Should be Should be Total

respondents as it is modiiied abolished
Sub-urban 41 79 88 20.8
(19.7) (38.0) (42.3) (1'W.v
Remote 42 74 53 169
(24.9) (43.8) (31.3) r1oo.o)

TABLE I0
The response tu ftre qucsfion or tb wl~elherJtaJ~~mni rysiem W ~ I S J ~ ~ I U ~ ~ C
only in rhe pnst or it i f ruilohle today or l r f h noi sui~able01. all

'OW of Suitable in Suitable Not suitable Total

rapondantr the pad today at all

Sub-urban 117 60 31 208

[56..3) (28.8) (14.0) (100.0)
Ram& 81 77 11 169
(48.0) (45.5) (6.7) ( I 00.0)

Total 198 137 42 377

(52.5) (36.3) (11.2) (~~.o)
 the role of the Jajmani system along with the factors analysed
above. However, the ritual. significan& of the Jajmani system
still remains intact. ti, 4 considerable extent. Ritualistic services
are offered by the Khatis, Kumhars, L ~ a r sBalais
, and Bhmgis
on the occasions of birth, marrjage, death, and other ceremonies
and festivals. The Brahmin priest still performs Puja (worship)
on all ceremonial occasions, such ns Holi, Dirvali, Dashera and.
Ram Navmi. Despite this the Jajmani system is in a state of flux.
It shows symptoms of strains. Some Kamin castes have discarded
their callings,asd the others are half-way towards this process.
It .cannot be claimed that the above changes in the
Jajmani system have affected the caste stratificetion in the s i r
villages to a great extent. The reality is that the Jajmani system
dots not absolutely represent the caste stratification. The basis
of t b e caste stratification system stiff.is rooted in tbc discfete
endogamous caste units whose statuses are based on the ascrip-
tion of status by birth. No doubt the Jajmani system coasists
of the Jajman-Kamin hierarchy, but it is mainly based on
economic power. The Jajmani system has partially non-
hierarchical relations as some of the functionary castes (clean
ones) serve the unclean castes.

YTII
STRAINS IN CASTE STRATIFICATION

TWO types of changes have taken pIace in the vilhgc cam-

rnunity. The first one may be described as structural change
wbich includes processes like the abolition of tho Sngirdari and
the Zamindori systems, the introduction of adult franchise,
Panchayati Raj and cooperative movement. The second type
d &ages include the peripheral changes in the village com-
munity. such as ectahlishment and constructmn of modern
s~chooB, roads, and migration. Both types of changes have
considerably affected the caste stratification in the viilage corn-
m ~ i t y . Theso two types of changes have resulted in the
followhg pr-ses of mobility in the caste shatiflcation. They
are : (1) modernizarian,fl aod (2)sanskritization
11. Sr~nivas, M.N. Social CyIan~cIn Mddan Jndfo, op,,dt. Rcfereoct
is a bo made in this voltme about the coocept of 'maderniza1imeas
devctopd by Daniel Lerner. (Cu~thredln nerl Pnge)
88 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATIFICA~ON SYSTEM

Moderni.mtion
The process of modernizati~nin caste starts when the
ritualistic considerations of caste stratification become consi-
derably less effective and the new attributes are substituted or
added to the cxisting ones. For example, the upper castes, in
gencral, put more emphasis on achievement of higl~creducation,
highcr income, white collar occupations and positions of pawer
and influence than reinforcing their ritualistic tndowments.
This does not mean, however, that all the existing elen~enhof
stratification are discarded necessarib t o givt phce to the new
elements.I3
The systems o r Zamindari and Jagirdari in tha past vested
a kind of economic power in the hands of the upper castes
which reinforced thejr ritual stntuses and its accompanying
privileges and obligations. The abolition of hesz institutions
has affected the role of ritual superiority in the social slratihca-
tion system of the village. Many aspects of the Jajmani rela-
lions have be:n weakened; a variety of ritual obligations are
now becoming obsolescent. 'Consequently, the upper castes are
finding out new menas through education, political participa-
tion and mechanization of agriculture, etc. to compcnsatc !he
loss of their traditional social status. On one hand it leads ro
adoprion of new skills and technologies, and on the other. it
weakens the role of traditional values and rituals in their social
and cultural life. Thus, what is modernization from one point
also turns out to be de-sanskritization from another as riiualistic
considerations are dropped out th.orrgh not always.
. .
Such a process of mobility based primarily on achievement
has accentuated the relaxation of the rules of commcnsality and
ritual ranking. The changes rhar contribute t o rhe decline of
the ri~ualisticconsiderations form a part of the process of de-
sanskridzation.lJ For example, the popular Ieaders and the

(&rirrut-djrfl~~~puge 87)
12. Srinivas, MAN;Religion and Suciety among rhc Coorgs of South
InrlIa. op., dl.
13. Slyarrna. K.L: 'Modernizafion and Rural Stralificdion : An Applice-
tion a 1 lhc Micro-Lever, Ecomrrlic and P o l i r i ~ - Hrtekly
~l (Vol. V,
No. 37, 1970!,pp. 1537-43.
14. Miijurndar, D.N; Caslfl md Conrmrrn~calionin An lnrllan Village,
(Dclhi : Asia Pubiishing House, 1959).
 C m STRUCI'URR. AND ' ~ T I E I c A T ~ O N 89

educated men in all the villages now occtrsioo~llytouch the

Chamars, Regars and Naiks (the ex-untouchables) without
involving the caste sanctions associated with impurity. Some
Brahmin leaders iu Rbopgarh accept food and water from the
Jat leaders for fulfilment of their noliticnl ends. This is done
when, specially on the farm, m;oy upper castes work side by .
side with tbese 'untouchable' labourers. However, these sporadic
and casual changes which are pragmatically-odenled have not
been able to liberalise the core of the s.anctions.ofthe caste
stratification.
In answer to a close-endcd question whether caste should
be abolished or reformulated or kept as it is, none of the res-
pondents from any castc group said that it should he abolished
(See Table 11). Only 39.6 per cent said that it should be kept
as it was. However, 60.4 pcr cent of them thought that caste
system should be reformulated. It is, thus, evident tliat the
villagers arc prepared to make some new adaptations within the
.caste hierarchy without al~eringits basic structure.
TABLE I1
Showing fke opinion of me~lbrrsfrom diffcrenr cnstrps ro ~ u g g a t r d
changes in rhe cure system

Caste Should be Should be Should bc

reformulated kept us it is abolished
22 -
(25.3) -
a4 -
-
(54.4)
5 -
(14.3) -
30 -
(37.5) -

Nwte bf [be respondents, however, reacted that tha system

should be abolhhed The majority of them fed that tbe
6ystem be reformulated and new adaptations be made but it
.should be done by retaining the system kith its basic frame of
90 THE CHANGING RURAL sTRAIPIcA~~N
SYSTEM

hierarchy and segregation. They fcar:tbatthe abolition of .the

caste system mny result i n a totaI disharmonyand chaos in
rdationi between -groups and individuals in the ~1 society.
Thus, the villagers are not a verse to the new adaptations but at
the same time they wish to retain the deep traditions of caste
hierarchy which have become a p a ~ of t their Iife.
The structural changes in caste stratification have promo-
ted the process of tequalization' in the s i villages.
~ For example,
some families of the Rajputs. Brahmins, an<\ J ~ T Swho were the
Zalllindars before the abolition of this system now cannot
support themselves on their meagre landholdings and- have to
work as manual labourers. Two families of the Rajputs (ex-
Zamindars) and two of the Brahmins in Roopgarh depend par-
tially upon manual labour for t heir livelihood. The Rajputs
did not bave df-cultivation bet'ore the land tefocms. They
mainly depended upon the land revenue wbich they received,
from the landholdings granted to them by the ex-Jagirdar.
After the land reform tabohtion of Zamindori) they could
retain only about 30 acres each of dry land under their posses-
sion and these IandhoIdings today do not provide enough in-
come to tl~ciclivelihood. Conseqcently, their economic position
and along with it their social status in the village bave slided-
dawn. Today they have to worIc as manual Iabourers for
other castes specially Jats, Brahmins and Banias. The Brahmins
too did not cultivate their land by themseIves bet'ore the aboli-
tion, Now they too bave to do it, and as their land hold in^
are insuficienr they also work as labourers. On the same
pattern, in Sa?ialpura, Harmara &ad Bhutera, about 15 families.
of the Rajputs, Brahmins and C b ~ a n stoday do works c m i -
dered to be menial in view of their tradition; some of &em
work as peons in officxs and othcrs work as labourers.
The ex-lagirdan of Raopgarb and Bhutera maintained a
great distance from the village people during !be Jagirdari
p d o d . T h e same distance in terms of prestige a d power
does wt exist today. Their e ~ r l o m i cposition is weakened.
They are, however, better off than the village people,
~ ex-Jagirdar of Roopgarh owns
they own big h n d h o l d i ~ g(the
ahaut 2,000 acres of land). They have ako kc@ a sot of
perty in term of buildings both at Jaipur a d in their villas,
and Jewellwy.
 Tbe position of the Jat ex-Zamindaa in Bharatpur
villages has also gone down to same extent. Before the aboli-
tion, they cultivate also did not their lands themselves; now
they have to do self-cultivation. Thus, ia all the six viUages,
the privileged families have been afFected by the recent changes
aad consequently their status has been affected.
There exists a counter-process of the upgrading of posi-
tions in rhe social, economic and political fields for same of the
fmerJy expropriated or lower castes. This bas happened also
as a consequence of laud reforms. Many former lower castes
like Ahirs, Malis, Gujars, Chamarq etc. who were tenants of
the Zamindars before the aboIition and worked as cultivators-
at-will during this period have now secured substantial land-
holdihgs through land reforms.
In the six villages, there are about 30 families from the
lower and ex-tenant castes who now own more than la0 acres
of land each. These bmilies have pucca houses and they have
taken to money lending. Before the abolition, none of these
families ~wneda puma house and most of them were under
debt. Education is another factor through which some castes.
which were not d~minaatin the village, haw i m p r o d their
status, This is pnrticutatly True for Brahmins in Hannara and
Roopgarh, and Charms in Harrnara, In such cases, the posi-
tion of the educated families compares even more favourably
with that of the Former dominut castes {families) whom they
have now replaced.
In Harmara, Charans were the only dominant caste being
the hmindars. Now many Brahmin families have replaced
them in $wid status; the Brahmins haw mmy members in
their families who are graduates in science, whereas the
Charans with a few exceptions are illiterate. This has tilted the
balance af power and status in the village. In Roopgarh too
the new climban to high status aix the Brahmins rPbo are
G U Y edhcated. These two opposite processes have initiated
a l~vellingof social and economic divergences, but they have
not conaidorably weakened the real basis of the caste hierarchy
and coincideztce d clads distiaotiom dong with ceste ranking.
T h i s i s evidenced by the fact that the families of the
upper castes in all the six villages still continue to do-
minate.
92 THE CWGING RURAL STRATLPICATIONSYSTEM

Sanshitization
Sanskritimtion has been defined as a prucess of mobility
within the caste system by imitating the customs and practices
of the higher castes by the lower c a ~ t e s . ~ castes~ h e which
sanskritize their pantheon and rituals think tbat their statuses
are tower in social hierarchy because of the customs, practices
and occupations they carry on. In such cases these castes try
to jmprove their social status by rejecting some of their tradi-
tional styles of life and imitating the cultural styles of the upper
castes. There are many cases of this kind in the six villagcs we
have studied.
IU Sabalpura and Roopgarh, the Naiks have discarded
midwifery on the ground tbat it was polluting and that made
them 'untouchables'. Tlic Nais have discarded cleaning of the
Jutba (defiled from eating) plates on the plea that it placed them
in lower position in social hierarchy. The examples of the Khatis
five villages and a Darjee family in Roopgarh, however, are of
a different nature. The Khatis and the Darjces adopfcd certain
Brahminic customs and practices to raise their status. The
Khatis now put on sacred thread, do not accept kucha food and
water [tom the castes other than the Brahmins and name them-
selves as 'Sharrna', a Brahmin style of nomenclature. Similarly
the Darjees in Roopgarh put on sacred thread and offer regular
worship t o lord Shiva. The Chamars in all the six villages
have completely given up their traditional occupation of shoe-
mending and removal and skinning of carcass. In their case,
this rejection has even led to economic hardship since this was
their major source of income.
Three patterns of sanskritization are found in the six
villages on the basis of the degrees of adoption and rejection of
traditional ways :

(1) There are castes who reject completely their tradi-

tional occupations and other ways, such as Cbamars
and Naiks. The traditional occupations in their case
were higllly polluting and made them 'untouchables';
therefore, they discarded these occupations despite
the hardship involved.
15. Srinivas, M N ; Rellgion S ~ c i c f yAlnong the cwr8spsf south
India, op., cit.
 CASTE STRUCmraE AM) SRATIFICATION
- 93
(2) There are castes who have partiauy rejected tradi-
tional occupations. The Nais, for example, have
discarded cleaning of Jutha utensil$, but have retained
hair-cutting and same other traditional occupations
which did not contribute to the lowering af their
status.
(3) Finally, we find the tastes where traditional ways are
not rejected but new elements are emulafed from
higher casles to improve caste status. The Khatis
and the Darjees have adopted some Brahminic prac-
tices to improve their traditional status in the village.

Sanskritization, according t o Srinivas, is a process of

mobility at r~ertiralkveljn thcrastesysfem, But this view is,
not accepted by Majumdat.16 His view is that verticaldifferences
among the cartes remain almost intact because of birth ascrip-
tion and caste endogamy.

Caste consciomess
Expression of caste consciousness is essentially a result of
the sentiments of belonging to a particular caste group. By
virtue of heredifary caste membership, people shnre common
sorio-religious norms and values in regard to occupation, c ~ m -
mensality, and marital relations, etc. Intra-caste competition is
ruled out and the cultural which caste provides for
its members as n group in course of time strengthens caste
c~nsciousoess. Cultural autonomy and caste ~asciousnessare
reflected through attitudes towatd ritual performances, reljgiaus
practices, food, contacts occupations, etc.
Our study reveals that each caste group adheres to its own
set of rules and regulations in regard to iniercasfe relations sbd
endogmy. There has not beea a single example OF intercaste
marriage in either of the six villages. Hyperearnous marriages
within the purview of caste endogamy are preferred, whereas
hypogarnoas marriages are considered undesirabIe and sociaUy

16. Majumdar. D.N; Caata nnd Gmmwifirrrion in An I d a n Yillqr;

op ,cit.
17. Dose, N.K-, 'Clriss end Caste'. Culfkre and Society fn I ~ d i h(New
York :Asia PubIishing Hotl8e, 19671,
94 THE m S ( ; M G RURAL STRATIPICATION SY$TF.M

degrading. f i e same applies to commensality and untoach-

ability. No case af intercaste dining is reported.

TABLE 12
Caste superiority nod injerforil~'
-
Caste Those who Those w h j~o Total
bdieve not believe

Lower and
'untoucbabIes' 92(80.0) 23 (20.0) 1151100.0)

Total 267 (75.0') 89125.0) \ 356[300.0)

Villagers' belief in the superiority of some castes in com-

,parison t o others is revealed by their responses to a question:
'Do you brIie.ve that goole castes are superiur to others?' Above
table gives the Ggures wbicb indicate that a majority of villagers
believe that superiority and inferiority of caste groups exist.
By and large, all the caste groups have substituted a new
set of practices which maintains and enhances their social
in the caste hiemchy. They have k e n striving lo
get higher education, lucrative occupations, and prestigious
positi0.n~ of ofice and power. The traditionally privileged
castes, however, comparatively puc more emphisis on their
caste superioriiy through achievement of highly valued attributes
of status and prestige. Their superior positions are exhibited
through 'conspicuous expenditure' t bey incur on marriages and
other occasions. In fact, this process goes alongwith 'sanskrib
izafion' by the lower castes."' Obviously, the& pro~*s.es
indicate a trend towards 'modernizarian'lq but there hardty , if
ever, affect the core of caste consciousness.
18. Scinivus. M.N; Socinl Change in M a P m M i a op., dit, especially the
chnplrr on 'Sanskrilimliw'.
19. Srinivas, M.N; Ibid. and Daniel Lcmer, 7 % ~P s i n g of Tro&/ioml
c r y :The Free Press, 1958j: Y ~ g m d r aSingh, 'Hisrori-
~ ~ ~ i(London
clry of Modernization,' aa.urrpublisl~cdp a p x read at I.I.T., plti,
1969; and KL. Sherma, 'Stresses in Casre Siratificarion,~ ~~~~~i~
und ~ o l l r f c a Weekly.
l (Val. 4, No.3. I %9), pp. 2 17-22, for cancepwl
ondetstanding~f the concepts of ' m ~ d e : n i . z ~ t i ~ ~~~.~~i~~i~~*
~v,
and ~s~nskritiizitian'.
 CASTE STRUCCURE A N D STRAl7FlCAnON 95

The traditionally privileged upper castes believe more in

9he ideology of caste stratification than the intermediate castes
as the former are at the top of caste hierarchy and a disbelief i n
i t invites a degrading of their superiar ascriptive caste position.
Like the upper castes, ihr lower and 'unloncbabk' castes feel
that a change in the existing pattern of caste ranking may take
their caste ranks still lower. Therefore, the majority of them
express that there should not be a change in the existing caste
system. The intermediate castes are a little less particular
(though not signiticantly compared to the upper and the lower
castes) about their caste ranks. Their intermediate caste ranks
nat~lrallymake them less concerned about maintaining their
status quo. They enjoy m m stehility and recurity of status
than their opposites (high and low). The number of non-
believers in caste stratification it only 20 per cent. Most of
them are, however, either enlightened, democratic, and secular
persons o r the victims of humiliatian, exploitation, and frustra-
tion resulting from tbc atrocities of the upper castes.
Caste eth~ocentrism or casteism which results from
.occasional expressions of hostile and sarcastic remarks by
mem hers af a caste against ano tber fosters caste solidarity in
various forms. A tendency to help one's own caste member
irrespective oc other considerations is one such expression of
caste consciousness and ethnocentrism. To elicit this feeling a
question was asked: "Do you think that one's caste members
should be hdped always" ? Table 13 shows respmses to this
question.
TABLE 13
Cusre efhflocenrrism

Casce Should be Not always Toial

helped ahvays
- -
UQFr 46(53.1) 4 l(46.9) 87(1M).O)
Jntcrmedjate 93(61.7) 61(38.3j 154(100.~)
Lower and
'unlouchables' 87(15.7) ZE(211.3) lIS(~OO.0~
Total 226t63.51 1%0(36.5j' S56(loO-OJ,

Table 13 shows that c a s t e i p rs strong among all the caste

groups. The variation between the caste groups, however,
96 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATIFICATTON 'aSTeM

proves that the higher the rank of a caste, t b e l e s ~ ei s~t

k
feeling of casteism. This is probably because those who occupy
high caste ranks are sure of their position and bave compara-
tively fewer deprivations. This phenomenon goes on pro-
gressively decreasing as wc move down in the caste hierarchy.
Indirectly this shows that casteism is not only a consequence of
access to resources but &o of the relative strength of the
feelings of security or deprivation in social life,
Higher caste consciousness among the lower castes com-
pensates the frustration and humiliation which they feel as a
consequence of the disadkantagcs that spring from their lower
caste rank itself. High caste conscjousness among the lower
castes makes them more politicized in comparison to the upper
castes. But the paradox of the situation IS that despite this
consciousness, power lies with the upper castes because they
have better resollrces. Thjs sparks a chain reaction of more
self-consciowness among the lower, and high manipulative
tendency among the upper cnstes.
We find that casteism is strongest a t the level of voting
among the lower castes in comparison with the upper castes.
In fact, there is a high degree of consistency in the response
pattern of caste groups with regard to the two indices of castes
explored in tables 13 and 14. This confirms~urproposition
that the strength or caste solidarity is higher among the lower
castes than the upper.

TABLE 14
Caste e~hnorentrisnland political alllancc
-

Caste Vote for N o conaidention Tatal

caste men of castemen

upper n(42.5) SO(S7.5) 87( 1 00.0)

Intermediate 83(53.9) 71 (46.1) 154(1M).O)
Lower and
'untouchables' 79(68.7) 36(31.3) ~lS(~ao.0)

Total lgg(55.9) 157(44.1) 356(IM0)

 CASTE K L X U W AND STRATIFICA~ON 97

Caste consciousness exists at the caste or sub-caste Ievef,

but it also sometimes gets differentiated within the caste. Jn
such situations caste factions take a fair share of kinship
solidarity.=o Between faclions within caste and caste as a whole
the extent o r form of castz consciousness keeps on oscillating.
In all the six villages fourteen factions are found. They carry
on cIashes over a set of interests particularIy about the politicd
and other ofices carrying power and prestige. At the vitlage
level, a faction is a temporal association of families of a number
of castes. When there are a number of famiIies of various
castes in the same faction. casteism becomes less effective than
the solidarity of the faction. The bases of such an alliance are
common interests which the families or caste groups shark
collectively. Groupism within the same caste makes caste
consciousness less intense at the village level. In Roopgarh,
two Brahmins lead two factions. Three Jats are leaders of
three factions in Murwara. In Bawnri and Sabalpura, two
Jats in each village lead rheir respective factions. Thus, caste
solidarity gets divided because of existence of factions within
the same caste.
The following concIusions may be drawn aboutcaste
consciousness :

I. The bases of caste consciousoess ore common values,

interests and aspirations for power in terms of ascrip-
tion of caste and kinship.
2. The reasons for deveIopment o f caste c.onsciousness
are : (i) historical, caste distance, and differential
c u t e socialization; and (ii) continual but short-lived
issues such as, elections, land disputes, festivals, etc.
3. Caste consciousmss operates at hvn levels, first, a t
the caste o r sub,castelevel, and second, at the level
of factions.

20. Lewis, Oscar, Yillnge Life In NorrfrarnI d l a (ZLrbnaa, IlLinbis : Tbe

UniveroitY ofIllinois, 1958)
 Class Structure and Stratification

Introduction
Class-based inequalities arc a universal phenomenon.
However, its amount and extent may differ from society to
society. Marx defines dass in terms of relations of production.
~e writes : 'The owners of mere labour power, the owners of
(capital, and the landowners, whose respective source of income
a r e wage, profit,and rent-thus wage labourers, capitalists, and
landowners-constitute the three great classes of modem
society based on a capitalist mode of production.'l However,
Marx has frequently mentioned only two classes : the bour-
.geoisic and the proletariat. The controversy of two or three
classes is not very significant for us as the meaning assigned to
'class', that the relations of production in terms of ownership
a n d non-ownership of means of production determine class-
structure, that is, positions of super-ordination and sub-ordi-
nation. We are not going to examine here the $'Marx's model"
o n class in the light of the concepts used by him such as
4relations of production', 'class situation', 'political power',
'class interests', 'class organization', 'class struggle', 'revolulion'
and 'classless society,' etc? Marx's ideas regarding 'class'
have contributed to the understanding of relationships between
social structure and social change, and social cbange and
conflict. But some of his prophecies have proved false.
Max Wekr was influenced by Marx's analysis of social
structure particularly though the concepts of class and
1. Quoted from Ralf Dakndorf Gloss and Class codict ;a ~ ~ & , t i ~ l
Society, hndm; Rmtl&4 Kegan Paul, 1959, p. 10.
2 r n 4 a ~ p =L
 CLASS STRUCTURE A~ STR,ATIFICATI,ON 99

conf3ict. 'The term class refers to any group of people that is

found in the same crass situati~n.'~Wcbcr writcs that we may
speak ofa class when a number of people have common life
chances, and these chances represent economic interests in terms
of the possession ofgoods and opprtnni tiei for income and
under the conditions of the commodity or labour markets.
These three points, according to Weber, refer t o 'class. situation'.
Weber is amore analytical and carefuuI thinker compared to M m ,
He makes a distinction between power, class and status, and
explains that c t s s may not determine necessarily status and
power and vice-veraa, whereas Marx observes that class struc-
ture is the real foundation and othar rektions [sociaJ, political.
and cultural, etc.) are by-products of class or super-struetore.
Common element between Marx and Weber is that 'class' is
economicaIly determined.
' Dahrendorf observes that 'a theory oP~tassbased on the
divison of society into owners and non-owners of meaas of
production loses its analytical value.as soon as its legal owner-
ship snd factual control are separated*.' Accordjog to Dabren-
dorf, the structura1 determinant of class forrnatlon and clnss
conflict is the authority structure of entire societies as well as
particular institutional nrtlers within society (such as industry).
'The specific type of change of social structure caused by
social classes and their conficts is ultimately the muit o f the
differential distribution of positions of authority in societies
and their inetitutional orders." Control over the means of
production is, therefore, a special case of authority. He writes
that classes are tied neither to private property nor t o industry
or economic structures in general, but, as on clcment of aocial.
structure and a factor effecting change, they are as u n i v e d as
k i r determinant, n,amely, authority aad dts distribution itself.''
Therefore, classes are social conflict groups determined by.
excefrise or non-exercise of authority within 'any imperatively
ceordinaled association. As such classes differ from. other

3. We&, Max, 'Clam, Siatur I U I ~Purty,' F r m i n Mrur ~ e & r:&Jctys

in Socfology (RouiIedgcadd Kegan Paul, 2947), p. 181.
4. Dahrendarf, Rnlf. Cl* and Cl@ CGfilif In, lirdurritd Saclely.
,

(London : Routledge and Kegan Paul,.1959) p. i3.6:

q. %id, P.136.
6; Ibid, .pi177.
conflict groups which rest an religious, ethnic, or legal meren-
ces. A certain type of social relations gives rise to classes and
not ~conomic factors. These social relatiom Dahrendorf
observes in the nation of authority. Further, there is no one
to one relation between class structure and social startificatioa.
'Classes can be identical with strata; they can unite several
strata within thsm, and their structure can cut tight through
the hierarchy of stratification," Thus,bahrendorf explains
structure change in terms of group conflict in differenr aspects
of social life, industrial, social, political and cultural, etc. As
such, Dahrendorf does not propound a general theory of class-
conflict like Marx.
After reviewing a n u m h r of definitions of chss, O~sowski
considers class as particuIar and specially important aspect o f
social structure.' He feels that the meeting of the term is
determined by its context. The following comrnon points to
all conceptions of a 'class' society are formulated by Osso\Hski :

1. 'The classes constitute ti system of the most compre-

hensive groups in the social structure.
2. The class division concerns social status connected
with a system of priviteges and discriminations not
determined by biological criteria.
3. T h e membersbjp of individuals in a social class is
relatively permanent ' O

Ossowski suggests a scheme of 'gradation' to understand

social structue. Gradation denotes both su bje~tivelyevaluated
and objectively measured rank. Elc classifies @adation into
simple and synthetic categories. Gradation is simple when
objective criteria, such as income, wealth and property ate bases
of clm divisions. When two or more incommensurable criteria
are idvolved in h i n g the levels in the social structure, it would
involve synthetic gradation."
Recently in American literature on 3trati&cation, class is
7. B i d , p. 140-
8. Ossowski, S; Class Slrncture in rhe SoclaI Confi[busnesJ, ( ~ ~ ~
Routladpaad Kegan Paul, 1963), p. 11.
9* nid, C h p t 1.
~ pp. 1-15
10. Ibid, pp, 9837.
 CLASS STRUCFUKB AND STRATIFICATION 101

labelled 'ideologicalty oriented concept', whereas 's'tatus" is

b- Considered a 'value-free concept'. Thus, the meaning of class
has been changing since the introducfio.n of Mantian.theory of
class. We shall analyse class structwe of the six uilfages from
the viewpoints mentioned above.

Traditional class structure

The Ingirdars. and Zamiadars, merchants, teaant-peasants,
artisans and landjess labourers constituted the traditional class
hierarchy before the abolition of the Zamindati.and kgirdari
systems in the six vilIages.

TABLE 15
Six villages : Their locrulon, land-tenure sysrerns and I&lvnlng
a d Ienoni COSIPJ

Vilhg Districi Situation Land Land Main

tenure owning luranl
system castes castes

Roopgarh Sikar Remofe Jagirdari Rajput fatand

Kumhar
Sabalpura Sikm Suburbin Bmindari Rajput Jar
Bhutera Jaipur Remote Jagitdnri ~ a j p u ~Jat and
Ahir
am Jaipur Suburban Zamindari Charen Mali
Bawari Bharatpur Remou Zamindari Jat and Chamat
Gujar
Mumarit Bharatpur Suburban Zamindari Sat and Chamsr
Brahmin and Mali

Rajputs occupy the second highest rank in the caste

bierarcby, Charans and Jah are ascribed upper middle-caste
ranks, whiIe Brahmins arc at the top. The Jat Zamindars of
Bh~ntpurbelong to a princely clan, and as such they are con-
sidered to be superior to the Jat peasants (formerly tenants) of
other regions in Rajastban. Malis are on agricultural lower
intermediate caste. Chamm arc one of the Scheduled Castes.
Rajputs, Brahmins and bts were thc major land-owing
castes. The Jats were Zaminaan in M u m a and Bawmi
villages of Bhrtttpur. Rajputs were Jagirdars In Roopgarh and
Bhulera and Zamindars .inSabalpura. Charms were.Zamiudars
in Harmara. Gujars and Brahmins shared some hd-owner:
ship in the two villages of Bharatpur.ll AU these:land-OW&
castes enjoyed a higher rank i n their respective villages than the
majority of other castes.who did not own land.
The merchants were the Banias, a twice-born caste, and
economically better off than even some Zamindars and
Brahmins. The tenant-peasants comprised a number of inter-
mediate castes like the Jat, Gujar, Ahir and Mali, etc. The
lower and lower middle castes constituted the classof artisans
and servants. The class bf agricultural labourers was mainly
formed by the Scheduled Costes and the poorer sections of the
intermediate and lower castes.
There is a positive coincidence between class stratification
and income hierarchy. The manual labourers, for example,
constitute the lowest rank in class hierarchy; their incomc is
also the lowest compared to other classes, e.g; peasants, mer-
chants and Zamiodnrs, etc. The lower thc rank of a class, thc
lower is its economic position, The overwhelming majority of
labourers constitute the.lower income group. The same applies
to the tenant-peasants and the functionaries. The majority of
the ex-Zaminda. and Jagirdars and merchants are in the high
and middle income groups.
TABLE 16
Relu f iunshtp be1 ween class and income elms groups

Income Ex-Zamindrr Merchant Tenant- Artisan Labourer Total

group and Jagirdar peasant and
servant

Lower 23 3 364 131 264 785

12.9) {0.4) (06.4) 116.7) (33.6) (IOO.0)
Middle 103 I7 54 34 12 220
(6.8) (7.7) (24.5) (15.3) (5.5) (100.0)
High 14
(IS.6)
- 21
(23.3)
SO
(55.5)
5
(5.5)
- 90
(100.0)

11. Chaturvedi. Shrinalh. &W Image of Rajasfhw (Jaipur : ~~vern-r

af Rajasthan Publication, 1966).
 CLASS STRU[;TURE AND STRATIFICATION 103

Power hierarchy also went with the coincidence between

caste and class ranking. Individuals and groups who possessed
power and influence were from among the bigb caste and class
groups. Top-ranking oficials, suchas those in the Jagirdar'q
court, were generaUy from among the Rajputs, Brahmins and
Banias. Revenue collection assistants were taken from the.
intermediate castes (Jat members of the lower castes were
appointed only as messengers and drum-beaters.
The tenant-peasants and the landless labourers did not
have a decisive hand in tbc aEairs of the village. Instead, they
were victjms of exploi tatiun and humiliation. Forced Ja b ~ u sos
begar was very common. It was imposed upon them in thc
form of unpaid manual labour, supply of fodder, milk, food-
grains and 'functional' services, The 'functional' services
included the services rendered by 'functionary' castes, such as
Kumhar (potter), Luhar (blacksmith), Nai (barher), D hobi
(waahcrman), Darjee (tniIor) and Kbati (carpenter) to their
patrons.
In Jagirdari villages, the Jagirdar was the ruler. The
Jagir of Roopgarh had about 12 big v i l l a ~ sand an equal
number of hamlets. Jagir of Bhutera consisted of five villages.
The lagirdan of both the villages m e practically the rulers of
their Jagirs. Their was a bureaucratic system which was devised
to look after tbe adminjsfraiion of the Jagjr. Tbe Karndars
(Secretary), Talukdars (Atca-officer), accountants, revenue,
assessor or Kuntedar, slore-keepers, messengers constituted a
hierarchy of officials under the Jagir which did nat exist in
the Zamindari villages, The personnel of the above categories
were paid on a salary basis as well as through land grants. This
form of bureaucracy was organised on patrimonial' basis as
described by Weber,"
The Jagirdars were thought to be the first citizens of their
Jagirs. Often the common men did not have an access td them
directly to register their complaints and grievances, Such a
patrimonkI-bureaucratic set up and social distance betwew tbe
landowners and the tenants or common men did not exist in the
Zamindari villages. There were several Zamindars in the dame

12. Webar, Max, Theory of S ~ c i a land Ee6nomlc Organi~~fion,

&andon :The Free Press of Olenoot, 1964), pp. 351-354.
104 THE CHANGING RURAL SIRATIRCATION SYSTEM I
1
village. Their landholdings were smaller than the Sagudar's.
w
The lands they possessed were under their personal control
some of which they gave to the peasants for cultivation o r share-
cropping. I
The Jagirdari and the Zarnindari villages have dikrential
repercussions on thrs emerging class structure. T h e Jagirdars
were the sole owners of the entire estate. After the abolition,
they could not retain all the land in their possession. The land
was distributed among the tenant-peasants. For example, the
Jagirdar of Roopgarh possesses today about 2,000 acres of land
only out of lakhs of acres of land be possessed before the
abolition. Thus,in the Jagirdari villages, decentralization of
landholdings has been more than in the Zamindari villages.
In the Zamindari villages, the small Zamindars manipu-
lated retention of their majar landholdings. The peasant-
tenants, therefore, could not secure substantial landholdi~lgsa s
they did in Roapgnrh and Bhufera. The ex-Zamindaw of
Murwara and Bawari are today the big peasants in these
villages. Madan Singh, ex-Zamifidar of Marmara, is the biggest
peasant todas. In these villages, instead o i tenant-peasznts of
Jagirdars bcing sizable [andholders as in Roopgarh and Bhutera
after the abolition, the ex-Zamindars themselves became big
pensants. The lot of poor ex-tenants, thus, remained unaltered
economically, Now, rve may analyse below the emerging
dasscs i n the six villages.

Emer~ingclass-structure
The four main class groups in the six villages are : (1)
ex-Jagirdars and Zamindrlrs, (2) merchants, (3) pensants and
.artisans, and (4) agricultural and manual labourers. These
.classes constitute a hierarchy with the labourers a t the bottom
a n d the er-land\ords at the top.n

-
mteillc, Andre, Caure, C l u s d Pmr'er: Changing Pcrtrer~4
~ ~ r a ~ i f i c a r i oinn a Tadore Viflage (Bombay : Oxford Uni~mity
press, 19661, pp. 102-1M. See filmB.B. Misra, The Indim Middle
U u s ~ e s(London : Oxfofd University Press, 1964) and N.K.Bme,
Caste a d Claxs in Culhtre wd S c i c f y in MIa (New Ymk : A ~ a
publishing House, 1967)(OX wt anabsis of caste and class relations
d c r changing dtuations in India.
 CLASS STRUCTURE ~ N l Sj ~ A T t F I C A n O N 105

The ex-Jagirdsrs and Zamindnrs

The abolition of the Jagirdari system has reduced the
sfatus of the Jagirdars of Roopgarh and Bhutera to a great extent
in terms OF property, land and political power. But the two
ex-Jagirdars stiII own tractors, jeeps, camels, horses and sub-
stantial property in rile form of ornaments, jewellery, houses
and land, etc. They are the biggest peasants in their respective
villages today. The neighbouring village of Sabalpura was
under Rajput Zamindars. These Rajput Zamindars shared the
entire land of the village. Bur the economic position of the ex-
Zamindars has been considerably lowered on account of the
abolition of the Zamiadarj system. Land reforms have come
on too suddenly for them and they have not made effortsjn
other directions to improve their status.
The per capita income of the ex-Iandlords before and
after the ab~lition,however, dbcs not show the land-bddiags
owned by individual families. For example, the Jagirdars of
Roopgarh and Bhutera were owners of the entire land in their
respective villages before the abolition. The Jagirdar of
Roopgarh owned 17,W acres of land in the revenue unit of
Roopgorh (revenue unit refers to one rovenue village which i s
under the jlrrjsdictiou of a. Patwari). He owned more than
1,00,000acres of land in other villages. Evcn after the abolition,
the ex-Jngjrdars and Zamindm own several hundred acres of
land. Two Jat ex-Zamindars in Bawari posses8 more than one-
fourth of the total land of the villge. Rajput Zamindars have
suffered more in camperison with the lagirdan and 3at
Zamindnrs, as they were dependent on their big brothers
(Jagirdars).
TRe result of the abolition i s that among the seven families
of ex-Zamindars (Rajputs) in Roopgarh and Bhutera (excluding
the Jagirdan) none is educated even up to the eighth standard.
The lands they have retained do not yield enough to satisfy
their needs and obligations. Some of these families bave to
depend part ialty upon manual labour for livelihood. Economi-
a l l y these famities have been teduoed to such a level that they
can hardty meet the expenses of education of their children.
Their traditional standard of living has almonst disappeared.
~ o d n ythese families are self-cultiwtors,i s . , they bave t o plough
aeland by themselves. This kind of work wuId not even be
106 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTEM

imagined for them before the ab~litionof the Zamindari system.

A large number of families of the ex-Zamindars of Sabalpura
possess today meagre Iand-holdings. They have taken up,
manual work and are also employed as constables and soldiers.
TABLE 17
Land owning cosrcs brfore and afier the nbolition
- .-

ViUage Castes of Per capita Land-holding

Zamindars [and-holding (per capita)
and befom the after the
Jagirdars abolition abolition
(in acres) (in acrcs)
-

Roopgarb Rajput 202.5 25.2

Sabalpura Rajpat f 3.7 2.2
Bhutera Rajput 153.0 13.5
Harmara Charan 11.2 2.2
BaWari Jat and Gujar 3.8 1.8
Murwara Jat and Brahmin 3.0 2.1

The condition of the ex-Zamindats (Charans) af Harmara

is similar. A few have been able to retain viabIe land-holdings.
The other families are employed as teachers, clerks, factory-
workers, peons, manual labourers and petty cultivators. Out
of 377 men in new jobs, 173 (46 pet cent) are fram among the
upper castes although their percentage in the population is 18
percent. Moreover, the upper castes have taken up more
lucrative and prestigeous jobs because of their resourcefulness
and superior backgro~nd.~'
The position of the Jat ex-Zamindars has not gone down
to the extent to which the Rajput and Charan e x - m d a t s
have been affected by the land reforms (see Table 17). Bharatpur
had several small Zamindars living in the village. They had
a direct control and supervision over their respective lands.
&mequently, they could considerabt~retain their land-holdings.
Thus, the ex-knindars are today big peasants and, as such,
-- -
of Occupational Mobility : A Study of Six
14. Sharma, K.L., 'Pf~Itern~
Villegea in Rajasthan'. The hdim JoumaI of Work. (Val.
xxx. No. 1, April 1969). PP. 3 ~ 3 .
 land r e f m s have not been as efZketive in the Bharatpur villages
as they have been in the Jagirdari villages of Sikar and Jaiput
districts. The status of these ex-amindata bas, however, gone
dawn compared to their position in the past.
Tbe process which explains the lowering of status of the
higher class and w t e groups in aa abrupt way and from high
to low can be designated as 'reduction to the pmletariate
class'. The effects OF &is process, however, are also found in
other aspects of life, such as political, social and cultural. This
process is essentiaUy a result of the planned structural changes
brought about through the abolition of the Zamindari and
Jagirdari systems. The facts analysed above corroborate this
process in tbe case of the ex-Zamindars and Jagirdars. The
ex-Zamindars and Jagirdars, however, have not been equally
reduced to the proletarian level. The Jagirdars have been less
&ected whereas a e Zamjndars in the four villages of Sikar
and Jaipur districts have been considerably affected, and again
the Zamindars in the Bharatpur villages have been less affected.
The variatione: are found mainly due to differenti31 nature of'
land-tenure systems before the abolition and level of awareness
of the ex-2ambdars.

MerJlanfs
Traditionally, the- merchant4 nre a commercial and .trading
class. The situation today, however, is somewhat different. A
number of castes (both high and low) constitute h e class of
merchants. A lack of alternate sources of credit and prevalence
of general economic backwadncis of the people contribute in
retaining the ttntiitionaI character of this class. The tradi-
tional patkern of Bohra-Dhutiya (lender-borrower) relatioosbip
still operates in the villages studied by the author. Lending
and borrowing families depend on one mother for pnerations.
But more signiticant are the changes which have affected the
traditional character of the merchants. About one and half a
dozen Jat families in Bhutera and Sahalpura have taken up
money-lending as a supplementary source of iacomk.
TraditionaUy, the Baalas were supposed to take u p m ~
cantile functions, but now some f d e s of Brahmins, Rajputs
and Jats have e n t e ~ dinto the business which the used to
perform in the past due to either loss of theit traditianalcullinw
10s THE IXANGlNG RURAL -TIPICATION SY!j'I'EM

ar for other reasons. There are about 50 families of Jats,

Gujars, Brahmins and Rajputs who have taken to money-lend-
ing. There are about 20 families which were forced to give up
the same due to l ~ s of s their lands as a result of the abolition
in particular. Similarly, some Rajput and Brahmin families
have started money-lending nnd shop-keeping. Some of the
ex-moneylenders are today grocers and petty workers. These
are changes in the direction of decentralization of economic
power and resources from one group of families t o another.
However, the institutional network of mercanlile functions still
remains basically unshaken as SO far no effective new jnstitu-
tions or agencies have replaced the old ones.
The characteristics of this class found today are :(1) those
who comprisc it, hold overwhelming economic power; (2) mercan-
tile activities are today not a monopoly of the Banias as they were
in the past, rather they are distributed among various high and
low caste groups; and finally, (3) the merchants as a class do not
wield political power. Much has been said above about the first
two characteristics. About the last and third characteristic, it
can be said that with some exceptions, the merchants generally
spend and waste conspicuously on a display of t h i r wealth
rather than in spending in the village for useful purposes, Even
'conspicuous expenditure' is a way of 'social participation'.
One significant reason for their passive orientation towards
power-achievement is that their involvement may obstruct their
occllpational and economic interests. This is obvious on the
basis of the fact that none of the well-to-do merchants is
actively engaged in the race for political status and recog&
kion, while they spend conspicuously on marriages and for
maintaining higher standards of living. Recently, particularly
since independence, both bigh and low castes have started the
same occupations. Both Jats and Brahmins are money-lenders.
In Roopgarh, a Kumhar (potter) and a Naik ('untouchable')
stitch clothes along with the Da j e t (taiIor). I n Harmam, a
Brahmin stitches clothes. Some Brahmins and Rajputs have
taken up manual labour as a source of their livelihood. This
is a trend towards differentiation and modernitation of occu-
pational struclure.'"

15. parsons, Takott, 'Evolutionary Universalh in SdctY, AArnericmt

 C U S q STRUCTURA AND : S T R A ~ C A ~ N IQP

But modernization is not accessible equally to all members

and groups of the society under concern. A Bhangi (sweeper)
cannot run a g m r y shop in a village in wbicb castes superior
to him live. A Cbamar (leather-worker) cannot become apriest
for the clean castes. These are limitations set by the society
which hinder Freedom in the choice of occupations. Some.
other changes are notictable in the rural class structure, parti-
cularly, due to the abolition. These changes are primarily
reflected through improvement of economic position of the
nou-privile~d ex-tenants. The formerly expropriated classes,
such as tenants-at-will and agricultural labourers have become
rich peasants and taken up money-lending, and employ
labourers on 'their owl1 fnr~us. In some cases, educalion has
helped them to gain a higher status and even reach the top of
the rural status-pyramid.

Peasants
Despite intra-class horizontal status-distinctions among
the peasants, they exhibit ~iomogeneityin regard to their styles
of living and occupational interests, The abolition of Zamindnri
and Jngirdari systems has not only emancipated the peasants
from the clutches of the Zamindars and Jagirdars, it has gene-
rated a sense of freedom and individual dignity among the
former. Ownership oE land has opened a way for j~itiative,
innovation, mere produce and less revenue and expression of
class consciousness. As it has been mentioned earlier, the aboli-
tion, in particular, has paved the way for the process of raising
the stntus of a few families of ex-tenants.
The ex-tenants (Jats) a n the Sarpanch and the Secretary oP
the Village Panchayat and the Co-operative Society respectively
- - - - - - -

(Conlhurd from p g a 108)

Soeiolaglcul Review (VoI. 29. No. 3. Yunt L964). Scc also Yogcndrcl
Singh, 'Czwkand Class: Some Aspects of C~ntiouityand Change',
Socio[oglca~Bullerin (Vol. XVII, No. 2 September 1%8), gp. 165186.
S l a ~ hrefers m 'distributivejutice'as an aspea of caaeand modet-
ahation with refaen* to equitable distribution of adacation, pro-
fessional lobs and power and authority. See sko M.N. Srinivag
Social Chmrge in Modern Indin (Berkefy : UniWty 6fLfCalihia
Prcss, 1966). Ibe mime provides an exdmt aaalysia of the
coocep6 of modepnhLion. Snaahi~tzalianaod &ecukimticm.
 TABLE! 18
D i s f r l b u t ; ~of landholdings in rhe six vllloges

Land holdings No. of

(in acres) households

1- 9 524
10-18 223
19-27 83
28-36 59
Above 68
Landless housholds 203

Total 1160 100.0

in Bhutera. In Roopgarh, the ex-tenants (Jats and Kumhars)

own big brick-built houses, and as they are money-lenders,
they exercise a considerable influence in decision-making. The.
ex-tenant peasants unite at times on account of their common
interests. In 1965, an ex-Zamindar (Rajput) was opposed by
the majority of ex-tenants (Jats, Ahirs and Malis) for the oEce
of Sarpan~h. The ex-Zatuiodar was dcfcated by an ox-tenan1
(Jat). The latter had a landslide victory over his opponent.
Similnrly, in 1966, the peasants united to increase the c h a r ~ s
on hiring the plough per day in Roopgarh and neighbouring
villages. All the peasants united on this occwion irrespective
of their castes and economic distinctions.
TABLE 19
P s r - c n p i ~ ofond-h~l;ijngsof ex-Zamindara ckd Jaglrdars, peasants
and labourers

Village Ex-Jagir.dars Peasanls Manual and

and Znmindars agriculturnl
labourers
 This does not mean that all the expropriated have been
uplitled. The fact is that a very few and only a e big and
favourite ex-tenants could be able to reiaia big land-holdings.
T h e majority of the ex-tenants even today remain downtrodden
and backwad. Tbfs can be proved on the basis of pet capita
land-boldingj of ex-Dmindars, peasants and labourers. Wifh
the exception of Sabalpura, jo a11 ibe.viUages, tbe ~;g-laodownus
still conti~lleto own bigger-holdingscompared to peasants and
labourers. 17.5 per cent of the households in the six villages
ate landless labourers and the majority (45.2 per cent) own less
tban nine acres of un-irrigated hnd. n us,economic reswrces
are still centralized and undifferentiated in the village
community.

Agrjmltural and manual tabourers

Out of 1900 male workers 392 depend upon labour for
their subsistence. When the agricultural labourers do not get
W O I they
~ , work as manuat labourers at construction of houses,
qnarsys, and roadsides boLb in and outside tbe vjllages. We may
ibclude tbe share-croppers also in thc class of agricultural and
manud labourers. Share-croppers do not have tenancy rights.
They arc, in fact, ejected every year. that is, pensant bas new
share-cropptrs ebery year and the &are oFrhe share-cropper
does not generally exceed more than the earnings of a manual or
agricultural labourer. It may exceed, however, in a particular
year when there is an exceptionally bumper crop.
This class comprises mainly ccohamically poor and lbwm
castes. However, there are soQe manual workers who previtms-
ly were of higher classes, but lost the traditionally higber class
positions because of Lhe a d w m ppresent circurnsta~m. The
position of the Iaboluers has not imptoyed significantly. They
were landless labourers before the independence, and they sail
in the s m c boot today. About on^-fourth of the total house-
holds in tke six villages depend mainly upon agricultural and
manual l a b u r for their living. h l o s l of them have very
meagre or no lands. Their life is really precarious, as they haw
to depend cofisiderabIy upon those wen-to-do familien or big
peasants who pmblidethem h b u r and lend money With a lot of
humiliation and expIuitation.
Thelabourers do not have suffiuient Inndholdings today
 112 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTEM

because they did not cultivate before the abolition and depended
upon manual labour. Excessive controls and rents forced them
to go without land. At the time of the abolition, they did not
have land. Therefore. no land could be transferred to them.
Before b c abolition, the value of land was also lower than today.
The land reforms (Khatedari rights) have ensured ownership or
land t o the peasants. Therefore, after thc abolition, the
peasants have improved the lands and increased the yield. The
. insecurity of landholding made the peasants sluggish and some-
families and persons had t o go without land. The latter con-
stituted the class of manual and agricultural labourers before the
abolition and continue to be the same today,
The landholdings of the labourers compared to the ex-
Zamjndars and the peasants are quite meagre for livelihood.
Table 19 shows that the ex-Zamindars and peasants possess
sufficiently larger landholdings tban the labourers. Thus, the
economic status of the labourers is lower than the peasants. An
adult male worker gets Rs. 60.00 per month. But it is not that
he gets work on all the days during the month. Approximately
labourers go without work for I0 days in a month,
The labourers are not only economically a weaker section,
they do not have high social and p o l i t i d positions as we]I.
Generally, they do not unite for defending or promoting their
cornman interests. This is mainly due to their extreme
indebtedness and dependence upon the money lenders and bjg
peasants far loans and manual work. Consequently, their
standard of living is lower, they spend a little on marriages and
other occasions. Their voice remains silent in village affairs,
The above classes have different occupational and econo-
mic interests bemuse of these differences, these classes have
developed some distinctive cultural identities of their own. T-*
Rajputs or the Brahmins who betong either to the labour class
01 the class of small peZtSEtnt3 have considerably a di&erent set
of vaIues than other members of their caste who beIong to the
class of big peawtnts. Thus, there are c h s differences within
the same Caste, and a number d families of different castes
belong to the same class rank. But this is not a general pattern,
Generally, the higher castes belong to the higher classes.
C b e s represent a type of social relations in the sttatific8.
tion wstern, that is, tehti~nsin term of big p e a s a s and small
peasants, ex-Zamindars and ex-tenants, landowners and sharc-
croppers, me~cbantsand peasants, etc. These sets of reliltioos
do not encompass the entire stratification system. The other
types of relations based upon caste, power and cultural attributes
along with class relations constitute the rural stratification. It is
not necessary that higher economic position is accompanied
with higher position of power as we have observed that the
merchants do not have aspirations for achievement of political
power though they are economically superior compared with
quite n good number of ex-Wndars. The Zarnindars, on the
other hand, in spite of their lowered economic position aspire
and contest for posifjons afpower in the Pancbayats and other
bodies of village policy. Tbese classes, therefore, are not 'naked'
economic groupings only. Tbe different classes, in fact, represent
different 'cuItures' of their own in the sttntification; no doubt,
they are ranked in terms of high and low. As such, the interests
of one class diff'er from that of the other. For exampla, the
ex-Zamindars make efforts to retain political authority with
themselves, whereas the members of the emergent peasant class
aspire to take it fmm the privileged class of the ex-landlords.
This is not a class of interests of an economic nature.
This does not mean that class structure operates
independent of caste and power structures. There was a broad
coincidcncc between castc and class ranks. Tbc 'twicc-born'
csstes we= superior social1y, cuBurally, politically and ec~onomi-
calty. This character of coincidence between caste and class
has changed to some extent due to some structural c b g e s
such as the abolition of Jagirdari and Zarnindari systems. The
class of former tenants is a class of Khatedar peasants today,
perrticularly in the Jagirdari villages. T~LIS, &ss simcture is
relatively less permanent compared to caste structure, ax the
latter is rooted into ascriptive solidarities of birth, kinship and
endogamy.

Caste and class

a s s and caste overlap to a Bent extent. Thia has 'been
evidenced earlier on the basis of the landholdings pomssed by
various classes and the positions of power they hold in tb pix
villages. This correspondence between class add caste i s also
shown by the table given

TABLE 20
Relarion.vl~ipbetween clma p~siriansmrd caste ranks

Gaste tower Middla High To!aJ

(1-150) (151-250) (251-350
and abovc)

UPP~ 98 72 54 224
(43.8) (32.2) (24.0) (100.0)
In'iermcdiate 353 118 31 502
(70.3) (23.5) ( 6.2) (100.0)
tower and 334 30 5 369
ex-untouchable (90.6) ( 8-1) ( 1-3) (1w.o)

Total 785 220 90 I095

(69.9) (21.9) (8.2) (100.0)

The table shows that higher the caste ranks of the people,
the higher are their class positions, But there are significant
cleavages between the various castes in regard to their associa-
tion with class positions. Only 12.5 per cent of the lower class
househoIds belong to the upper castes; 60 per cent of the
high class households belong to the upper castes; 24 per
cent of the upper castes belong to the hi& class, whereas
among the intermediate and the lower castes only 6.2 per cent
and 1.3 per cent belong to the high class respectively. We find
incidentally tbat a majority of the population (70 per cent) in
the villages belong to the lower cIass.
There are some evidences of upward class mobity too,
Some of tbe tenants who enjoyed the trust and favour of the
amindars or kgirdars succeeded in gaining large landholdings

16. TO avoid the dificultiea of amlysis due to overlspping of with

each other. we have diPfributed Lhc four clesscs into three. in-
POW on the basla of monthly incomes of all the hombolds in the
six v i l W . T h e groups, thersfore. s W bo as
matselafa wupr faw m pwposes.
at the time of the abolition. These tenaoQ today comprise the
big and prosperous p a n t s . There are about 20 fami1ie.s who
possess more than 100 acres of land each; they were 'tenants-at-
will' before the abofition.
Question arises :Why have caste md class positions coinci-
ded in the villages? One reason given is that the Brahmins in
alliance with the Rajputs prevented the revolts against their
power and status on the basis of the Law of ~ a r m andtransmi-
a
gralion of the.soul.'.' ' The other reason put forth is that the
belief in the Karma has been so pervasive and deep-rooted
that the people are indi5e~ntto higher standard of living a M
.economicprogress. They do not have the aspirations to rise
and revolt against the inequality and injustice meted to them.'#
The upper caste people have adpoted themselves to the
emerging challenges and demands. They are quickly getting
modem educatiog. Westernization of their habits and manner-
ism is speeding up day by day.ls The lower castes continue to
be handicapped by their poverty and lack of education. What
is true for the conditions of the upper castes and the lower
castes is also comparatively true for the upper and lower c k
groups, The fact is that the higher c h s people; who also
beIong to the higher castes, suppress competition for higher
status by the lower class people. They always try to crush
such moves." Thus, deliberate obstructions in the way for
higher status and rank highlight the process of inter-class
canfict closely resembling the Marxist interpretation. The
upper classes continue to maintain their hold w power and
privilege through tbeir monopoly over the ewaomic resoucces
i f the village community.
The upper classes hoid on their positions through double

17. h a d . Narmadeebwnr. The Myth of the C u r e System (Pama :

Ssmjna Prakaskn, 1957).
Se-c BOM.N.K. 09.dl., pp. 234-42, and 'Caste in In&', pp. 21MS;
and 'Same &wb of Caste in Bangal', pp. 35-62in the snmc bwk.
18. Srinivns. M.N., G a l a tModcrn India and other E+Em~ B O d W ;
A3ia P u b W n g How, 1962). pp. 148-la.
19. Ibid.
e s s tPu a y e nud
20-The relarmces ragatding clm w ~ ~ ~ i o o s nemlain
t&cs of tha privileged -a usod for m r b i i tha u m eIass
mobjlity by the d e p d uh&8.
 116 THE CHANOINO RURAL STRATlPlCAnON SYSTBM

processes. On the one hand, they change themselves as the

circumstances demand, and on the other they try to suppress
the Iower classes by obstructing their upward mobility. In this
process of adaptation some upper castes relinquish their tradi-
,tional obligations, In Roopgarh and Sabalpua, for example,
some of the Brahmins now do not accept gift @an), and have
stopped accepting invitation to ritual feasts partly because it is
not as gainful as it was in the past and partly because now
such roles are not credited with higher sttitus value.

Class and occupation

As class and caste positions coincide, class and occupation
too have a considerable degree of overlap. The households
$ which belong to the high orthe vcry high income groups do
not consist of the manual or agricultural labourers but of the
ex-Jagirdars, big peasants or merchants. Only three households
with higher income sources come from the artisan or functionary
group in all the six village^.^ T h e families from the lower
.income groups bave poor educational background and, there-
fore, generally do not havc service or business as their occu-
pations. The impediments in their way to achieve education
and professional skill are both their extreme poverty and tower
caste ranks.'l
Table 21 shows that the occupations which are valued
hi& (in terms of high income and prestige) are heId by
those who belong to the high and middle classes. The families
which have service and business as their occupations and be-
long to the high income group are those who hold very
prestigeous and lucrative positions. The merchants are engaged
in money-lending and business, It is these groups who wield
power and influence in the villnges.

sass and education

There is a positive relationship between class and educa-
21. These thrce families belonging to high class are : two from ~C
Kw-nhnrs and one from the Nais in Bawari and Roopmh remtively.
n c y are extendedjoht-families, and as such the incomes of theae
families go UP,
z. shah, S.M., ' R u d Class Structure in Wrat', A. R. Deaai (dj.
I Rural Smiologj, in hdln (Bombay :The Indian Sockty ef Agricultora!
Ecoaomics, 1961j.
 CLASS S T R U ~ R BAND . STRATIFICATION 117'

Reln~ifinrbip~ P J W P P J Id m (incomgroups)
~ md ~co~putionol
groups i n t l ~ e ~ f *~IllageP
..

Class
(inmale
poup)
-,--
Occupation

Agricul- Business Service Artisan

--
Agicul-
Total

lure hction- tural and

aries rnmual
labour

L~wer 364
(46.4)
Middle 54
(24.5)
High SO
(55.5)

Total 468
(42.7)

T h e Musljms a e not lncludcd in this table

tion, as it is between class and caste, and class and occupation.

lo all the villages, education is valurd as a significant determi- I(
nant of social position and source of bigher earning. In Bawari
the ex-Zamindar and the big peasant, Bal Ram Sin& is a graduate.
His dder brother is also educated, Attar Siagh, anotber bjg
peasant and Sarpanch of the village pandayat is less educated,
but bjs brother, who is a govenunebt oficial, i s highly e d u c a u
A Brahmin is a graduate in agriculture and is employed as aBi-
cultural extension ofticer. Thus, class and education go to-
gether. Thert are no other $raduatcs and matriculates in
Bamri belonging to any other class. The same applies to
Munvara. Three graduates of Murwara come from the families
d Jal peasahis. In Harmara, Roopgarb, Sabafpura and
Bhutera, no graduates or mamaulate# are from tbe l o r n
classes. In Roopgarh, there afe about a doan graduate%who
belong to higher class and castes. There is only one matricu-
Iate from among the 'untouchables' in Roopgprh, who is a
primsry school teacher.
 TABLE 22

Relorionahip befween class pozif ions and cducnl fonal achievemenrr

Class Graduates Matriculates Total

(including
Intermediates)

High and 20 40 60
very hi& (33.3) (66.7) (100.0)
Middle 9 n 36
(25.0) (75.0) (100.0)
Low and - 7 7
very low (100.0) (lm.0)

Total 29 74 I03
(28.1) (71.9) (1 00.0)
-.

The above table explains that class structure deternines

ansiderably educational and literary achie~ements.~It is
evident that educational opportunities are virtually closed for
the lower class people. The economically privileged classes
have more opportunities and accesses for higher education,
which, in turn, widens tbrgulf between the lower and the higher
classes.
There is not even a single graduate among the lower classes.
More than two-thirds of the graduates belong to the higher
classes. There are one graduate and one matriculate among
5 and 2 5 families, mpectively, in the higher classes. The pro-
portion of the graduates and matriculates is very low among
the middle and Lows classes. There is one p d u a t e out of 19
and one matriculate out of 6.3 households among the middle
dass f d e s . This proportion is still tower among the lower
elasses. There is no graduate amongthe lower classes. There
k one mahimlate out of 127 households. These educational
diacrepencies between the various classes indicate the wide ranp
of aooial golf that exists between different classes in the six
villages.

8. Shah,S.M., op. cit.

 IY
CRANGES M CLASS STRtlCrURE

It wodd not be out of m n h t to ~ecrtllbriefly the pnffero

of class structure that existed in the preindependence era in
Rajastban to gain an understanding of tlre recent changes k~ the
rural class structure. The taxation was extremely high. The
),and revenue soared up after each assessment. The indebted-
ness of the rural people was appalling. Autocracy was the
theme of the feudal system.t& The high ranking officialswere
appointed and functioned on patrimonial basis and were offen
exploitative. These officers were granted rent-free land, and
therefore, were absolutely subservient to the rulers. Another
class wrrc af the infl~~eotialtraders (Seths and Sahukm) who
were busy in lending money and grains on very high rates df
interest.
This state of exploiiation h t e d c d Pisconfeni among the
people, and in eatly forties a number of movements a m s t
these practices began to gather momentum. Welfare activi*
through Sewa Samitis, Hitkari Sabhas, moving libraries, night
rchoals, reading rooms, and Paropakariai Sa&s were initiated,
but they were banned by the rulers and their leaders were sent
to jails or deported. However, some prominent leaden such
as Jai Narain Vyas and Gokul Bhai Bhatt played a big role in
awakening the masses against these privileged classes of the
feudal rulers nnd the money-lenders and traders.
Prajamandal, Praja Parishada, and Lok Parishada were
tho main organigntians through which thcse Ieadek campaigned
against the cruelty of the feudal system. Master Adityandta
and Ramesh Swami were popular leadets in Bbmratpur state. h
Sbekhawati, the nations1 leader Seth Jamna La1 Bajaj, who
belaryed to a village near Sikar, led a e campaign.These p o p h ~
movements led to the abolition of feudalism in Rajastban.
Smce the ahtition some sign3cant changes have t a b
plah in the rural dasn skucture. Now there am no Jagirdm
and Zamindam as am&. But still class ~truchueon the Mj-
tional pattern exiats in the Qx dllokes. As-we fomd, majority
120 THE ' CHANGING RURAL STRATIPICATION hYSTeM

.of the families of the high classes of the past today also belong
to the high classes. They are big peasants. Only a few have
sutfered severely. In contrast, the tenants-at-wi1I and some
landless families now enjoy full (Khatedari) tenancy rights.
These changes in the traditional class structure indicate a signi-
ficant turning point from a historical perspective.

Class consciousness
Class consciousness results from sharing of common
economic and occupational interests. These interests changz
with corresponding changes in class structure. The nriests,
feudal chiefs, merchants, artisans, tenants and manual labourers
had complementary interest^.'^ The inter-dependence of division
of labour thatthey had mdntainedaodensured an on-going equili-
brium of interests for fulfiimcnt of their requirements and needs
in the village community. These traditional classes were divided
i ~ hundreds
o of caste groups. However, they were not united
as classes. The classes were rather guided by their respective
caste r u l e and regulations. Thus, caste and class interests
overlapped lo a great extent. Moreover, competition between
the members of the same class and between the different cIasses
was generally not permitted. The result was a greater degree of
stability in the class strllcture.
The ex-Zamindars and ex-lngirdars in the six viliages b&a-
ved with the people as their absolute masters. The tenants were
always at their mercy for cultivation and broadly speaking for
'living' itself. The mununt and landless l a h o w r s were virtual
serfs. The Zamindars and Jagirdars were often identified as
fathcr-figures. The reality was that all the classes were guided
and directed by the class of Jagirdars and Za~nindars. The
interests of all other cfosses were subservient to the interests of
these land-owning classes. A free intarplay af some of the
basic at~ributes of class system was denied under the feudal
,system. The natural result was the domidance of the rules and
~egulations of caste stratification in terms of ascription of caste
rank and ritual Status. This a ~ n ~ basedc an i
internalization of societal forces in which norms of group or

25. Miara, B.B.6 The IndLm Middle Classe~(London; ~ d m Univemjty

d
RW8, 1964), pp. 2148.
 CLAS STRUCTUBB AND STRATIPICATION 121

community guided individual actions. This resembles with

Durkheim's *collective c o n ~ i o u s n e ~ s ' . ~As sucb, caste
overlapped with 'class and dominated tbe character of class
structure.
The feudal system, however, does not exist today. The
abolition of this predmninant system has brought about some
signi6can~changes in class structure. This change has also accen-
tuated class consciousness. This consciousness emerged with
the inception of agrarian and freedom movements," and finaUy,
found expression through the abolition of the systems of
Jagirdari and Zamindari.
T b e frame O F reference of class position today is not
feudal chiefdom but it is wealth and property, education and
political power. It is true that even today those who were
traditionally privileged and prosperous nre at the top of rural
class hierarchy, but some basic changes have taken place in
determining the perception of class position and status. T6ese
changes in structuring of class consciousness are, however, not
very effective to bring about significant changes in the deter-
minants of class consciousness. The reality is that class p e w p -
tion is considerably determined by the dominant values of social
stratification system%@ in thc village community. Consequently,
there is a lag between the real nnd the perceived class position.
This is because of high aspirations and meagre means to realize
those aspirations. We find that a considernble number of lower
class people place themselves in the upper aod middle class
categories. This situntion in class stratification d c h a the
potential degree of status deprivations in the village com-
munity.
Figurcs in the fallowing table show that congnrence -
between the real and the perceived class status is lowest in the
middle and low- classes. Each of thesc classes penseiws (b
majority of the cases) of the belonging to the class next higher to
their real class. Chugcueace b~twctnthe real and the perceived

26. Durkheirn, Emile, Dfplsbn:of Labaw (New York : The F* M.

1947), Chapter a.
27. Chaturvedi, Shrinatb, op. tit.
a. Osrowaki, Stanislaw, C l w Strwura h 8 m f a f . C d m i w c ~(London:
1~
RoutltdgeandK w h u t , 1963). ChaW~rL
status is highest among the upper class members. Those upper
class persons who place themselves in the lower or middle class.
might do so due to 'proletarianisation' of their class position as
a result of land reforms.

TABLE 23
Classpercept ions

Class perraptioos or identifications

a s s
Lower Middle UPPU Total

Lower ~(37.6)' 119(49.9) 30(12.5) 239(1W.O)

Middle 8 (9.7) 25(30.5) 49c59.8) 82(100.0)
upper - 14(25.0) 42(75.0) 56(lM.O)

Since there exists a good deal of overlap between caste

and chss statuses, it may be revealing to analyse how the
various caste groups place themselves in class groups. Table 24
gives the figures.

TABLE 24

Chs
Caste

UPW Middle Lower Total

Upper 57(65.5) 26129.9) 4 (4.6) 87(100.0)

~ n u i a t e 61 (39.6) 87t56.5) 6 (3.6) 154(100.0)
Lower and
'~touthable' r (0.9) 33(28.7) BI(70.4) 11~(10~.0]

Tatal Ilg(33.4) 146(25.6) gl(25.6) 356(100.0)

A majority of caste groups express that they beIong to tbe

mmpoading c b s WUpL Only an ingipi6cant minority of
mapondents place tbem* in lewer elanera compared b their
 corresponding caste ranks. This again indirectly indicates their
deprivations and humiliation which they feel because of recent
structural changes introduced in Xajasthan viUages. From
among the intermediate castes, however, a considdarable number
of people associate themselves with the upper class, which
hdicc~tlyreveals their aspirations for hiher status and honour.
This proves that class consciousness is basically determined by
the existing social structure with which the people concerned are
associated as its active members. Those who place themseIves
in higher class groups than their respective caste ranks, in fact,
have improved their social and economic positions compared to
theu positions in the past (before the abolition of Zamindari
311d Jogirdari systems). Thc atructiml cbangcs which b a s
degraded positions of some privileged familiw and caste gmups,
have also simultaneouslyupgraded sccial and economicpoaitions
of some caste groups and families of the non-privileged peasant
f a d e s . Some of these families have gone to the top 01socjo-
economic status pyramid from the bottom, and as such they
aspire for higher recognjtion and prestige.
Recent structural changes have eneatwl a stir in the
traditional class stratification. A class of indepndzn~peasants
has emerged in alI the six villages. These peasants were formerly
tenants who couId be ejected at any moment by the ex-Zamindars
and ex-lagirdars. Conferring of land ownership bas improv-
ed their economic position by leaps and jumps. These
ex-tenant6 are today prosperous and wield a considerable
'quantum' of power. The key ofices of Sarppnch (Head of the
Village Panchayar) and Secretary of the Co-operative Society are
held by these rich and influential peasants in Sabalpsra and
Bbutera. In Roopgarb, the peasants are 'economic dominants'
and big kndhdders compared to other class groups. The
expression of anti-feudal attitudes by the peasadts, particddy
during Village Panchayat elections, shows consciousnes~
resembling with Mamiao analysis. In the other three viUBge& the
ex-Zamlndars are today big peasants and they continue t~ wield
power in the guise of big peaMs.
The tower class campntses largely tbe lowet aad ex-
untouchable castes. However, they have united invariably nt
the time of all the Pancbayat elections t o get ehpd at l a s t one
paO& (ward reprewntative with lfx bop^ that he mufd p M
1% THE XNANGING RURAL STRAT~CA%ON S Y $ m
I
and further their interests). The power to 'vote' has created a
tremendous sense of individualism, persuasion and liberalism.
ConsequentIy, social distance has considerably decreased. The
elites come into contact with the persons and a o u p s with whom
they did not volunteer for approaching twenty Years ago.
Similarly education, padicularly among thelower and middle
class persons, bs upgraded their 'ego', and they place themselves
in the higher class rank compared with their caste ranks.
These trends of mobility show a beginning of polarization
of tbe forces between the traditional and the emergent class
structures. The role that caste stratification plays in sbaping
class conscio~lsness,however, cannot be ignored. A paramount
relaxgttion in the idens oF caste stratification may lead to an
emergence or corresponding structure of class consciousness.
Caste and classareinextricably t ied together and the predominance
af the values of caste suppresses considerably the expression of
class cansciousnes.
I

Conclusions
1. The perception of class is not clearly observable. The
reason is that people are more conscious of their caste
ranks than class positions.
2. Objective indices of class do not coincide with class
perception in all cases, Discrepancy between objec-
tively measured class position and perceived class is
an indicator of polarization of social class.
3. Class consciousness is short-lived. Its roots not
deep or independent of caste. Unity and m-operation
among the village people are generally b a ~ d
temporal, economic and occupational interests.
 Social Mobility

Introduction
Mobility has been defined as 'moving up and, down'l of
individuals from their positions in class, caste and power
hierarchies, loter-generational trends form an important part
af this. process of going up and coming down. Social mobility
refers t o two things : ( i ) the variation in the social origins of
the members of a given stratum, and (ii) the way in which oppor-
tunities available to a given generation of men are distributed
among them according to their various social characteristics?
Thus,the element of change over time is imphcjt in the pheno-
menon of social mobility. It necessarily involves a comparison
o f changes in statuses at two or more points of time.
1
A number of studies and ar~icleson social mobility in

1. Mayer, K.B.,CInsr and Society (New York : Doubleday, 1961). pp.

22-28.
See Sarokio, P.A,, Sacfa1 and Cultural MobJIiiy (Londan : The
Free Press of Glencoe, 1964), p, 137. amkin defines &a1 mobihy
nr any mosition from one social IIOdition YOanotherb
2. Rosoff, Natalie, *Recent Trends in Urban Occugational Mobility'.
Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipsct (cd.), Clas~.Stmw
a d Power (New York : Free Press, 196s). pp. 442-54. Sac also
Barber,Bernmd, &cia1 S r r a t ~ c ~ l l o(New
n York: 1957). "The Wm
'social mobility' hati beenused to mean movcmml. either upward Qr
downward bctwecn hlghcr and I o w a hmial or, more prcri4cly.
mo~emeafbetween me fejntjva& QI1 time, hctioaally signidcaal
~ocfalrole and another that ia m a h i e d as t i t & bigha or 10m."
p. 356.
 126 me CHANGING RURAL STRATfF1,UnON SYSTEM

India have appeared during the last two decades. Lo these articles
somes have appeared on caste, class and mobility, particularly
in the books of Milton Singer: Singer and Cohn,d Silverberg'
and Beteil Ie6. A number of trends of mobility have been noted
in these and other studies. The prominent of them is that
social mahility is not just a recent phenomenon in India.
Brown7 notes that shifting bas been constant in class composi-
tion and class hierarchy. He refers to the assimilation of
Vaisya and Sudra. Steine reports that a group of Sudras
achieved upward mobility through religious roles in the fifteenth
century. Similarly Oranse notes that the Munda tribe in Rancbi
district claimed the status of the local Raja (king) during the
16th century. Rowelo observes that the Chamars of Agra district
I
claimed the status of Chnuhans and were able to achieve it
through a movemeot to a considerable extent.
Barber observes that most social mobility is 'group mobi-
\lity'll bcfause af localism and the importance of co-operative kin
goups in agricultural and associated activities in India,
Group mobiEty is gradual and takes generations (twa or tMa

3. Sinwr, Milion, (ed.), Tradlrional India :Structure and C:lrrrn@

(Phihdclphh, 1959).
4. Sbgm, Milton and Cohn, Bernard (ed.). Strucfure and Change in
I n d l a n S ~ c I ~ ~(Chicago:
y Aldine Publishing CO,, 19681. See aim
Mckirn Marriotr, (ed.) , ViIkgc India : adit#in llle Llrfle Commu-
nity (Chicagd ! Chicas University PIS, I P S ) .
5. silvmberg, James, (ed.) , Socinl Mobfll?y ln the Ca3te Sysrem in Zndia.
(The Hague: Mouton Publishm, 1968).
6. Bereilk Andre, Cares : Old and Ere* (Bombay : Asia Publishing
House, -
7.Browo, W. Normnn, 'Class and Cultural Tmditians in India', in
Milton Singer (ed.). op. elf., pp. 35-39.
g stein Burtein. 'Social Mobiliry and Medieval South Indian H j d u
Se~ts'.in Tames Silwerbarg (ed.). op. dt.. pp. 78-94,
9. Orms, Manin. 'A Tribe in Search of a Grcat T r & i \ h :
mul la ti an-Solidarity ConfIict', in M m in India (Vol. 39, 19591,pp,
lOa.ll4.
u). Rowe. William L.,'The New Cbaubanr : A Caste ~ ~ b M-~ i l ~
merit in North india.' i~ Silwrberg (ed.), op. tit., pp, 67-n,
Sot a h William L,Ram's ne ~ollrics ~ n , o u ~ ~ i (l , N
j~ ~ ~
York : Columbia University ha, 1 ~ 9 ) .
1I. B a r k , Bernard '!4o&l Mobility in Wmdu Znds, J - a Smberg
(4.) (196%),OP. cH., pp. 18-35.
at least) to reach the highest
m k " Barber further O ~ S ~ N
.two sets of forces responsible for bringing abut soda1 I ~ S

mobility: (i) Butside forces', and (ii) various internal so~ial-

structural pressures.13 Barber notes that essmhl features of
Hindu caste society remain fundamentally the same dapite the
mobility which occurred. This mobility was o f a 'perduring
type', andnot causing alterations of that type of system.
Those who did rise wanted to do so in that type of system, they
did not want to alter it in any revolutionary fashion.'4 This
type of mobility Barber calls 'symbolicjustiiicationy.
Another a s p ~ tof social mobility io India refers to the
units of mobility, evidence and nature J O ~mobility and the
relation between ideology and socio-cultural change and mobi-
1ity.l6 Here wa hd different views in which emphasis ranges
from 'Jati', 'endogamous Jatis', 'roles' to extended family or
1-d lineage, fbe inh-village occupatianal aggregate, the
\village Jati representation, 'the marriage circle', the mdti-
village lineage or clan (sib) and the entire endogamous associa-
tion (the caste, the bti-as a whole)? Marriott distinguishts
thee units of analysis by their structure and activities in
stratiEcarion :ritual corporations, k ngroups and lndividuaI~.~7
i
So far as evidence of mobility is concerned, the recent' studies
a s xeFetd to above and elsewhere by Harper, . Row, Stein,
Marriott, Bailey, Beteille, Srinivas, . Epstein and others may be
considered for analysis.
12. Seehiley, P.G. (1957), bp. cir.
13. Barber, Bcmard CBfXJ, up. clz., i n Inmcs .Silverlxrg. rO~&idt'rmca
aris in pbysico-biological element8 or are the product of social
system ather than the Indian one. The 'internal' fact^ put mid-
srruaurel pressures for mobility and influence the 'amom: bf mobi-
lity'. The former include succesdul military inurnion arrd umquwt.
and mnamJJy a good barvest or a lamine fwdljm from mmtn,Ucd
forcesof the natum. Tha latter Include movement to town bllowed
by a ehmge or ocarpption, poph~lalionEbangea, awcenmtirm and
of proprrrg depmding upda the numbar of helrs, t & ~ -
1 ~ c Ehange,
d hypmgamy, and expnsion of tbe whole o p p r t ~
StrUCtUrr
14. b b s r , Behacd, 1614,p. 33,
15, See James Silwrberp, op, c i k p. 114.
16. Sea Bid., pp. 115-138.
17. &mi& M d b , 'hfukiph RfFemaca in bdian C f ~ ~ &si
t e&18' in
1
- S i l ~ b (~d).,
q op. p i t . , pp. 1%114.
128 m CHANGING RUIUL S I ~ A T I P ~ C A ~ OSYSTEM
N

Along with these aspects of social mobility, theoretima

framework farmdated by Marriott seems quite significant to
understand caste rnobilitb-. He distingnishes-(i) rural from
metropolitan types of ranking systems, (ii) individuals or '
groups from corporate units in ranking, and (iii) a series of
3uccessively wide zones generally being characterized by dis-
tinctive value^.^ 8% is .whzt Marriott c d s 'multiple reference
in Indian caste system'. The classification of stratification in
terms of 'rural' and 'urban' js also significant.'" Rural strati-
fication is closed, ratings are -interactional' rather than 'attri- I

butional', and corporate rankings are of essence. Modem

urban stratification is open; high or low positbns are rank&
largely according to qualities, and units to be ranked are
individuals or groups of individuals. It bas bees observed that
caste. kinghip and territory together determine status." [Multi-
ple statu.5 hierarchies' and 'diverse positional view points' are
to be considered in status determipation.
We propose to discuss social mobility in the six villages
with reference to its caste system and occupational structure.
No doubt,inheritance of occupation is an essential character
of the caste structure; however, to enlist evidence and determine
the units of social mubilily, we andlysc them separately. At
the level of caste we discuss mobility at three levels as mggested
by M c k h Marriott (referred lo above), but we do not accept
the idea of group mobility in absoIute sense. This point is dis-
cussed in the following pages.

18. Ibid.. p.-103.

is. Ibid., PP. 103-114.
See Damlc, Y.B., 'Reference Group Thew with Rc~;udto Mobility
in W e ' , itl J~medSilverberg, (ed.1, op. cil-. pp. 95-1M.
% also on caste raokineMckim Marriott, 'Interactions]and Afiri-
butiwd ncories of Gstc Rs.nkbg',in %fun in India (Vol. 39, 1959),
pp, 52-107, and Cocte Rankin# and C~mnumilyStructure in Five
Rcgioh* of Zndfa and P a k i s f ~(POOM:Deccan College, Mommaph
Saier. 23, 1960). E-K. Gough. Aberle 'Criteria of f i s t c b k i n g in
5011th India', Man in India (%I. 39,1959), pp. 115-125; and hllliDe
M. Mahsr. 'A Multiple Scaling Technique for Caste RanfioEm,
-. 117.147.
in India (Vol. 39.1959\.,. on - .
20. Hazlchurst, Leigbton W.,'Multiple Status Hierar&jes in Northern
Indie', in ConfrlbNlom' ro I n d l ~ nSorlology, New Smics (No.11,
December 1968), pp, 38-57,
 SOCIAL MOBILITY 1s

n:
MOBILITY IN,CASTE STRUCTURE

There arc three important Iovels at which mobility takes

place in caste structure : (i) mobility of one family within a
caste to a higher or lower position; (ii) mobility of a group of
families within a caste to a higher or lower position; and (ii[)
mobility of individua! members within a family beloniog to
certain caste t o higher or lower potition. We shall analyse
these patterns ~f mubiJity Inter on in thii chapter. The above
levels of'mobility in the caste structure indicate that mobility
takes place at individual, family, and group levels. Mobility
of the entire castes in absolute sense bas not been noticed in
the six villages of this stlrby.
We propose to analyse caste mobility with the help of the
theory of reference group bchaviour2' to test the significance of
the concepts such as sanskritization and westernization. We
assume that reference group theory offers higher order abstrac-
tions on tbe same processes which in a local context are called
sanskritization or westernization. Reference group theory is
based on the concept of 'relative deprivation'. This concept
stresses upon social and psychological processes of experience
as 'relative'. Three main situations of 'relntive' assessrueat of
individual or group positions are : (i) comparison with the
situation of others with whom they are in actual association,
(ii) comparison with those men who are of the same status or
ate in the same social category, and (Gi) comparison with those
who ore in some pertinent-respect of different matus or in a
differat sociRl cat e g o ~ y . ~f i~n s , fbe basis of referencegroup
theory is a cornpnrison of persons and groups who have M e -
rent motivations, expectations and statuses. About the contrl-
bution of reference group theory lo the analysis of social.
mobility Merton writes :

' I t" ...enables the sociologist to identify and

to locate
renegadisq tdmon, the agsidatjon of immigrant?, class
mobility, social climbing, ac..as so..many speeialfortnsof
21. *ton, R.K., Social Theory a d SocialSlrurtura (Glencoc, Tbe ~ree'
Pzcss, 19621, Chaptw YlIl and IX, pp. 225-386.
22. Ibid.,p.231.
13@ THE CHANGING RURAL STRATIFICATlON SYSTEM

identification with what i s at the time a non-membership

$COU~-'~~"

Some of the other important concepts used by Merton

are : 'relative deprivation'. 'an~icipatorysocialization', and 'out-
group' a r 'non-membership' group." Rcrference group theory
explains not only mobility of groups but also of families and
individuals. San skritization and westerniz8tion as concepts
do not take an account of individual aspirations, expcctations
and relative depriviitions which motivate people to c h g e their
sts~us. About sanskritization Srinivas writes :

'.Saaskritization is the prams by which a low Hindu

caste, or tribal or other group,changes its customs, ritual,
ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high and
frequently 'twice-born' caste. Generally such cbanges
are foUowed by a claim to a higher position i n the caste
hierarchy than that traditionally conceded to the chimant .

casre by the local c~rnrnunjty.''~~

Thus, sanskritization refers lo mobiIity of a caste within

the caste structure, Mobility in this context implies upward
mobility within the caste hierarchy by a whole caste or its
larger segment. Individual mobility cannot 'be fully under-
stood by sanskritization. Moreover, sanskritization implies
G v e d a l mobility', which, in fact, is still far from being a
reality. The relarive merits, however, of the concepts like
sanshitization, westernization, on the one band and that of the
reference group on the other, could be evaluated only a t the
level of analysis of data. In the fotlowing pages it sllall be our
endeavour to tcaka such a comparative analysis.

T1q.E LEVELS OF HOBlLl'lT IN T f E CASTE STRUCTURE

Mobility of wefamS\y within a caste ton higher or a lower positian

~ o b i l i t yat the family and the individual leveh is lospired
by differential privileges and positions which the families and
23. Ihfd., p. 269,
24. n i d . , pp. 22%%0.
25. Sriniva~,M.N., Social Change in Modern Idfa, op. ~{t.,p. 6.
 SOCIAL MOBILITY 131

jndividuals enjoy in the village commuojty. Families of tbe

same caste, and the families of other castes of the &me village
or of other villages may operate q- reference points for mobility
at the family level. An essentiat characteristic of mobiIity at
family level is that mobility here depends mainly upon the
attributes of the family concerned without necessarily being
determined by the characteristics of its caste. The families within
the same caste, thus, uadergo differential patterns of mobility
without any change in caste structure. Improvement of econo-
niic position either through more produce and business orhigher
occupations and education contribute to enhancement of p o i -
tion o f certain families in the six villages (see table 25).

TABLE 25
Upwarrl mobiliry of some /&lies within rhcir respecrlve rasres

Castes Villages Total

%mri Munvnra Bhutera Harmara Roop- Sabzl-

~ r bpura

Brahmins
Rnjputs
Jats
Gujars
Banias
Charans
Malis
Kha!is
Ahirs
Gadarias

Total

4 The fifteen families of' the Brahminr who have enhanced their
social position have taken up higbtt jobs by mans of big*
education. In Bawarl a science graduate in agtlcultum is
-d
working trs an agricnlture extension u h r . Three f a d i m in
Bhutera have business at DeIhi In Harmam, three f a d e s of
Brahmins have highly educated members and also better
I30 'lHE CHANGING RURAL STRATLFICAnON SYSTEM

identification with what is at the time a non-membership

gro~p."'~

Somc of the other important concepts used by Merton

are : 'relative dcprivation', 'andcipatory socialization', and 'out-
group' or 'non-membership' group.?4 Rerference g o u p theory
explains not only mobility of groups but also of families and
individuals. Sanskrititation and westernization as concepts
do not take an account o l individual aspirations, expectations
and relative deprivations which motivate peoplc to change their
status. About sanskritization Srinivas writes :

"Sanskrjtization is the process by which a low Hindu

caste, or tribal or other group, changes its customs, ritual,
ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high and
frequently 'twice-born' caste. Generally such changes
arc followed by a claim to a higher position in the caste
hierarchy than that traditionnlly conceded to the claimant
caste by the local c o r n m ~ n i t y . " ~ ~

Thus, sa~skritization refers to mobility of a caste within

the caste structure. Mobility in this context implies upward
mobility within the caste hierarchy by a whole caste or its
larger segment. individual mobility cannot 'be fully under-
stood by sanskritization. Moreover, snnskritization implies
'vertical mobility', which, in fact, is still far from being a
reality. The relative merits, however, of the concepts like
sanskritization, westernization, on the one hand and that of the
reference group on the other, could be evaluated only at the
level of analysis of data. In the following pages it shall be our
endeavour to make such a comparative analysis.

THE LEVELS OF hIOB!LlTY IN THE CASTE STRUCTURE

Mobility of one family wjtbln a caste to a higher or a lower podtion

Mobility at the family and the individual levels is iospired
by differential privileges and posilioos which the families and
23. aid., P. 269.
24. rbld., pg. 225-280.
25. Sriaivas, M.N., Social Change in Mdern Indio, op. ell., p. 6.
 SOCIAL MOBILTTY 1.31'

individuals enjoy in the village community. Families o f the

same caste, and the families of other castes o f the same village
or of other viIIages may operato as reference points for mobility
at the family level. An essential characteristic of mobility :at
family level. is that mobility here depends mainly updn the
attributes of the family concerned without necessarily being
determined by the charncteristics of its caste. The families within
the same cnste, thus, undergo differential patterns af mobility
without any change in caste structure. Improvement of econo-
mic position either through more produce and business or higher
occupntjons and education contribute to enhancementof pod-
tion OF certain 'families in the six villages (see table 25).

TABLE 25
Up\~~nrrlmobility of fonte Jamilie~within :heir respeclive mstcr

Castes Villnges Total

Rpwari Munvaru Bhufsrs Harmam Roop- Sabal:

garb pura

Brahmins
Rajputs
Jats
Gujars
Banias
Charans
Mslh
K hatis
Ahirs
Gadarias

Total 4 4 11 10 11 6 46

3 T h e fifteenfamilies of the Brahmins who have enhanced their

social position have taken up higher jobs by means of big*
-
education, In Bawad a science graduate in agricttltum is
worzng as nn agriculture extension oficer. Three fadlies in
Bhutera have business at Delhi. In Hamma, three families of
Btahmins have highly Bdacated members and also better
132 THE CHANGING RURAL SIKATIPIaflON 3YSTP.M

economic position compared t o the other families. The

B r a m n families in Sabalpura and Roopgarh have highly
educated members.
The families of Rajputs, Banias and Cbarans in Roopgrah,
Sabalpura and Harmara have elevated their positions on account
of improvement of their economic position and higher education
of its members. From among the Rajputs only one family in
SabaIpura has improved its position since tbe abolition, through
education of some of its members and self-cultivation. This is
also true for the Charans in Harmara. Three families of Banias
enjoy higher position on the basis of higher income. Jn
Harmara, there is one M.B.B.S. (medical doctor), and in
Roopgarh two graduates are from among the Banias. In fact, a
of higher education and high economic position
ensures higher social position than what either of these two
contributes to it.
Higher social position of the families of Jats, Gujars,
Malis, Khatis, Ahirs and Gndarias is mainly because of their
better off economic positiotl than he olher families of their res-
pective castes. These families haw either more land or lucrative
occupations. All the 15 fnmilies of Jats possess more land
than other families. This applies to the Malis and Ahirs as
well. The Gadarias in Murwara have only one educated
member. who is employed in Railways as inspector. One of the
two families of the Khatis in Harmara has deveIoped urban
contacts and established bllsiness at: Jaipur. Other a a t i family
in Roopgarb has enhanced its status, because one of its members
is a school teacher and the other two members are workhg out-
side the village earning more than those who stay in the village.
Some of these families, but not all. had traditionany
family background than the other families. The intro-
duction of the external agencies in the village and other
structural changes hnve threatened traditionally superior posi-
tions of these families. For example, there are no Mahtas.
PateIs and Talukedars today because of the abolition. ~h~
are new institutional structures in the vjllages such as the
statutory vilagc panchayats. modem schools, p o ~ t - ~ fand 6 ~ ~
dispensaries. All these institutions do mt provide a
for fmctiobg of asnibed podtian haIdem as mentioned abova
Thus, the shahi! qf the traditional statas system has evoked
 mobility more rapidly for the families which are affected more.
'by.these changa. These affected. familiis felt twlatively
deprived of their privileged status, which they had ppiously.
They feel so when they compare their present status witfr that
of those of who enjoy the same or 'higher status in the village
or outside it.
As a result o f status mobility some significantpatterns
have taken place in regard to dress, use of utensils, house types,
hospitality, ihnd expeiiturc on marriages and food, etc. Nylon
and terylene clothes are used more by these families than other
families in all the villages, The use of saris in the place o f skirt
and 'Ghaghra' (indigenous skirt) and 'mudhni' (outer cover
cloth) has become popuIar among these families.
The above-mentioned families have 'baithaks' (drawing
rooms), chairs and other furniture for the guests. Most of
,these families own puccs bourn. No ather families of their
cwtes have spent more than these families on marriages and
other occasions. These families exceed other famiIies in regard
to cducatian, economic position, power and iduence.
Status mobility of these families has not been iaitiated by
all or a majority of families of their castes on a corporate basis.
In fact, some families of, which might have felt frustration in
,the changing circams&nes, have mustered their respective
resources individuaIIy to attain higher status. Lack of corporate
activities in attaining higher status at famiIy Ievel creates cIass
dEerence wirbin the same caste. These differences among the
members o f the same caste nre evidenced by differential patterns
o f expenditure, style of living, and power andidu'mcethey enjoy,
The families which have attempted to olimb. have simul-
taneously made use of their privileged caste positio*s and
absorbed seculat achievements in their caste ethics. Aspiration
for social climbing is supported by the ascriptive determinant^.^
The pattern of value-orientation involved is cparticularisticr
.achievement'a7in such a process of mobility in caste structure.
The reference group theory helps understandi.ng of such a
26. S e t Shutma, K.L., 'Mode,-tion and Rural !im118~!0h'. h
EcoRomIc PolI(ica1 Weekly (Vol. '5, No. . 3 7 , ' 1 9 ~ PP.
) , 1597-
1543.
27. Parsons, Talcott, 7% S o c i ~Sysinm..(Lagd~fi
~l :Tsytstwk Public~lihns,
1952), p. 198.
 1
134 THE CHANGING RURAL STRAfP1CAflON SY!3Tl31

process of mobility. The reference groups are both membership

(own caste) and non-membership groups, i.e., can~munities,
families or individuals outside one's village community (both in
positive and negative contexts).
The changes oulide the village community such as
modern education and wbte collar jobs are the m ~ i nreference
points for these families. It is evident fmm the educational
and occupational achievements of the families analyscd above.
This type of mobility is mainly because of the 'emergence of
differentiated institutional structutes'. But the traditional
occupational structures within the villages have not been rcplaced
by the new structures; however, significant changes in different
contexts or parts of the traditional structure cannot be denied. 1
Mobilily of a group of families witbin caste to a higher or
a loner position
Mobility of n group offamilies of a caste is not essentially
in contrast with mabiiity at the level of a family. Both at
family and caste levels this process is aimed at the upgrading
of social positions. But at the caste level the 'corporate' (group)
jnterests are given priority, whereas at the family level thc
interests ooE family predominate.
The basic distil~ction between- the mobitity at the caste
Ievd and at thc family lave1 i s that the former operates gene-
rally with regard to socia-cu\turd customs, or matters regarding
po\lutiaa-purity, etc., while tke laLter takes place jn the socio-
economic and political statuses of the families concerned
which have to do with real power and influence in the viUage
community.
Pollution is an inherent characteristic of the relationship
between caste groups of various categories. As such, tlw
permanent degree of pollution or purity fixes group ritual
status, and that orders inter-group behaviour and a t t i h d e ~ . ' ~

28. See Dumont, Louis and Pocock, D.F., 'Purc and Impure', C o ~ r i h u t ~ r ~
(The Hague : Manton and Co., 1959). S~evcltsaa.
JO Itldian O c i u l w ~
1.N.C.. 'Status Evaluation in the Hindu Caste Systwn', published
jn Journal 01R O M ~Anr~iropologicolI n s ~ i ~ u r(Landon
e : Vol. 84,
1958), (See for this Dumont and Pocock, 1bid , 1959). S ~ ~ n i v aM.N.,
s,
Rgligidn and S o c i e / ~omotrg rha Coofgs oJ Sourh India (Lmdan :
Oxford Univcrsiiy Press, 1952).
 \
Thus, some castes are treated as purer than others. Sonie
occupations are considered more defiling thnn others, and form
the basis oC caste ranking. The mobility at the caste level is,
therefore, aimed nt the change of practices, customs and
occupations, etc., which are considered polluting by higher
castes. This process goes along with efforts to adopt new 'life
styles', practices and customs of the higher castes to improve
the present caste positions. Caste mobility of this nature could
rightly be called sanskritizntion.
In the six villages, Khatis, Nais, Mcenas, Chamars, Naiks,
and Brahmins have tried to improve t b i r caste positions by
discarding certain practices and occupations nthched witb their
1
respective castes. The discarded practices and occupations were
considered as impum. The Khatis ia Roopgarh, Sabalp-~lra, and
Harmara used to accept kucha food and water from most of the
peasant castes, e.g. the Jats, Maljs, Gujars, Kumhnrs and Afiirs,
about 15 years ago. But since then they have started claiming
a higher caste rank; they label themselves as the 'Jangir
Brahmins' and 'direct descendents' of the Lord 'Viswakarma'.
the creator of lhe world. Now they do not accept kucha food
and wnter from the peasant castes. They have also shrted
putting oo sacred tlrread.
The Nais irr all the six villages with the exception af two
Ihmilies in Dhutcrn have discarded clcani~lgof defiled (Jutha)
plates. About 10 years ago they used to remove Prtols (leaf-
plat^) and ciem the Juthn plates, They considered that the
touching of the Jutha food lowered their prestige. Therefore.
they decided to discard this occupntion. Q s t e council meetings
of 'Chaukhala~'~~ (a group of several villagcs of an area) were
held Tor this specific end. Sanskritiration hns also taken place
among the Meenas, a serniltriba~a s k . Of the six villages, in
Sabalpura and Bawari there are no Meenas. In all the other
four villages, there are the Chowkidari Meenas, who worked
traditionaJJyas vvilJage watchmen and occasionally indulged in
thieving.
NOWfor the past ten years, the easke councils of the
Meenas and the Government of Raiasthan have been focusing
upon looting-- and- -
theft as i-oral and dagtading occupation.
29. Chauhan, B.R., A Rojusthm Village, (New ~ l h i Vir
: Publishlog
House, 19671, pp. 119-147.
A number of reformative camps have been organized for this
The Meenas of Bbutera and Mur wara have discarded
&acoity and theft, and now they mainly depend upon cultivatiofl-
neMeenas of Roopgarh add Harmam have also considerably
abando~edthis occupatioll, but not absolutely. However, theft
and looting are now considered more immoral than before due
to the efforts of the Biradaries of the Meenas and the Govern-
ment of Rajastban. The Chamars have discarded their tradi-
tional occupations, for example, disposal of carcass, skinning
the dead animals, mending the old shoes, and othcr services
based on the patron-client relztionships in all the six villages
\vich the exception of three families, one each ln ~ o o p g a r h .
Sabalpura and Bawaci. These three families are oul-cnste.
Among the Naiks,women worked as midwives about 12.
years ago in Roopgarh and Sabaipura. As midwives, the women
used to attend t h e mothers of the newly-born children to render
some menial services for about a month since birth. They were
obliged to clean the dut, including excreta and urine of the chid
2nd the mother. The Naiks decided along with the Naiks of
Chaukhala to discard midwifery, as the services involved in i t
gollutcd thcm and degraded their caste rank.
Some OF the families of the Brahmins in Roopgarh and
Sabalpura have stopped accepting 'Dan', consid:ring it as an
indication of lowering of social position in the present circum-
stances. They tlow put more emphasis on e n r i n g by whit=
collar jobs than the priestly or Brabminic occupations, because
the former are valued more prestigeous than the latter today.
The above illustralions expIain that the majority of families
of various castes have tried to sanskritiz their behaviollr
patterns by discarding the so-called polluting practices md
adopting new ones, which guarantkd bjgber caste positions to
them as corporate bodies. Mobility wibin the cdsre StructuP
has been taking Place a little rapidly since independence due to
struclural changes such as the abolition ofJagirdari zamin-
dari syskm3 and the introduction of Panchayati RG. hi. pro-
cess cannot be explaided through the conceg& of sanskrilizatiop,
weslcrflizatiod Or reference group &haviour alone.
The mobiGt~which has resulted due to these dmtml
changes does n D t involve vol~taryiolitation ofthe practices of
higher caslcs or dircarding ok the practice6 and occupations thnt
 TABLE 26
Smskri~izingcastes

Villege Sanskritizing castes

Buwari Cbarnsrs nrahming Nais

(discarded (imit~ted (discarded
traditional practices and cleaning of
callings) lire styles of defiled plates
Daivik Brahmins) and ~ltensils)
Chamms Brahmins Nais Mecnas 6
(left chowkidari)
P,
Chmrnars Nais Khatis Mccnas
(put on.fincrcd
thread and declined
to accept kucho
food from other castes)
B-a Chaman Nais Khalis Brahmins Meenas
Roomh Chamus Naiks Khatis Darjees Nals
(d:~scarded
' .',
mrdw~fery)
(put on
saacd lhrad)
%balm.. Cbamacs Nnika Khatia Neis
 IWE m A ~ ~RURAL
I ~ STRATI~C*TION
~ WgmM
138
and carte rmk. The mobility that results from
chanPs doer take a note of the efforts and aspirations
of individuals. The mobility which is a r u l t of these
chmge~explains the direction of revolutionizing or
overhauling of the total socio-economic and palitical structure
of e,t. ,,illage comyunity. Such a view, therefore, does not
take an account of the ends and means of the individuals o r
individual castes or particular villages, etc. For example, the
abolition of the Jagirdari and the Zamindari systems has
converted some ex-tandIords into petty peasants and manual
labourers. On the contrary. some of tbe ex-tenants have become
big landowners as Khatedars because they have got transferred
big landholdings at the time of the abolition. A good majority of
the ex-Zamindars, however, have retained suficient landholdings.
In Roopgarh, for example, Lwo of the Rajput families
could not retain su@cient lands for their livelihood. Some of
the members of these families work as manual labourers even
on the farms of their ex-tenants. A few families of the Brahmins
depend partially on manuat labour and low status providing
manual works. The ex-arnindars and the Brahmins who did
not take up manual work before the abolition of the Zamindari
system, they now do the same on their farms. Their composite
status has come down in the status hierarchy. However, these
chm~eshave not levelled equally the privileged and the non-
privileged, as some of the families of the privileged class have
retained sources of power and prestige in the village community.
On thc contrary, some of the ex-tenants have become better off
than what they were before the abolition of the Jagirdari and
the Zamindari systems. For example, in Roopmrb, SabaJpura,
and Bhntera not a single pucca house was owned by the Jats,
Mali%and Gujars, whereas today more than 50 per cent of the
JatS own pucca houses and are not sunk in debt, while most of
the tenants were burdened with heavy debts about 20 years ago.
The =ason is that some of the tenants: got hundreds of
acres of land by Ihe transfer. Secondly, the tenants have improved
the lands and increased the yields, as they now enjoy a sense of
security of ownaship over land, wbereas in the past they were
deprived of such a right and could be ejected even
formal notice. They Perceived the lands as oftheir masters,
the Zamindars. Such a state of affairs did not help cultivation
 Niaitiative and inspiration for improving the lands which the
tenants cultivated. The tenants had to pay taxes in kind, and
about half of the produce was procured by the landlords in the
Pasf. Today, they p;ly a nominal land revenue and enjoy
security of ownership and freedom of cultivation and disposal
of tlie yield. These fact~rshave helped in improvement of their
posilions, For example, a number of Jats in Bhutera, Sabalpura
and Roopgarh are nioney-lenders today. They lend money
cvcn to some of their ex-Zamindars and Jagifdais.
The process of going up in the status hierarchy carries
implications of both psychological and sociologicat nature.
~ociologically, those who rise adopt and imitate the
beliaviour patterns of the privile~ed section of the people.
Psychologically, they sense freedom and equality and a degree
af satisfaction on account of their improved swial posilion.
Psychological satisfaction js expressed by utteranm, nornen-
cfature and conspicuous waste, etc. Some cases of such n
nature have been referred to below.
The Jats, for example, now label themselves ss 'SINGH'
with Uleir names which they could not do befare the abolition
of the Jagirdari system, Only the Rajputs had Lhe privilege of
labelling 'Siogh'. Names of sbme of the Jet leaders are, for
cxampk, Jagau Sittgh { e ~ - M . L . A . ) ,Kisl~anSinglr (ex-M.L.A.1,
Ram Deo Singh (deputy minister), Nnrain Sing11 (tila Pramukb),
Pooran Singh (advocate), Trilok Singh (comnlunist leader),
Ridml Singh, Ranleshwnr Sin& (Ptadhsns) and Har La1 Singh
(M.L.A.), etc. The change in the nomencIaturepattcrn exhibits
the psychalogiml winning ~fthe depressed over the privileged.
Thus, we find both upgrading and downgrading of poxitions
of a group of families within the same caste. It is nat that
upgrading has been more than the reverse process. For example,
in Harmara, a number of Brahrnills and h n i a s owb tea stalls,
and occasionally they havc to dean the defded plates. I1 shows
that smskrjizatjon does not take place absolutely in corporate
way, i-e , all the members of a caslc do not discard or imitate
unitedly social practices and occupations. We find exceptrow
among the Charnars, the Nnjs, the Brahmins, etc. On the
otber hand, there are farnilis witbin the same caste who have
retained considerably their traditiousl g l a m r aad pr=fi@
retaining sufficient landholdings and achieving dt~cation,higher
 140 T f E CR.WaING RURAL STRAI7FICATION SYSTEM

occupation, and positions of power and influence. 'The group

mobility is not found, in fact, in its absolute sense.
Moblity of an individual within e family belonging to a certain
cnste to a higher or a lower pnsition
There is a lot of' difFeerence between the mobility of an
individual within a family and a family within a caste. The
rn~bilityof a family within the caste implies the going up or
coming down o'f social prestige of Family within the caste. The
! mobility of an individual within the family implies the edance-
ment o r the degradation of the status of an individual concerned.
lndividoal'a prestige is an impartant component of srratificatiod
along with caste rank. Individual members as Marriott observes
may lose or Further gain in rank axording to their iadividual.
attributes and b e h a v i o ~ r . ~Renouncing of certain elements
provide higher prestige. Caste daes not absorb the identity of
individual members in absoluteness. There has been a scope
for individual striving and dcvation of prestige within the tanked
centre to which individuals belong. An attempt has been to
make a distin,:tion between caste and non-caste structures?'
However, these two types of mobility are interrelated, as family
and individuals are intertwined, Mobility of individual is
guided by his family background. Enhnncemeot of theprestige
of an individual adds t o the prestige of the family. Therefore,
this distinction is devised for analytical purposes only. Mobility
at the level oP individual can be better explaincd by the theory
of reference group, as the mobility at this level is more cancer-
--
30. Marriotr, Mckirn, 'Multiptc R e f e ~ o c ein lodian Case Sy$t.ms'. in
James Silverberg (ed.), op. cir., p. 107.
When I wrote this chapter in 1967, Jnmes Siluerberg'6 book on 'Soclal
Mobiliry it, the Caste Syrtrtn In India' was not published. Before he
release of this volume and of Milton Singer and 8. Cohn's volume
(cd.) (196q 1bad onalyad caste mobility a1 l h m levels, i.e., group,
family and individud. I have emended thc eaaliet draf~in tbe light of
these studies.
31. H e i k r r , Paul G.. 'Caste and Personal Rank in an Indian Vjga*.
Americu~rAnlhrwlogist (Vo1. 71, No. 3, 1%9), pp. 434453.
See also James Silverberg, "Casteascribed 'Statubvvwux ktg-Imle-
mnt Roles". Mun in India (Vol. 39,1959). pp. 148-162. Adrian C.
Mayer also mekes a distinction be~wcen'rkua]' and ' m l a r ' R W n S .
9 s his 'Some Hierarchical Aspects of Cask', South-W&ern ~ormrnaf
of A n t h r o p o t o ~[Vol. VII, 1956), pp. I14-144.
 ned with psychological processes such as aspirations, ambitions,
and some lofty goals and achievement of the attributes required
for such personal goals.
There are some individuals who are esteem'ed high in their
respective villages irrespective of their inferior economic position,
caste ranks and family positions. For example, Raghunath
Prasad Pareek in Roopgarh is highly respected; he is the first
highly educated man. and be is considered to be impartia1. His
economic standing docs not correspond to his prestige. The
other members of his family, for example, his elder brother
and cousins, are not respected to the same extent due to their
notoriety nod stubbornness, SimiIarly, in Sabalpura, Goma
Ram Jat is esteemed high because of his impartiality, sense of
responsibility and honesty thou& his economic position is con-
siderably lower. We find such examples in other villages as
well. In Harmaru, a Rajput teacher, in Bhutera, Sri Niwas
Brahutin, in Munvara, Mutau Gadaria, and in Barvari, Kajori
Gujar are otber individuals who enjoy prestige and honour
in spite of their incongruent lower economic standings.
Educatbn phys an important role .b enhaacing tho
prestige of an individual. Far example, in Bawari, Bal Ram
Siaph Jat, one of the sons of Ran1 Charan Brahmin, in
Murwara, Bahu Singb, Nirahjan Singh Jat's son, and a graduate
son of another Jatin Roopgarh-all graduates-are esteemed
higher than other individuals of the same age group of the same
families in their respective villages. These educated individuals
who enjoy a Iot of prestige stre found in Sabalpura, Harmara
and Bhutera as well.
There are some individuals who have sanskriikd their
habits and practices and imitated the behaviour patterns of the
higher castes. For example, in Roopgarh, a Darjee bas put Qn
sacred thread and worships daily tha Lord Shiva. There are
some Rajputs i n Sabnlpura and Harmara who have given up
meat-eating and liquor-drinking.
There are some iadivjduals in dl rhe six v i & ~ am
despised for their notoriety. These persons are, ~ n s i & A
negative reference individuals, just oppoGtte l o the positive
reference i n d i v i d u a h the model p o n s in the 8i-X
For example, h R ~ a o p ~8hB, m J Lin S a b l ~Wpt# ~ ~ ~ ~
in m m a r a , a Charan, in Bawari, a Gujwt, M-8
142 THE CHANGNG dURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTEM

a Jat are to as persons of furious temperaments and

who can harm people a t anytime. Tbey do not hesitate in
-committing oflence- It is generally felt that such persons be
kept away from the younger people so that they may not be
affccted by their bad deeds.
The mode of orientation involved in the mobility a t the
level of individual is essentially 'universalistic-achievement',
i.e., if a man has capabilities to acbieve the goals he cherishes,
there are no barriers theoretically in Ids way in achieving the
desired ends. The mobility of the individual may not necessa-
rily enhance the prestige of his family or caste. Therefore, it is
the Ieast corporate type of mobility. Individualism rilles over
collectivism in the mobility of the individual within the family.
Now we may analyse the common and t l ~ cdistinctive characte-
ristics of the three types of mobility.

Analysis
The mobility at the levels of family and individual is
essentially within the purview of the same caste and create
differences of class positions within it. Though mobility a t
the level or a group of families exists to a grcat extent, yet it
has not entailed a disruption of the caste structure. For
example, the c s t e s such as Brahmins, Nais, Naiks, Meenas
and Charnars who discarded their traditional occupations and
practices in the hope of upgrading their caste ranks, could not
improve their caste status even after discarding the undesired
elernenrs associated with their caste ranks. The reason is that
the notions of caste ranking are rooted so deeply jn the minds
of the people that they cannot be withered away either by
legal provisions or social manoeuverings.
The fact is that vertical mobility in caste structure is virtual-
ly absent. The criteria of caste ranking such as caste endo-
gamy, m n m e n s a I i t ~ and hereditary caste membership are
still intact. We do not find even an exceptional case of inks-
caste marriag in any of the six villag~. AS a group, tbe
members of a caste do not eat with other castes. caste
ethnocentrism exists Still in abundance. ~ d to theh
sanct20ns of carte ranking can be o k ~ y at ~ certain
d occasions,
 e.g., marriages, death feasts, caste disputes and elections.
It should not be understood that there has not been
t~rticaimobility a t dt in the six vifftiges. Vertical mobility
has been, in fact, in the class structure, and i t has not affected
corresposdingIy the caste structure. The cleavages OF 'caste
rank and class position between the fanlilies of the same caste
are a proof of vertical mobility. For example, due to the
aboljtion, some of the famjlies d the land-o&ing castes are
today petty cultivators or they depend upon manual or agricul-
tural labour. Some high caste petsons are peons and factory
\vorkecs. On the other band, families of some ofihe intermediate
and the lower and 'untouchable' castes, who were landiess,
or who bad meagre landholdings, now own considerable
amounts of land and have improved their socio-economic ,
position to a great extent. These two polar professes gf verti-
caI mobility, no doubt, bave affected caste structure, but the
core of the vnlues of caste structure still remains unshaken and
inveterate.
The mobility at the three levels, i.e., indiridual, family,
and group, in the caste structure is interrelated, and mobility
at one level is affected by mobility at another level. Vertical
mobility which seems apparently extraneous to the caste
structure is, in fact, closely related with it, as it is absorbed in
the caste structure through thc proccss of 'traditionaliration'
or'sanctifiation' ofnewer values in the existing caste system
itself.
The newer elements that emerge in the v i l l ~community
are grndually associated with caste ranking, and the snme are
absorbed later on in it, and also form a part of it. For, it has
been noted that traditionally privileged cnstes such as Brahmins
and Rajputs now try LO au~ummudiitenew and highly prrsti-
geous bases of social pasition as cxcIusively of their own. At
the same time they have not discarded the traditional ekments
which still provide superior position. Thus,by and large they
;w found still infiuential a5 they accommodate the new elements
with the old ones. The amalgamation of !he twa sets of
bases of ranking keeps them atill at a bigher kvelin the caste
hierarchy.
These processes af msbility Within the mte structure
a o t be adequstdy explaind with the concupt of wkritiza-
tion alone. Srinivas writes that a Iow caste was able to change
its position in the hierarchy by adopting vegetarianism and
teetotalism, and by sanskritizing its ritual and pantheon. The
sanskritizing caste adopted customs, rites and the beliefs of the
~ r a h r n i n s . ~This means Chat sanskritization is a group process
in regard to the imitation of the beliefs and ideas of the higher
castes (particularly the Brahmins) by the lower castes. But we
find mobility within the caste structure at the levels of family
and individual, and mobility within the caste structure as a
result of some structural changes introduced in the village com-
munity. The mobility of such a nature, therefore, cannot be
explained through sanskritization.
Bailey has used the term sanskritization for the study of
political processes. He writes that snnskritization is 'a means',
'a mechanism for social climbing'. I t can operate as a 'safety-
valve', as it challenges the dominant caste.= The process of
sanskritization can reduce the economic inequalities. But it
does not bring a change in the structure, i.e., in the type of
relationship which characterizes the structure, Thus, according
t o Bailey sanskritization consists of three characteristics : (i) an
attack on the hierarchy: (ii) carporate activity; and (iii) the
'general levelling of c ~ l h u e ' . ~Further, Bailey observes : (I)

32. Srinivas, M.N., op. cil. (1 966),p. 6.

Sec Damle, Y.B.. *ReferenceGroup Theory with regard to Mobility
in Caste'. in James Silverberg (ed .), op. cit. Damla suggests four
models for study of caste. They are: (1) Brahmanic madel; (2)
m g I y model; (3) Vaishya model; and (4) Western model. pp. 101-
102.
33. Bailey. F.G. Tribe, Cmle nnd Nation (Bombay : Oxford University
Press, 1960). p. 188.
34. IbiJ., p. 189.
See Owen, M.Lynch, 'Thc Polilia of Untouchability : A Case from
A p , India', (4.) Smger, Milton and Cohn, Bernard S., Structure and
Change in Indiau Society, op. ck., pp. 209-240.
Lyach observes ihat saoslritization can be d e h d s t r u d ~ u ytm.
The dificn)fy of sansliritization of being 'culture-boundb mdd be
solved by the application af a frame of analysis which uses g t o e r a l d
types of reference -ups (identification,imitafiw and negation) a d
~neraliredtypes of sraluses (dominant and salient). With such a
frame of analysis as Lynch maintains ~anskrjtiz&,~ could be C m -
pared with mwoments OF mobility in alhw Thcpro90~ition
has bean carried frrrthcr by Lynch in his val-, B e Polirlra 0 j Un-
 castes make their wishes.felt as &cor@oratepolitical bodies', (2)
the cuftural paraphernalia of the o,jd caste aystem is absent
today, and (3) the new political system is wider than the old
one, and the new economic system provides opportunity for
'spatial mobility'. Bailey olso observes tbnt sanskritic 'culture
is the culture of the nation. and it is, therefore, not a n~onopoly
of the local upper castestructure. It is an ideal forall people.
Bailey's observations in regard to sanskritization in terms
of a carporate political activity are not substantiated by facts.
Sanskritization is found as a group activity in regard to non-
political and non-economic aspects, that is, in cultural realm,
particularly, in regard to adoption of certain higher caste
practices and discarding of certain tradilionaI occupations and
practices. But in the political field such a corporate activity
does not seem to be associated with sanskrih'zation. In all the
six villages, rifts, rivaIries and factions are common between the
families of the same caste. Similnrly, it cannot be claimed
that caste hierarchy is becoming less rigid due to the process of
sanslcritization. and thereby emerges a general levelling of
culture. Tbe truth is that caste stratibcation at the vertical
plane js still almost intact. Not even a single case of inter-
caste marriage or inter-caste dining has been reported in the
villages studied by the author. Finally, the snnskrjtic culture is
a framework of bebaviour patterns. In practice, sanskritic
culture is limiled to the aristocracy and elite sections of the
rum1 society. It is not universaljstic in nature. The reality is
that all the castes do not have equal access to achieve the ideals
of the sanskritic culture. Only a few upper castw or some
families from these castes are the virtual carriers of tbe sans-
kritic traditions and practices.

(Cuntinuedfbmpage 144)
m ~ W I i i v(19159). Wow to enlarge a 'cul~ure-bound'c m M to a
Stmctural lore1 still rernnina a debatable question. We b v e already
pointed out some limitations of the concept of sansh~itizationand
advantages of refcmce group theory over bonskri t izattod. Howwer,
the question of the study of changed of tha systcmti in 4 s t Q ~ estill
rcmains unsdwd. H w ~ r e f w e ~ ~ ~thwP9too
m a r p dmaof bmidc
a satisfrtdoty solution. Aatv do ~a undmland end analyse chanm
brought about by revolutions, war, legiclarion and othci structural
welhaulings.
146 THE CHAXGING RURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTEM

Majumdar has doubted the relatiomhip between sans-

hitization and vertical mobility. He explains that .the t m s
rde-sanshititation' and 'horizontal m0bj1ity'~hremore appro-
priatc to understand caste mobility. In regard to de-
sanskritization Majumdar explains that sanskritic values carry
lesser prestige and influence than the non-sanskritic ideals and
values. This we have notieed in regard to some Brahmin
families who have discarded some of their sanskritic callings
which did not carry considerable social prestige. However, the
caste structure does not change. Therefore, the mobility is
horizontaI or within the same caste. The same caste consists
of families of varied positions. The concepts of de-sanskritiza-
tion and horizontal mobility have a group connotation. As
such, these terms do not take a note of individual and family
niobility within the caste structure. The same drawback is
with the terms 'universalization' and 'parochialisation'ae (which
are the processes or forward and downward spread respectively)
of cultural elements of nn indigenous civilization.

1v
THE EMERGING PATTERNS O F MOBILITY IN THE CASTE
STRUCTURE

Mobility in the caste structure at the three levels, namely,

individual, family and group, does not entail a change in the
35. &jumdar, D.N.,C a f e ond CommunIcntlon in on Indlm Vlltage,
op. cit.. pp. 336-37.
'In othw words, the process of acculturation in India b~ been mote
a process of de-sanskritization (or derirualization) than that of sans-
kritization, and i t is a process of horizontal spread of the higher
castes, which hac involved droppingrituals and purity, and we may
add, acceptance of tribal customs and practices, primitive ideas about
powem, personal and impersonal, and even primitive magic, taboa
and superstitions'.
'~hs horizontal spread of the castes has secured the caste struclm
against dirintmtion or decay, for it has allovedthe nemcary bulge
on tbe horizontal plane-without chalJenging the order of smial
It is this horizontal. spread that is now helping the
cages to reargaoize fhemlves. to combine and compcre agaiost
& e r c a s t e it is this horizontal spread that is now the great& for
casteism'.
36. m i o t t , Mrkim. V i W e tndla, up. cit., pp. 1~-m.
structure of caste stratification. Tbe emerging gatferns of
caste mobility are related with all the three levels of operation
of caste mobility. As these levels are related with the processes
ofmobility, simiIarly the patterns too are related with the pro-
cesses. Therefore, the distinction between the levels of caste
mobility, the processes in caste mobility, and the pattern of
caste mobility are only analytical devices to study the emerging
trends of mobility in the caste structure. The fol1owiog pattern
of mobility are discernible in the caste structure in the six
villages.

1. Marginally going np
Individuals, families, and groups of the families of various
castes go u p in caste hierarchy at the horizontal plaoe through
a change in their customs, practices, occupations, education,
income, etc. The process of limited structural shift is involved in
this pattern of mobility. This pattern indicates social climbing,
and it is observed at 4U the three levels of mobility in the caste
structure.

2. MargCnally going down

The reverse of the pattern of marginally going up is tbe
pattern of marginally coming down in the caste hierarchy.
Caste position goes down by adhering to the practices, customs,
occupations, etc, which are considered by the members of
one's own caste or by other castes as defiling and degrading.
Because of these adverse teactions, certain practices and occupa-
tions get disapproval of the people. This applies to all the
levels of caste mobility. Some of the individuals and families
come down in caste hierarchy due to their socially undesirable
acts too.

3. Maintaining status quo

Some families and these castes have adjusted themselves
in the new situations in such a way that virtually no s b B hns
taken place in their caste positions. The lois tbey rmffed bas
been compensated with the ac6ievement in other Wms, for
example, education and ecomonic standings. The proccss of
traditianalizati~nor mctificetion is involved in thh pabra
of caste mobility. A number of substitute status providhg
148 THE CRANGINB RURAL STRAlPPICATION SYSTEM

bases have h e n adopted by the castes and families because

their statuse.s were challenged by the new:climbers and aspirants
in the village community.

OCCUPATIONAL MOBILlTY

b, Like the caste system, the traditional structure of occupa-

tion in India was also relatively closed and rigid. The cases of
occupational mobility and occupational differentiation were
fewer. This was reinforced by the hereditary nature o f
occupaiional specialization of families w itbin the caste system.
About occupations in Iadia Ghurye writes :

'The uufreedom of occupation in actual operation at the

beginning of the 19th century was accompanied by a
staunch belisf that almost everyone of the large number
of castes had an occupation which was its otvn, its
traditional and hence the hereditary occupation of its
members, to abandon which in search of another was a t
least not proper, if not actually ~ i n f u l ' . ~ :

What has been written by Ghurye for the 19th ceutury's

beginning ;nay not be found today i n the village community.
However, his view about the rigidity of occupatiotial sanctions.
still seems to be helpful for exploring the occupational
dynamics.
Twa-fold classifications of occupations have been applied.
First, occupations based on secular sanctions, and second,.
those based on religious-ritualistic (pollutian-purity) sanctions.
In the first group of occupations (based on .secular sanctions)
we include those occup.ations in the six villages which have
come into being as a result of modernizing forces, such as the
gowth of urbanisa~ion, bureaucratic administration, and
modernization of the means of transport and communications.
The occupations based on reliejous-ritualistic sanctions can be
further classified into two mteg0rieS : (1) traditiond pure,
and (2) traditional impure. These are the occupations wbicb

Ghuryr, G.S., Crzvte, Clmr w d Oeeupa~ion(Bombay: Popular BOO^

Dspot, IMI), p.241-
 haye lradjrimally been associated with caste ~iratiiimtion,~
The two-fold conceptual scheme applied to classify occupa-
tions might give us an insight into the rural occupntional
mucture. The changes in this structure, however, may b e
anal ysed through the processes of occupational mobility taking
place at both of the above levels of oqupational stratification.
Tlrirfy years ago, there were no modem schoob, post
offices, roads, buses, railways and newspapers available to the
people of rhe six viIlages. There was not even a single matri-
culate. T l ~ e availability of these means of communication and
transport and spread of education has altered the traditional
occupational structure of these viIlages. The abolition of
Zamindari and Jagirdari on the one hand and the inconsis-
tencies 6r strains of over-conformity ro traditional occupations
on the other, have contributed to the changes in the occupa-
tional structure. We shall discuss them below.
The traditional occupat~onalstructure was different from
the present Tbe traditional oocupatiooal structure

For classificatio~softxmpation based ca 'skill', tatus us hoeow' and

'nature o f occupations', sat Ram Krishna Muketjee. 'Caste a d
Ecunomlc Str~rcrure in W e ~Bema1
t in Presenf TXv~inles; R.N. Saxeno
- (ed.), Socfolozy, ,Social Re~earch, and Social t'robl~ms III [Mia
(Bombly : Asia Publishing Hous, 1961); and a h see D.V. Glass
and J.R. Hall (mi.), Sociol Mdbiliry in Britain (London : Routlcdge
and Kegan Paul, 1954); A.C. Mayer, Cmtc and Kirtshlp in Central
Zdia (London : Routledga and Kegan Paul, 19W),
" Sbarma, L L . . 'Occupational Mobility and Class Structure',Mmrin
I d l o (Vol. 48, No.Z April-Jme. l-), pp. 106-1 14. me nonzaste-
baed ompations are based rm secular sanctions. These occupations
are not guided by polturiongurity. whereas traditional calling8 am
caste-based and arc guided by ihc criteria of asteranking. Tdi-
tionally, tultivation tops Lb hi6ratchy of o ~ c u p t i o n s . Cultivation
is mnaidued'uttam' (tba best). h i n e s s i s considacd 'madhyam'
(mudim, and sexvia: is considered 'neech' (low). At the r u m tim4
rbe upper c a s h (&vim-bran),cvucider foucbing of p b g h e5 palhl-
lag. and in the eastern U.P. and Rajasthan the Bruhmins and the
%ut~ @umally absenm landlords. They hired labbur for
cultintian. But cultivatjon has generally &aconsidad a
o~lhp*?iotI a9 i t invatwa i d o m mad autanomy. At the same tim0
we atmot overlook the faa tbnt cntcivetion has bem N S U ~ by ~ a
tew casks as a s sxcluaivp axspation. For axample, in Jajpuf and
l Ub~d
Sihr district vifialps, Jets are the pridpst ~ & ~ ~ l r u r emete
(Cvd~Xrtsden pa@ 152)
150 THE CHANGING RURAL STRAmFICAnON SYSTEM

TABLE 27
Tradirional caste-bawdcallims mrdprescnt occuparions,
carte-based or rran-caste

Traditional, ate-bascd Present occupations,

callings caste-based or non-caste

Upper eafres
1. Brahmin Priesthood, worshipping, Priesthood, white-collar
teaching, cultivation. jobs, cultivation, busi-
ness, teaching, labour.
2. *put Jagirdnri and Zamindari, Cqltivation, police and
police and military military scrvicc, whitc-
service. collar jobs (clerks.
teachers). labour.
3. Bania Money-lending, trading, Business, service, cultiva-
shop-keeping, etc. tion, peon.
Inf ermediaf c castes
4. Jut (Zamindar) Zamindari, cultivation. Cultivation, labour. peon,
police, military, shop-
keeping.
5. Gujar Zsniindari, cultivation. Cultivation, labom, peon.
(Zamindar)
6. Swami and Priesthood, worshipping, worship pin^, begging,.
Sanjogi Zamindari. cultivation, labour.
7. Khnti Grpentn (Jajmani). Carpentry. cultivation,
teaching.
8. Sonar Goldsmitby. Goldmithy, service.
9. D a d Tailoring. Cultivation, tailoring.
10. Jat (Tenants) Cultivation, animal hus- Cultivation, animal hus-
bandry, labour. bandry, service (police.
military, teaching).
11. Gujar Herding, cultivation, Herding, cultivation,
A

Iabour. labour.
12 h4ali Gardening, cultivation. Cultivation, labour.
13. Ahir Cultivation, cow-herding. Cultivation, labour,
animal husbandry.
14. Kumhar Pottery, masonary work, Cultjvatian, pottery,
Quarrying, cultivation. masonary Work, h h u r ,
qwiog.
Lower caster
IS. Gadaria Cow-herding. Cultivation, labour.
service.
16. Daroga Dameslic service of Service, cultiv8iion,
Rajpute. labour.
 -
Traditional,.caste-based Present bccupatiom,
=HiWi 'ask-bwed or-non-mate

Chowkidari,,the'ft. Cultivario.n,labour.
Begging, worshipping. Begging.
Hair-cutting, cleaning of H&iiuttbg,alt'ivation,
defiled utensils. domestic labour.
services at birth, m i a g e ,
'deathand festivals.
Indigenous treatment of Bepging, cu~tivation,
diseases, wanhipping, labour.
cxpert in Twtra, begging.
21. Dnkot Worshipping .of 'Saul Begging, tom-driving.
Dcva', 1ow-eas:e astro-
loger, begging,
22. Khatik Butchery. Bufchtry.
23. Rana Singing, drum-beating. Idour.
24. Dholi Singing, dm-beat in& Labour, service.
hiatziw.
25. Faqir Begsing. Begging.
26. Dhadhi 'Singirig, drum-biiting. Singing, Inhour.
27. Bunk= Wcaving. Labour.
28. Bedia or Nat Singing, dancing. Singing, dancing. 18bo~r.

Carcass dispoul, skin- Cuffivation, labour.

ning, fam~labour. mend-
iris af old shner. etc.
Colouring o l hides, shoe- Shoc-making, c.olouring
making. of hides, repairing of old
shms and fafm labour.
Bsket-ninking, n u i s i i . Masonary work, culti6-
tion, labour, basket-.
making.
Scnvenging, baskel-making. Scavenging, basket-mak-
ing, colk~lonof animal
bones, hunting.
persists along with the non-traditional ones in the present
occup3tional structure. Most af the castes tody have neitber
the traditional (caste-based) nor the secular (non-caste) occupa-
tions exclusively. Some I a m r castes have discarded certain
traditionaI callings supposed to be derogatory and have adopted
nev+ occupations lo compensate for the economic loss they
have incurred thereby. For instance, the Nais have left clean-
ing of jutha (defiled) plates and have taken to manual and
industria1 labour; they, however, retain hair-cutting (their
t~aditional occupation). Tbere a ~ cotber instances ~f cartes
such as the Chamars and the Naiks who have discarded their
callings completely and taken up either the traditional callings
of other castes o r some sccular (noo-caste) occupations to
sanskritizt theit lift-ways and eicvate their caste position.
The abslition of the Jagirdari and Zamindari systems and
other structural changes have aRected the traditional occupa-
tional structure too. Thc ex-Znmindars and Jagirdars [Rajputs
and Jats) today are in most cases peasants; some have become
white-collar workers and some even manual labourers. Some who
were poor peasants or ex-peasants are now owners of the land
they cultivated; they have also taken to service o r white-coIIar
jobs. There are castes, however, who have no1 k e n affeaed
considerably cilhcr by land reforms or otber externaI forces.
For instance, the Baoias continue to be engaged in tbe mercan-
tile pursuits and money-lending as before.
Out d the I ,PQD male workers in six ~iHages4~, 20 per cent
are enga~cdia secular (non-caste) occupations. The hppec castes
have adopted non-caste occupations and discarded the traditions1
callings more than the other castegroups; 46 per cent from among

(c-on~lnrredfro111page 149)
by LIE Malis and Ahirs. Howe~ef,gencrdly a11 the casles own some
land. I n faat, when there is an attachment with one's own tmct oFland,
[be feeling ihat n particular tract of larid belongs to his forefathers is
very slrong. With these mnsidrrations i n mind, we have cetegorigd
culrtva~ionunder traditimal ~ u p a t i o n s . Moreover, cultivation is
not a new occuparlon for the villagers as a result of diffcreofieted
role-s~ructures. CuI~ivatioo may therefore be considered a rradi-
tianal bat a pure occupation.
40. We have included only adult male workers. Childrm and women a r t
lefr out of this aumeration, as !hey arc generally helping-hands in
agricultural works and other acmgaiions.
 SOCIAL MOBILITY 153

the male workers of the upper castes are engaged in non-caste

o~cupations. The Muslims too have taken up secular occupa-
tions in a big way Iike the upper castes. The intermediate,
lower and tuntguchable' castes, however, stick considerably to
their traditional or caste-based occupations (Table 28).
TABLE 28
of f i e upper, inr,?rn~ediate,lower and 'rwo~tthdk'
Present occt~pa~ions
crlsles mrd Muslim
- -

Occupations Upper Inter- Lower 'Untouch- Muslims Total.

medjale ables'

Caste-based
1. Cultivation 98 598 24 76 19 819
2. Business and
shop-kccping 52 9 61
3. Labour (rnmua)
and agiculiu-
ral) 12 71 19 211 18 331
4. Priest 31 31
5. Mangat 2 8 10 20
6. Carpenter IS 15
7. Cook 5 5
8. Vaidya 6 6
9. Heir-cutter 25 25
10. Patter 10 10
ai. Shoemaking
and Jeatbenvork 101 101
12. Mason 16 1 18 4 39
13. Sweeper 13 13
14. Tailor 1 3 2 6
15. Domestic service 1 2 3
16, Goldsmitby 3 3
17. Banglemakar 2 2
18. Silwrsmithy 1 1
19. Animnl
husbandry 8 1 9
20. Oil-presser 1 1
21. Buket-maHng 3 3
22. Quarrying 2 6 6 14
23, Meat-selUQ 2 2
24. Blacksmithy 4 4
25. Hut-making 2 2
26. Weaving 3 3
154 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATlPICATlON SYSTEM
. -

-pat ions Upper Inter- Lower 'Untouch- Muslim Total

mediate ablcs'

Secular occuparions
(n~n-caste)
27. Labour
(Industrial) I4
28. School teachers
and clerks 38
29. Pahvari 4
30. P a n 4
31. Shop-accountant
and assistant 52
32. Post-matter 1
33. Vaccinator
34. Pcsuoan 1
35. Wine-contractor 2
36. Teashop 8
37. Paliceand
Military service 32
38. Railway Class
IV employees
39. Railwaylnspcctor
40. Milk-selling I
41. Ca-op. Inspector
42. Conductor
43, Compounder
44. Cbaner
45. Driver (Motor) 1
46. Laboratory Asstt. 1
47. Fomt Ofliar 1
48. Progress AsGt. 1
49. Village Level
Workcr I
50. Kbadi Manager 1
51. Telephone
Uperator 2
52. Excik Inspector
53. Pmchaynt
Tnsptcior
54. A~cultrrml
Exreusion OtfiEer I
55. Tcmga driving
56. Engineer 1
57. Bicycle repairing
 TABLE 29

&Ce Traditional or Secular or

~estbbased nan-asbe
occupations occupations
Lptrre and impute)

TO^ 1,553 377 !.m

(80.1) (19.9) (l0s.0)

Althou* the percentage of cases in which castes h a k t

shifted to noa-caste occupation is only 20 per cent, in fact, the
mobility in occupation should be higher than this figure. This
figure does not include changes within the framework of tradi-
tima1 occupations, far instance, the cases wbere a caste leaves
its own traditional oczupation and adopts the traditional
occupation of some other &her wte.

v
THE EM6RGlNG E N D S OF OCCUPATIONAL MOBlllTY

Oecnpntlond mobility and caste

/
Occupational mobility has Wen place at the lcvd sf cam.
/ Bn within tha caste, o ~ ~ p i i o oqobility
ll ha6 a rl-aid
character, particularlyamoq the upper castes. The ~ p a t i o d
mobility jn lower astea is d h c k l !a cbwi+le1be casre pktion
and among the upper eastefi its motivation is tb main~fiand
ebvate the existing position,
156 THE CHANGING R W L STRATIFXCAIKON SYSTEM
I
As we noticed earlier, the upper cashs and the 'untouch-
ables' sbow higbec cases of occupational mobility than the
intermediate castes. The status of the upper castes is cn-
dangered, for example, by the abolition of the Jagirdari a d -
Zamindari systems,general decline in the prestige of the sacred
values, and equality and freedom provided to a11 the castes.
Theqe factors have minimized the value of riftial distancz
btween the 'twice-born' castes and the lower and cuntouchable'
castes. Consequently, the Rajputs and Brahmins have adopt-
ed such occupations which either enhance their social status
or maintain it. In some cases, social status has definitely gone
dawn. But generally, j t has not changed to the extent to which it
should have been. On llie contrary, the lower and 'untouchabIe'
castes feel that some of their traditional occupations, such
as the dealingsin leafier works, etc., are solely responsible for
theif low caste rank and the way out is in discarding of such
/
occupations- Primarily with this motivation, the Chamars.
Naiks, Naii and Meenas have discarded their traditional
accrrpatioos.
11
The intermediate castes are not much motivated lo
change their occupations. These castzs are mainly engaged
in agriculture. The abolition of the Zamindari and Jagirdari
systems has offered them landownership which they did not
have before. This change of landownership has improved
economic pasition of the intefmediate castes such aa Jatj,
Gujars, Malis and Ahirs. This is, why the intermediate castes
continue to be a group of castes engaged in cultivation. A
number of newer occupations have been adopted by the people
in the six villages. Table 30 exbibits caste-wise distribution OF
these occupations.
The newer occupations do not encompass the entire
acupational mobility. They iadieate mobility in regard to
secular or non-caste-based occupations, whicb have taken place
during the past four decades. The mohility that has taken
place due to structuraI changes and other factors (from t d -
tional to non-hadiiional occupations) is not included in the list ,
of rbesc occupalio~is.
However, thete exists a pattern in the direction of the
occulxttionol mobility. The upper cestes are shifting to non-
caste aocuptims and the lower castes cbang (hair awn M- \\
 SaCUL MOBILITY 157

TABLE 30
DI~lriblrtionof secular (norrcasie) ocmprrtions wlrich did notprcvaiil
- in ibe fix villaipes n b o u ~30 yenrs ago

Work Upper loter- LOWPI Muslim Total

mediate and 'Un-
touchables'
-- -

1. Industrial Labourer 14 26 20 1 61
3. Teacher and Clerk 38 I1 I - 50
3. Peon 4 7 2 3 16
4. Wine-seller 2 - - - 2
5. Policc and Army man 34 33 6 43 116
6. Tea-stall Ownet 0 3 - - 11
7. Railway Gangman,
Jamadar and Iospcclor - 2 16 - 18
8. Milk scllcr
9. Panchayat Samiti Extcn-
I 3 1 - 5

sian Oliiar
10. Excise Inspector -
2 4
1
-- -- 6
I
11. Motor Driver 1 4 1 2 8
12. Shop Assistant
and Accountant 51 2 2 1 57
13. Patwari 4 - - - 4
14. Laboratory Assistant 1 - - 1
15. K h a k i (rleaner) - - - 1 1
16. Motor Conductor - - - 2 m

17. Forest Bfflccr I - - - 1

18. Vaidya 6 - - - 6
19. Telephone Operator 2 - I - 3
- 20. Post-master 1 - - 1
21. Vaccinator
22. Poslfnan
-
-
2 -
-
-
-
2
23. Tonga Driver
1

1
-
- -
3 -
-
3
1
1

- 24. Engineer
Tot&\ 173 98 53 53 3n
(46.0) (26.0) (14.0) (14.0) (100.0)

tional occupations to engage in the caste occupations of sdme

other higher castes. The occupations which the lowet Caste8
have traditionally adoptd existed in the six villages but the
occupations which the upper castes haw t a k a up did not
exist or conslit ute a part of the hditionai omprttional 9truc-
ture. For example, white-collar jobs did not exist. But
 .I58 TFD3 CHANGING RURAL STBATIPICATION SYSTEM

dabour and cultivation existed, which the Chamars, Naiks and

Nais have adopted after they discarded their respective tradi-
-tional callings.
It may be noted that 46 per cent of the total newer
occupations ate among the upper castes, whereas from among
I( the intermediate and the lower castes there are only 26 and 14
-per cent of such cases respectively. The numerical strength,
however, of the lower and the intermediate castes is four times
more than that of the upper castes and yet the occupational
.changes are much less among them compared to the upper
.castes.
The obvious reason is that the upper castes being at the
top of caste stratification are more anxious than the Iowet
castes to maintain their higher positions. They adopt, there-
fore, sucb occupations which either enhance or mnintain their
social position. The castes at the lower levels are less moti-
vated towards occupational mobility than the upper castes.
The facts of occupational mobilily prove that the economic
motivations are prominent in planning such changes. To
assess this aspect of the problem we investigated tbc nature
of those factors which villagers associate with getting ahead
in Me. Occupational mobility, therefore, becomes one of
the convenient via media for status mobility.
TABLE 31
Faernrs re~ponsiblefor g e r r i ahead in life
- - --- -- .-
Cast~ Education Land Character High Total
and and social caste
money S ~ N ~ C C position
. - -

Upper

b w c r and
~Uotoucbabfes'
Muslim

Total
 We B d that ed.ucatign %ls $be top pajti.a.8moyggthe
factors mentioned for ggttiog;&ead Iife. Possession of good
lcharacter and land comesnext.
TABLE32
Responses t o the.quesi ion for what ~norlvcsone gel3 hfs sons educ(~trd?

Cute Better jobs Social Good Total

and higher prestigc citizenship.
- income

UPw 51 19 17 87.
f58.6) (21.8) 119.6) / 100.0)
Intenncdiate 115 19 20 . 154
(74.7) (123) (13.0) (lm.0)
Cower and. 85 16 .!a 115
'Untouchables' '(73.9) (13.9) (122) (lQO.0)

Total 251 54 51 35.6

(70.5) (15.2) (14.3) (iD0.0)

However, Table 32 reveals that villager's copception of

education is not esoteric or as an end in itself. They treat it as
an instrument for improving the standard of tbeit life, materially,
socialIy and culturally.

Q m p a t b l mobjlillty agd class

T4e ~aupationalmobility is dso followed by changes at
horizontal level of status ranking, e.g., dibtia~tionsof prestige
among the members of the same caste. These diiEmce89re
designated as distinctions of a class nature within the ,same
mte. Thus, changes in occupational structure are bound to
bring changes in class structure irrespective of structural changes
in caste system. 'The fact is that a change in occupational
Etntus htings a chango in one's soaid position which would
mean changes in one's emnomic position, standard oE living,
education of family members and life ways. Change6 in tbeso
aspects a9 a resplt of ~upatiorralmobility will brhg d m or
elevate the chss position witbout a cbrreapona &agein
caste position.
We 6nd sipi6cmt changes in the daos structuto in tht
160 THE CHANGING RURAL S T I u m C A m N S Y W

. ex-Zamindan and ex-Jaghlars are now peasants

s i x v i l l ~ g ~The
(both big and small). Some of them are manual labourers,
peons and share-croppers. The ex-tenantset-will are now
Kbatcdar cultivators. Some of them now own more land-
holdings than what their ex-Zamindars own. Some of the
manual l a b o u r e ~have got small plots of land due to the
a&\ition. Similarly, those who were dependent upon the
Zamindars and Jagudars, are now petty cultivators or manna1
labourers. Most of the Brahmins are now eitber hite-collar
4
workers or cultivators, whereas about 30 years ago a 1 of them
pursued their traditionaI callings. Thus, occupational mobility has
significant repercussions on cIass structure. For example, the Jats
of Roopgarh, Sabalpura and Bbutera exhibit a significant shift in
their class position, although they have differences of status and
prestige within the same class. About 20 years ago, none of t h e
Jats in these villages owned a completely puccahousc. Now more
than 50 per cent of them own pucca houses. Some of them are
money-lenders, while they were under heavy burden of debts in
the past. A few of them are also now educated up to high school
standard, which is an entireIy new phenomenon for this caste.
These change8 in the class posjtioo, in turn, haw liquida-
ted the rigidity of some of the d c s of caste stratification.
~articularly,in regard to pollution-purity and commensality.
The well-tu-do families of the Jats are oonscious of a psycho-
logical victory over other castes, particularly ober the Bajput
landowners as a result of their improved class position#. Now,
they feel themselves to be nearer to the 'twim-born* castes than
before. They f~z~luentlyinvite the Bmhmins and Rajp& to
attend their marriage parties and death feasts, Because of these
changes in class position, they have been able to get access to
positions or power,

O~enpdtiomalmobility and edncafion

Modern education h accentuated the pace of occupa-
tional mobility. Education is positively associated with tbe
status of caste or class. Tbe twice-born castes have more
educated membrs the lower castes. Abaut 30 years ago
the Brahmms used to receive Sanskrit education. Now, the
modem education has replaced the old pattm of education.
The modem education provides more and W e r etoployment
#

. - C.
 SOCIAL MOBlLPrY 16i

opportunities than the traditional education in h e six. villages.

Among Brahmins in the six villages only thrce boys nre
receiving Sanskrit and Ayurvedjc educafi~n, whereas
dozens of them are receiving High School and College
education.
Invariably in all the six villages ilie highly educated per-
sons are frorn among the Brahmins, Rajputs, Banias end Jats.
There is a tendency among the upper castes to send boys for
technical and medical edurn!i~n-. Tbe engineering and medical
4"
graduates enjoy higher prestige and receive more emoluments
than the arts, commerce and science graduates. For example,
in Roopgarh, tlie two engineering students are Brahmins. One
has passed his fnal B.E. examination in 1968. The oLher has
entered in tbe final year I3,E. There is a law graduate from
among the Btahmins. A post-graduate, a science graduate,
and four other graduates are from among the Brahmins. There
are two graduates belonging to the Bania castes and one t o
Rajput caste.
In Sahlpura, \he graduates and the persons educate&
up to High School are Brnhmins, Rajput~ and Jats. In Hiit- -
mara, the only engineer is a Charan (upper caste). A medicak
docbr is a Bania. Thc other graduates are Rnjpuls and.
Brahmins. In Murwara, all the three graduates are Jats. Ln
Bawari, of the only two graduates, the science graduate is n
Brahmin and the nrts graduate iS a Jat. The families of
these graduates, in particular, belong to the high class. They
are well-to-do and belong to 'elite' families of the viUages, Afb
the graduates (with the exception of only two) are bls peaslurts,
are self-employed, and are engaged in white-collar jobs. m~
are working as clerks, administrative oficials, business @eWc
tives, accountants, etc.
Thus, modern education has replaced some o r the mdi-
tional occupations with white-collar occupntians. As such &e
role of education is more bf a vocational character tban a
cognitive pursui f, A drjft townrd tecbujcal education from the
liberal arts explains the relationship between modern education
and economic ma tives, This point is also supported by tk f u k
that more than 71)per cent of the villagers fcel that their ~hief
motivation in educating their children is to offer them oppodu-
nities for better and more lucrative jobs.
162 m E CHAHGING RURAL S ~ T I F I C A T I O NSYSTEM

Oqcupatiooal mobility and sub-arban-rural differences

, . The more the village community is affected by urbaniza-
tion the greater is the occupational diversification and migration.
t h e r e are 43 per cent of tbe villagers who are working outside
the sub-urban villages (Sabalpura, Harrnara and Murwara),
whereas only 8 per cent are from the remote villages ( R o o p ~ r h ,
Bhutera and Bawari). 'There are, however, other factors such as
sources available for employment within the village that affect
-o.ccupational mobility and migation.

TABLE 33
Diatribrrrion njnrnle workers in anduufside rlre ruburboir and rentate
villages

, Village Persons working Persons working Total

outside in the village
- - - - - -

Sub-urban 431 (43.0) 573(56.0) 1,004(100,0)

~em~tc t34( 8.3; 762(91.7) sss(roo.o)

We notice that the two villages in Bharatpur are similar in

most other matters such as the site, caste composition and land-
holdings, and differ only with regard to urban proximity.
The interior village Bawari is cut off from the urban world and
ltk sub-urban village Murwara is only two and a half miles
from Blaaratpur. This difference correlates positively with'the
.persons i n these two villages who work outside the village.
'From-the intxior viUage only 4 persons work outside, but: from
the sub-urban village 53 persons are employed outside. HOW-
ever, not only proximity to the urban centres but also economic
resources available in the villages affect the rate of occupational
mobility and ~nigration. For example, Roopgarh the interior
village in Sikar district bas dry-cultivation (only the U a n ' f crop
.anbe bought up). The monsoon rains are the only source of
irrigtinn. The d l ~ does e nDt offer sufficient and suitable job
 opportunities to the people. Besides this, there is no easy
access to any urban centre for, seeking employment,
As a result of such a nature of the villrrge economy the
upper caste Rrnilies have got their children and wards educated
at least up to such a level so that they could secure white-coUar
jobs. Roopgarh alone has produced about half of the total
graduates and matriculates of all the six villages. Here the
motivation Tor outward migration is conditioned by the stresses
of the village economy. Thus, no genernl causetion can be
attributed to migration and occupational mobility. Endogenous
strains we= more perLinent in the case of Roopgnrh, whereas
the exogenous factors caused occupational transformation in
villages of rhe Bharatpur.
The situation is reverse in the case of Bhutera, anatber
intaior village in Jaipllr district. It has enough arabJe land and
both the crops are sown. The result is that a majority of the
people a n get agrimltural work in the village itselt Because
of this factor, education bas not received encouragement to the
extent it has received in Robpgarh. A Sewer people have
migrated to the cities from Bhutera than from Roopgarh." Both
Bhutera and Roopgarh are interior villages but they have
differentially aBected because of their different economies and
internal constrainfs, In other suburban villages, Sabalpura
and Harmara too, 40 and 50 per cent of male workers, respec-
lively, depend upon urban employment. Harmara has scarcily
of arable land. Sabatpura bas relatively more land. But both
the villages are exposed to u r k a i&ct and have easy access
to the cities-4ikar and Jaipur respectively. These ractors have
contributed to the increme, bofh in migtation and education.
Though Sabalpura does not have scarcity of arable lnnd.
exogenous factors, partjcularly proximity to t o m h i p , have
attracted the villagers for urban ernoloymant.
Thuq the external factors srrch as the prgximity to vrbPn
--
41. Set 9cBfIptt -in, T,, EmmZr D m I ~ p m mmd BrJd char~in
Soul4 India (Londoo:Oxlord Uni-i~ y Pmss, 19@),. TkSs em-
pnralive study ofthe two vlUagos wplaioa that a o g r ~ ~ofiaigati~n
e
available reinforce vlllagc Isaditions md check rnbelioo and Ornupa.
tional divmi6calion, whmes the lack qf it LntbWPe InigratlOn,
c d ~ t i o nand more outsida OObtdb~k fife 18 tbs flI)ad~
studied by the author as anrrlyoed la the l a .
164 THE CHANGING RURAL STRAT~RCAT~ON
SYSTEM

centres, road and education, and the internal factors such as

the economic resources of the vilIage, caste rank and economic
position are responsible for occupational mobility. However,
the pragmatic considerations, which include individual moliva-
tions, also affect occupational mability.

VI
ATTITUDES TOWARD OCCUPATIONAL M O B l L I n

The attitudes toward occupation are affezted by caste

rank of the respondents because there is an association bctween
caste and occupation. These attitudes toward occupatiou arc
evidenced throu~hthe responses given below (Table 34) by the
villagers.

TABLE 34
Sel/-ero~rrafbn 1 1 dIJi~re~z1
o f b ~ ~ 1 1 p t Y l i 0by ~ casics
.-

Cask Retter Same Low Totnl

'Upper JJ(50.6) 19121.8) 24!27.6) 87!100.0)

lnterrncdiatd 95i61.7) 3Yt25.2) 20; 13.0) 154~100.0)
Lower sod
'Untmchablc' 65 i56.5) 3601 - 3 ) 14(11.2) 115: 300.0)

Total 204(53.7) . 94t26.9) Sa(19.9) 356(10(1.0)

Chi', - 1!7 0.01 < P < 0.02

A qucslion was asked that 'what do you think abollt your
occupation in comparison to your fore-father's occupation?'
The responses reveal that 54 pct cent of the respondents fee] their
occupations to be better than the occupations of theirforc-fathers.
only 20 percent f e l their occupations lower. Some families o f
me upper castes, however, feel their occupations lower than other
caste groups. This is because of the abolition of the Zamindari
and Jagirdarj systems. The Rajputs and the Brahmin; have
been aRected more by these changes than other castes. All the
castes, how eve^, feel their occupation 'better' aompated with
their fore-fnthers' occupations, perhaps due to the rdaxa~onof
 SOCIAL MIDDILITY- , 1.55

rules related to pollution-purity, freedom to work, abolition of

the Zamindari system and relative abence of Jajmani obliga-
tions. These attitudes toward occupations correspond with the
responses to another question: 'Are you satisfied with your
Present occupation ?

TABLE 35

Occupational Satisfied No! Tolal

group satisfied

C~lltivator 122(84.7) 22(15.3) 144(100.0)

Labourer 30(35.7) Sd(64.3) 84(100.0)
Serviceman 38(74.5) 13l25.5) 51 (100.0)
Artisan 5 l(86.4) 8(13,6) SO(loO.0)
Businessman I 8 (M.7) I ( 5.3) 19(100.0)
Othcr J3(65.0) 7(35.0) 20(I 00.0)
p p - - -

Total 272(72.1) IOS(27.9) 377(100.0)

A majority of the respondents (72 per cent) are saijsfied

with their present occupations, This corresponds with their
attitudes towards occupations compared with their fore-fatherb'
occupations. The lnbourem, however, are the most dissatisfied
group. There is a reason why labourers are not satisfied;
they do not possess sufficient landholdings, are illiterate and
belong to lower caste and class. Businessmen, cuftivatoP.
artisans and servicemen nre more satisfied, as they are in a
position to lead a better lire than the labourers, and their
occupations are ranked higher because their occupations involve
Iess menial work.
In the case of Table 34 the ref~rencegroup comp-ks the
fore-fathers. In regard to evaluation of the present ocfupation~,
the reference group includes other occupetiond groups, for
example, cultivator. Reference group theory serves a userid
purpose in analysing these self-evaluations of one's positions
and inter-group comparisons. The villagers, however, have
166 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATlFfCATION SYSTEM

divergent attitudes towards occupations for their sons and for

themselves; 72 per cent of the respondents aspire for cultivation
for themselves, whereas only 28 per cent aspire cultivation and
54 per cent wish t o have white-collar jobs (service) fur their
-
sons.
TABLE M
Occupational aspiralian [or self

No. o l Per cent

aspiranks

Culrlvxtion
Service
Business
Artisan
Oiher txcupations

Total 377 100.0

TABLE 37
Occuparlonal rupfrationfor sons

Occupation No. ot Per cent

aspirants

Cultivation
Service
Business
Artisan
O~herorcupations

Total 377 100.0

The villagers, hawever, do not like labrrur ciiher for them-

selves or for their sons. This disliking corresponds with the
overwhelming dissatisfactionexpressed by the labourers Ibr their
present ocmpation. The reasons for this dissatisfaction are
poverty, more manual work and less remuneration, low social
posit'ion in the vilifige, ctc,
 VII
.;.
-haIysis 1

Occupations are classified into two categories :- PIP

traditional, and (2) non-traditional or secular. The pesons
engaged in traditional occlipations may be further grouwd into
three categories : (I) those following one's own traditional
Occupations, (2) those who are engaged in traditional occupa-.
tions of other castes (after discnrding tbeir own traditional.
calling considering either 'impure' or less remunernlive), and
(3) those who are engaged partially in their own traditional
callings and are simultaneously doing some secular or traditionnl
callings of other castes.
Changes in the traditional occupational structure result-
from both external and internal forces. The external
factors comprise land reforms, secularization, induslrializa-
tion, urban contacts, means of communication and transport,
and modern education. The internal forces include vilhgt
economy, and nature of caste and class distinctions jn
the villages. These forces of occupational mobility func-
tion, however, i n a cumulative and complementary way,
Differential impact of these rorces in the six villages carry
divergent implications in regard to migration, employment
opportunities, education, and motivations of the people. For
example, ex-Zamindars and priests have been more aKeted
by the recent changes than other class groups.

' Occupational mobility, however, takes plnce at two

levels : individual and grottp. At the individual level (family)
mobility is more pronounced than at the group level, As such
status dislioetioor have increased at rbr borizo~~tnlplane. A t
this level, we find distinctions of status among the families and
the members o f the stme caste group. Tbese distinctions bf a
class nature are within the same caste. Occupational mobility
at group level has not brought about significant shifts in the
traditional social structure of the villages. However, the struc-
tural chaages have initiated lessening of 'summation' of B6ciah
economic and politid attributes of status. 0ccupational
mobility d a group has reduced social heterogeneity t b ~ z )
accelerating occupational diverdbtion or cuning the ties
bctween caste and occnpation. The Chamars, Naiks and
168 THE CHANGING RURAL. STUTIfICAnnN SYSTEM

Meerras discarded their traditiaoal callings not fat economic

,-gainsbut for sanskritiziog their traditional life-ways and elevat-
ing their caste positions. Occupatianal mobility of such a
nature at group level shows involvement of caste vnlues. It
also explains that occupational mobility at both the levels does
not entail a change at the vertical plane of caste structure.
 Rural Status System
Status has beeen defined as a posilion in a hierarchy.
Lintod explains status as a position in n particlllar pattern.
Every status has certain activities associated with it, and the
status-incumbent performs them. These activities have ken
defined as 'roles'.? A role represents the dynamic aspects of
.a staius. Thus, the roles are ways in which the tights and
duties associated with statuses are performed. In this way, a
status-system is also a system of role-patterns. These stntures
and roles coujd be arranged in an order of hierarchy which we
may designate as status system.
The two principles of status determination which have
been existing in societies are those of ascription and achieve
ment. Consequently there are two types or statuses: ascribed
and a~hieved.~Linton has included the factors of sex, age,
family relationships and birth in the ascriptive category. Facbrs
like education, prestigeous jobs, and income have been consider
ed to involve elements of achievement in status-raking, Often
the bads of ascription is a 'quality' and that of achievemmt is
'performance' of an individual. No society is, however,
conipletely ascriptian-based or based on adrievement-orients-
tion.' It consists of a combination of both types of determi-
nants. The distinction between 'performance' and 'quality' i9

1. Linton, Ralph, 'Statua and Role' in ~alcot;~arsamand &bus

-
neorles of & C I ~ I ~{New yo*: The Free Press of a k n ~ ,1961)

2. Jbld.
3. Ihid*
4. parsons, Talcott , The Soclal System, op. cit,, pp. 5-6.
170 THE CHANGING RII'RAT, STBkIlFICATlON SYSTEM

'relati~c'.~Our aim is to understand the nature of the various

determinants of status system and their corresponding si@i-
ficance in social ranking in the six villages.

I
THE STRUCTURE OF RURAL STATUS SYSTEM

We can classify status hierarchy jnto upper, upper middle,

middle and lower categories on the basis of a status scale. We
have used the factors of income, landholding, house type and caste
at three kinds of signi6;ance (higb, medium and low) to determine
the status rank of each famiIy in the viIlaps. Each family's status
was thus scored on these four kctors, the minimum and maxi-
mum scores being 3 and I2 (see Table 38). On this basis all
the 1095 families (excludiug Muslims) in the six villages ]lave
been classified into four status groups.
TABLE 38
Compo~lre~ f a l u rarrki~w
r~ of'diferenf cnste grorrps
- - -
Caste Lower Middle Upper Uppcr Tofill
middle
(3-41 (5) (6-7) (8-12)
-- -
UP^ - 7(3.1) Sl(36.2)
136(60.7) 224(100.0)
(3.0) (2B.4) (52.3) (20.5)
Intenncdiale 39(7.8) 160(31.9) 183(36.4\ I20(23.9) 502(IW.O)
(12.3)
(68.7) (64.2) (46.2) (45.a)
Lower and 278l75.3) 66(17.9) 21(5.7) 4(1 . I ) 369(100.0)
4Untouchable' (87.7) (28.3) ( 7.4) ( IS) (33.73
Total 317(28,9) 233(21.3) 2%5(26.0) 260(23.8) 1095(100.0~
(100.0) (100.0) (100.0) (100.0) (1OO.OI
Status score 3 10 12 Lower slatus -- s
Scores 3 and 4
F~rstqunrtilc at 4
Second q ~ ~ a r l i l'median)
Third quartile at 7
e at S
Middle uiatus Score
Uppcr middlestatus -
Scores 6 and 7
Upper $tatus = S m e s 8 to 12
5. ibid.
6. Composite slatus denotes totality of statuss of a person, family or
groug. For the analysis of the COmp05itt slatus of 1095 houpebolds
in the six villages We have used cri~eriaof land, income, hou*t~pp
s been ranked into lower,
and caste rank. All the h o ~ ~ h o l dhave
middle, upper middle and upper on the basis at the worts. L a o d l c ~ ~
bauscholds an given zero in regard to l a d .
 We find that caste and composite status rank do not
difier sigb8cantly. An overwhelming majority (61 per cent) of -
the upper castes belong to the upper composite statu's rank.
Only 36 per cent o f them have upper middle status. Thma am
no families which belong to Belower status rankfrom among
the Upper castes. Only 3 per cent of them have 'middle' status.
On the contrary, 70 per cent of the lower castes belong to the
lower status rank. Only 1 and 6 per cent of the lower arrd
'untoucbabIeYcastes belong to the upper a ~ upperd middle status
ranks respectively. The intermediate castes are found in all the
categories, but the majority of them have middle and upper
middle status ranks. Oaly 8 per cent of them have the low
sfatus; 24 per cent of them belong to the upper status rank.
This indicates a shift in their status since the abolition. Before
lhe abolition the majority of them did not have higher status
as they bave it today. This enhancement of status involves
the process of shift in the traditional stretification system.
The congruence between caste and composite status is
also evident from the distribution of the families belonging to
a particular status rank. 88 per cent of the lower castes hnve
lower status rank. Only 20 per cent of them have mid&
status rank, whereas 69 per cent of the intermediate castes have
this rank. ?he intermediate and upper castes belong predomi-
nantly to the upper middle and upper status groups. Thus,.
thcra is still a great deal of association between cnste and
composite stafus of the families in the six villages. The ffuctua--
tions between tbe caste rank and the composite status rank
indicate the relative role of extra-caste determinants such as.
economic position, contacts, education, office and occupation,
These are 'opaative norms', which direct the achievement--
orientation for enhancing the composite status.

The locus of status-determination

Family prestige, caste and class are structural loci of status
determination in the village community. Caste is absdurtly
an ascrjptive principle of ranking. But family background and
class involve both =ription and achievement criteria s i m ~ l -
tanso~sly.~Sa far as c h s and family positjam are inbediedl
from the fore-fathers, they are essentially 'quality' based. On,
the other hand, if the status incumbent8 improve their class
172 THE CHANGMG RURAL SlRATIFICATlON SYSTEM
4
family positions through their own performances, class and
family positions are essentially 'performance' based. However,
prevalence of association of a certain degree of quality and
perfornlance togetber cannot be ruled out in status determina-
tion. The very fact of belonging to certain castes and families
wouId deter or add to the performance of the people. 1
3
Family
Family posjtion is determined by the achievement and
the backgound of the family in the village. We find family I
position as a significant factor in status determination jn the 1
six villages. There is also a close relationship between family
position and caste rank. But today family position overrides
taste rank in a lluniber of respecls. This point has been explain-
ed in the preceding chapter. In terms of family position
some families of the ~nterrnediatc castes in six villages enjoy
*equal or even higher status than the upper caste families.
Sabalpura, three Jat families nnd one Khati family enjoy higher
status tban most of the families of Brahmins and the R3jputS
because of their big landholdings, wealth, property and contacts,
etc. A number of Brahmin and Rajput families borrow money
from these Jats and tbe Khatjs.
Similar situation is found in 'Roopgarh and Bhutefld
Some families of the Jats enjoy superior status rank t l l a
some of the Brnhmin and tbe Rajput famjlies. However,
such a situation is not found in the Zamindmi villages, namely, A

Bawari and Murwara, ia Bharatpur. In these villages, tbe I

petty Zamjndars couId manipulate transfer of landholdings in
their names, and as such the abolition of the Zamindari system
virtually proved infructuous for them. The 'performnn~c'
principle did not encourage in such a state of
tather il strengthened the tendency ta maintain the status quo
with regard to the ex-Zamindars.
n e role or family as a ioctile of status-determjnati0U
rests on achievement of educa!ional attainments, family
status {joint or single), wealth and property, and service and
amifice rendered by the family members for each other. For
example, in Roopgarh, three large joint families, one each of
Brahmin, Jat and Guiar, are considered model families, hene
*teemed very high. Similarly, we find such 'mdel' families
 RURAL STATUS.SYSTEM 173
in other villages as well. Theseextended families:havecoiocien~e
ofhigh income, big Iandbolding, superior occupations, '.and
higher education of some of their members.

Class
Class status is positively related with the status of family.
To some extent ascriptive factors might also enter into the
definition of class position, but essentiaIIy it is achievement
which defines the posilion of a family in class stratification.
This is specially so in the present dyi~nmic condition o f the
status system o f the villages where thmugh new avenues o f
achievement ramifies of lower class position are climbing to new
(non-caste) higher positions. For exnmple, in Roopgarh, the
majority of the families of the Bhangis awn pucca houses and
weaW~and prope~fyeven more than some of h e families of the
Brahmins and Rajputs. But the sweepers cannot assert their
superior economic position due to the barriers of caste stratifl-
cation. The sweepers, however, assert their bctter position
l e ' who ore
whenever they deal with other ' u n t ~ ~ ~ c h ~ hcasten
supeijor to them in caste rank such as Balais, Naiks and
Rcgars. Some of the sweepers tend money to Bolais. Thus,
both ascriptic.e and aclr~cvenlerit factors function side by side
in th: composite status ranking.

TABLE 39

Class Land and Pucca Education Tola!

more income' house

Low 166 5 9. 14 239

(69.4) (24.7) (5.9) (100.0)
htiddlc 25 42 15 B2
(30.Sj (91.2) i18.3) 1iW.U)
High 21 7 28 36
(37.5) (12.5) (50.01 (100.0)

Total
 Among the [actors reported to enchance class position,
56 per cent villagers put emphasis on land and more income.
Possession of both land and income ensure a better economic
I
living. These two, however, may be inherited from fore-fathers
,
and also achieved by one's own efforts to improve class position.
Owning of pucca house is also considefed a significant factor
in elevnting class position. 29 per cent respondents stress upon
lhis factor. It may, however, be inherited from fore-fathers or
constructed by the descendents to raise their class position.
Education is the only clear-cut criterion which is based on *:

achievement. 15 p e r cent of the vil\agers empbasizz education

as a delerminant of class posiiion in the village. But the role
of Family background and class position ofthe parents definilely
determine the opportunities of the ~ffsprings for higher edu-
cation, in particular, t o a great extent.

Caste
Casle is absolutely an ascriptivc form of status ranking
based on hereditary membership, rj tual distance, traditional
. occupation, etc. However, vast changes have been taking
place i n regard to the ideas of pollution-purity and particularly
the iaheritam of father's occupation by the son far the lost
four decades. But caste still remains an effective and signi-
ficant agency of status determinatioa.
I n all the six villages studied we find vast occupational
differentiation which goes along with the violatibn of the pres-
cription~of the Iajmani obligations. In this respect the role of
caste in status determination is changing. In other matters
such as connubial relationship and restrictions in eating. caste
rules persist. We have examined the role or C ~ s t cin dctcrmin-
ing status as an aasctiptive psimiple in Chapter 3.

LI.
THE FACTORS OF STAlUS DETERMINATION

As we mentioned above there is nu clear-cut division

between ascriptiw and achievement factors so b r as their
js concerned in ststus determination in the six dllages. On the
one hand, there is generally an overlap between caste position
. end composite status rank; on the other hand, people feel that
 the ~erfomancefactors mainiy are instrumental in determining
the nature of one's status position in the composite status -
ranking.
The people d o not blame their lowcr caste rank for their
corresponding lower composite status rank. They cornplnin
that their h e r status rank is due to poverty, economic back-
~vardness,scarcity of land, lack of education and increasing
,expenses on social occasions, elc. However, the fact that status
generally goes with caste rank remains there. For the sake of
analysis we couId a'iso evaluate the way village people perceive
t hc role of quality (ascription) and performance (achievement)
in the sphere of status enhancement, Tables 40 and 41 give
the choices with regard to the factors reported by the villagers
in the enhancenient of status.
We have considered economic condition as an achieve-
ment factor in status-determination. This is because ofthe fact
that economic condition may be improved by achievingprestige-
ous and rewarding occupations, education and other means.
It may, however, also be an ascriptive factor in status-determi-
nation in case one inherits property, wealth and land from his
fore-fathers. As an ascriptive determinant, economic condition
operates as a stable factor. Family condition is anather status-
determiaant based on achievement or performance of the
mcmbcrs of nfamily. This includes size of the family. jointness
and achievements of members, Farnily conditionis, therehe, a
performance-based status-determja~nt.
T h e quality factors of status include caste ~osition(caste
rank and numerical strength), nature of opportunities available
lo persons and their character. Caste position is a clear-cut
ascriptive factor because caste membership is determined by
birth. The other two factors, viz. character and nature of opport-
unities am ascription-oriented, as they ate drtermined by the
Background of a family and socialization processes with which a
person is accredited during the fcirmative period of his life.
But character find opportunities are not always given. One
can widen the arena of and improve his aracter
by his sincere a ~ dediaated
d efforts. Thwe f wo factofl in fact,
depend upon the ways in which a person is situated, and there-
fore, we consider these kotora as driptive
The performance norms reacive Pn overwhclmjbg support
I76 mE CHANGING RURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTEM
 TABLE 41

- . Grnnd
Wte Tolal $?
&ctnonlic FamiIy Total Cas!e Nature or Characlcr Total r
mdilion condition pos~tton opporluniiy
5
4
C
VI
UP4 10 I6 178 13 16 32 (1i PQ
(6.7) -
Middle
(67.8)
50
(61.O)
(6.7)
B
(9.8)
(74.5)
58
(70.8)
(5.4)
I
(1.2)
5
(6.0)
(13.4)
18
(22.0)
(25.5)
24
(29,2)
(100.0)
82
(100.0)
8
with regard lo the enhancement of status irrespective of caste
and class background of villagers.' The factors which edsure
economic well-being a r e given top priority. Caste position
is not considered as a prominent barrier in enhancement of
status. Economic backwardness and low family position are
rlted as primary hurdles in the ascensionof %tatusin the vitlage.
This emphasis on perrormance norms corresponds to our earlier
linding (hat some of Ilie lower caste families evaluate them-
selves as being higher than some Families of the upper castes on
account of their superior economic position and Family achieve-
ments. For example, three families of Jats and one of Khatis
enjoy superior social posilion in Sabalpura than the niajori~yof
tire Brahmins and Rajputs on the basis of their e c o n ~ m i c
prosperity and unity among the FamiIy members.
The lower caste and class people, however, put more
emphasis on economic factors for status enhancement than the
upper caste and class people. 70 per cent or the upper caste
respondents emphasize performance factors, whereas 79 per
cent of t11e lower castes put emphasis on these factors.
Similarly, 74 per cent of the lower and 64 per cent of the upper
class people emphasize the performance ractor for status
enhancement (see Table 41). The ab,mce of economic achieve-
ment, co-operation and unity among family members may bring
down the status of o family in the village. Thus, better
performance pays, wbereas a lack of it adversely affmts Family
pscs tige.
But one should not neglect the c.ontribution of the
ascription-based factors to the achievement of higher status
by performance. As we have analysed earlier i t is the high
castes who are do~ninanland influential in the six ~illazes.The

7. See Bopegarnege, A. and Veeraraghavan, P.V., Stotvs Imogcs in

~ 1 1 ~ g i t fIndia
E f Bombay: Manaktalas, 1967). This comparative
siudy ofruralnnd urban selkinss from two rrgionj or Mysore and
Maharnshtm Indudes the criteria oC income or economic s~onding,
caste a%liation. education and p r o f ~ s i a o or occupation statur
defermination (p. 134). Family condition and cheracter as criteria
of slatus-determination are conspicuously absmt in this study,
whereas in our study they are found a s s i g n i h n t detcnninants of
status. U t e affiliation does nor find a prominent place in our H u d ~ ,
but it isa r i g n i f h ~ determinant
t in this study.
 RURAL STATUS SYSTEM 179

f i c t is that higher caste and class position facilitates a c h ; w ~

merit of higher standards of life. The lower cpste a n d class
position hinders acbievement. Those who inherit low as&p-
tive position often fail to make a headway in enhancing their
status so easily on tllc basis of performance norms alone as
1hc stigmas of 'untouchability' and 'pollution' are associated
with them. The higher caste people would not accept them as
equats on the basis of their economic welt-being and education
only. Economically, the lower caste and class people are never
resourceful to the extent to compete with the higher caste and
class people or surpass them in the .performance8arenas. Tbus,
for the majority or tho lower class peopIe the constit~~tional
safeguards and guarantees remain theoretical provisions, in
reality, the opportunities to go up are found closed These
factors, however, relax the ascriptive bonds aad reduce the
divergences between upper and Iower castes. Thus, ascriptive
factors operate more behind the curtain than on the stage. his
is evidenced t h r ~ u g han overwhelming corrcspoodance between
caste and class ranks in the six villages.

III
STATUS MOBILLTY

Status mobility can be explained with the concept of

achievement of power and prestige and thmbgh rivalties invol-
ved in achieving it. The achievement of power is essentially
for upgrading of one's status. Higher the goal in the arena of
power more intense is the nature of conffict and rivnlry between
the groups. This is evident from the inter-family asd inter-
caste conflicts within the dominant groups in the villagas. The
conflict between the dominant groups (castes) or families is
more intense, whereas for the common man, it is a sart of mild
race far 'positional' status uplift-

Culture contUct and status mobility

Status mobility i s essentially a result ofthe 'codict of
culture' in the six villages. Due to recent c bw in the
viUage community, the vi]Ja@r bas become a 'marginal man'.
He has lo grapple with two cultures simd~eously. Neither
he can didcard totally the old culture nor & can adopt hlf~
180 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATIPICATION SYSTEM

the new onk. Such a state of marginality is an indication of

transiti~nal phase of status mobility in the villages. This is
evident as both ascriptive and achievement factors determine
the nature of status mobility.
At the upper level the economically well OR families have
rivalry and make constant effort toward letting down thc rivals
who are in queue for status upgrading, Such a letting down
of one's rivals i s exhibited by giving them defeat in elections,
overspending on conspicuous items such as marriages, and feasts,
and having a decisive hand i n the affairs of the village comrnn-
nity. For example, 3 Jat families in Murwara, and 2 in Bawari .
constantly oppose each other irrespective of the nature of issues
involved. Even jf one family (rival) is on the right lines. the
other would oppose. Acceptance of the view-point of one's
rival is treated as a defeat and leads to the upgrading of the
prestige of the rival. In Roopgerh, a number of Brahmin
families, in Sabalpura, the ranlilies of the Jats, Rajputs and
Brahmins, and in Harrnara, tht families of the Charans and
Brabmias form such status rival fttmjlies. Thus,status rivnlries
are not confined to the families of the same caste. They are
also found between the families of different castes but marginal-
ly higher and lower.

Causes of status conflicts and rivalries

TABLE 42

Reawns No. of cases Pet cent

Econonlic 34 49.3
Social 18 2&0
Political 17 24.7

Total 69 100.0

Economic reasons instigate litigation in 50 per cent of the

cases reported from the six villages. The remaining 50 p0r cent
 RURAL STA'IUS SYSTEM 181
6f the litigations are due to political and social~eaions.~ The
litigations fought on these grounds are directly related to status
rivalry. The litigations on the basis of economic reasons are,
however, indimtly related to such rivalries. The litigations on
land rights nod monetary considerations are also for the
Upgrading of status or maintaining the status quo.

TABLE 43

No~urco j litigolbns on the basis d!f GOSIC

Litigations NO.of cases ' Per cent

Inter-caste rivalries occupy a prominent p J a in the

villages. These rivalria between the families of different castes
are generally found due to clash of interests and wide
reaces of status and rank. For example, the lifigations beh~eao
the Rajputs and the Chaman, and the Rajputs and the Jats
bewIse of the divergent claims of ownetship ofla~d.Inh-
caste rivalries are generally a creation of the notions o f s h l
Prestige, For example, in Roopgarh, a Brabmin f~ugbtlitiga-
tions and maintained rivalry with bis kinsmen almost tbco@out
entire life due to hi$ whimsical notions of stgtus. He u d
to utter tbat he co~~ld not bow down before the members of
8- Lewis. b r , whge LiJt In Nartham Indid op. cir.. P. 148- M b 6
mentions six for fdjom end f e d in RaniPam. Theseare:
( 1 ) inhcritmee of bnd, (2) adoption of %OM, (3) hou= s i b atd
irrigation rights, (4) -1 &en-, ( 5 ) mwdus, and l6) -la
betmen the castes. ~h~ m f do not inolulle far
achiwrment of power and o&.. Thy include nUbd9 y n e k and
social 8sgects oftcnsims. S& Jao Singh, wit,N e ~&?F l bf YPllm
M i a (-bey: hia RO~LP~. i%l). Q'Wh f.
Oreaeteii, ~ m p yam,, *C a d CPbbbR h tm fi* mtn
182 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTEM

his clan. Such rivalries are a clear-cut expression of one's self-

image wi tb regard t o s ~ c i a prestige
l and status.
TABLE 44

Litigations NO.or exes Pcr cent

- - - -
lo~ra-class
Inter-class
Others

RiusLies an khe lines of class are prominent amwg the

higber and lower classes because their econornic interests clash.
Inter-class rivalries are between ex-landlords and peasants,
money-lenders and borrowers, and Jajrnans and Kamins. Thus,
ecooomlc interests are the main cause of such rivalries between
the lligher and lower class groups. But economk intwestsda
not dominate intra-class ~ v a l r i e s . Rivalries and hickerings
among the families of the same class are motivated by will to
achieve power and domination, The feuds and quarrels result-
ing from elections nmong the members of the same class are
evidences of intta-chss rival&%Cor power and prestige.

Conclusion
'
The roIe of the escriptive and the achievement factors in
determining status and prestige is relative. They coincide and
are intertwined. A m r e m e n t of either ascriptive as achieve-
ment factors in the detarmi~ationof status is a difficult task.
Each smn@hen9 the other. The existence of one without the
existence of the otber is an impossibility. However, the ascrip-
tive factors in status determine the way by which achievement is
psi ble for status mobility. Ascription thus defines the link
of performance.
Flrst, the abolition of Zamindari and Jagirdari systems
Pa contributed to the lessening of status inequalitjes in the six
v3lagts. This applies more to the Jagkbri viilages as the
 abolition has decentraliz.ed economic pbW& fr.om the Sagiidar-
to his thousands of tcnants. Seodndlp, greater dtpndence.
upon agriculture and other o'wupations connected. w i t h it;
hinder growth of secular noms of status determination and
supports the traditional criteria of staius rank.hg. Finally,
urbanization has attacked the rjgidity of caste and hjmani.
EySt&rn, It minimizes significance of rules of ritual distance
and caste hierarchy. This applies to thc sub-urban villaes d
the present study,
 We can understand the concept of pomr in terms of its
foilowing attributes : (I) power is a capacity of a man or a
stoup of men to inRue~cethe decisions regarding community
affairs in one's favant, in spite 0.f the resistances registered by
the ~pponents;~(2)power b a relative phenomenon, as the
"quantity' OF power a person possesses depends upon the nature
of his personal, social and economic attributes. As such some
petsons possess mare power than others. The high a.jd low
positions of power constitute a power bierarcby; and (3) the
nor~nsthat govern hierarchical power relations between different
individuals or groups spring essentiulIy from the social structure
of the community concerned and its historical background."
Ta an~nelysct h e cbanges in the power structure of the six
villages it would h:necessnry to evaluate the processes of
chmge in the background. of two major phases of rural social
structure-the traditional and the contemporary. By traditional
social structure js meant the form of sodial dationsbips which
existed in the villages before the abolition of Jagirdari and
Ftmindpiri s y s t e ~ s ,and tbc period which followed may be
ckrncterized as the existing or contsmporary social structure
ofthese villages. Each ofthese two stages had a corresponding
pattern of power structure.
-
4
1. Wetter, Max. From Max k b e r : fisoyx in Soeicrlogy ( ~ ~ n d &:a
Routledgc and Kegan Paul, 19471, Chaprw VIr.
2. Sce Mosca. Gaemo, The Ruiiw Cta*~(New ~ o r k: ~&tnw-.Win,
1939). pp. *53.
Pamta, Vilfredo, 3He Mind und Sucl,vy, Vol. 111 (NeeY a ~ :kHar-
mu& and Ca., 1953).
 P ~ W~ ~. ~ J C T V R E,.. i ,
- A ii ~35.:
I
TRADITION& WWER .
,.
-1.: ?*,L%-:~+ :5, -'

The. traditional power structure a ~ . ~ ~ ~ & ~ & ~

k k e d with the power structure of22 princely natatlv~ stntei of.
Rajathan. It was feudalistic. The.patttim .of powq hierarchy,
however, \were considerably different in the hgirdari vjllagea
from the Zamindari villugt& throughout R.ajesthn; w&.will
analyse tbe power structure in terms of !he three ttiajdrattribuies
,of these villages such as revenue-cum-adminiktrgtive system
(Jagirdari and Zamindari), caste ( h i e r ~ ~ h ,ayn d caste
panchayats) and the vil1,age panchayat (council q f elders).
The revenue and administrative sys,&ms comprised
J'akdari and Zomindari systems. These weresystems.:of:lmd-
tenures. The kings or the chic& of the statessrantcd lands to
their bvourite. men. The Jitgirs were bigerestates thtm tbe
Zarnindaris. Baden-PoweU writes : 'Jag& were.. granted to.
certain military commanders, ministers, and courtiea,:who toot
the revenues far their own support or thatof a militau'fom
which they were bound to maintain'.= Thus, the ~agirswere
under the control of asigneeg, grtw and subgmnlees of, the
iormer kings and chiefs?Thc Jagirdar was an intermediary
-between the tiller of the soil and the state, b.ut p r d c a l b he b
haved as &owner'of the land in respect of tbe p.psants. T b m
existed forty-five types of Jagirs in Raja~than.~
About Brnindari lands, &den-p~,wd, sbta hat
"Ihtirnamv or charge (lands) are 'hrnindari landsss He,w l j * ~:
-'A Raja, a Choudhri, or a.speculator with noiitleat all, thus
appointed l o manap the tract uader bis id^^.&, muld b
,equally designated as the land-holder' of r~ltmindaf::oChis
,territory,*? ~ h dutyc o f such a 'landholder' WSQ ~ ~ W J Y
gather Evenua, .and retain only his own mgnized-,ahara of
the tola]. Baden-Powell mentions two, types of '@mindad

Baden-poweU, j j ~ ,L&, S y r i t ~ ~~flrirish

s. Itadin? VOI. I:tza49bn :
,

Henry Fmwde and stcyan? arid Sons.. fBW,P- :

Sinph, Do&,,A s,,,& of L # d .worni " R . @ ~ l(!N~w h~
Planning ~ m m i s s j & , of India, ~ & ) r & ~ l .
5. ?bid.
6. Badcn-Powell, B*, ap- ~&.,,p.258-
-1- lbid.
villages : (I) consisting of a number OF individual Iandholdsrs
who employ tenants; and (2) orjoint-holders of a whole area
on the sbare-basis.
Jagirdari and Zamindari villages had dierent patterns af
revenue Tbe Jagirdari villages had a system of
'patrimonial bureaucracy' as nnlentioned by Weber.8 he
Indian Jagirdar was n '~atrimonial' bureaucrat. He was the
head of his Jagir and had a hierarchy of revenue and adminis-
trative officials,who helped him in the management of the Jagit.
The Z&n&i villages had 'Patel' or 'Chaudhary ' (headman) a

who had revenue a5 weit as magisterial powersa i n certain reS-

pxts. OF the six villages in our study, two (Roopgarh and
Bhutera) were Jagirdari and four (Sabnlpura, Harmara, Bawari
and Murwara) were Zamindari villages. Roopgarh was received
by Roop Singh (Thakut) as %am' (gift) from the state of-
Jaipur. Bhulera was a 'Tazimi' Jagir, received in recognition
of the services of the Thakurs from the Jaipui state.
The Jagirs of Roopgarh and Bhutera functioned as
governments in themselves. The administration of these Jagirs
was run by a number of offtcinls, who constituted a hierarchy
on the basis of their rank. Among the officials, the 'Kamdar'
(Cbief Secretary) was a t the top. He was in the overall chargz
of the administration including revenue collection. The other
officials in the order of rank were Talukedars (area-officers),Patels
(land revenue assessors), Darogas (royalty oRicers), Hawaldars
(messengers) and Raj Balais (drum-beaters). For examplc.
Roopgarh was divided into six Talukas. The Talukedars were
generally the kinsmen of the Jagirdar. The Patels were from,
among the tenant-peasants. The Hawaldars and Raj Balais
were the NaikS and Chamars ('untouchables') respectively.
Tbe practices of 'ljar~' (land revenue imposed b y land-
lords) and 'Theka' (contract) existed. Jagirdars levied a num-
h r of tnxes. Both Roopgarh and Bhutera had about 30 types
of cesses and taxes, locally known as 'Lagbag'. Each jagir had
some police functi0YIS; tbcre was a 'lock-up' flocally known as
Kath) where criminals were temporatily confined. No w r i t t ~
-8. - _ -c
Weher, Max, Ecoflo~~ic
rnrl Sorial Or~anizarlon.op. cir., pp. 346-351.
9. &den-Powell, B.H.. Land Rrvcnirr in Btlrirh India (2nd ad.;
(London : Oxford Univeniiy. 1907), pp. 69-70.
 POWER STRUCTURE 187'

however, existed for admhisteringjustice. Justice was im-

parted on the basis of esiablished conventions, but this too had*
Often a very arbitrary character. Exploitation of the pasants an&
Other classes was very common. A number o f disabilities were
upon the peasants (Sats) by the ruling clans.1° 'Begar'
tfOred labour), specially from the Chamars (landless labouers),
was exacted very often.
As the Jagirdars wished unchallenged power, tbcy always-
discouraged social awakening, reforms and spread of education.
.For cxarnple, in Roopgarh, a Brahmin was discourapd from
goilll: Out for High School education in 1940 by the Jagirdar.
The Jagirdari system encouraged autocratic practices by its
~ficials. Jagirdars took generally one-half of the produce
Jand revenue. aconspicuous waste* was a part of their Jife.
TII~Ywere vested with su@cient administrative powca and
authority to keep themselves and their favourites at the top of'
social, econonlic and political hierarchies.
The re~enue-cum-adminislrati~ system in the Zamlndari
Wages was, however, diaeerent io a number of WF. There
were two types of Zpmiodacis : Xhalsa (the land of crown,
"ate) and non-aalsa (the land of Zamindars). &bal~llmand
h w a r i were the *KhalsaSZamindaris, whereas Hnrmaru and
Murwara w e e the 'non.uafsa' villages. In the Khalsa villagm,
the Zamindars were and assigoed the lands by the
chiefs. I n Mumara the Jats and the Brahmins posse& two-
thirds, and one-third of the total land respectively.The Jals had
eight Thokg (sbafis) while the Drabmias had four. These Inad-
holders had to pay tributes to the ruler (His Highness)of
Bharatpur State. ~ h c yused to employ tenants 00 thir lands.
Similarly, ;a Brmara, the Charans were settled and given Itin&
by king &'Jdpur in *ecodtion o f their art of Poetry
state, Bawari was a Jagirdrri v i l k p befa= 1902.
services to
I t was made Khalsa viUap in 19022' The Gujars *
Jats shared the amindarf r i ~ b t sin the villa*. T H ~Rfljputs
given mma f e e jand-gtPnU assign& be w'rk of
revenue co]l(#;tionin Sabslputa. n @ Y Wac Md remumration

10. Singh. Wl, op. bhll.. pp. 34-35~

11. R ~ * the vjtfago ~ W P 'khsif
, Diwict
188 TUB CHAKGING RURAL STRATIPICATlON SYSTEM

for tbis service to the Thika~a(bigger Jagir) of Sikar.

None of the rour Zamindari villages had the administra-
tive patterns which the Jagirdari villages bad. The Pate1 WS,
however, a key oBcinl in all these villages. But he was sub-
ordinate to the Zamindars, as the latter belonged to the caste of
the feudal chiefs. The multiple Zamindacs being in the same
village competed among themselves for receiving thc services of
Kamins and loyalty of the tenants." Such a competition for
providing patronage to the tenants and Kiirnins strengthened
client-patron relationships more in the Zamiodari villages than
in the ~agirdarivillages. Thus, under tbese systems or land-
holdings, Jagirdars, Zamindars and their favourites could
centraiize social, economic and political power in their hands.
After the Jagirdars and Zsmindars, the Brahmins (priests)
and tbe Banias (merchants) were the next powerful groups in
these villages. The Brahmins used to perform Puja (worship)
on tbc occasions of village festivals. Being at the top of caste
hicrarcby, they had a moral authority to prescribe broad
guidelines for day-to-day social etiquette and inter-caste
distance. They also occupied the post of 'Kamdar' (Chief
Secretary) in both tbe Jagirdsri villages; bowevec, it was not a
rule to offer this high position t~ the Brahmins only, as there
was a Rajput Kamdar (Nand Singh) in the Yagir of Roopgarh
about 40 years ago. On the whale thc Drahrnins wielded power
and influence motethan other castes (with the exception of the
Rajput Jagirdars and Zamindaw) due to their highest caste rank,
educational achievements and above all due to the patronage of
the Jagirdnrs md Zamindars.
The Bani= wielded power because of their superior
economic position and their claser relationship with the
Iagtirdar and Zamindar Iamities. Both in Roopgarh and
Bhutera the Benias had to keep the Ja@rdarspleased so that
they did aot interfere in their trade' and commme. Banias
used to provide all the provirions required by the ~~girdar'a
officials. TO other villagers Rema offered loans, One of the
<
12;' h c h , E.R. (ed.), A ~ P ~ C ~CmteS In ~ o ~ t Indio,
rh eeyIbnpndm)'rk
W ~ 8 tPakistiur, dP. chit., p ~ ) .1-10. Lea&, haJ arrrrjncdthis polnL
Bur -tition amonq the pewms was ,in wadi ~ d .ifl
tbg4fgirdari viUagcs. an .ihe.Jagkdargdid not ha* d i t p n i n
t h i r jdsdictioa
 Banias- in h o p g a r h '6vgn ,idday hasmoney-~en~&~ g&hts:
with more than 7 5 per ceot:of he fi,,,i&,,. 'B&.&;:gs , o Chcs-it ~
superior economic position ~. .~, n exe&ised
iii po~~,-:@,,"&2
Benerally in an: indirect way. They w,i.j~,x i , ~ e ~ I
e-j&i"br
f
.:.: . . .
'
to:
the Rajputs and ..theBrahmins.
The caste panchayats wielded sufficient power :at
level in the social and cultuhl spherer. These p&n,+b@t$.
regulated the behaviour of i t s members in rcgaid to'iht-rfca$te
relationsand conformity with the caste norms. A l l the :Inter-
mediate, lower and 'untouchable' castes had hetedifary,jo&cia&
known as 'Pancbs'; tbcse were drown. from '&at& l i e g e of ,:a
particular caste. These caste Pan& reprkseokd ' ~ e i r m s t in e
the village and outside il; wheo'ever it was ne.cessary. The '

hereditary office of a t e Pantbs Was not found among (ti*.

upper caste; thcrc were, howevcr, occasions when th&pws,tige
of these castes waf threatened, and they usually united to defend
their interestson a common footing,
We have cited instames of actions bken by:the:-
Panchayats in the foregoing chapters; Th&e as@ bodies had
an informal The insie Phncbs discussed tbi::issues
and took decisions. Thcir severestsanctions to the defaulten
were. ontraciation from the cakte, foxing tbe c ~ l p r i r r t@-tke .~
holy bath in the River Ganges and offering of feaaila thecaste-
men. The .simpler sanction; the divi'ailb-to off^ f ~ t
to the Brahmins f e d the sacred cow for some time:or tender
apologies before the- caste.assembly.
The villag hnchayat eonsiste.d of the elders 'fdmflflong
all th:: major castesin the village. It Wasan infornial.ori3WJlza-
tion like the caste paocha~at. The lattet comprised: the he~ds
its lineagesl wherras the "iUage ~anihdyati h c ~ ~ d . d : h ~ d s d f
all the nstes; ~ t s rnemben gaihered ~vheue* 'the'
jssucs iovolviDy the interests or the whole v i f l * ~
be decided.
The village Pmcbayat functioned in all the d k g a . me
main function$ that it perfarmed were the I f i & ~ ~ f P m ~ ~ ~ . . : ~ f
Pasture Jan&, & ~ . i n g wafer for *Me, rm6mti01t ~ f ' * i @ a b ~ '
parids and w,el!g, mueotioo of donations for ~ o n : c B ~ & .
s

other mattes which b r ~ ~ # byt t h y ~ i . 6PBncbcy~t~

~:
beforeit includng disput~and d i [ f & n ~ 'kWn 'two;?
Jagirks had fbbjr .&wr-&+im in the .of'&-
190 THE CHANGlNG RURAL STRA'llFICATLON SYSTEM

Panchayats, and these officials had a n effective s a y in decision-

making, as they had the backing of the Jagirdars. I n the
' Zamindari villages, the Zamindars were the most influential
members in these bodies. The Pateks were also influential
members. The nominees of the lower castes bad comparatively
3 weaker voice.
In the traditional power structure, therefore, the feudal
structure was dominnnt over the other two power structures,
e.g. thc caste and the villnge panchayats. hire were, however,
Some areas of social and cultural life in which the carte
pmchayats en.joycd a degree of autonomy, for instance, wit11
nspect to the definition of caste norms the caste pancbayat had
.its own freedom. The village pancbayat was, however, more
under the influence of the Jagirdars and Znmindars. The
structure of power was thus hierarchical and was dominated by
the upper castes.

stratitication and power structure

Broadly speaking. there are thre- Eroups in terms of which
the distribution of power could be analysed. These are the
groups of ex-landowners (Jagirdars nnd Zamindan), the ex-
tenan~s-peasantsand the agricultural labourers and function-
arjes. These groups correspond to a great extent to the
tmditional closses of the Jagirdar5-7nmindars, the tenants and
the agricultural labourers respectively. The ex-landlords belong
to the uppcr castes such as the Brahmins and b j p u t s . The
ex-tenants come from the intermediate castes and the agricullu-
ral labourers from [be lower castes. These three groups
constitute three power blocks, and a hienrchy of power
relations. The cx-landlords (including the Jat ex-land owners
nf Murv;ara nnd Bawari) have n command both over the formal
and informal positions OT power. They are the key influentials
and have a decisive voice in the village affairs.
The Jat ex-Zamindars in Bharatpur villages arc thc
Sarpanchs, the heads of Nyay Pnnchayat and office-bearers of
the credit CO-operative society. These key positions of power
and prestige arc held by the Brahmins and Charans in tbe
Sikar vilhge, Sabalpura: and iu Harmara of Jaipur district,
these castes were aiso traditionaily dominant. In the Jagirdari
of Roopgarh (districk Sikar) and Bhutera (district
 Jai~ur), however, the ex-Jagirdars have been lieecing bed-.
selves aloof from the 'politics' of the villages. They ~tiIl
consider establishing contacts with the common people of the
''illages below their prestige. The ex-lagirdar of BHutera was
*le Sarpanch for one term (1961-1964), But he did not actively
Participate in the proceedings of this body and rareiy attended
its meetings.
I n contrast wit11 the lagirdari villages, the distribution of
Power in Bbutera 2nd Sabalpura is morc diffuse. The ex-tenant
Jats are the Sarpanchs and other key iduentiols in these
villages. The Jars, Rajputs and Brahmins constitute the main
PoH'er blocs in Sabalpura, but the Jats enjoy a dominant
Position because of their ~venvhelmiognumerical strength and
the support of district level Jat leaders. some of whomare
M.1.A.s and Ministers. In Bhutera loo, ihe overwhelming
numerial strength of the Jats helps them to secure key positions
of Power and authority. The aumerical position, however, does
llot play a significant role in the other four villages. The
Brahmins are a minority caste in Roopgarh, but they are at the
top of power hierarchy and not the h t s who are numericaUy
the biggest group. The Malis constitute the largest caste group
in Harmara, but they are the least influential group. The same
is in tile cases of Murwarfi and Bawari where the Jafs are domi-
Itant jn spite of their lesser numetical strength. numen'='
-Strength is only one of the factors ofn S t e or group dOmiflancc.

I1
CONTEMPORARY OK EXISTING POWER S T R U m E

The transition from lhe traditional to the existiqg Power

structure bas heen bnsically revolutionary at I e ~ ht theory.
Its beginning in ths S O W ~ ~of freedom m o ~ e Q t
RaJasthanled by a e Conpss and the Praja Mandals. Thee
lnovernears raised be aopirations of the lower aadintemdtc
castes. These castes were either tenants or apicdt~rallabour-
s . Jn 1934, for instance, i b r e was a rewon in
against the m&d djsabilitiu imposd OD t& n*9
Rajpyts,ls The immediate caupc of lhi~ ebeLli0~nri mfuel

13. Sin@, ]Do&, op. ah., P-35-

192 THE CHANGMG RUPAL STRATIFICAnON SYSTEM

on the part of the Jagirdars to allow a Jatto ride on an elephant

in aprocession. The same year three personswere killed in
the village Khoori, orar Sikar, in an encounter with the Bhomias
(Rajputs) for not allowing a Jat b r i d e ~ o o mio ride on the
horse. Thus, there was widespread discontent among the
intermediate and lower casts against the ruling Rajputs. These
intermediate castes actiyely participated in the Congress move-
ments which slowly led to Independence and the reforms such
as thc Rajasthan Land Reforms and Resumption of Jagirs Act,
1952; tbe Rajasthan Znmindari and Biswedari Abolition Act,
1958; and the Panchayati Raj Act, 1959.

TABLE 45

Caste Sar- Panch Orher Contested Inffuen- Tatal

panch office- bl~t tialn
bearers dcleatcd without
office
--
Upper 5 11
htmnedialc 6 15
Lower and
'Untouchables' - -
Muslim - I

Total 11 27 7 9 22 76(100.0)

To all, 76 Persons were reporled by the v~llagers as key

influentials. Out OF these more than 50 per rrnt (45) have held
ofices of power ~d prestige and 9 have aspired for achievement
of formal power. 22 petsons are considered key influeotials
who do not hold any ofice of power. ~f &esc influentiaIs 41
per cent are from among the upper caste& whereas numerimll~
the upper castes mnstitute only 18 per ccnt of the total house-
holds. On the other hand, rbe intermediate castes farm 44 per
ceht and hold proportionately mucb lesser positions of poWf
and prestige (42.6). Out of the six prsons who hold the offia
of SwaJJchfrotQ among the intermediate castes, 4 are Jat ex-
Zamind~~s of Mutwara and Bawari. n e 0 t h ZI ~ also
 were ex-tenants and belonged to , the - a g e s of B~UII~~~
Sabalpura. The f ower castes comprise 32 per cent d18e'fotU
village households but they occupy ~nly4:per cent o ~ h ~ ~ o f l i c e s
in various organizations. ThuS, it is evident how-tbbuppck
castes are also correspondingly higher in the power~%'bi&rchy
of the villages.
There is a correspondence between claiss porition a d that
of power. Numerically, 77 per cent of the families blong ta
tbe lower class, but only 9 per cedt of the key influentials are
from among them. 46 per cent influentiah belong to the
middle class, which is only I S per cent ofthe total househoJds.
The high class forms only 8 per cent of the househ~ld~, but 45
Per cent of the total iofluentials coma from among these
families.

TABLE 46

Claxs andpo~itjomof power md au~hority

Total 1I 27 7 9 22 76
(100.0) (IMO) (1W.O) (iW.0) (lmAO) ((a.0ao.a)

Of the 11 persons rho so far bave held tb &ice of dhW

Sarpanch, 9 from B. upper dy. md 2 Frat. *@

d s r . None of h e m b s ~been fiornthe ~ W ..Mbc Bis

makes it ~h how (he top positions in p o ~ S,mctu**
r als4 the
still by the mcmbem of the upper dws. W ! am
msmbcn d fie uppr The b i e m S G ~ cw.md
194 TIE CFIAll'GlNG RURAL. ~TRA~~PICATTON
SYSTEM

poaer, thus, coincide to a great extent in the village power

structure.lL
We find an association between class status, caste rank
and a5liaiion to political parties too. The ex-Zamindars 2nd
Jagirdars arc by and large associated with Jan San& and thc
Swatantra parties,IEwhich oppost the Congress party and have
rightist ideology. They feel that it is the Congress which has
mined their traditionaI status and abolished tbeir
positions and feudal glamour.
We do not witness even an exceptional example of a
Rajput who is a member of the Congress or favours i t in the
six villages. Even the Banias oppose the Congress, as they
feel that this party has burdened them with taxes and inconve-
nient rules and regulations. A majority of the Brahmins also
support the Jan Sangh and the Swatantra parties, as they 'feel
that the Congress has diminished the traditional social values,
whereas the Jan Sangh and the Swatantra are considered
defenders of these values.
The ex-tenant-peasants admire the Congress because they
think that it has emancipated them from the yoke of the feudal
system and conferred upon them the tights of landownership.
Before the formation of the B.K.D.(locally known as the Janta
Party) by the Jat leader Kumbha Ram Arya, most of the Jats
bel~ngedto the Congress. Now the followers of Arya have
left the Congress along with their leader. But hardly a Jat
belongs either to the Jan Sangh or the Swatantra. Some of the
Jab of Murwara and Bawad, however, belong to the Samyukat
Socialist Party (SSP), as it enjoys a considerable influence in

14. It was found in Bawari and Murwara villages of Bharatpur district

that the upper caste3 were more benefilred !ban the lower casts in
terms of (OMS, cement b a p nnd tinsheets (at cantrolled prices) during
1959-65 through the Panchayat Raj. The Sqjogis, Bedias, Nais and
Bhangis were not benefitted at all. The Jate were the most befitted
&rouP8 Out of b.7,310 extended as loans to the villagers Rs. 5,550
went to the 3ats alone, whereas Ihe Gujars were given h. 200 aod the
ChRrnars Rs. 80(1 only.
15, The Ian Sangband L h Swatantra parties have rightisi ideolo&es*
TheSamyukst Socialist Party (SSP) has a leftist ideology. It ws
founded by the late Dr.Ram Manohar hhia. nharkiya I3anli Dal
(B.K.U.) 13 oomganrtiveba newpolitica1 party. ~t ws found*' few
~ I J toEthe birth Genetal Blecuonpof kdia in 1%'-
~ Q ~ earlier
 Bhratpur districtand itssdjoining areas. The low caste 6ntjon2
and the 'untouchables' are notcdrm6itted to^ a p r t i d h i
Party- They are'not ideoIogically polarixed and form a groilp
with mixed political ideologies. Thuse who enjoyed the patron@$
of the feudals blame the Congress as it has deprived them of
their benefits. Those who were victims (in terms of 'Begar') (of
Zamindars and Jagirdars favour the Congress.
There is a correspondence between caste, cIass and
aspirations for the achievement of ofices of Panch and Salpanch.
The hiaer caste and class people aspire more for these o g c e ~
Of power iban the lower caste aemkrs. The upper m s f s
aspire more for the higher ofices (Sarpanch and Pradban) rtran
the lower ones in the panchayat.

TABLE 47

-
Caste pmch Sarpanch Other No Total
hieher aspimfs
affics
\

upper 11 lg 6 52 87
(13.0) (47.4) (75.0) (20.6) 123.')
'*ermediate 36 t7 1 100 154
(40.88)
tower and
(46.7)
27
(44.6)
- -
(12.5) (39.4)
88 11s
'ffnta~chables' (36.4) (3453 (30.5)
3 1 14 21
3
-M U S I ~ ~ ~ ( 3.9) ( 8.0~ (12.5) ( 5.31 (5 4

Total 77 38 8 254 337

( I ~ . O ) (1~0.0) t Imp) (la0.O)
- ( ,W,ol

ch 1s bdbN
Out of 38 aspirants for the oEce of Sarfln
N0bQdY" Ilaw'
Upper and f 7 to the intermediate "SfSS- Fur
ever5 aspires far this ofice from among the lower raa'es' ,
'he G E C of~pan*, +he in~rmed** snd bmr of gaspkrmD cartb up'"
than iba uppr arks, On the c O ~ ~ V Y Y , lt
for other higher ofices, 6 me from mmg the bighroa'w'
clearkt as the smtus jocfia,s ~umIatiwlYthe acbjewemenc
196 TtlB CRANGLNG RURAL SrapnRCATION SYSTEM

aspiration also increases. A majority of the respondents (67 I

per cent) do not aspire for these ofices of power. A few of them
are disinterested, as they are influential persons even without
achieving these offices. The ex-Jagirdars of Roopgarh and
Bhutera considec involvement in the village4politics'below tbeit
prestige and hence have not aspired for these power positions.
The three classes are thus three power blocs. The ex-
'
tenants are next in the hierarchy of power; in some villages,
for example, in Sabalpura and Bbutera, however, they have
superceded the ex-Zarnindars and wield more power and
influence than these txaditionally privileged groups. The
agricultural labonrers and 'untouchables' form the third and the
lowest stratum i n the power hierarchy. The in5uence of t h e
leaders of this bloc is Iimited to their respective caste or clan.
Even when a member of this class has an office in the village
or other institutions he is hardly heard in the process of decision-
making; often he is not even properly informed about the
schedule of meetings. These illiterate and poor members of
thew political bodia sire l~nableto assert their views or restrain
the wrong actions of the influentials.

m
POWER FTRUCTURE AND VILLAGE JNSTITUTIONS

The village has today a number of rormal-legalistic insti-

tutions auch as the stntutory village Panchayat, :formal caste
associatim~and credit co-operalive society, which it did not
have before the Independence. Some of these insiitutions also
existed traditionally though in different form but today they
have witnessed changes in their functions and orgaoiza tion. We
shall analyse below some of these institutions and sfn~cturesin
relatian to the rural power structure.

Caste panchayat
The caste Panchayats" today become active at certain

, cit., for an analysis of tbc

16. See Chauhan, B.R.. A Rojerrhan V i l l a ~ eop.
'Chaukhala'. the inter-viltagt nelwork of caste. We have, hower,
eoalysod only the Cash Pancbayata, which function at the Iewl of
village.
 ~cclsionl,but they s l ~not1so ztiw ssmiwey:$ga%bq~
:n$w
n$PtQHe
Independence. The caste Pa~&tiyats,ha~e~&en
activities in addition to social and-cd- &@ n&
formed in the past. Adult fmchite has coatiibGbd w r e
solidarity and ethnocentrism. During the Bnchayat aad fhe
General Elections, w t e leaders become aclive md'plead 'for
getting elected their caste nominees or other pandidatG whom
they think proper. The sentiments of caste unity ~ t 'arousid
e
more at the time of the e l d o n s of the viUap h5cbapAb Sbn
the General Electjom. We fiad that aU the major castes W e
Pmchs in the village Pstnch~yat. A Bmhmlrr ex-L~mtHlrtlar in
Murwara and a Kumhar in Bawari were dekted by two
Cbamsrs in 1965 far the ode= of Paach. The Cbamara uaitdy
opposed the minority c a t e nominees fmm their wads. Caste
ethnocentrism is, however,found more among fhe h~pres~ed
castes than among the privfieged castes. T b e members of fhe~e
caste bodies assemble together and discuss fbeir issues 9nd take
decisions. Disagreement o e r some issues have often taused
splits among the members of dome castes. Such splits are there
among the Regars, Chamus and Brahmins of ~ o o ~ p Jab h,
of Murwara end Bawari, and Brabmins and Jats of Bhutera.
Impact of urbanization ha8 brought about some changea
in the mste Panchayats. We find three caste associations in
Harmara (the sub-urba village of Joipur dhtrict) mainly due
to the caaiacts w ~ c btbe members of the folloW$mu
developed mth the urban people aad institutions:

1.The Gautam Sabba (8 mfe assmiation ofGujar-

Caur Brahmins),
2, Mabeswari Sa &ha (a caste aassociutiun sf M-ri
Banias), and
3. ~grawaf Samaj (a caste association of Agrawal
Baniaa).

These caste associatims have their coostitutiom, e k m d

ofice-bearen and ~fiices. hey maintab words of t h
of the associations and own s o w property oftheir o m ed!&t-
ed by donations. They have carpets, utmsils, ptrOWM anh
such other articles which they supply fb tWwi@memW on
noninal rant#, Such a formal c b c t e r of came Panchap& ifi
not found in the other five villags of our study. Tbe ca~te
Panchayats are of the traditional nature in other villages. On
the whole, the caste Panchayat is not a vital arona where people
can wield substantial power in the present context.

The village pmchayat

The statutory village Panchayat has replaced the tradi-
tional villag~ Panchayat in tams of its f o ~ m a land legal
stmcture. But a sort of traditional village Panchayat still
functions along with the statutory Panchayat. Often the
decisions laken by the influential n~embers of the village can-
not be reversed by the village Panchayat, and some of tbe
members of the statutory Panchnyat are informal inflwntials
as well.
Panchayati Raj is a three-tier organization. At the levd
of the village there is the Panchayat. A number of village
Panchayats constitute the second tier, that is, the Panchayat
Samiti. All the Panchayat Samitis in a district copstitule the
Zila Parishad. These three tiers of the Panchaynti Raj are
inkerliaked. The Pancbs and the Sarpanchs oF the village
I Panchayat arc directly elected by the cIectorate in the village.
All the ?nnchs and the Sarpanchs of a Panchayat Samiti elect
its Pradhan (head). The Sarpanchs are members of the
Panchayst Samiti by virtue of their ofice. Tha Sarpanchs and
the Pradbans elect the Pramukh (head) of the Zila Parishad.
The Pradbans arc ils members as the Sarpanchs are of the
Panchayat Samitis. There are also Nyay Panchayats over 6ve
to seven village Panchayats. All the Panchayats send their
representatives to the N yay Pancbayat and they elect their
Chajrman. The basic objective of the Panchayati Raj, and
particularly tbe village Panchayat, is all round development of
the vilIage people.
Five ollt of the six villages are the headquarters of the
village Pamb~at. These bodies have been working for the
last I0 years, In terms of developmental output, however, these
Panchapts have not been effective enoua, ~ a a coosttuctjon
y
works which the Panchayats undertook 10 years ago are stiIl
incomplete. The reason for such failures of the Pan~hayatsis
that its rdembers do not have a team ~pirit. They form two or
three factions within the Panchayat and consider ea& other as
 rivals. These ~sn&aygt,$cYms Iebf&pboddwi&
,>,&t;maf&
facriong thevillage, ~b~~S,hnce,.SaBj:j,eBeBd ' i@f3&&;*.
. . -..,.,.:
in Sabalpora,;:tho leadm df , n s&&+jaw
y - ~ , ~ i , lo,
Brahmins, and h Harmm:a a & r a na n d.'-a. . ~ k. . h & : j&d
,

~;ivd:
factions. AJat and a Rajputleqi rival gioopi* Bii9.tp.raq,and
three Jats in Murwara.and twoin ~awriiieaii>j@atfadfiad.
These factions operate as power group% ,The s t a t ~ $ o ~ ' , . v i ' ~ ~ & g e
Panchayet is uSed as B forum fafor eltprw$ion of :<ntek-j$jtj&J
rivalries.
There are, however, power groups at the levels,of
ward of the village Panchayat, neighb.oulhood I n d : a $ i . ? 7
These facLions at the smaller Ikel~su~port the factions at the
village and Panchayat levels, and ,they .are. fu&~r~$@ppox,ted by
the bigger factions in return. 'These.smillcrF&ctio~~ Lhemsdvd
culminate into. bigger factions. Thus, rivalries between :the=
factions is one of the :significant bbsthcld ti th&: mil of
development and progress.
Another reason for the faitnre of the:s'tatutaryPillage
Pancbayat is its informal way of decision-making. Informal
decision-making i n a formal organization like the villa&
Pancbayat is a misfrt.18 Thegroup in power denies even the
rightful favours to the. rival 'group members, and extends
favours to its own members; sometime3 even @henthey 'ate not
qualified for the benefits. This is also complicated by $ 0 fact
that informel leaders arenotalways f0lXInl fezidtr~. T h e e rife
informal leaders, who always interkre is the activitieslii.of.&wry, :he
panchayat andhave a decisimbgnd in, its detisions. . .,

village there are gt l a( two to tJ~reeinformal influenlids who

do not hold olficc but possess more power and i d ~ ~ n c e .
than the form31 leaden, OF'the 'village Panchnyat.

17. See Lewis, Oscar, vi/l@e Lue in Northern IdIo, op. cif.,:pfitlp.1V.
L w i r anslyses lhat the lcadersbipis spread, asfirriddm
based on small fanlans. But we find h a 1 therarual@dsrsatth
villa* level, who are remgnizcd bytbe vil)9gee..
Sm also ~ h - , K;N?, "p8afhaya.f. U s i d e send:*- mblh'.
Socio&gkaf &,i/,iin. (Val. XI&:Nol 1, Mnrdr 1963d;p~i 4732.
18. SH M&-tofi. R;K.. &?Itil :dgotid 3 ~ o&, - eh.
pp. N . ~ S Menon
, a&&& &el i a h i d .pf-, Of debi~n-
msungreoull i m f ~ n e l . a a ~ i n qscfi~fi&s
l i n y o d bureeuwaic
200 THE CHANGlNG RURAL STBATIFIGATION SYSTEM

The continuance of the dominance of the informal leaders,

despite the existence of formal-legal structures in the villages,
evidences the continuity of the traditional village Pawhayat.
The elders (influentials) of the village within the statutory
Paachayat and outside it decide about the village affairs. These
leaders, both formal and informal as we mentioned earlier, come
from the upper castes and class. The same persons who were
dominant in the traditional set-up, continue to be dominant in
the new formal-bgal organisations.

Dominant cnslc
Srinivas states tbat dominant castes have certain cbarac-
teristics, such as big landholdings, numerically dominant posi-
tion and a high place in the local hierarchy.'e A dominant
caste performs functions both of ttansmission and 'blocking' of
cultu~a. But as we hwe anatysed mlier (Chapter 3); there are
signscant differences between the families of the same a s l c due
to their varied class background. There are differences in
,regard to econoni ic position, eduational standard, occupational
status and landholding. There i s no homo~en6ityof status
among the members of the same caste. These divergencies
negate the nssurnptiofl of dominant caste as analysed by
Sriniva~.!~The familics of a dominant caste do not have an

19. Srinivts,
-
M.N., 'The Social System of A Mysore Village', Mckird
/

Marriott (ed.), Villure India, up. cll. *k

20. Dube, S.C. has made these comments on the concept of the 'dominant
caste' Ln hfr paper on the 'Emerging Patterns of Rural Leadership id
Southern Asia' (mim~ographed,19631. He writes : 'dominant caste'
requires4LReortticalc1arif;cariw and operational indexing'. A cast&
is dominant wbrn the power it posse~lesis diffused in the SOUP and
is exercised in the interest o i a sizabls part of it. Therefom, if is a
group conslstifig of certain dominqpt indivjiduals that i s powerlul ifl
the village community.
See his 'f.kste Dominance and Factiooaljsrn', in Conlribprlom 10
Indian Saclulagy. NEWStriea (Nu.11, D m b e r 1%8), pp. 58-81.
The rdminant castes' do not have mcn decisive dominand as they
arc tnrernally divided, and cannot pall their weight together. D u b
observes ~ h a t ' i athe power *Id cads do nof abays f d i a n a%
solidary grotlp; they lack unity of purpose and d i r d o n . Important
individual$ from t h m castes are often hostile to one another and
gull in apwsite d i t e 4 ~ a .'Cht mwer t k t the% iadividda have
(Con~lflued
or1 page
 C9uibblc 'di~tri.bution,ol
$.&i&r:;and',fmdigc.
. . .. .- . . ;n2pk@yjp,&,
.
... . . ., ,.m,.m:c;.
and prcatige a c c , o r d i n ~ t a : ~cbmpo&'l:gf$~BB
~~~ir
. .. . , :
-;:
... , .
., ,.,,.,, .. ,.,,,. <. ,y-: . !
:q&-" '
.;.,:.i
rank; no doubt, c o ~ h ' i b u t 6 ;...b.. .. &&jgt;iin.~erg&&y&~l
of higher positions.. .,
Sixty-five :famities belonging ito~q;nm&::df, *gte:.wm ,.; .:..., . >*< .A .<,.
reported dominantin & ..six v a g e i ~h6&::fg~i'~::;-e: '

from among both the minority:a~dthe maj@ me,: b.?ae

four villages, the Sarpanchs are elected ffom riie :dhob.tyciisfi9.
It is only in Bbutera and SabaIpura thatlthe ~atpatl&~are<fmjn
among the Jats, who are numerically the, singje t i j g m : ~
groups. The minority castes, again, compete:amgng:thetaselves.
for securing positions of power, Theseminority :&t4<donot
always own big landholdiogs, .Superiority of c a ~ k . . ~ n ~ p e
does not contrib.utc to the dominance ~ f : . ~ i w e:4 r iwe&d
lowering down of some f&niliesof theupper caste:c&Zamindiu%.
The Brahmins in Warntarn, Sabalpura and RoopWh, Lha
Charans in Harmare and the Rajputs in Sabalpu&,;do aoi
depend mdnly upoo cdtivation for their livelihood. :Th~8,:m
&d domkanm at the level o f familymore pronodad tbanfhe
caste level. Rivalries and tensions for pomi {2?enerdl~
among the families of the sama -cas~and,hlass..Ltjs.:notthat
competjtjan 'for power is between the higher. md"fik:'b~t
Castes or classes.

PoIitied networks and power

Amiliation to political parties and leaders et district and
state levels confribuks to power and prestige offmilies and
individuals in the village. A person who is patccded by
leaders at district and state 1cwb er?foy~considerable ptestb
. . .

(C~ntinuedfrorngoge 2001
is &r exeyciscd in thehie.& ofithc caste.a&.6q~ql but in:fier3nr-j:
or the miltitasre powqr alliance wilb which thw WQ:, iden!.iM.
pp. 79-80.
See Oader, M,,*Dqminaac8in b d h :A'&R hl
/bid, pp. 83-97. Carher b u v e r h t .dwiMlbgd-f*
@ s k , t w yielded maW advaarae.e. ~ . - ~. a.. :tUlyjOet~n,
. .2.:<~..

between 'ley& of&ph,~.$b~.and<,@&w$&! d - , m t ~ ' * : ~ ~

alsg abput 'lan&d p~~ct'-.imd lhe :m~e&'af :tbs..':d-
p r a ~ wof pourer. F~~ four I & S , , O E . ~ ~ . T ; ~ ~ ~ ~
to aardsrrim : (1) ruk; (.~j+~paI~.darnii@$~@M'tn'bn;:@;
mtt; *d (4). ~~ lapel-lasaad:wrnM.
i n the village. He can secure offices in the statutory village
organizations much easily. In Bawari a Gujar used to receive
favours of a Union Minister, aKhati in Sabalpura was favoured
by a Deputy Minister, and in Roopgarh a Brahmin was friend
of the ZiIa Pramukh. These individuaIs and their families enjoy
high prestige in the village fur reasons of these political amia-
tions. There are other persons who have contacts with ex-
rulers, big businessmen and other high ranking oficinlr;, and
they too enjoy immense prestige and power. Such contacts
strengthen the position of the influentials in the village.
We aIso find that external political networks affect the
status of the people in the village. Afiliation or association
with the ruling group at the state level enhances status of the
people. Such 'linkages' we find in all the villages of our study-
There were lh~hc factions of the ‘Maharaja' and the ex-Union
Minister (now again Minister) in Bharatpur villages; in Sikar
the groups of Kumbba Ram Arya and Mohan La1 Sukbadia
were largely known. At the district level, the factions led by
a Jat M.L.A. (Sunda group) and a Jat Deputy Minister (Maharia
group) were very well-known by the village people. In tbe two
villages of Jaipur district, Maharani of Jaipur (now Rajmata)
versus Congress party were quite familiar with the people. In
the two villages of Sikar district, 'Sukhadia' and Kurnbha Ram
Arya became an idiom far political affiliation. Those who
associated themselves witb 'Sukhadja' felt that their group or
leader was in power, and, therefore, they could get their dificul-
ties ~emoved.
Membership of political parties 1s quite thin. Only
89 of the 377 respondents reported that they were membrs of
different parties. A majority of the respondents were not eve9
aware about the ideologies of thae parties. The Congress i s
the most known party to the villagers. A shirt in the party
afiiliation nffects power and prestige too. For example, before
the birth of the R.K.D. ail the Sarpanchr of ~ a n t ~ - ~ a m p r h
Panebayat Samiti belonged to the Congress but h c e then they
shifted to thc B.K.D. As Congress supporters, these ~ n r ~ s n c h s
enjoyed more prestige and power than what they enjoyed after-
wards because their party (B.K,D.) was not in power. These
Sarpanchs lost some prestige which t h ~ yhad when they belong-
ed to the ruling party. Bnt a large number of the B,K.D.
 village leaders rejoined UIngress at tbe aw of 197J Gen-f
elections and perhaps regained their losl p o d s b a-91asitlm-
able extent.
The cleavages at district and state levels sat group
alliances in the village. Thesk groups in the,uillagemay be
called 'quasi-groups'P1 The 'quasi-groups' are bawd on an
interacting set of people. These groups are ego-centered. They
havc an 'action-set'. The 'action-sat' includes inward and out-.
ward linkages of the 'quasi-groupsg- In our study, the-outward
linkages are the interactions of the village people with the
Maharaja of Bharatpur and s Union Minister in fbe two
villages in Bharatpur district. The inward linkages include
interactions between the factionsin the village. Tbwe ovtward
and inward linkages or political net works in other four vilfages
in Sikar and Jaipur districts bave also b,em annlysed above,
There may be, however, factions in the village dthout such
outward political linkages. As we have mentioned earIier these-
politid networks affect group dynamics to a &reat extcnt in
the viIlages.

Summary
The ascriptirle bases facilitate the achievement OF the
positions of power and iduenm in the viIlagc. The key
influentialsand families are from among the ex-Zamindars and
the upper castes. These families own either big lmdboldinga
or havc superior resources of income. The traditionally privi-
leged families thus continue to be powerful in the formal-legal
structures sucb as the village Pancbayat and the co-operarive
society. The key families and individuals may not bold always
the formal oflices of power. But they exercise more influence
than that of the elected office-bearersin many situations. These
influeatials belong to the upper castes u d classes. But the
familes belonging to the castes of these influential6 do not
enjoy dominance and po\ver to the extent the P O W @ T ~ Uf ~d - 3 ~

21. Mayer, Adrim C., The Sigziiiicanco of 'Qtlirsi-Grolt*' ki &AWW-

&d~t] Ibe Study
of Complex Scciefi&', Michael @elan (ad.)-
o/c~mk,z Soripfk~(London: Tayisfoclpubliontiom 1966).
pp, 97-121. M.Wl prrmfl a SYdCmaGC *b of *fUP,das of
ekhaa
'cluasi-gr~upb'jn t b t o w 01m b thflU& d. study
do. Power is, in fact, concentrated in a few privileged fardies
ofthe upper cnstes and class. These families constitute a
minority. They are a ruling elite id the village. It is a 'village
aristocracy' in the words of Leach.'*
We h d Wat these dominant families are quite resourcefu1
and dynamic. Their composite status is higher thad other less
iafluentia1 families of their own castes and that of other castes.
The influence of the dominant families is not limited with their
own castes or neighbourhoods. They aie recognized by all the
villagers as influeatials. These families, however, generally
compete For power among themselves. The families belonging
to the same castes contest: electioas for the o$ces of Sarpanch
and Pancb. Thus. the traditional power structure has signifi-
cant repercussions on the existing power structure in the
village.

22. RR-, op. cit. (1960). pp. t10.

 It would be worhwhile to aoalys ,saji+nt
.. . ,. . Ma&
.-. .. . . i~
f h j ~Study
. in the light oFthe.:~elLtdp&j&s . . wc. fhEmOtaedin
. . . :... .
-:: . .
the beginning of this voIume (~h$p,tiiI),.
Our 6rst formulation was: Wo.w f& .do ;&e: .;a&ji.w
e!emt?nt~of society ~ $ I Y . role i 4 detertuining the. agw-of f he:;
statussystemand what are.rheateas where :theit falg i~ . mqre
effccijve and pervasive?' Hwe we fi!d rbat..q@4 Bkprwt?.
such as birth in a cask, iaherited propgrty,. wealth nod .itykDf
life of the incumbents eontiaue to b.e:,t.h& primary d & m i & &
o f sbtos in the vi4ages. As. ribe mYal soiiet~.in..&idla.:d
pnrlicularly in Rajastban isstill. traditional, the ~ i d e n c i idf
ascfiptrve primiples in status determ.bati.on a n b$antigbted. ..
In the ascriptive proceslf, feud4 values of h p s s t to
exist in various forms wilb the principle of ,w@e,a.nd!~,ese
together reinforce t h e continuity af the ektiier . . .&& df
~tratification.
Caste operates as a reflerence group.nat only .in;tb$:fituak
matters, but also in the evaluatiaa ot overall s(atbw..4f.&-
cular families. Ceste raok is determined by bw:. it:jddai-w
d.:
endogamy is still the =&en= of cvte hierarchy.
Lhe altiludcr,.nrpirptiws pod group alljanCe3 in fhc?.!nap ''ns
bigher castes are man ducated, they am a l s ~ , r n . M ) d d ~
off .*ban fhe lower castes. They &XtSW$ 6"@or: %!
,

presdgeous a c c ~ p a ~ ibf& ~ . @&$j~&.'.@ad 'OIW .$ p*

and pred@ T
&': veg&glJi'
arc, bdd by Z b ~ i . 16. m..:.,
:.. .? .. s
: ,
Mr
:., !8,,.
the
,, ., , ,

sSCriptive8 ~ 1 f u prank 1 ,mni ~ : + & j ~ ~ . ~ ~ ~

b i ~ N tbwjnd&,& orbjj @uldinw~r&..t6.Y
j
rbidngh .$o~6v6IUWti
-206 W CHANGWG RURAL STRAT~F~CATION
SYSTEM

But this process in the social stratification shodd be

.accepted with certain qualifications. The role of the ascriptive
elements i s more pervasive in cultural matters such as marriage,
rituals, pollution-purity, tempIe visits and observance of festivals
and ceremonies. It does not operate to the same extent in the
realms of power nad economic mobility. The higher castes
maintain distance with ths lower castes in cultural matters.
The style of living itseIf varies betwean the lower and higher
. castes. These distinctions subsist among diffasnt castes despite
their belonging to the same economic status.
There are status-disshilarities among the families of the
same caste. Wi~hjn the caste, status d different families is
determined by their achievements in o ~ c u ~ a t i o n a leconomic,
,
ducational and political 6elds. Such divergences of status
among the families of ths same caste represent a class-Iike
rpbcnomenon. The role of ascription becomes rather redundant
in status when there is a homogeneity of ascriptive
rank j, terms of family background and landed property. Some
ascriptive distinctions within the same caste can be made on the
b a i s o f intra-caste hierarchy, feudaI positions and of her
hercditaq oftics and Efe-styks. Therdore, a consideration of
all these criteria is essential in understanding the nature of the
azriptivc bases in the rural society.
Our second formulation was related to the roles which
the units of sociat ranking such as caste, class, family and
individual performed in slatus-determination. Castes arc -
. essentially comrnuni ties which carry out functions concerned
with connubial, commensal and similar other cultural norms.
Caste membership implies a particu!ar ritual value, and styles
of life ate cl6s~ly associated with caste srratification. The
higher castes observe rasts and visit temples more Frequently
than the lower castes. The woman-folk of the higher castes are
literate, whereas femde literacy is absent among the lower
. castes. literacy even among thc males is meagre among the
lower sections in the villages.
The basis of caste stratification lies in the ritual-syndrome.
The Brahmins top the caste hierarchy. The Bhangis are at its
bottom. Then, there are other upper, intermediate and lower
.castes in-between these two, the highest afid the lowest castes.
. h a g with inter-caste hierarchy, the intis-caste hierarchy also
 exists. This hierarchy ii:a +t:ghen3menM; i n ~ ~ ~ , a .
of the process of Sanskritiqtiqp. Far ;.j~h-&,: . *. .;.&,-I .,......
hierarchies within :.tbiimtq::tjI'the ~ a i g::m&&:
, :aamg9 ' :,
and
Kumhars have resulted from ~8 pe*,++3.,w@h?ated=rl;,+ed
from polIution-purity bases of:ceriaim . qocupations:~&~j:,~CU1~m~
practices. n e essential element- o f caste . 8 b f i f i ~ 8 ~ ~ ,
[herdore, lies in these culiuraUy determined values wi&.:f . .
'tostatus and honour,
Classes are groupings of people, which @re:common
-economic, occupational and politicai interests, etc. Tbe:&-
landowners, merchants,.peag.ants (ex-tenants) -andiagrblcurd
labourers form various classes in the.six iihges..
,n: ,- ;.
ese classes
,

constitute a system of hierarchy with e~-Iiindowners:.8t~&e .top

;and the agricultural labourers at thebottom. ~hiti-.hier~l~bh~ is
more or less similar to the onewhich existed tradilianaUy, vu.
before the land reforms. The ex-landlords are: today; self-
cultivators, and they own generally big limdholdiags. Same of.
the ex-tenant-ptasnnti havealso become biglandholdcrs. These
changes i n class posilions are a result of the Iaod relvtms
introduced -afterIndependence.
These four classes in the viHage represent 'fmr.stra!a*
primarily based on economic. and occupational criteria. A.s.
such class position is a unit of status rankina. But wihin the
class we find divergeoces of status, for example, between the' big
and small peasants, between the petty shop-keepeis,~d: big
businessmen, and between ,the ex-Jag~rdarsa i d small ex-
Zamiadars. These intra-cfass distincti.gm are irishvm,&,!al in
retarding ~e ~isotbtivecharacterof:the classes.
Apart fr*m caste an.d class, the. other U ~ ofS s.ktu
ranking are family and iodividuaj. The attributec..o~fi@$es
whichare withstatus determination are its j~btnQ%
of properly, education. and politid ' a f a c f .
.ofjts individual members. In this sense, individlral fbe
of stattls is invariably connecfed with~famil~ .s@r@s.
mnkiag. When a member is b@ly Ed~Cjlhd0.r wiohiS bigb
political or holds a,jdnis&aB\le office,!he fi%&# b ' e ~ bhe'
belongs also .gains in status; , ,

ne class a d family ns :~pftbbf #atus-d-i-.

nation jnfef&tedd cDn'.XP~~lly, howem, we an sUk
&at is. ]u&y .a ~ i p t i *deterinimllt of &tu$, m s
208 THE CHANGlNG RURAL m ? z F I C A I I O N SYSTEM

position is determined by achievement factors and family is

both ascriptive-cbm-achievementoriented system a€ rankin&
In concrete situations, we find an interplay between the ascrip-
tive and the achievement bases of social ranking.' The higher
caste rank goes with higher class and family positions. W e
observe that some of the higher caste families which could
not have corresponding* higher achievements do not enjoy the
same status which their fellow famiIies enjoy, as they bave
achievements corresponding to their caste rank. Thus ascrjp-
tion alone is not ~uficicnt determinant of status. These
cleavages between caste rank and class position explain t h ~
differential nature of caste and class. These also illustrate the
processes. which are breaking the traditional 'summation of
ro1esy"ith regard to status determination.
Our third question was to understand the interrelation-
ship and the extent of coincidence among the various dimen-
siois of stratification such as caste, class and power i n deter-
mining the status system in the village community. We have
looked a t this argument by evaluating the composite statusJ of
each household in tbe village studied. 'Campsite Status' we
define as the average of the totality of statuses and ranks a
person occupies in different status hierarchies. The indices of

1. Parmas, Talcall, *A Revised Analytical Approach lo the Theory o f

Social Stratifiation'. op. dl.
2. Bailey, F.G., l lo red Social Stratification in India', qg. cit. BsiIcy
mentions tbat delemination of caste hierarchy is based on ascriplion
of birth. co-operalion among castes and recognition of relations by
osummationof roles', in addition to the universal criteria of strati-
fication such as exclusiveness, inclusiveness and hierarchy. The
csurnmation of roles' is found, however, in small-scale relations,
rather they are a condition of the existence of caste system in terms
~f'~ummacioa of roles'. He mentions that this *summationof roles'
is not there with the same involutcness (which existed in the past) in
regard to ritual status, interdependence and mutual hierarchical
relations; ~ O W W Wthis, persists in regard to exclusiveness. inclosive-
ncss and hierarchy among diBerent caste groups. Caste docs not
have its organic character, aa it had in the past. It is in the pmcesr
of becoming a wgmentary form of stratification system.
3. Tumin, Melvin M.,Gale In A Peasmt Soclciy (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1952). Chap. 15. Tumin analyses intra-group
atmtf6cation on the basis of 'Composite index' of statuses. He bas
g , and farnib.
included faur indices such es houeing, ~ l ~ t h i iland
 castes income3 I ? a d J ,e
for Consf-mting a h e w b y of c~ !g p o~ te
scores secured on those,iodik dg,te@oc t&
s h g p
$vg&
a v
cqwW
c 3-
@Q.
*g .up

rank of a household.
On the basis d thij method of sjatuq rapkio ge-
that there is a close anocialio~bclyrqn &te a& c$!jL$
which we have nnalysed above. The hsihcidenci
,pe
and class also corresponds with ppwer. We define pppe;
system of hierarchical relations io terms of 'mo.+ 9 d cpl
dominant positions held by groups, families epd indiXi#uaJ,~,a
9
the power hierarchy, We Iied tbai lhe higher -.4 6
ca.$kBi
Cks <
pcnons arc highly palitieiqd and form the kcj iqffqqt@s in
the villaas. They hold formal ofices of power a,#$pt$e.
They also exercise infludnce even yithoul holding ,9 .o<yal
offices of Sarpnnch, Pancb, Presideat and Secrers'ry, q$\ in tbe
various institutions. These key iqfluentials ar$ the ex-
Zamindars, big ex-tenant-peasants(P,Btels, Mebtas, tho$@es)
, and the former favourifes and o&iiafs of the yJa#rdt$p.
These persons also belosg to the high castes rucb as $e
Brahmins, Rajputs, Charnns and Jats. The ~owerfd-familks
of these castes and classes constitute a minority wilhin their
caste funlilies as well as among the families in the viln~c. We
could designalz these influential families as a 'ruiing rninarit~',
or jn the wards of Leach, they Irom the '\*illageacistokl'acy'.'
he composite starus 01 this ruling minorily is hi4be;'i.hSn that
of the non-ruling families.
Despiie the overwbelminpcorrespoodenceoITIOng the mribus
'
determinantsof slatus, we find Some d e a v a ~ sbcfween caste
and class, caste and power, and power and class,' The =cent

Leach, E.K., (td.;, 'What Should WeMcan 64 Carirc',~pe~?fC ' M ~

ilr Sorrllr Irrdrd, L'eJnlo,t N ~ ~ h - b l ' t sPt~ k i s r od@^8.r?~o
~, 1.IO.

~_
Leech observn that the families or fhe upper class m i n 0 f h ~@mpHe
among chfmsclves (o 'uptoit' 1hc S C ~ V ~ COf~ Sthe t 0 W e f . e P B ~ P ~
who fornl a m Jorrly. Ihe lower rhss p o p h do not GP.@ far the
ravourr ofthe elitah The minorily C ~ U~Sf ~ f i t e ? 10 ,$$ vilb&c'
petition did "ot exis as0 F ~ I O in m& ?"the
$- mta *e
have d In the lagirdari ~ i l l n p r . l b * j . @ r $ ~ r 6 ~ a
rljlers, ~ h c we o e no olher landown*
*6Wh.
Tar 1 1 , ~bvourg or b e twnrs and oChcr l o w
cr atei,le, *.dm, C#JI. C/.M r*6 POW^, OP. tit-* P. 4.
(Cofi~iltucd
'*""
on p4PL' 21(11
210 THB CHANGING RURAL STRAnPICATION SYS7ehl

the abolition of the Zarnindari and

changes, and dperti~~lnrly
Jagirda~isystems, havc created these divergences which have
broken the traditional 'summation of roles' in many instances,
The ex-Zamindars who own big landholdings even today
are iduentials, but those who do not retain it are not only
non-influentials bnt have also glided down the scale of status'
hierarchy. Many such cbangcs in the falnily status are found
among the Rajputq Jats, Chacaar and Rrahrni~ls, Some of the
ex-tenant-peasants, the Patel and the other functionaries of
the Jagirdars manipulated the t r a d e r of big landholdings to
their name during the time of the abolition. The status of
these families has consequently gone up to such an extent that
today they rankequal td the most powerful and prestigeous
families i n the village. The instnnccs of these changes arc.
however, fewer so far, but in terms of change these status
mobilities arc highly consequential psychologically and morally.
In the village ccntext, wealth alone is not sufficient for higher
status. The Banias are richer than even some Rajputs, Jzts
and Brahmins but thcy do not wield equivalent power or

-. . - -- .- - -
f~ontmrrerl/rorrGnse209)
writes: Tbere arc many 'caste-free' arras. The factors which tend lo
lomen t l ~ ebold of caste nre: education. while-collar jobs, corning of
land into t t c market, distribution of power and the process of
madernization. Beteille sees social change from a sys~emor cttmula-
tive inequalities to one of dispersed inequalities. Our findings ton
rcveaI a significant changc. But ir is not lhai new social strata llavc
arisen to powrr. He explnins that ihe non-Brahmins havc replaced
the Brahmin: in power h#riirchy. Our findings, howcvcr, show that
tbe traditionally dominant cnrte und clnss groups continue to be
i f i ? l ~ t i 8 and
\ powerful tven today. 11 is not thnt thecornperilion
for power is be~weenthc traditionally d o n ~ i n ucaste ~ i and class groups
and the under-privileged groups, rather competition for power is
among the families who enjoy the same o r marginally higher and
lower c o m ~ o r i l c s t ~ u 9 e sSee
. Mukerjee. Ram Kri~han,D-vnar,rics of
A Rural Sadety, OF. rll,, forcoinridenct of caste and ciass ranks.
. S i n ~ h Yoaendra.
, .SociO-erono~ruc C ~ ~ ~ iIr r PI hc
R ~Ctrurt~rysidc
J : A
Sjudy o/Si.r VViflgcf in U.P. (Ph.D. dissertation, Lucknow Universily.
1958) revcalf that ihc tradilionetly dominant caste and chss of
Zamindars continue to be powerful even after tlte abolition of the
ikdndari sysYstem. Our findings corraborae the 5ndiops of th&
studiitd in this respect,
 c0)3CLUsiON 211
. .

FmSg. . . AN dominant failia,=&d o . : a. . ,. ~- .t.. , ~ n , ~jmdhold-

b~~,
hgs. dominance. thet&re::
. . ? W& . . t.mat~:rt,a:hj&Jjkcompo-
. . .
site status and not.:&=higher .. . . . .
on one: sih&;: det&&i-
mot status.
The fourth :formujatjon wsis : 'What are the :jded0gicai .- . . . .. .. .
bases of h. system of sfratificationand .rnfiatare ikB;prach
. .
.::, .
, .. .
being used in.eyaluatiog'8fjtus: 07 2 ~ j a Jwj&,n., .& a
group or a family or an .i.ldjvjdmJ?' bgd, fof.d&d. aig
question to understand the rural ssttatjficaljom system .in. tm
of its close and open character and ascription end achit:vmeat
determinants of status raak. Beteille writes : rA closed:$jftein
is one in which different elements such as caste, d q :and
Power are cornbjned broadly in the same way'..b Arcording to
him in Bdpuram (the village 'he '&died)
system is being transformed into one which i g relatively .*a.
We also .find dift'erentiation of institutional sttucfutes :such as
the traditional viIfage Papabayat, caste Pancbayat and d m -
tralization of 1andho)diugs through land refarms. TIe
statutory vifhgc Pancfiayat, caste:~ssociatiom, land ~focms,
and impad of urbanizdtion through the mm&m m ~ a 8of
communication and transport did not exist. :hfoforeYodapn-
denoe.
Today there is an emergeom of stcular occupati.oils, newer
cdrrcafioaa~paitern and incrased rate of migration. The.
s,e.sme. of the areas of change which lead b i d d d
dj&~ntiation >f' hstitutional StrUCtURR m d I O ~ W ~ U Ebf .
traditional mc&,ns, in .the villages. BY ehirhm .la..
a s p t s have .not, in fact, subitantially d f k ! d in tbi: a.w
tralizstjon of power and mitigatioh'of ;Wm~lrlti%'$l--
ne of modemati& or d t i a t i b n *a. ht gg
limited way, is related only witb some ~ p e c .of k rud:Me.a'%
confined to some tctions.of tbg S W ~ ~ Y .
-a- There is *.,-Jose association :&-
'
thei@a&tiOouly ,bigha..cmte ..& ma T b b&b,w '*k
and class people are moE d-di .p~mf#J edu~
~d
&,&& .*y intlDdmi.1, b&,, jo. ;$ie-&&W
wr andoirtaide, :tfie&.,
BCEeveaeD&. ,-j,w ~.PsM11~,zkJnent9..4P
,
.*
wpr,mtlrsbs ;fw <:&I
r9ta rmd
212 .Me CHANGMG RURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTEM

power are also being monopolised by the upper castes. The

reality is that the depressed and the lower castes and classes are
not in a position to achieve these prestigeous positions aab
jobs even when they are not denied the opportunities to achieve
them. The higher castes and classes traditionally enjoyed
superior position in the stratification system on the basis of
their higher ascuplive ranks. Now they enjoy higher position5
on the basis of higher achievements. The upper castes, ha wever,
d o not have a homogeneity of status. Intra-caste gradations
of status are determined by 'goodnesP of family name and
achjevements.' -
The stratification system is more closed in respect of
determination of caste rank, as it is determined by birth.
Performance of rituals, marriages, styles of living and dress
patterns considerably reflect caste distinctions. Caste endogamy
is found intact in all the villages studied. Thus ascription
&ntributes to achievements, and the latter strengthen the
~ r i p i t i v soIidaritiw.
e If a upper caste family has achievements
co~respondingto it6 caste rank, it would seldom discard its
as,aiptive rank by deviating from the established caste norms.
They w*estcrnizetheir some cultural practices and modes of
li;ing, but do not deviate from the basic values of their caste.
'In.this way, ascription and achievemant interplay in status-
detqrnimtion and considerably block the way towards open
stratification system,
Fiftbly, we had asked about the factors which challenged
t&ascriptive basis of stratification in the villages. h this
comection the reform and legislations such as the abolition
af Zamindari and Jagirdari systems, the estabijshment of
h d a y a t i Raj and means of transport and communication,
e.g, I~CW roads, milways, radios and newspapers, tend to loosen

1. Irbwaran, K.. Trnditien rmd hmmg in Villam India (London;

. R d e d g a and lbgau Paul. 1966). pp. 17-18, lshwaran also h d n
ths concept of dominant castsas'misleading', micas SU&W&Y
a rnod~a8.He has formulated 'a sociology of axthan~p'(p. 1 w
According to him imitation exists, but it is not related with domi?
' nnncc. Idtas of 'culture contact and reference prorrp' are prcfnabk
--ruling LO Ishwaran. Rekenm group aod a k r e contact entall a
diffarrntiatim of reference framer f dr families belonging to tbe same
- faetarrt%ub4GM@, . . , 1
 She S ~ ~ I inequalities
I S ba&d,j.on:,-plivs b a & $ & f r : ~ ~ & g ~ i ~ ~ ,
Reform movements s y r n ~ ~ ~ l~. ; ~~ ~ ;~. ~ nof s ~ p ~
deprwsd i&ons;:of :thegqcia~., ~ 6 ~ . & ~ fpf;t&2-drrri
iii~~
.. - . .. . . -- ..
...:....A ?,,.

and lagindari.syste.msi ~ ~ : . s tto& ridais.&@~;.uaqy,~. ,&$tine

tion5 of status :and rank based an i&erit,gne j-jf.i.land:;.snd
privileges.
The process of urbaniqtioo dqe a B i t $ # m t i f i ~ & ~
system. The more the impact of urbanization t . & j e s i q , , ; g f r ~ ~ ~
may be the adherence to the sacred elements such-:as:phtirm-
purity, untouchability and commensality. Utbanjistim :tends
to diversify the traditional Lsu.m.m@n of.roks'~ndwhMdenrre
of caste, class and power. The:remote..villag,q:;iare:more
attached to the tNditiosaI !stratification s y s t ~ m t b a n : ~ s u b . -
urban villages. This,&mainly due to their more: dependeqce
upon agriculture. The -dependma upon a g r i ~ i d m-stdctsl~~
migmtioo, outside contacts and preserves J4rn'm.i@sfem.
Even the remote village whichis l a dependent..iupoo-a-icul-
ture has more occupational diversilication and mipdhfl
tllc maR dependent remote viflages? Proximity to the ~ t b a n ~.
centers reducesthis dependence arid encourages rni~a?@ :and
discourages tradilional patron-Client refati~n~hlps.' ,U?hni=-
tion reduws adherence to the rules of poilutio'ri-p~f~' ad.
commensality.
 214 THE CHANGlNG RURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTEM

These factors have also encouraged status rivalries, innova-

tion and adopting of new customs, dress pattern and other
styles of livjng in the viIhges, For instance, in relatively
urbanired villages there is increased emphnsis on dowry and its
traditional form is considerably altered. Spending more on
ritual feasts is considered a symbol of higher status, Ornaments,
.clothes, and owning of tractors, etc. are alm evaluated as
indicators of higher status and prestige. We find that a 3at
purchased a tractor because he felt humiliation as his two caste
feuows had purchased tractors. He could do without a tractor,
as he bad smaller Iandholding than the other two Jats, Such
numerous instances of status rivalries are found in the relatively
urbanized villages.
We also posed the question : 'What patterns of stratifica-
tion system are likely to emerge as a result of changes which are
being enforced through structural modifications and cultural
a innovations in the village community?' We see that status
inequalities among different castes and classes have nor dimi-
nished even after tbe land reforms and urbanization. This is
mainIy because of the dynamic character of the upper castes
and classes. The lower castes sanskritize themselves by adopting
the ~ractice, which the upper castes consider outmoded and
obsolete. The upper castes adopt certain other practices which
operate as substitutes for tIa practices they have left. n u s ,
wskritization daes not help in minimization of inequalities.
The lower castes are not in a vosition to follow the upper
castes in all respects such as higber education, outside contacts,
prestigeous occupations and sources OF more income.
The upper castes and classes do not leave all the tradi-
tional elements of social ranking. They preserve those elements
which still contribute to their higher status and leave the
traditional dysfunctional or non-functional elements. In
addition to this, they adopt the secular or newer elements which
either enhance or ma'intain their status and prestige. This is
bow a conlinuun~ of tradition-modernity is found in the
villages."

9. Sbarrqa,K.L., 'M~darnizationmd StintifKation ; An Applica-

tion at thb Mic~~.hvel', Economic and Politid Week& (Val. 5,
No. 37, &member 1970), pp. 1531-1543.
 .Finally, the pat~-rnor swaiifidoa ..we have
summarized above &noffp-t'Oahut fhe- &,ievemen;'of'
,.,: '.

the socialistic pattern of soc~~y-~as,-eriV~a;Bed;~.0Uf~Cs~~4't

and national policies. But same emergkg, p a b s in ae
rural sfratificafionindicate that the pr0ces.m of :&dm*tioh
ofstatus-inequalities have.started. It cannot be aaid t b a how,
'

long it will take to reach up to the . a g eo f a s~ci~~listic::societ~.

But it is certain that a coincidence 'between 'the: a s p a o f
stratification (fhat is, caste, class and pdwer) shaU coathue for
a considerabIe period of 'time in 'the rural society. This is so
becwse of theemergence of the continuum of the traditional
and tbe secular elements of social rrtnkiag simu~t.ne,o.wlyand
also,due to the reverse processes of sanskritizatitm and moder-
nization at the same time in the. viIIagt8. A break-tbro~ghin
this coincidence is possible when opportunities for deskid g ~ d s
are avaiIable to 3U Lbe d o n s of the wlIage pop~lafion. This
a be h & i e d ttqougl;educatianand miaimizat&jn of econo-
mic disparities that exist in the v i I h i ~between different sections
OF thc people.

10. &e a s , y-w, ' M e and Class : Some A- of CODfhUi@

and meq,
S o c i ~ l ~ I g fhuetin
d (VOI. XU. NO. 2, IWJ*PP.
pm
165-186. Sin& and* tbat a f-t
or classand caste mtatiom CBMOK be
abaur *m b u r thp
fa^. nntf6mtim nU of of
b&s
hi-hy may bwm e sm incqnaliries than today,
di8m-tiCB, - , mpp be diff-t anea tban thatoftha
 Glossary
Audhani - Outer cloth for woman
Baithaks - Sitting places in the house d in the
village market
Bajra - Pearl-millet
-
I

Bew Forced labour

Bhoj - Feast
Bigha - Unit of measurement of land
Biradaries - Caste Paacbayats
Biris - Low1 cigarettes
Biswedari - P sptem of lend tenure
B.K.D. - Bhartiya Kianti Dal, a politiwf p a 6
.&j - Dialect spokn ih Bbaratpur r&on
Chaupals - Common village meeting places
Chowkidari - Watchanship
Congress - Tbe Indian Nntianal Congas, the
4 -

Daivik
Darops
-- biggat pfitidal party
Righer w k Brahmins
Rbydty a ~ m san, txbslave caste
Dayma - A sub-caste of Brahmins
Dedhrawte - A lower sub-oaste of Brahmins
Dhoti - Under-waist cloth
Dhundhar - Jaipur region (locally known)
Dhundhari - - Dialect spoken in Jaipur regim
Diwali - Festival of LiLigbb, the Goddesk d
wdth, Laxmi's worship festival
n e fmlval celebrated-in mmo
Z""
V~&(HY of Lord Rame ova the . ng

- Ravada
Nm(6-fbr~ d b - in BbmtPOr
 218 7Hk CHAKGING RURAL S??II\TE~~:ATION
SYSTEM

-Gaur - The higbest sub-caste of Brahmins

Gautam Sabha - A caste association of Gautam
Brahmins
Ghaghra - Uoder-waist cloth for women
Gdra - Clan
Gram Pnnchayat - A statutory village governing body
Gram Sewak - &tlage Level Worker (V.t.W .)
Gudbani~ - A sub-caste of Brahmins
Gujat G&ur - A sub-caste of Brahmins
.Gunwar . - Local grain for animals
Gur - A kind of indigenous sugsr
Hadoti - A dialect spoken in the Kota region
Hak - Rightful claim
Haryana - A sub-caste of Brabmins
Havaldar - Messenger of the ex-Jagirdar
Hitkarni Sabhs
Holi
-- Festival
W elrare society before Independence
ol colours, celebrated all over
India
- A festival of the Mudims
- Lends granted as Jagirs to the favouri-
te5 by the kings
- Slrb-letting of land for cultivation on
contract basis
-- Rewards given in praise of one's deeds
A bigger unit af landholding, generally
spread dver several villages
Jagirdar - Owner of a Jagir
.Jagirdarj - A system of Iand tenure
Jai puri - A dialect s p ~ k e hin the Jaipur region

I
Jajmani
Jajrnans
- A system of patron-client relationship
-- Pdtrons (who receive servioes)
1utbn - Utensils defded by eating
Kamdar - Chief' Secretary to Jagirdar
.;Kamins - People who offer functionaty services to
their patrons
fistkar - Cultivator
Math - Police lock-up, formarly m a i n t a m bY
the Jagirks
.,
,
-
,
coarse cloth
,Hapd-zpade
.&&nds,pf .the ruler of the state
 Khandelwal
Kharif
Khatedarj
Khokhar
Kuchhnagia
Khudkast - ~~lf-cultiviition
. .

~ ~ &the land
~ produce
~ ~ b
Kunted~
Kyamkhaffl - A subrca$te among Muslims:
Lu h a
baukik

Maharaja
-- Big khg
Queen of Mahataja
the
Mabarani
- A festival
Maharid
Mahasbivratn a _ dm of Jats
the
sclcbrated in
b i d d a y of Sbh
mGm0rY of the

Maheswari - A subcaste of Bnnias

-
Mangat
Manihar
MarcHer
_- wA dls[&
,
Begsing
~an~le-maker
a l a ngion in Rajastban
sp&nin Mvnr d o n in
~arwai
_ Rajastban
Headmen in the village
Mehtas
Modis
Moth
_
+
Bania gtogrs
Local f o o d - p i n
A fdval of the Muslim
Muharram
Mmg
- L d f0d-e &
., g
,e &a
,Wido~-mmla@
Nata CU6tOmay diyorCt
among the 'Op

t~i@bOfP d e s

- youth
Nav Yuvak ~ a n d a l
+ G~
association
to be Jagirhrs
the rd l bind-
Nazrana lands wbch are
Non-Khalsa
+

ownas
Nyati
Nyay panchayat
PaUa
..
.-.
220 TEE CHANGING RURAL STRA71PICATION . S Y S W

Panchayat Samiti - Block-level village council {a body or

village councils)
Paropkarioi Sabha - A welfare organization
Patels - Traditional village headmen
Patban - A Muslim royal clan
Pattedars - Formal statutory landowners
Patwari - Village land revenue officer
Pradhan - President of the Block-level village
collncil
Praja Mandd -- AA preiodepeddence sami-political party
high sub-caste of Brahmins
Pusohits
Raja - King
Rai Balai - Drum-beater of the ex-Jagirdar
Sahukars - Money-lenders (creditors)
Seth9 - Rich men, particularly Banias
Sewa Samiti - Service Society
Sharma - Surname generally associated wit&
Brahmins
Shekhawati - North-West(sandy) region
Sin& - Surname associated generally with the
Rajputs -.
S.S.P. -- Samyukat Socialist Party of India
A cIan among the Jats
Sunda
Swatanha Party - rightist political
A puty
Talukedafe - Area o%cers of the ex-Jagirdars
Tantra - Magical performance by the village
curators
- A type of land grant (Jagir)
- A popular festival of the women in
Rajasthan
Thakur - A eame for the Rajputs
Theka - Contract
Thikam - Bi(gger Jagira
Thoks - Land-shares
VisWarma - God,the creator af the world
Zamindar
Zamindari
-- AA small land-owner
system of land tanurn
ah ParhBad
hamukb
- pDistrict-bvd v m e otgmizgtion
a b t crp *he district-levcl vilhgc
\
 Index
Abolition of feudalism, 119 agciculturaJJ73
Action-Set, 203 modetiom 197
Aditye~dra,Masfer, 119 besgar, 70,75
Aekrdt, Erik, 13 Clku%cterIstica QT, 57
Asricultural jabourera, 111 ~d datq 113, ti0
Aron, Raymond, Jn cress differraces in, 14
Aspintian for social climbing, 133 comiousnars, B-97
Authority, 10-11, 99 dominant, 51,74,9~, b?8,179, 1 9 ~ ~ .
Structure, 5 2W.201
endommy, 13,205,212
Baden-PoweU, B.H., 185.18Q ethnocentrism, 92,142, i!n
Bailey, F,G., 17,21, 127, 144, 145, fslctioob, 97
228 funciioaary. 71-76
Baoias, 67,68,107 hierarchy, 13,1S, 14 45, 70174, 96-
Banton. Nichad. 203n 205,206
Barber, Bernard, 125n, 126, J27 himarcby in Kerala, 18
Bamri, 26.4951 bigber, 112,211,212
Beidehm, Thomas A., 82 imfcriotity, 94
Bendix, Reiahasd, l2Sn 1-s 75,213
a ~ ,a,19, 21, 2&, levels of mobility in smcf~rc
~ ~ g Andre, 9
IWo, 126,127, ZIOn,2ll of, 130
Bharatpur, 25 rnobjlity, 128130,335,147
m n l i ~ ) (BKD),
d 194,202 ~ O ~ ~and*
O L T U P ~ ~mabllit~
~hatt.Gokbul mi, 119 m a y a t (Cauncil), 117,13% 18%
Bhuiera, 25. 4 1 4 196-198
BLnvedari, 30 panchs, 189
Bopagamage, A, 17811 positim, 175,178
096, N.Kb93n.115n. and powar, 210
process af mode$~~imtb~ in, 88
Botiwrom, T.B,,6n rankihg),lgt~, 103, t34, 1-+1wl@4,
-0glc. c., 13n
=-w, 7,9 171-205
fJmbmins,aa62 rivaW~, 181
* we N c m ~ a126
, s8mww&
B w e g , Wafhu, 4 87
~ o ~ d g r l ~ ~ . S
Bureaucratic aami-tioo, 148 -4
-~p,,.l& mcg7, ad wP
~ 3, 1% b23~
m e ( 8 ) 1. 33, 45. 5 147,14&IfB, .%
57,113-16 HbO, 1-76 #S StNUum
222 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATFICATlOS SYSTEM

superiority, 94 Davis, Kingslgc, 3,4

System. 13-17, 21,37,56,92, I48 Desai, A.R., 116n
twice-born, 156 Dts.mskritizaiioo. 145, 146
untouchable, 78-80.82 and horizontal mobility. 146
upper, 91,95 Dialectical apptoach, 2,6-13
values, 168 Dominant caste, 51, 74, 81,178,179,
Casteism, 95,96 191,220, 201
.
Centcrs Richard, 11,12
'Chaturvedi, Shr~nath,28, 102, 119n,
Dube, S.C., 16,200n
Dumont, Louis, 13.14, 15n, 16, 17,
121n 134n
Chauban, B.R., 1350,196 Durkhcim, Ernile, 5, 121
aClass(esj,7,8, 11, 12,15,20, 98-100,
108, 112, 113, 124,206 Education, 141
caste and, 113.210 Endogamy, 13.57.60
consciausness, 1@.9,11Sn,1?0, I24 Engel, Friedrich, 7n
and education, 11 6 Epstcin, Scarlet, 42, 127, 163, 213
groups, 122 Equalization, 90
-higher, 21 1, 712
Iower, 118. 123 Family,
objective d irnmsion of. 11 condition as status-determinant,
aod occupation, 116 175
acapatioaal mobilility and, I59 dominant, 211
position, 172, 174,178,193 extended, 173
and power, 210 position, 172, 178
ranking. I03 Feudal System, 120-121
rivalries, 182 Feuds, 182
status. 121,173 Functional.
and status, 8 approach, t 6
r ( ~ t e , 8 . 9 8 , l O l . 1 0 4 , 113. Its, dlffadntkti~n,3,6
119, 121,124 eervic& 103
sa~gglc,6-8 theory of stratification 3, 5
subje$ive dimensions of. 11 Functions, 3
upper, 115
Cleavages. 203,209 Gardner, Peter M.. 20111
Coercion theory, 10 Gerth. HOE.,8n
ChW Bernard, 126 Ghuryc, GX., 15,5611,148
~ o ~ ~ i v c c o n s n , c i o u s n1eDl21
s, Glass, D.V., 1490
. C o d i t t , 10, 20 Gousb, Kathlcdn, 20, 11281-1
culture, 173 Could, Harold A., Bln, 82
group, ID,11 Group
theory, 10, 13 mobility, 126. 130, 134. 140, 142.
Congrrss, 194, 195,202 143, I46
Conspicuous cxpmdimre, 94,108 non-mcmbersbi~,130,134
position, 129
Datncndorf, Ralph, 5, 8, 9, 1413,
98.99. LOO Hall, J.R., 149
D8mle.Y.B.. 128 H a r m , 25,4448
Dan, 136 fitper, Edward 8,. g2,127
 WDFX '
2
%
Harsanyi, John c.,50 Xolcnda, Pauline M.,gp
Hartley, EL., Jln Kornbuher, ArUlur Wi,Jl
Harlehurst, Lejghton W., 128 Kotovskv, Grigary, 23
Hcibert, Paul G., 140n Krekr, A.L., 15
Hellex, Celias., 3n
Hereditary sgeciatization, 57 Leach, E.R, 15,BS 188,204~,209
Hierarchy, 3,14,16,22, 3 3 40, 57, Leuski. G e r M . h ,
60, 61, 63, 80, 83, 101). 185, 186, Leraer, ~aoiel,&a
l93,194,207 - kwis, 17.83, gn,181,199n
attributes of, 57 Liberalism, 124
caste, 13, 15,16,.18,21,45, 70, 74, Linton, Ralph, 169
96 Lips~t.SomourMarti~,3 2 h
chs, 207 Litigation. 180.181
bcomc, 102 Lohia, Ram Mapohar, i94n
jnter-casle, 206 L Y ~ , M., 144
Owen
iatra-caste, W , 71, 206
politicel, 187 Majumdar, D.N.. I6n,88n, 93,146,
power, 103,I84,185,193,1*; II%
social, 3, 20, 58, 69 Mmual labourers, I l l
H ~ w r tA
, .M., 1582 Marrisgt
Hutton, I.H., 15, 56rr hj'pargamous, 63,64,93
hypo$amoua, 63.64.93
Individualism. 124 Matrioit, McKim, 17, 18, 127, 1128.
Industrialization, 54. 167 140,145
Sncquality Marsball, T.H., 20
social, 5 Mam, Karl, 6-11, 98-99
status, 213-215 Mathur, K.S., 17
Ishwaran, K., 2120 Mayer, Adrian C., 17, 14h,149n,
203n
Jackson, J.A. 1311 Meyer, K.B.. 12533 .
Jasirdar (i),29-32, 4 4 63, 64, 66, M d t s *lo7
88, 103-105, 187.188 Maton, R.K. U9,130,1B
aboliuon of, 65, 66.136, 13% 149. Mimuon* 162
152, 182,210,212 Mius, C. Wrlgbt, En, 104d
rmdministmtb~ of,103 Mishra, B,Ba, l04n, 1200
Mobility, B8,92, 124-1s. 135, 1%
vitlngts. 1041 186,188
142
Jaipur, 25
@c, 128-130,134,1~5,~4~
Jajmani io m e atructurt, 129,IN 1% 1%
obligations, 174
system,36,72,76,81-88~1~3 143, 144-la
d a t i o n 06 125
Jan Saogh, 194
h t a Party (BKD),1%
at family lev&, fW1* JM, 'dk
143 1%
'mi. P.C.. 23
,;, 1% o+, 1901142, m.
146
K e ~ d 8211,
~ , a wvp of faranla ae~
Xarnio, 1I 5
maha 29,JO lkl, 142
-sly model, 17 laov& & 130
-2% Tw CHANGING RURAL STRATElCATION S%Tl?M

occupational, 148-158, 160, 162, caste, 185, 196-198

164, 167,168 village, 185,189. 198-2M), 211
social. 125-128 Pancbayati hj, 136,198,212
upward, 130-131 Pareto, Vilfredo, I84
upward class, 114 Parochialisation, I46
vcrt~cal,93,130, 142,143, 146 Parsons. Talcott, 1. loan, 13311, 16%
-Modem education. 160 20811
Modernization, 87-88, 94, 108-109, Peallants, 109
148.215 Performaow. 169,175
Moore. Wilbert E., 3, 4 P o c o ~ D.F.,
~ , I6,83,134n
Mosca, Gaetano, 184 PoIitical networks, 201
Mukheiee, Ramkrishna, 20, 21, and power, 201-203
149,210n Pollution, 17.134
hfurwara; 25,51-54 Pollution-purity, 14, 16, 21, 50. GO,
Muslims. 80 a,148,160
Mvrdal, Guonar, 15 Power, 8,14,62, 184,203-203.209
aspirations for office or, 125
N a ~ a71.73.
, 76 attribute of, 183
Newcomb, T.M.. Iln caste and, 210
and class. 210
Occupational economic, 8,74
aspinrions, 166 hierarchy, 103, t84,18S, 193, 196
differentiation, 174 political, 74
di\enificat ion and migration, 162 polilical llenvorks and, 201-201,
167 positions, 192. 193
structure, 54, 128, 136 Power structure, 21, 113, IM,185,
transformation. 163 190
Occupational mobility, 148-160, 162, contemporary, 191,204
164,167,168 runl, 104, 196
attitude towards, 164 and stratltlcation, 190
and caste(s). 155.156 traditional, 185, 190,204
and c W 159, 160 village, 193, 194
and education, I60 and village institutions, 196
merging m d s of, 155 Prajamndal, 119, 191
and sub-urbm-rural d i D ~ c e 5 162
, Praja Parishad, 119
Occlrpations, 167-It% Prnsad, Narmdcrhwar, 1 1511
classification of. 148.14511 Proletarianisetion, J 22
p-t or conhnporay, 150, 131, Proletariat, 7, 9
153
secular. 157 Qua8i-groups. 203
traditianal structW 6,1 4 5 2 ,
155.167 Rajahan, 25, 28-32
Oraas, Martin, 126n Rajputs, 63
Oren~tem,Henry, 17,181 Rameshwar. S.M., 28
-Ossowski, Stanislaw, 100,121a Rampura, 1648,142
tht-g~oug.130 Bckmm, Looaapd. 20
Rtfertnct Gmap(s), 1 2 9 165,
PaWmyat (s), 185.189, I% 205
 behaviour, ID, 136 man=, f 24
I29,130,133, 140,165 bi-~. 3,'20,5&;'69
Reference individo& mabiIl!y,23, '125-KB
negative. 141 rankis& L 15, 23; i ~ 2os,j2ag*
,
positive, 141 214, U S
Refom rnovcmeats, a 3 rektioas, patfern& 0f,,1,.2
Relative deprivatioa. 129.130 etahs-htg& t~
Reward pattern, 3 S d a l structure,31, a, 9 8 . 3 ~ 4J M
Ritual a f e and, 15
feacrts, 214 coucian theory OF, 9
d b g , 84,m treditional, 186 ,
status, 57,64, 134 Socialiration, 175
Ri~lricS.181-182 S ~ m b a r tW.,
, 11
RogoB; Nafalic. 12511 Sorakin. P.A., ,Ian
Roles, 169 s&%MN., 16,7211, 87,9S, 94%
Rowgarh, 25, 32-37 1094 IlSn, 127.130,.194o, 144, Q@
Rowe, William L., 126.127 Sripllram, 211
Ruling nlilrority, 209 Status
Rural class structure, 119 achiaved, 169.205
Rural social system, 22 ascribed, 169,205
caste, 174
Sabatpura, S clam and, 8
.Samyllht Socialist Parry (SSP),194 cumpasite, 171, 208,211
Sanciificabon, 143 composite ranking of, l??t-Ki'$
Sandmitization, 72, 73, 77, 85187, conflict and rivalti% f89
88, 92-94, 129-130, 135, 116, 139, drlerminafim,l2B, ,169, 171, 176,
144-146.206, 214,215 174, 175,182,184, @5-208.212
-Saxme, R.N., 1490 enhnncement, 172,179
.Schumpeter, Jmpb, 3, 4 groupt B ,
Shah, S.M,, 116a bierarcby. 139,170,2(r(1
S h m r , x.L., 3&, 880,106n, 133n, incqualitim. 21% 214
149n,214n, ImrIog of, 109
Sharrrm, K.N.. 19% mobiJity, 193, la, ,2Q8
Sikar, 25 mobility snd c a l t t ~Bbr$ln,
~ I*
*impson, Ricbard L.,5a pos&ioo, 175
Singer, Milton, 126 ranki~g, 169.170.1 f4
Singh, BaUit, 181 ritual, 57,64,134
Singb, Dool, 29.18% 187,191 rivaJrir!s, 180,lH
y ~ ~ d r 2111.
a , 10%. S ~ 160 ~ ~
21% dateduma d-4%
Silverbag, Jm 126, 12701 rivals
t40n slzudprs- of m a 1%
Wal cbanp, Ir 25 stainbB h h la4 &
c m Ion theory of, J.M~.,&
cauflia theory of, 10 ~rramiiop, 1.4, St 4 1%1% $6
&cia1 212
wlq 81,Sf. 89,93t 14%
&an,11
d$&mtiatioo, 3 , 4 150,eOrg
226 THE CHANGING RURAL STRATIFICATION SYSTEM

class, 6 Urbanization, 25,148,1CiZ,I83,197,

functional approach to, 3 21 1,213
functional tbwry of, 3 , 9 , i 2
multi-dienshnal s t u d i e of, 19-21 Valuc system, 42
occupational, 149 Value-orientation patterns, 133
power, 6 Veera raghavan, 178n
and power structure, 190-191 Village (s)
rural, 19nn24,l28,215 administrativesystem, 185
social, 1-6.13, 16,22,31 aristocracy, 204,209
status, 6 B e n d , 20
system, 16,48, 112,113,21~2,213 insritution and powerstnrctwe, 196
urban, 128 Jagirdari, 104,186,1881
Weber's theory of, 8 , 9
Sukhadia, Mohm h l . 202
SaPriori&-inleri0rity, 1. 7. 201 power structure, 193, 1%
Swami, Ramah, 119 Rampura, 16
Swanson, G.E.,l l n Sripuram, 22
Swatantra Party, 194 Tanjore. 20.21
Symbolic juslification. 127 Zamindsri, 104,186, 188
System ofland taure, 31 Vyas, Jai Narain, 119

Warner, W. Lloyd, 20
Tanjore, 23 Weber, Max, 8,P. 15,28,98-99, 103,
Thikmru, 188 184,186
Tod, James, 28 Westernization, 129-130,136
Tradition-mcdcmilycominuum, 214 W i m , W.H., 82
Traditioaalv a l ~ e42
. Wrong, Dennis H.. 5
Traditiodi%ition, 143
Tomin, Melvin M..4,20811 Zamindar(i)a. 29-32,40, 63, 64, 66.
88,103-105,186,188
abolition of,65,66, 136, 138, 149,
Universalization, 146 152,l82.210.212
Uotonchabjljty. 178, 213 v i l l a g g 104,186,108