Unit One

Introducing Anthropology and its Subject Matter

1.1 Definition, Scope and Subject Matter of Anthropology
1.1.1 Definition of Concepts in Anthropology
The term anthropology is a compound of two Greek words, ‗anthropos‗ and ‗logos‗, which can
be translated as ‗human being/mankind‗ and ‗reason/study/science‗ respectively. So,
anthropology means ‗reason about humans‗ or ‗the study or science of humankind or humanity‗.
Moreover, man has two important characteristics: biological and cultural. It is very important to
understand that the biological and the cultural characteristics are inseparable elements. Culture
influences human physical structures and the vise-versa.

Anthropology is the study of people—their origins, their development, and contemporary

variations, wherever and whenever they have been found. It is a broad scientific discipline
dedicated to the comparative study of humans as a group, from its first appearance on earth to its
present stage of development.
In more specific terms, anthropology is the science which:
 investigates the strategies for living that are learned and shared by people as members of
human social groups;
 examines the characteristics that human beings share as members of one species (homo
sapiens) and the diverse ways that people live in different environments;
 analyses the products of social groups: material objects (material cultures) and non-
material creations (religion/beliefs, social values, institutions, practices, etc.).

Anthropology raises philosophical questions, which it tries to respond to by exploring human

lives under different conditions. Anthropology seeks to explain how and why people are both
similar and different through examination of our biological and cultural past and comparative
study of contemporary human societies. The ultimate goal of anthropology is to develop an
integrated picture of humankind—a goal that encompasses an almost infinite number of
questions about all aspects of our existence. We ask, for example, what makes us human? Why
do some groups of people tend to be tall and lanky, while others tend to be short and stocky?
Why do some groups of people practice agriculture, while others hunt for a living?

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As a matter of simplicity and brevity, anthropology primarily offers two kinds of insight. First,
the discipline produces knowledge about the actual biological and cultural variations in the
world; second, anthropology offers methods and theoretical perspectives enabling practitioners
to explore, compare, understand and solve societal problems.

1.1.2 Scope and Subject Matter of Anthropology

The breadth and depth of anthropology is immense; there no time and space left as far as man
exists. In other words, the temporal dimension covers the past, the present and even the future. In
terms of the spatial dimension, anthropology studies from Arctic to Desert, from Mega-polis to
hunting gathering areas. The discipline covers all aspects of human ways of life experiences and
existence, as humans live in a social group. Wherever human beings live, there is always
anthropology.

1.2 Unique Features of Anthropology

There are several distinguishing characteristics that identify anthropology from other disciplines.
Anthropology is unique in its scope, approach, focus and method of study. Anthropology has a
broad scope. It is interested in all human beings, whether contemporary or past, ―primitive‖ or
―civilized‖. It is interested in many different aspects of humans, including their phenotypic
characteristics, family lives, marriages, political systems, economic lives, technology, belief
systems, health care systems, personality types, and languages. No place or time is too remote to
escape the anthropologist's notice. No dimension of human kind, from genes to art styles, is
outside the anthropologist's attention. Indeed, Anthropology is the broad study of human kind,
around the world and throughout time.

The second important feature is its approach. In its approach anthropology is holistic,
relativistic, and focused one. Holistic, in a sense, means that it looks any phenomena from
different vantage points. Accordingly, anthropology considers culture, history, language and
biology essential to a complete understanding of society. The concept of relativism is highly
appreciated in anthological studies. Anthropology tries to study and explain a certain belief,
practice or institution or a group of people in its own context. It does not make value judgment,
i.e., it does not hold the position that a given belief or practice is ‗good‗or ‗bad‘. Anthropology's
comparative perspective helps to understand differences and similarities among human beings
across time and place.
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Another important perspective is a way of looking at people's ideas. It considers insiders' views
as a primary focus of any anthropological inquiry. Anthropological studies give attention to how
people perceive themselves and understand their world; how a particular group of people explain
about their action, or give meaning to their behaviour or cultural practices. This is what
anthropologists call an emic perspective. It helps to understand the logic and justification behind
group behavior and cultural practices.

Another important unique feature of anthropology is its research approach. Anthropology is

highly dependent on qualitative research to understand the meaning behind any human activity.
Extended fieldwork, participant observation, in-depth and key informant interviews and focus-
group discussion are qualitative research instruments to explore change and continuities in
human societies. Ethnographic fieldwork is an important strategy which normally requires
spending a year or more with research subjects and document realities occurring across time. For
most anthropologists, fieldwork is a process requiring them to „tune-in; hangout; and hang-on‟
to the societies and cultures they are interested to study.

Focusing more on the local than the big social processes has been another exclusive approach
in the discipline. Paying great attention to local or micro-social processes certainly helps us to
better understand big changes in societies. A detailed account of an event or a phenomenon
discovers multiple realities in a community.

1.3 Misconceptions about Anthropology

Misconception about anthropology is that anthropology is limited to the study of "primitive"

societies; only study the rural parts and fossil evidences of the proto-humans like that of
Lucy/Dinkinesh. Indeed, most of the works done by anthropologists during early periods
focused on isolated, so called "primitive", small scale societies, most of the studies conducted
during the formative years (when it was undergoing a process of development to be become a
separate fields of study) of the discipline focused on rural areas and it is true that anthropology is
interested in the question of the origin of modern human beings. However, anthropologists
nowadays study most advanced and most complex urban societies as well. Anthropology studies
both the biological and the cultural aspects of humans and examines the existing human physical
and biological variations and cultural diversity.

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It is also misconceived that the purpose of anthropology is to study and preserve communities far
from development and obsolete cultural practices in museums. Rather, anthropologists duties are
to support those communities' capacity to empower themselves in development processes. They
assist peoples' initiatives instead of imposed policies and ideas coming from outside and play
active roles in bringing about positive change and development in their own lives.

1.4 Contributions of Anthropology

By studying anthropology, we get the following benefits, among others.
First, the anthropological perspective, with its emphasis on the comparative study of cultures,
should lead us to the conclusion that our culture is just one way of life among many found in the
world, and that it represents one way (among many possible ways) to adapt to a particular set of
environmental conditions. Through the process of contrasting and comparing, we gain a fuller
understanding of other cultures and our own.

Second, anthropology gives us an insight into different ways and modes of life of human society
(social and cultural diversity), which helps to understand the logic and justification behind group
behavior and cultural practices. Knowledge about the rest of the world is particularly important
today because the world has become increasingly interconnected.

Because of its relativistic approach, anthropology helps us to be more sensitive to and

appreciative of cultural diversity and variability. It helps us to avoid some of the
misunderstandings that commonly arise when individuals of different cultural traditions come
into contact. Anthropology helps us fight against prejudice and discriminations. It helps us fight
against ethnocentrism: the belief that one's own culture and one's own way of life is superior to
others cultural, social and material lives.

Anthropology, in its applied perspective, is also used as a tool for development. Paying attention
to local conditions is crucial to solve community problems. The application of anthropological
knowledge and research results has become important element to ensure people‗s rights in
development and to be able to sustain a project‗s life. Anthropologists recognizes the advantages
of consulting local people to design a culturally appropriate and socially sensitive change, and
protect local people from harmful policies and projects that threaten them. In general,
anthropology is able to suggest sound solutions to all things human.

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 Unit Two
Sub-fields of Anthropology
Anthropology is often divided into four major subfields: Physical/Biological Anthropology,
Archeology, Linguistic Anthropology and Socio-Cultural Anthropology. Each sub-field is
further divided into a number of specialization areas some of which are indicated in Fig. 1.

• Biological Anth. • Prehistoric Archeology

• Primatology • Classical Archeology
• Forensic anth. • Urban Archeology
• Human ecology Physical
Anthropol Archeology
ogy

Linguistic Cultural
Anthropol Anthropol
ogy ogy
• Structural ling. • Ecological Anth.
• Morphology • Political Anth.
• Sociolinguistics • Urban Anth.

Figure 1: Branches of anthropology

2.1 Physical Anthropology

Physical anthropology is the branch of anthropology most closely related to the natural sciences,
particularly biology; that is why it is often called biological anthropology. Unlike comparative
biologists, physical anthropologists study how culture and environment have influenced these
two areas of biological evolution and contemporary variations. Human biology affects or even
explains some aspects of behavior, society, and culture like marriage patterns, sexual division of
labor, gender ideology etc. The features of culture in turn have biological effects like the
standards of attractiveness, food preferences, and human sexuality. Biological variations such as
morphology/structure, color, and size are reflections of changes in living organism. Since change
occurs in the universe, it also applies in human beings.

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Human biological variations are the result of the cumulative processes of invisible changes
occurring in every fraction of second in human life. These changes have been accumulated and
passed through genes. Genes are characteristics that carry biological traits of an organism,
including human beings. The major sources of biological variations are derived from the
interrelated effects of natural selection, geographical isolation, genetic mutations.

Physical anthropology is essentially concerned with two broad areas of investigation: human
evolution and genetics. Human evolution is the study of the gradual processes of simple forms
into more differentiated structures in hominid. It is interested in reconstructing the evolutionary
record of the human species using fossils/bones. Human evolution is further divided into two
specialties: Paleoanthropology and Primatology. Palaeoanthropology (paleo meaning ―old‖) is
the study of human biological evolution through the analysis of fossil remains from prehistoric
times to determine the missing link that connect modern human with its biological ancestors.
Primatology studies about primates or recent human ancestors to explain human evolution.
Primatologists study the anatomy and social behavior of such non-human primate species as
gorillas and chimpanzees in an effort to gain clues about our own evolution as a species.

Human genetics concerns to investigate how and why the physical traits of contemporary human
populations vary throughout the world. It focuses to examine the genetic materials of an
organism such as DNA and RNA. In addition, genetic studies are crucial in understanding –how
evolution works and plays important role in identifying the genetic source of some hereditary
disease like sickle cell anemia and cystic fibrosis.

2.2 Archaeological Anthropology

Archaeological anthropology or simply archaeology studies the ways of lives of past peoples by
excavating and analysing the material culture/physical remains (artefacts, features and eco-facts)
they left behind. Artefacts are material remains made and used by the past peoples and that can
be removed from the site and taken to the laboratory for further analysis. Tools, ornaments,
arrowheads, coins, and fragments of pottery are examples of artifacts. Features are like artifacts,
are made or modified by past people, but they cannot be readily carried away from the site.
Archaeological features include such things as house foundations, ancient buildings, fireplaces,
steles, and postholes. Eco-facts are non-artefactual, organic and environmental remains such as
soil, animal bones, and plant remainsthat were not made or altered by humans; but were used by

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them. Eco-facts provide archaeologists with important data concerning the environment and how
people used natural resources in the past.

Archaeology has also its own subfields or areas of specialties. The most important ones are -
Prehistoric Archaeology and Historical Archaeology. Prehistoric archaeology investigates
human prehistory and prehistoric cultures. It focuses on entire period between 6,000 years ago
and the time of the first stone tools (the first artifacts), around 2.5 million years ago, is called
prehistory. Historic archaeologists help to reconstruct the cultures of people who used writing
and about whom historical documents have been written. Historic archaeology takes advantage
of the fact that about 6,000 years ago, some human groups invented language and began to write
down things that can tell about the past.

2.3 Linguistic Anthropology

Linguistic anthropology generally focuses on the evolution of languages by studying
contemporary human languages as well as those of the past. It studies how language is used
within a society, and how the human brain acquires and uses languages. It tries to understand
languages variation in their structures, units, and grammatical formations. It gives special
attention to the study of unwritten languages. Language is a key to explore a culture.

Indeed, linguistic anthropology or anthropological linguistics studies human language as a

cultural resource and speaking as a cultural practice in its social and cultural context, across
space and time. Language is basically a system of information transmission and reception.
Humans communicate messages by sound (speech), by gesture (body language), and in other
visual ways such as writing. Analogous to genes that carry and transmit genetic materials to
descendants, languages hand down cultural traits from one generation to another. In fact, some
would argue that language is the most distinctive feature of being human. Although animals
could develop certain behaviors through conditioning that mimic to humans, they do not have a
capacity to pass on their own offspring. This is the boundary between human beings and other
animals including higher primates. Linguistic anthropology which studies contemporary human
languages as well as those of the past is divided into four distinct branches or areas of research:
Structural or Descriptive Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Ethno-Linguistics, and Socio-
linguistics.

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Structural /Descriptive Linguistics: -studies the structure of linguistic patterns. Structural
linguistics studies grammatical patterns of languages to identify the similarities and differences
among contemporary languages. It examines sound systems, grammatical systems, and the
meanings attached to words in specific languages to understand the structure and set of rules of
given language.

Ethno-linguistics (cultural linguistics): examines the relationship between language and

culture. In any language, certain cultural aspects that are emphasized (such as types of snow
among the Inuit, cows among the pastoral Maasai, or automobiles in U.S. culture) are reflected
in the vocabulary. Moreover, cultural linguists explore how different linguistic categories can
affect how people categorize their experiences, how they think, and how they perceive the world
around them.

Historical linguistics: - deals with the emergence of language in general and how specific
languages have diverged over time. It focuses on the comparison and classifications of different
languages to differentiate the historical links between them.

Socio-linguistics: - Sociolinguistics examines how the use of language defines social groups. It
investigates linguistic variation within a given language. No language is a homogeneous system
in which everyone speaks just like everyone else. One reason for variation is geography, as in
regional dialects and accents. Linguistic variation also is expressed in the bilingualism of ethnic
groups.

2.4 Socio-Cultural Anthropology

It is also often called social anthropology or cultural anthropology. Socio-cultural anthropology

is the largest sub-fields of anthropology. It deals with human society and culture. Society is the
group of people who have similar ways of life, but culture is a way of life of a group of people.
Society and culture are two sides of the same coin. Socio-cultural anthropology describes,
analyzes, interprets, and explains social, cultural and material life of contemporary human
societies. It studies the social (human relations), symbolic or nonmaterial (religious, language,
and any other symbols) and material (all man-made objects) lives of living peoples.

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Socio-cultural anthropologists engage in two aspects of study: Ethnography (based on field
work) and Ethnology (based on cross-cultural comparison). Ethnography provides a
comprehensive account of a particular community, society, or culture. It describes the features of
specific cultures in as much detail as possible including local behavior, beliefs, customs, social
life, economic activities, politics, and religion. These detailed descriptions (ethnographies) are
the result of extensive field studies (usually a year or two, in duration) in which the
anthropologist observes, talks to, and lives with the people he or she is studying. During
ethnographic fieldwork, the anthropologist (ethnographer) gathers data that he or she organizes,
describes, analyzes, and interprets to build and present that account, which may be in the form of
a book, article, or film.

Ethnology is the comparative study of contemporary cultures and societies, wherever they may
be found. It examines, interprets, analyzes, and compares the results of ethnography the data
gathered in different societies. It uses such data to compare and contrast and to make
generalizations about society and culture.

Ethnography Ethnology

Requires fieldwork to collect data Use data collected by a series of researchers

Often descriptive Usually synthetic
Group/ community specific Comparative/ cross cultural

Socio cultural anthropology sub-divided into many other specialized fields as: Anthropology of
Art, Medical Anthropology, Urban Anthropology, Economic Anthropology, Political
Anthropology, Development Anthropology, Anthropology of Religion, Demographic
Anthropology, Ecological Anthropology, Psychological Anthropology, Ethnomusicology, etc.
All of them are considered to be the applied areas of anthropology.

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2.5 Applied Anthropology

Applied anthropology, the application of anthropological knowledge, methods and approaches to

the solving of human problems, is often now seen as a fifth major branch of anthropology,
although it is not well-established as the traditionally known four fields.

Applied anthropology involves the use of data gathered in other subfields of anthropology in an
endeavor to tackle contemporary societal problems. Anthropologists have increasingly become
concerned with practically dealing with human problems. The problems may include:
environmental, technological, economic, social, political or cultural. Applied anthropologist now
work in quite many areas of relevance such as education, mass medical, medicine, development,
business, agriculture, crime and urban poverty, etc.

2.6 Human socio-cultural and biological diversity & similarities

What is to be human?

Anthropology is a broader discipline covering a vast spatio-temporal dimension in the study

of humanity. It is the most holistic discipline studying human beings comprehensively.
Anthropology‗s four major branches bridge the natural sciences, the humanities and the social
sciences. They touch virtually on every aspect human beings. In this regard, the largest two
branches of anthropology: the socio-cultural and biological/physical cover the two essential
dimensions of humanity: socio-cultural and biological diversity and similarities.

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Since anthropology studies humanity in its entirety, it is often called a mirror of humanity. As
Kluckhohn correctly pointed out "Anthropology holds up a great mirror to man and lets him
look at himself in his infinite variety." In this case, anthropology helps human beings to look
into themselves by searching for answers to questions that challenge us.

The comparative approach, which is also known as cultural relativism, entails that
cultures shouldn't be compared to one another for the sake of saying one is better than
the other. Instead cultures should be compared in order to understand how and why
they differ and share commonalties with each other. The comparative approach or
cultural relativism encourages us not to make moral judgments about different
kinds of humanity, and it examines cultures on their own and from the
perspective of their unique history and origin.

Evolution is another key concept in anthropology which, together with the cultural
relativism allows us to address the afore-mentioned fundamental questions
regarding our distant origin, current stage of growth, forms of adaptation, and
predict future direction of development. By studying evolution, the change of
species through time, anthropologists treat humanity as one of the biological species
in the animal kingdom.

In this respect, human biology and culture have evolved over millions of years and they
will continue to evolve together. Human biology affects human culture; and
similarly, human culture affects human biology. One example of this is that the brain
size of humans has become larger over millions of years of evolution, and this is
considered biological change. The change in human brain has brought cultural
changes in terms of increased intelligence, language and even the emergence of
writing. This is why anthropologists use the term bio-cultural to describe the
dual nature of human evolution: both biological and cultural dimensions.
Human beings are described as a bio-cultural animal.

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Humanity is the most common term we to use to refer to human beings. Humanity
stands for the human species, a group of life forms with the following characteristics:

 Bipedalism (walking on two legs);

 Relatively small teeth for primates of our size;
 Relatively large brains for primates of our size;
 Using modern language to communicate ideas; and
 Using complex sets of ideas called culture to survive.

Humanity is a general term that doesn‗t specify whether you‗re talking about males, females,
adults, or children; it simply means our species- Homo sapiens sapiens- at large. The term
humanity can be applied to modern humans (Homo sapiens sapiens) as well as some of our
most recent ancestors, placed more generally in Homo sapiens, without the subspecies (the
second sapiens) suffix. Exactly when Homo sapiens evolved into Homo sapiens sapiens is a
complex question based on when humans became anatomically modern and when they became
behaviorally modern.

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 Unit Three
Human Culture and Ties that Connect Society
3.1 Conceptualizing Culture: What Culture is and What Culture isn't

The term culture is used with various meanings in common-sense. It is an extremely broad
concept. British anthropologist Edward B. Tylor defined culture as ―a complex whole which
includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits
acquired by man as a member of society‖. B. Malinowski has defined culture ―as cumulative
creation of man". He regarded culture as the handiwork of man and the medium through which
he achieves his ends. Robert Bierstedt says, ―Culture is the complex whole that consists of
everything we think and do and have as members of society.‖

Combining several of these definitions, we may define culture as the common way of life shared
by a group of people. It includes all things beyond nature and biology. Culture encompasses
everything humans create and have as they interact together.

Culture shapes the way we see the world; it impacts how we think, how we act, What we value,
how we talk, The organizations we create, The rituals we hold, The laws we make, How and
what we worship, What we eat, what we wear, And what we think of as beautiful or ugly etc.

3.2 Characteristic Features of Culture

a) Culture Is Socially Learned: Culture is not transmitted genetically; rather it is acquired
through the process of learning or interacting with one‗s environment
b) Culture Is Shared: Culture belongs to a society not to individuals. For a thing, idea, or
behavior pattern to qualify as being ―cultural‖ it must have a shared meaning by at least two
people within a society. Without shared culture members of a society would be unable to
communicate and cooperate hence confusion and disorder world result.
c) Culture Is Symbolic: Symbolic thought is unique and crucial to humans and to cultural
learning. A symbol is something verbal or nonverbal, within a particular language or culture
that comes to stand for something else. There would be no obvious, natural, or necessary
connection between the symbol and what it symbolizes.

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d) Culture Is All-Encompassing: Culture encompasses all aspects, which affect people in their
everyday lives. It is a complete design of living encompassing what societies have, do/make
and think. Culture is the sum total of human creation.
e) Culture Is Integrated: Cultures are not haphazard collections of customs and beliefs.
Instead, culture should be thought as of integrated wholes, the parts of which, to some
degree, are interconnected with one another. When we view cultures as integrated systems,
we can begin to see how particular culture traits fit into the whole system and, consequently,
how they tend to make sense within that context.
f) Culture Can Be Adaptive and Maladaptive: People adapt themselves to the environment
using culture. Sometimes, adaptive behaviour that offers short-term benefits to particular
subgroups or individuals may harm the environment and threaten the group's long-term
survival. Example: By-products of "beneficial" technology like chemical emissions increase
air pollution, deplete the ozone layer, and contribute to global warming. Many cultural
patterns such as overconsumption and pollution appear to be maladaptive in the long run.
g) Culture is Dynamic: There are no cultures that remain completely static year after year.
Culture is changing constantly as new ideas and new techniques are added as time passes
modifying or changing the old ways.

3.3 Aspects/Elements of Culture

Two of the most basic aspects of culture are material and nonmaterial culture.

3.3.1 Material culture

Material culture consists of human-made objects such as tools, implements, furniture,
automobiles, buildings, dams, roads, bridges, and in fact, the physical substance which has been
changed and used by man. It is referred to as civilization.

3.3.2 Non – Material Culture

The term ‗culture‘ when used in the ordinary sense, means ‘non-material culture‘. It is something
internal and intrinsically valuable, reflects the inward nature of man. Non-material culture
consists of language, beliefs, values, habits, rituals and practices people do and the ceremonies
they observe. It also includes our customs and tastes, attitudes and outlook, in brief, our ways of
acting, feeling and thinking.

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Values: Values are the standards by which members of a society define what is good or bad,
beautiful or ugly.

Beliefs: Beliefs are cultural conventions that concern true or false assumptions, specific
descriptions of the nature of the universe and humanity‗s place in it. Values are generalized
notions of what is good and bad; beliefs are more specific and, in form at least, have more
content. ―Education is good‖ is a fundamental value in American society, whereas ―Grading is
the best way to evaluate students‖ is a belief that reflects assumptions about the most appropriate
way to determine educational achievement.

Norms: Norms are shared rules or guidelines that define how people ―ought‖ to behave under
certain circumstances. Norms are generally connected to the values, beliefs, and ideologies of a
society. Norms vary in terms of their importance to a culture, these are:

a) Folkways: Refers to norms guiding ordinary usages and conventions of everyday life.
These are norms that are not strictly enforced, such as not leaving your seat for an elderly
people inside a bus/taxi. They may result in a person getting a bad look.
b) Mores: Mores (pronounced MOR-ays) are much stronger norms than are folkways.
Mores are norms that are believed to be essential to core values and we insist on
conformity. A person who steals, rapes, and kills has violated some of society‗s most
important mores. People who violate mores are usually severely punished. It may take the
form of ostracism, vicious gossip, public ridicule, exile, loss of one‗s job, physical
beating, imprisonment, commitment to a mental asylum, or even execution.

3.4 Cultural Unity & Variations: Universality, Generality & Particularity

a) Universality: Universals are cultural traits that span across all cultures. E.g. Family
organization and incest taboo, exogamy (marriage outside one‗s group).
b) Generality: Generalities are cultural traits that occur in many societies but not all of
them. E.g., farming and nuclear family.
c) Particularity: Trait of a culture that is not widespread. Cultural particulars include the
specific practices that distinguish cultures form one another. For example all people
become hungry but the potential food sources defined as edible vary across cultures, i.e.
what is appealing to eat in one society may be considered repulsive or simply
unbelievable in another ( for example donkey meat in Ethiopia).

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3.5 Evaluating Cultural Differences: Ethnocentrism, Cultural Relativism and
Human Rights

A) Ethnocentrism: The common response in all societies to other cultures is to judge them
in terms of the values and customs of their own familiar culture. Ethnocentrism refers to
the tendency to see the behaviors, beliefs, values, and norms of one's own group as the
only right way of living and to judge others by those standards. It is thinking that one‘s
own way of life is right, correct, superior and appropriate while others way of life is
incorrect, wrong, and inferior to their own way of life. It is a cultural universal. Alien
cultural traits are often viewed as being not just different but inferior, less sensible, and
even ―unnatural‖.
Ethnocentrism results in prejudices about people from other cultures and the rejection of
their "alien ways." Our ethnocentrism can prevent us from understanding and
appreciating another culture. When there is contact with people from other cultures,
ethnocentrism can prevent open communication and result in misunderstanding and
mistrust. This would be highly counterproductive for businessmen trying to negotiate a
trade deal, professionals who work in areas other than their own or even just neighbors
trying to get along with each other.

B) Cultural relativism: The concept of cultural relativism states that cultures differ, so that
a cultural trait, act, or idea has no meaning but its meaning only within its cultural setting.
It describes a situation where there is an attitude of respect for cultural differences rather
than condemning other people's culture as uncivilized or backward. It is recognizing that
what is immoral, ethical, and acceptable in one culture may not be so in another culture.
C) Human rights: In today's world, human rights advocates challenge many of the tenets of
cultural relativism. Many anthropologists are uncomfortable with the strong form of
cultural relativism that suggests that all patterns of culture are equally valid. What if the
people practice slavery, violence against women, torture, or genocide? Human rights
include the right to speak freely, to hold religious beliefs without persecution, and to not
be murdered, injured, or enslaved or imprisoned without charge. Such rights are seen as
inalienable (nations cannot abridge or terminate them) and international (larger than and
superior to individual nations and cultures).

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3.6 Culture Change

Culture changes in several ways over time. Culture change can occur as a result of the following
Mechanisms:

I. Diffusion: is the process of borrowing culture traits, complexes or patterns from other
societies. It could be :
a) Direct – through war, trade, migration, etc
b) Indirect – though radio, television, reading materials etc.
II. Acculturation is the exchange of cultural features that results when groups have
continuous firsthand contact. The cultures of either or both groups may be changed by
this contact. This usually happens in situations of trade or colonialism. In situations of
continuous contact, cultures have also exchanged and blended foods, recipes, music,
dances, clothing, tools, and technologies.
III. Invention- discovery of new culture. It could be:
a) Primary- Discovery for the 1st time
b) Secondary- improvement of those inventions, which already existed.
IV. Globalization: The term globalization encompasses a series of processes, including
diffusion and acculturation, working to promote change in a world in which nations
and people are increasingly interlinked and mutually dependent. Due to globalization,
long-distance communication is easier, faster, and cheaper than ever, and extends to
remote areas. The mass media help propel a globally spreading culture of
consumption.
Culture Lag is change in material culture much faster than non-materials culture. The
opposite of culture lag is culture lead. It is change in non-material culture much faster than
material culture. On the other hand, change in nonmaterial culture leads change in material
culture.

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3.7 Ties That Connect: Marriage, Family and Kinship
3.7.1 Marriage

The ritual of marriage marks a change in status for a man and a woman and the acceptance by
society of the new family that is formed. Frequently, anthropologists have debated whether or
not families and the institutions of marriage are universals. One interesting case is that the Nayar
of Southern India, did not have marriage in the conventional sense of the term. Although teenage
Nayar girls took a ritual husband in a public ceremony, the husband took no responsibility for the
woman after the ceremony, and frequently he never saw her again. Thus the Nayar do not have
marriage according to our definition in that there is no economic cooperation, regulation of
sexual activity, cohabitation, or expectation of permanency.

3.7.1.1 Rules of Marriage

Societies also have rules that state whom one can and cannot marry and some type of rules
regulating mating (sexual intercourse). The most common form of prohibition is mating with
certain type of kin that are defined by the society as being inappropriate sexual partners. This
prohibition on mating with certain categories of relatives is known as incest taboo. The most
universal form of incest taboo involves mating between members of the immediate (nuclear)
family: mother-sons, father-daughters, and brother-sisters. Marriage is, therefore, a permanent
legal union between a man and a woman. It is an important institution without which the society
could never be sustained.

3.7.1.2 Mate Selection: Whom Should You Marry?

In a society one cannot marry anyone whom he or she likes. There are certain strict rules and
regulations.

a) Exogamy: This is the rule by which a man is not allowed to marry someone from his
own social group. Such prohibited union is designated as incest.
b) Endogamy: A rule of endogamy requires individuals to marry within their own group
and forbids them to marry outside it. Religious groups such as the Amish, Mormons,
Catholics, and Jews have rules of endogamy, though these are often violated when
marriage takes place outside the group.

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3.7.1.3 Number of spouses

Societies have rules regulating whom one may/may not marry; they have rules specifying how
many mates a person may/should have.
Monogamy: the marriage of one man to one woman at a time.
Polygamy, i.e., marriage of a man or woman with two or more mates. Polygamy can be
of two types:
o Polygyny: the marriage of a man to two or more women at a time. Marriage of a
man with two or more sisters at a time is called sororal polygyny. When the co-
wives are not sisters, the marriage is termed as non-sororal polygyny.
o Polyandy: the marriage of a woman to two or more men at a time.
Advantages and Disadvantages of Polygamous marriage
Having two/more wives is often seen as a sign of prestige.
Having multiple wives means wealth, power, and status both for the
polygnous husband, wives and children.
It produces more children, who are considered valuable for future economic
and political assets.
Economic advantage: It encourages to work hard (more cows, goats..) for
more wives
The Drawbacks of Polygyny: Jealousy among the co-wives who frequently
compete for the husband‗s attention.

3.7.1.4 Economic Consideration of Marriage

Transfer of rights between the parties like rights of sexual access, legal rights to children, and
rights of the spouses to each other‗s economic goods and services is often accompanied by the
transfer of some type of economic consideration. It can be divided into three categories: 1) Bride
Price/wealth, 2) Bride Service and 3) Dowry
1) Bride Price: It is also known as bride wealth, is the compensation given upon marriage
by the family of the groom to the family of the bride.
2) Bride Service: When the groom works for his wife‗s family, this is known as bride
service.
3) Dowry: A dowry involves a transfer of goods or money in the opposite direction, from
the bride's family to the groom‗s family.

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3.7.1.5 Post-Marital Residence
Where the newly married couple lives after the marriage ritual is governed by cultural rules,
which are referred to as post-marital residence rule.
o Patrilocal Residence: couple lives with or near the relatives of the husband‗s father.
o Matrilocal Residence: the married couple lives with or near the relatives of the wife.
o Avunculocal Residence: couple lives with or near the husband‗s mother‗s brother.
o Ambilocal/Bilocal Residence: The married couple has a choice of living with relatives of
the wife or relatives of the husband
o Neolocal Residence: The Married couple forms an independent place of residence away
from the relatives of either spouse.

3.7.2 Family
Family can be defined as relationships, in which people live together with commitment, form
an economic unit and care for any young, and consider their identity to be significantly
attached to the group. Sexual expression and parent-children relationships are a part of most,
but not all, family relationships. Family is the basis of human society. It is the most important
primary group in society. The family, as an institution, is universal. It is the most permanent and
most pervasive of all social institutions. The interpersonal relationships within the family make
the family an endurable social unit. Cultural anthropologists have identified two fundamentally
different types of family structure-the nuclear family and the extended family.

1. The Nuclear Family:

Consisting of husband and wife and their children, the nuclear family is a two-generation
family formed around the conjugal or marital union.
2. The Extended Family
In societies based on extended families, blood ties are more important than ties of
marriage. Extended families consist of two or more families that are linked by blood ties.
Most commonly, this takes the form of a married couple living with one or more of their
married children in a single household or homestead and under the authority of a family
head. It is important to point out that in extended family systems, marriage is viewed
more as bringing a daughter into the family than acquiring a wife.

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3.7.2.1 Functions of Marriage and Family
Family performs certain specific functions which can be summarized as follows:
1. Biological Function: The institution of marriage and family serves biological (sexual
and reproductive) function for perpetuating the population of a society.
2. Economic Function: Marriage brings economic co-operation between men and women
and ensures survival of individuals in a society.
3. Social Function: Marriage brings with it the creation and perpetuation of the family, the
form of person to person relations and linking one‗s kin group to another kin group.
4. Educational and Socialization Function: Through processes of enculturation and
education family teach and children learn knowledge, culture & values of the society.

3.7.3 Kinship
Kinship is the method of reckoning relationship. In any society every adult individual belongs to
two different nuclear families. The family in which s/he was born and reared is called „family of
orientation„. The other family to which /she establishes relation through marriage is called
„family of procreation‟. A kinship system is neither a social group nor does it correspond to
organized aggregation of individuals. It is a structured system of relationships where individuals
are bound together by complex interlocking and ramifying ties. The relationship based on blood
ties is called “consanguineous kinship”, and the relatives of this kind are called
―consanguineous kin‖. The desire for reproduction gives rise to another kind of binding
relationship. ―This kind of bond, which arises out of marital relationship, is called affinal
relationship‖, and the relatives so related are called „affinal kin‟.

3.7.4 Descent
Descent refers to the social recognition of the biological relationship that exists between the
individuals. The rule of descent refers to a set of principles by which an individual traces his
descent. Succession and inheritance are related to this rule of descent.
1. Patrilineal descent: Descent is traced solely through the male line. A man‗s sons and
daughters all belong to the same descent group by birth, but it is only the sons who continue
the affiliation. Succession and inheritance pass through the male line.
2. Matrilineal descent: Descent is traced solely through the female line. At birth, children of
both sexes belong to mother‗s descent group, but later only females acquire the succession
and inheritance.
3. Cognatic Descent: There is no fixed rule to trace the succession and inheritance. Individuals
are free to show their genealogical links either through men or women.

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 Unit Four
Marginalized, Minorities, and Vulnerable Groups
4.1 Definition of concepts
Marginalization is defined as a treatment of a person or social group as minor, insignificant or
peripheral. Marginalization involves exclusion of certain groups from social interactions,
marriage relations, sharing food and drinks, and working and living together.

Who are mostly marginalized? There are marginalized social groups in every society and culture.
Women, children, older people, and people with disabilities are among marginalized groups
across the world. The nature and level of marginalization varies from society to society as a
result of cultural diversity. Religious, ethnic, and racial minorities are also among social groups
marginalized in different societies and cultures. Crafts workers such as tanners, potters, and
ironsmiths are marginalized in Ethiopia and other parts of the world.

Vulnerability refers to the state of being exposed to physical or emotional injuries. Vulnerable
groups are people exposed to possibilities of attack, harms or mistreatment. As a result,
vulnerable persons/groups need special attention, protection and support. For example, children
and people with disabilities need special support and protection as they are exposed to risks and
neglect because of their age and disabilities. Universities have introduced special needs
education for students with disabilities to give them special support.

Minority groups: refers to a small group of people within a community, region, or country.
Minority groups can be ethnic minorities, religious minorities, or racial minorities in a given
community, region or country. There are different forms of marginalization.

4.2 Gender-based marginalization

Gender-based marginalization is closely related to gender inequality which involves
discrimination on a group of people based on their gender. Gender inequality mainly arises from
socio-cultural norms. Girls and women face negative discrimination in societies across the world.
Women are exposed to social and economic inequalities involving unfair distribution of wealth,
income and job opportunities. Gender disparities in education is a good example. Women do not
enjoy equal employment opportunities. They do not have equal rights in terms of property
ownership and inheritance in many cultures in Ethiopia and other parts of Africa. Women and

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girls are also vulnerable to gender-based violence such as rape, child marriage, abduction/forced
marriage, domestic violence and female genital cutting/mutilation that affect the health and
wellbeing of girls and women.

4.3 Marginalized Occupational Groups

In Ethiopia craft-workers produce several articles such as traditional hand-woven clothes,
household utensils, and farm tools. Weavers produce cultural clothes highly demanded by
thousands and millions of people. Tanners make leather products that serve community
members. Ironsmiths serve rural communities by producing farming tools such as plough shares,
sickles, and hoes. Ethiopia families widely use household utensils (e.g., knives and axes) made
by ironsmiths. Potters produce pottery articles essential for food processing and serving and
fetching water. Despite their important contributions, all these groups are marginalized from the
wider society, considered inferior, excluded from social interactions and lead a life of paradoxes.

Types and manifestations of marginalization of craft-workers

Type of
Marginalization Manifestations of Marginalization
Craft-workers settle/live on the outskirts of villages, near to forests, on poor
land, around steep slopes.
Spatial
They are segregated at market places (they sell their goods at the outskirts of
marginalization markets).
When they walk along the road, they are expected to give way for others and
walk on the lower side of the road.
Economic Craft-workers are excluded from certain economic activities including
production and exchanges. In some cultures they are not allowed to cultivate
marginalization
crops.
They have a limited access to land and land ownership.
Social Craft-workers are excluded from intermarriage, they do not share burial
places with others; they are excluded from membership of associations such
marginalization
as iddirs.
When marginalized groups are allowed to participate in social events, they
must sit on the floor separately-sometimes outside the house or near the
door.
Cultural Occupational minorities are labelled as impure and polluting; they are
accused of eating animals that have died without being slaughtered;
marginalization
Occupational minorities are also considered unreliable, lacking morality,
respect and shame.
Source: Dena Freeman and Alula Pankhurst (2001)

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4.4 Age-based vulnerability
Age-based vulnerability is susceptibility of people, especially children and older people, to
different forms of attack, physical injuries, mistreatment and emotional harms.

4.4.1 Children: Discrimination and vulnerability

Children are among vulnerable groups exposed to harm because of their age. Both boys and girls
are exposed to some harm and abuse in the hands of older people. However, younger girls are
exposed to double marginalization and discrimination because of the gender. Girls are exposed to
harmful traditional practices (HTPs) such as female genital mutilation/cutting and inter into
early/child marriage when they are too young to give their consent to get married in many parts
of Ethiopia. Child marriage inhibits girls' personal development, hinders their chance to
education and future professional development; exposes young girls to sexual abuse by their
older husbands; leads to early pregnancies, which increases risks of diseases and complications
during delivery, fistula, and death of the mother or child.

According to international human rights conventions, child marriage is regarded as violation of

the rights of the child. Child marriage is an illegal practice according to the Criminal Code of
Ethiopia. Despite these legal restrictions, however, child marriage is still practiced in different
regions of the country. Social norms and economic factors are the two main drivers of early
marriage. Chastity of girls, incline to avoid the possibility of pre-marital sex and pregnancy and
social pressure including insulting unmarried young girls are among drivers of early marriage. In
many areas of Ethiopia marriage provides economic security for young girls. Hence, parents, in
some cases girls, support child marriage for economic benefits such as access to land and other
resources. Parents‗ desire to get a good husband for their daughter is also another reason.

4.4.2 Marginalization of older persons

Ageism is a widely observed social problem in the world. Ageism refers to stereotyping,
prejudice, and discrimination against people based on their age. Now days, older people are
being excluded from social, cultural, political and economic interactions in their communities.
Older persons are marginalized because they are considered as social burden rather than social
assets. Care and support for older men and women tend to decline as younger people migrate to
urban areas and exposed to economic pressure and new life styles.

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4.5 Religious and ethnic minorities
Religious and ethnic minorities groups also face different forms of marginalization. Let us
mention two widely known examples.
The Jewish people suffered from discrimination and persecution in different parts of the
world. They were targets of extermination in Germany and other Western European
countries because of their identity.
Muslim Rohingyas are among the most marginalized and persecuted people in the world.
The problem is not limited to specific areas, regions or countries. Although the level of the
problem varies in different contexts, religious and ethnic minorities face different forms of
discrimination in many parts of the world.

4.6 Human right approaches and inclusiveness: Anthropological perspectives

All forms of marginalization and discrimination against vulnerable and minority groups
contradict the principles of human rights. The major human rights conventions denounce
discrimination against women, children, people with disability, older people and other minority
and vulnerable groups. All of these categories have the right to inclusive services and equal
opportunities and to be free from harmful traditional practices; and any form of discrimination,
exclusion, and violence against them violate the human rights.

Anthropology appreciates cultural diversity and commonality. Do you remember the meaning of
cultural relativism? It also requires avoiding value judgments such as saying ‗this custom is
backward or primitive‘. This does not mean that we need to appreciate every custom and
practice. Anthropologists do not support/appreciate customary practices that violate the rights
and wellbeing of individuals and groups. For example, anthropologists do not support the
following harmful practices in the name of cultural relativism:

Female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C): Anthropologists do not support FGM/C

for practical reasons: FGM/C violates the rights of girls to physical integrity. It has short
and long term consequences for the health of girls and women.
Early/child marriage: Anthropologists do not support child marriage for similar
reasons: Child marriage violates the rights of young girls to make decision about their
future. It destroys their chance to education, and personal and professional development.
Child marriage negatively affects their physical and psychological wellbeing.
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 Unit Five
Inter-Ethnic Relations, Identity and Multiculturalism in Ethiopia
5.1 Ethnic Groups and Ethnic Identity
Ethnic Group
Notably, the term ‗ethnic group‗ is attached with various meanings.. Scholars have been trying to
conceptualize it from different perspectives and as a result, different definitions have been
proposed to define ‗ethnic group‗. According to Weber, an ‗ethnic group‗ is based on the belief
in common descent shared by its members, extending beyond kinship, political solidarity vis-a-
vis other groups, and common customs, language, religion, values, morality, and etiquette
(Weber, 1978). Anderson (1983), in his part described ethnic groups as ―an imagined
community‖ that possesses a ―character and quality‖ (Anderson, 1983). Schermerhorn (1996), on
the other hand, conceptualize ethnic group as a unit of population having unique characteristics
in relation with others, binding with common language, myth of origin, and history of ethnic
allegiance (1996).

Scholars mainly use it to explain contact and inter-relationship between groups. Taking
Bateson‗s (1979) ideas, Eriksen states that since ethnic categories created out of the very contact
between groups, dealing with ethnic groups in total isolation is as absurd as to speak of the sound
from one hand clapping (Eriksen, 2002). In this regard, other scholars including F. Barth (1969),
define ethnic groups as a self-defined group based on subjective factors and/or fundamental
cultural values chosen by members from their past history or present existing conditions in which
members are aware of-and-in contact with other ethnic groups. Barth (1969) further illustrated
that, in a context of inter-ethnic interaction, group distinctiveness strongly depends on
identification of self and ascription by others and members of a certain ethnic group will be
evaluated in accordance with their ‗performance‗ of the value standards and ‗possession‗ of
diacritical features designing the group against other. This entailed that, ethnic group are defined
out of group interaction in which members of a group keep their social solidarity, identified
themselves as belonging to specific group based on their subjective communalities (language,
myth of origin, and shared cultural entities) that defined in reference with others (Abbink, 2004).

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Ethnic groups constitute an identity as defined by outsiders who do not belong to the group but
identify it as different from their own groups and by ―insiders‖ who belong to the same group.
This generally becomes the basis of mobilizing group‗s consciousness and solidarity and which
in certain situation result in political activities (Kasfir, 1976).

By considering the various definitions of ethnicity, Hutchinson and Smith‗s (1996) identified six
main features that the definition of an ethnic group, predominantly consists. This includes;
1. A common proper name, to identify and express the ―essence‖ of the community;
2. A myth of common ancestry that includes the idea of common origin in time and place
and that gives an ethnic group a sense of fictive kinship;
3. Shared historical memories, or better, shared memories of a common past or pasts,
including heroes, events, and their commemoration;
4. One or more elements of common culture, which need not be specified but normally,
include religion, customs, and language;
5. A link with a homeland, not necessarily its physical occupation by the ethnic group, only
its symbolic attachment to the ancestral land, as with diaspora peoples; and
6. A sense of solidarity on the part of at least some sections of the ethnic‘s population
(Hutchinson and Smith, 1996:6-7).

Ethnic Identity
The fact that there is no widely agreed upon definition of ethnic identity is indicative of the
confusion surrounding the topic. Typically, ethnic identity is an affiliated construct, where an
individual is viewed by themselves and by others as belonging to a particular ethnic or cultural
group. An individual can choose to associate with a group especially if other choices are
available (i.e., the person is of mixed ethnic or racial heritage). Affiliation can be influenced by
racial, natal, symbolic, and cultural factors (Cheung, 1993). Racial factors involve the use of
physiognomic and physical characteristics, natal factors refer to "homeland" (ancestral home) or
origins of individuals, their parents and kin, and symbolic factors include those factors that typify
or exemplify an ethnic group (e.g., holidays, foods, clothing, artifacts, etc.). Symbolic ethnic
identity usually implies that individuals choose their identity; however, to some extent the
cultural elements of the ethnic or racial group have a modest influence on their behavior (Kivisto
and Nefzger, 1993).

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On the individual level, ethnicity is a social-psychological process, which gives an individual a
sense of belonging and identity. It is, of course, one of a number of social phenomena, which
produce a sense of identity. Ethnic identity can be defined as a manner in which persons, on
account of their ethnic origin, locate themselves psychologically in relation to one or more social
systems, and in which they perceive others as locating them in relation to those systems. By
ethnic origin is meant either that a person has been socialized in an ethnic group or that his or her
ancestors, real or symbolic, have been members of the group. The social systems may be one's
ethnic community or society at large, or other ethnic communities and other societies or groups,
or a combination of all these (Isajiw, 1990).

Locating oneself in relation to a community and society is not only a psychological phenomenon,
but also a social phenomenon in the sense that the internal psychological states express
themselves objectively in external behavior patterns that come to be shared by others. Thus,
individuals locate themselves in one or another community internally by states of mind and
feelings, such as self-definitions or feelings of closeness, and externally by behavior appropriate
to these states of mind and feelings. Behavior according to cultural patterns is thus, an expression
of identity and can be studied as an indication of its character.

We can thus distinguish objective and subjective aspects of ethnic identity. Objective aspects
refer to observable behavior, both cultural and social, such as (1), speaking an ethnic language,
practicing ethnic traditions, (2), participation in ethnic personal networks, such as family and
friendships, (3), participation in ethnic institutional organizations, such as belief systems, social
organizations etc.

The subjective aspects of ethnic identity refer to images, ideas, attitudes, and feelings. These, of
course, can also be interconnected with the objective aspects. But, it should not be assumed that,
empirically, the two types are always dependent upon each other. There are many empirical
cases in Ethiopia where the subjective aspects have become important factors, even when the
objective markers are significantly weakened. A third-generation person may retain a higher
degree of subjective aspect of identity than objectively visible markers. We can distinguish at
least three types of subjective aspects of identity: (1) cognitive, (2) moral, and (3) affective.

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5.2 Ethnicity: Identification and Social Categorization
5.2.1 The term itself –Ethnicity

The English origin of the term ‗ethnicity‗ is connected to the term ―ethnic,‖–which is much older
and has been in use since the Middle Ages. The word is derived from the Greek term ‗ethnos‘
(which in turn, derived from the Latin word ‗ethnikos‘), which literally means ―a group of people
bound together by the same manners, customs or other distinctive features‖ (Vanderwerf et al.,
2009). In the context of ancient Greek, the term refers to a collectivity of humans lived and acted
together -which is typically translated today as ‗people‗ or ‗nation‗ (not political unit per say, but
group of people with shared communality) (Jenkins, 1997).

Ethnicity contains a multiplicity of meanings. A plasticity and ambiguity of the concept allows
for deep misunderstandings as well as political misuses. As Jack David Eller put it, ―some of the
most perplexing problems arise from the vagueness of the term and phenomenon called ethnicity
and from its indefinite and ever-expanding domain (Eller, 1999:8)‖. In other words, ethnicity is
―vague, elusive and expansive‖.

5.3 Conceptualizing Ethnicity –What‟s it?

It is important to be clear about what our subject – ethnicity - is and about what it is not.
According to Weber, an ―ethnic group‖ is based on the belief in common descent shared by its
members, extending beyond kinship, political solidarity vis-a-vis other groups, and common
customs, language, religion, values, morality, and etiquette. In other words, ethnic groups are
those human groups that entertain a subjective belief in their common descent because of
similarities or physical type or of customs or both, or because of memories of colonization and
migration. It does not matter whether or not an objective blood relationship exists, but whether it
is believed to exist.

Perhaps the most significant part of Weber‗s argument is that: ―ethnic membership does not
constitute a group; it only facilitates group formation of any kind, particularly in the political
sphere. On the other hand, it is primarily the political community, no matter how artificially
organized that inspires the belief in common ethnicity”(1978: 389).

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Weber seems to be suggesting that the belief in common ancestry is likely to be a consequence
of collective political action rather than its cause; people come to see themselves as belonging
together – coming from a common background – as a consequence of acting together. Collective
interests thus, do not simply reflect or follow from similarities and differences between people;
the pursuit of collective interests does, however, encourage ethnic identification. In terms of
collective action, this form of ethnic communality is a form of monopolistic social closure: it
defines membership, eligibility and access.

Any cultural trait in common can provide a basis for and resources for ethnic closure: language,
ritual, economic way of life, lifestyle more generally, and the division of laboure, are all likely
possibilities in this respect. Shared language and ritual are particularly implicated in ethnicity:
mutual intelligibility of the behavior of others is a fundamental pre-requisite for any group, as is
the shared sense of what is ‗correct and proper‗ which constitute individual ‘honor and dignity‗.
By this token, an ethnic group is a particular form of status group. Finally, Weber argues that
since the possibilities for collective action rooted in ethnicity are ‗indefinite‗, the ethnic group,
and its close relative the nation, cannot easily be precisely defined for sociological purposes.

For Max Weber, an ethnic group is based, on the belief in common descent shared by its
members because of similarities or physical type or of customs or both, or because of memories
of colonization and migration. And ―it does not matter whether or not an objective blood
relationship exists‖, but believed to exist.

Norwegian anthropologist Frederik Barth (1969 has outlined in detail a model of ethnicity. Barth
began with what actors believe or think: ascriptions and self-ascriptions. A categorical ascription
is an ethnic ascription when it classifies a person in terms of his basic, most general identity,
presumptively determined by his origin and background. To the extent that actors use ethnic
identities to categorize themselves and others for purposes of interaction, they form ethnic
groups in this organizational sense.

Barth focused not upon the cultural characteristics of ethnic groups but upon relationships of
cultural differentiation, and specifically upon contact between collectivities thus differentiated,
'us' and 'them' (Eriksen, 2002). Barth's emphasis was not so much upon the substance or content
of ethnicity, what he called the 'cultural stuff', as upon the social processes, which produce and

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reproduce - which organize, if you like-boundaries of identification and differentiation between
ethnic collectivities. As illustrated by Barth, it is important to recognize that although ethnic
categories take cultural differences into account:

we can assume no simple one-to-one relationship between ethnic units and cultural
similarities and differences. The features that are taken into account are not the sum of
'objective' differences, but only those which the actors themselves regard as significant…not
only do ecological variations mark and exaggerate differences; some cultural features are
used by the actors as signals and emblems of differences, others are ignored, and in some
relationships radical differences are played down and denied (Barth, 1969: 14).

The cultural contents of ethnic dichotomies would seem analytically to be of two orders: (i)
overt signals or signs - the diacritical features that people look for and exhibit to show identity,
often such features as dress, language, house-form, or general style of life, and (ii) basic value
orientations: the standards of morality and excellence by which performance is judged. Since
belonging to an ethnic category implies being a certain kind of person, having that basic identity,
it also implies a claim to be judged, and to judge oneself, by those standards that are relevant to
that identity. Neither of these kinds of cultural 'contents' follows from a descriptive list of
cultural features or cultural differences; one cannot predict from first principles which features
will be emphasized and made organizationally relevant by the actors.

Indeed, ethnic categories provide an organizational vessel that may be given varying
amounts and forms of content in different socio-cultural systems. They may be of great
relevance to behavior, but they need not be; they may pervade all social life, or they may be
relevant only in limited sectors of activity. There is thus an obvious scope for ethnographic
and comparative descriptions of different forms of ethnic organization. In its most general
notion, for Barth, ethnicity is seen as a „social organization of culture difference‟. But, the
concept of ‗culture‗, in Barth‗s model unless clearly explained found problematic one. This
very ambiguity in the designation of ethnic groups in terms of cultural differences has been
taken on as a challenge by anthropologists.

These are complicated questions, but need to be answered. Before Barth, cultural difference was
traditionally explained from the inside out – social groups possess different cultural

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characteristics, which make them unique and distinct (common language, lifestyle, descent,
religion, physical markers, history, eating habits, etc.). Culture was perceived as something
relatively or firmly stable, persistent and intact. Cultural difference was understood in terms of a
group‗s property. According to Frederik Barth (1969), Cultural difference per se does not create
ethnic collectivities. It is the social contact with others that leads to definition and categorization
of an ‗us‗ and a ‗them‗; hence, cultural difference between two groups is not the decisive feature
of ethnicity. Indeed, ethnicity is essentially an aspect of a relationship, not a property of a group.

Nonetheless, Barth turned the traditional understanding of cultural difference on its head. He
defined and explained ethnicity from the outside in: it is not the ‗possession‘ of cultural
characteristics that makes social groups distinct but rather it is the social interaction with other
groups that makes that difference possible, visible and socially meaningful. Shared culture is, in
this model, best understood as generated in and by processes of ethnic boundary maintenance,
rather than the other way round: the production and reproduction of difference vis-a-vis external
others is what creates the image of similarity internally, vis-a-vis each other. Barth and his
collaborators ushered in an increasing awareness on the part of many anthropologists that
'culture' is a changing, variable and contingent property of interpersonal transactions, rather than
a reified entity, somehow 'above' the fray of daily life, which produces the behaviour of
individuals.

In Barth‗s own words: ‗the critical focus of investigation from this point of view becomes the
ethnic boundary that defines the group, not the cultural stuff that it encloses‗ (1969: 15). The
difference is created, developed and maintained only through interaction with others (i.e.,
Frenchness is created and becomes culturally and politically meaningful only through the
encounter with Englishness, Germaness, Danishness, etc.). Hence, the focus in the study of
ethnic difference has shifted from the study of its contents (i.e., the structure of the language, the
form of the particular costumes, the nature of eating habits) to the study of cultural boundaries
and social interaction. The boundaries to which we must give our attention are of course social
boundaries, though they may have territorial counterparts. If a group maintains its identity when
members interact with others, this entails criteria for determining membership and ways of
signaling membership and exclusion. Ethnic groups are not merely or necessarily based on the
occupation of exclusive territories; and the different ways in which they are maintained, not only

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by a once-and for-all recruitment but by continual expression and validation, need to be
analyzed.

In other words, ethnic boundaries are explained first and foremost as a product of social action.
Cultural difference per se does not create ethnic collectivities: it is thesocial contact with others
that leads to definition and categorization of an ‗us‗ and a ‗them‗. At this point, we should note
that contrary to a widespread commonsense view, cultural difference between two groups is not
the decisive feature of ethnicity. ‗Group identities must always be defined in relation to that
which they are not – in other words, in relation to non-members of the group‟ (Eriksen, 1993:
10). Thus, in emphasizing boundaries between groups, and their production and reproduction,
Barth immediately shifted the analytical center of gravity away from this or that settled, bounded
group - or 'society' - and towards complex universes of relationships between groups and their
members. In doing so, Barth emphasized that ethnic identity is generated, confirmed or
transformed in the course of interaction and transaction between decision-making, strategizing
individuals. Barth‗s work has transformed and shifted the study of ethnic difference from the
study of cultural contents (language, religion, and customs) to the study of the interaction
processes in which cultural characteristics are ―picked up‖ as markers of differences in the
interaction process. Cultural differences per se do not create ethnic collectivities: The social
contact with others leads to the definition and categorization of an ―us‖ and ―them‖.

For instance, two distinctive, endogamous groups, say, somewhere in Ethiopia, may well have
widely different languages, religious beliefs and even technologies, but that does not entail that
there is an ethnic sameness/difference between them. For ethnicity to come about, the groups
must have a minimum of contact between them, and they must entertain ideas of each other as
being culturally different from themselves. If these conditions are not fulfilled, there is no
ethnicity, for ethnicity is essentially an aspect of a relationship, not a property of a group.
Conversely, some groups may seem culturally similar, yet there can be a socially highly relevant
(and even volatile) inter-ethnic relationship between them. This would be the case of the
relationship between Serbs and Croats following the break-up of Yugoslavia, or of the tension
between coastal Sami and Norwegians. There may also be considerable cultural variation within
a group without ethnicity (Blom, 1969). Only in so far as cultural differences are perceived as
being important, and are made socially relevant, do social relationships have an ethnic element.

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Ethnicity is an aspect of social relationship between agents who consider themselves as being
culturally distinctive from members of other groups with whom they have a minimum of regular
interaction.

Furthermore, Barth‗s research established a foundation for understanding ethnicity in universalist

rather than in particularist terms. Since culture and social groups emerge only through interaction
with others, then ethnicity cannot be confined to minority groups only. As Jenkins (1997) and
Isajiw (2000) rightly argue, we cannot study minority ethnic groups without at the same time
studying the majority ethnicity.

Generally speaking, Barth understanding of ethnicity has been central to pretty much all
subsequent anthropologizing about ethnicity. Nevertheless, although his was arguably the most
systematic model in depth and detail, the most securely grounded in wider theoretical arguments
about social forms and social processes (e.g. Barth 1959, 1966, 1981), and has certainly been the
most influential, Barth was not alone in establishing the current anthropological understanding of
ethnicity.

Reflecting, on the one hand, the practical ethnographic concern with the everyday lives of real
people, i.e., their ‗actually existing‗ social relationships (Radcliffe-Brown, 1952:190), and on the
other, the pursuit of verstehen (‗understanding‗), advocated by Weber and Simmel, Clifford
Geertz has elegantly defined ethnicity as the 'world of personal identity collectively ratified and
publicly expressed' and 'socially ratified personal identity' (1973:268, 309).

In spite of the difference in scholarly views of ethnicity among anthropologists, the 'basic social
anthropological model of ethnicity' can be summarized as follows:

 Ethnicity is a matter of cultural differentiation - although, to reiterate the main theme of

social identity (Jenkins 2004), identification always involves a dialectical interplay
between similarity and difference.
 Ethnicity is centrally a matter of shared meanings - what we conventionally call 'culture' -
but is also produced and reproduced during interaction.
 Ethnicity, as identification, is collective and individual, externalized in social interaction
and the categorization of others, and internalized in personal self-identification.

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Culture is conceived here partially in the traditional anthropological sense as involving a total
way of life. The total way of life, however, does not necessarily mean simply a set of distinct
everyday customs, although it may include these. Rather, it refers to a unique historical group
experience. Culture is in essence a system ofen coding such experience into a set of symbolic
patterns. It does not matter how different the elements of one culture are from another culture. A
distinct culture is a manifestation of a group's distinct historical experience. Its product is a sense
of unique peoplehood. Ethnicity is not a single unified social phenomenon but a congeries, a
―family,‖ of related but analytically distinct phenomena. The foundations of ethnicity, the
―markers‖ of ethnicity, the history of ethnicity, the aims and goals of ethnicity—these vary from
case to case‖ (Eller, 1999).

The emphasis on culture as the point of departure for our understanding of the nature of ethnicity
is not intended to mean that members of an ethnic group must always share one and the same
culture to the exclusion of any other. Rather, it is intended to mean that persons who include
themselves in an ethnicity would have a relation to a group who either now or at some point in
the past has shared a unique culture.

5.4 Theories of Ethnicity: Primordialism, Instrumentalism & Social Constructivism

The Primordialist, Instrumentalist and Constructivist are the dominant theoretical approaches in
anthropology envisaged to understand the nature and characteristics of ethnicity, ethnic identity
and ethnic interaction.
Table 1 - Three Basic Anthropological Approaches for Understanding Ethnicity
Perspective Description

Primordialist Ethnicity is fixed at birth. Ethnic identification is based on deep,

Approach ‗primordial‘ attachments to a group or culture

Instrumentalist Ethnicity, based on people‘s ―historical‖ and ―symbolic‖ memory, is

Approach something created and used and exploited by leaders and others in the
pragmatic pursuit of their own interests.
Constructivist Ethnic identity is not something people ―possess‖ but something they
Approach ―construct‖ in specific social and historical contexts to further their
own interests.

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Globalization started as an economic phenomenon and end up as a phenomenon of identity.
Traditional ways people defined who they were have been undermined. Modernity has, remade
life in such a way that ―the past is stripped away, place loses its significance, community loses its
hold, objective moral norms vanish, and what remains is simply the self.‖ The result of this
process has been a loss of identity resulting in fragmentation and rootlessness (anomie) at the
personal level and the blurring of identities at the collective level.

5.4.1 The Primordial Model of Ethnicity

The Primordialist approach is the oldest in anthropological literature. It was popular until the
mid-1970s. The roots of Primordialist thinking can be traced back to the German Romantic
philosophers, especially J.G. Herder. Johann Gottfried von Herder (1744–1803), proclaimed the
primacy of emotions and language, and defined society a deep-seated, mythical community.
Herder envisaged that every Volk (people) had its own values, customs, language and ‗spirit‗
(Volksgeist) and argued for the ―atavistic power” of the blood and soil (Blut und Boden) that
bound one closely with one‗s people (das Volk). Indeed, Primordialism is an ―objectivist or
essentialist theory‖ which argues, that ―ultimately there is some real, tangible, foundation for
ethnic identification.‖ The anthropologist, Clifford Geertz (1973: 255-310), who systematized
the primordial model articulated ethnicity as a natural phenomenon with its foundations in
primordial ties - deriving mainly from kinship, locality and culture. What matters analytically is
that ties of blood, language and culture are seen by actors to beineffable and obligatory; that they
are seen as natural. Ethnic identity, was argued to be assigned at birth and more fundamental and
natural than other social links. Then, it can be said that ethnicity is something given, ascribed at
birth, deriving from the kin-and-clan structure of human society, and hence something more or
less fixed and permanent.

Primordialist theories view human society as a conglomeration of distinct social groups. At

birth a person ―becomes‖ a member of a particular group. Ethnic identification is based on deep,
‗primordial‘ attachments to that group, established by kinship and descent. To sum,
‗primordialism‘ makes two distinct claims. Firstly, ethnicity and ethnic attachment is ―natural
and innate‖, which would never change over time, and secondly, it is ―ancient and perennial‖
(Smith, 1986). By this, ethnicity is an ascribed status and ethnic membership is fixed, permanent
and primarily ascribed through birth.

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5.4.2 Instrumentalist (Situational) Theory of Ethnicity

The instrumentalist theorists view ethnicity as situationally defined, depending on rational

calculations of advantage and stimulated by political mobilization under the leadership of actors
whose primary motives are non-ethnic. From this point of view, ethnicity is an instrument of
group mobilization for political and economic end. By this, ethnicity is something that can be
changed, constructed or even manipulated to gain specific political and/or economic ends.

Proponents of this perspective advocate that in the contexts of modern states, leaders (political
elites) use and manipulate perceptions of ethnic identity to further their own ends and stay in
power. In this regard, ethnicity is created in the dynamics of elite competition within the
boundaries determined by political and economic realities and ethnic groups are to be seen as a
product of political myths, created and manipulated by culture elites in their pursuit of
advantages and power.

Abner Cohen (1974), one of the leading advocator of this perspective, in contrast to Barth,
“placed [a] greater emphasis on the ethnic group as a collectively organized strategy for the
protection of economic and political interests”. Ethnic groups share common interests, and in
pursuit of these interests they develop “basic organizational functions: such as distinctiveness or
boundaries (ethnic identity); communication; authority structure; decision making procedure;
ideology; and socialization‖. Accordingly, Daniel Bell (1975) and Jeffrey Ross (1982)
emphasize the political advantage of ethnic membership choice. Hence, ethnicity is "a group
option in which resources are mobilized for the purpose of pressuring the political system to
allocate public goods for the benefit of the members of a self-differentiating collectivity".

Taken to its extreme this would suggest that the ethnic group should be regarded not as a
community at all but as a rational and purposive association. A more moderate view is that there
is indeed a cultural content in an ethnic community, but that the boundaries of the group, which
has that culture, depend upon the purpose in hand. The pursuit of political advantage and/or
material self-interest is the calculus, which is typically, held to inform such behavior.

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5.4.3 Constructivist Theory of Ethnicity

The basic notion in this approach is that ethnicity is something that is being negotiated and
constructed in everyday living. However, construction does not take place out of the blue. It
depends on historical, social and the presence of ethnic raw material to be utilized. It regards
ethnicity as a process, which continues to unfold. It has much to do with the exigencies of
everyday survival (ethnicity is constructed in the process of feeding, clothing, sending to school
and conversing with children and others). Perhaps the most interesting aspect of this approach is
its subjectivist stance and the role of individual agencies and circumstances in triggering the
historical and social factors. However, this does not mean that all ―subjectivists‖ reject all
objective aspects of ethnicity. Some, in fact give them significant attention. But, they all tend to
make it dependent on the socio-psychological experience.

F. Barth is the leading figure of this approach, viewed ethnic identity as an “individualistic
strategy” in which individuals move from one identity to another to ―advance their personal
economic and political interests, or to minimize their losses‖ (Jones 1997:74). Following Barth,
ethnic identity forms through boundary maintenance and interaction between individuals.
Depending on each social interaction, a person‗s ethnic identity can be perceived or presented in
various ways.

In fact, Barth himself took a rather extreme position. For practical purposes, he jettisoned culture
from the concept of ethnicity. For him, ethnic boundaries were psychological boundaries; ethnic
culture and its content were irrelevant. Overall, interaction between individuals does not lead to
an assimilation or homogenization of culture. Instead, cultural diversity and ethnic identity are
still maintained, but in a non-static form. Cultural traits and even individuals can cross over
ethnic boundaries, which in turn can transform an ethnic group over time. Ethnic group is hence
a result of group relations in which the boundaries are established through mutual perceptions
and not by means of any objectively distinct culture.

Jenkins (1997) further noted that, as far as the flow of individuals from one ethnic group to
another is possible, it is possible to argue that the boundaries of ethnicity are permeable and
osmotic (Jenkins, 1997: 53). This provoked that ethnicity is dynamic that changes through time
and space; and ethnic identities are constructed, deconstructed and reconstructed.

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 Unit Six
Customary and Local Governance Systems and Peace Making
6.1 Indigenous and local governance

Indigenous systems of governance have widely been employed to maintain social order across
Ethiopian regions. The role of indigenous governance was indispensable before the advent of the
modern state system. Anthropologists have been studying indigenous systems of governance in
Ethiopia and other parts of Africa. Some of the indigenous systems of governance have been
well-studied while many others have got little attention by scholars. Understanding of indigenous
systems of governance helps us know our cultures and will also help us enhance inter-cultural
understanding. We do not have space to take examples from every region and culture. Hence, we
have outlined some examples of indigenous systems of governance to start discussions.

6.1.1 The Oromo Gadaa

The Gadaa of the Oromo is one of the well-studied indigenous systems of governance. Various
scholars have been studying the Oromo Gadaa since the 1950s. Paul Baxter, Eike Haberland and
Asmerom Legesse are the scholars who studied the Oromo Gadaa. Asmerom, a famous
anthropologist, is widely known for his ethnographic studies on the Oromo political system. He
published a lot on the Gaada system, particularly focusing on the Borena Oromo. The following
are two of his books: Gadaa: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society, published in
1973; and Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous Political System, printed in 2000.

The Gadaa system is ‗an age grading institution of the Oromo that has a complex system of
administration, law making and dispute settlement‗ (Pankhurst and Getachew 2008, xiv). The
Gadaa is a highly celebrated institution of governance and dispute settlement among the Oromo
people. Gadaa is widely mentioned as an egalitarian (democratic) system of governance. In the
Gadaa system, political power is transferred from one generation set (Luuba) to another every
eight years. Gaada officials such as the Abba Gaada and Abba Seera (father of law) serve for
eight years and leave their position to the new generation of Gadaa officials.

The Gaada system involves a continuous process of law making and revision. The law making
process has rooms for wider participation of the people. Gumi gaayo, a law making assembly of

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the Borana Oromo, is a good example. Gumi gaayo is held every eight years to revising,
adapting, making and publicizing the customary law (seera) and custom (aadaa) of the Oromo.
The Waliso Oromo have a law making assembly known as yaa‟iiharaa, an equivalent of
gumigaayo, held every eight years. The Gaada is an indigenous system of governance, conflict
resolution, and peacemaking. The indigenous system of governance among the Oromo also
include institutions of conflict resolution such as the Jaarsa Biyyaa (literally: elders of the
soil/land) institution. We will discuss the role of the Jaarsa Buyyaa in settling conflicts and
restoring peace in the next section of this chapter.

6.1.2 The Gedeo Baalle

The Gedeo of southern Ethiopia have an indigenous system of governance called Baalle. The
Baalle and the Gaada system of the Oromo have some similarities. For example, both have
grading system and exercise periodic transfer of power (i.e., every eight years). The role of
religion is high in the two indigenous systems of governance. Moreover, the customary law of
the Gedeo is called Seera. The Ya‗a, the general assembly, is the highest body of the Gedeo
indigenous system of governance. The Baalle is a complex system which has three
administrative hierarchies: Abba Gada, Roga (traditional leader next the Abba Gada), and two
levels of council of elders known as Hulla Hayyicha and Songo Hayyicha. The Abba Gada is the
leader of the Baalle. The Baalle system has a body of laws called Seera.

Conflicts are resolved by the Songo hayyicha at village level. When disputes are not settled at
the village level, cases can be referred to first to the Hulla Hayyicha and finally to the Abba
Gada. In general, the Gedeo system of governance has the following major institutions: the ya‟a
(general assembly), the Seera (customary law), the Abba Gada, and council of elders (Getachew,
2014).

6.1.3 Dere Woga of the Gamo

The Gamo are among Omotic peoples of southern Ethiopia. Unlike their neighboring people
such as Wolayta and Dawro, the Gamo did not have a centralized political system. The Gamo
people were organized into several local administrations locally known as deres. According to
anthropological findings, most of deres were governed by a ka‟o (king) and halaqa (elected
leader). The Gamo indigenous system of governance embraces the dere woga (customary law)
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and the dubusha assemblies. The highest body of the indigenous governance is the dere dubusha,
a general assembly that is responsible to make and revise customary laws, resolve major disputes
that cannot be solved at the lower levels. The dubushas assembly has three hierarchies: 1) the
dere dubusha (at the top), sub-dere dubusha (at the middle), and guta/neighborhood dubusha (at
the village level). Minor cases and disputes are resolved by the dere cima, council of elders. Like
the Oromo Gada and the Gedeo Baalle, the indigenous governance of the Gamo is embedded in
the Gamo belief system. It is believed that telling a lie and hiding the truth, especially at dubusha
assemblies, are considered as violation of taboo, which would lead to spiritual pollution and then
leads to misfortunes including lack of fertility, illness, and death of human beings and livestock.
Now, let us shift to indigenous institutions of conflict resolution and peacemaking.

6.2 Intra-ethnic conflict resolution institutions

Conflicts and disputes exist in every society and community. Conflicts may arise between
individuals, groups and communities within the same ethnic group. In some cases conflicts may
involve groups from different ethnic background. Peoples across Ethiopian regions have
indigenous institutions and mechanisms of conflict resolution and peacemaking. These
institutions are parts of indigenous systems of governance. Major features of customary justice
systems, institutions, and practices are discussed in this section. As Ethiopia is a big
multicultural country, we need to discuss these issues taking some examples. You, as a student,
are expected to read different materials and discuss issues with your classmates to expand your
knowledge.

There are different indigenous institutions of conflict resolution and peacemaking across regions
and cultures in Ethiopia. Authors use different terms to discuss these indigenous institutions. The
following are some of them: customary dispute resolution mechanisms; traditional mechanisms
of conflict resolution; grassroots justice systems; and customary justice institutions. To get more
information, see books edited by Alula Pankhurst and Getache Assefa (2008) and Gebre Y.,
Fekade A. and Assefa F. (2011). In this module, we use indigenous institutions of conflict
resolution and customary/indigenous justice systems interchangeably.

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Study findings reveal variations and similarities among indigenous institutions of conflict
resolution in Ethiopia. Indigenous justice institutions and mechanisms share several common
aspects including the following:

 High involvement of elders at different stages of conflict resolution and peacemaking

process.
 Preference and respect for elders known for their qualities including experience in dispute
resolution; knowledge of customary laws, procedures, norms and values of the society;
impartiality, respect for rules and people; the ability of listening and speaking politely;
honesty and tolerance.
 Indigenous dispute resolution practices focus on restoring social relationships, harmony,
and peaceful coexistence.

Indigenous justice systems also have differences in terms of hierarchies, procedures and level of
complexities. For example,

 In some cultural settings, conflict resolution mechanisms involve several hierarchies and
complicated procedures;
 The compositions and responsibilities of council of elders also vary from society to
society. For example, different types of elders address different forms of disputes in some
cultural settings; whereas the same body of elders deal with various types of disputes in
other settings.

Indigenous/customary justice institutions have been widely used across Ethiopian regions and
cultures. With some exceptions, customary justice institutions include three major components.
The three components are 1) customary laws, 2) council of elders, and 3) customary courts or
assemblies.

Customary law: it refers to a body of rules, norms, and a set of moral values that serve as a wider
framework for human conduct and social interactions. The Sera of the Sidama, the dere woga of
the Gamo, the Seera Addaa of the Oromo; Ye Siltie Serra of the Siltie, Gordena Sera of Kestane
Gurage are examples of customary laws. In most cases, customary laws are available orally.
Some customary laws are published in recent years. For example, the Sebat Bet Gurage

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published their customary law named Kitcha: The Gurage Customary Law in 1998. Similarly,
Kistane/Sodo Gurage have a written version of customary law known as Gordena Shengo.

Council of elders: It is the second important institution of customary justice systems. The council
of elders embraces highly respected and well-experienced community members who have a
detail knowledge of the customary laws. Members of the elder‗s council are also known for their
personal qualities such as truthfulness and experience in settling conflicts. Elders often serve
their communities on voluntary basis without any payment. The number of the elders varies
based on the nature of the case. The institution of council of elders has different names in various
ethnic groups: Yehager Shimagile (Amhara), Jaarsaa Biyyaa (Oromo), Baliqenet (Siltie),
Hayyicha (Gedeo), Guurtii (Somali), Dere Cima (Gamo), Deira Cimma (Wolayita), and Cimuma
(Burji).

Customary courts are public assemblies that serve two major purposes: (a) hearing, discussing
and settling disputes, and (b) revising, adapting, and making laws.

As noted above, in most cases, indigenous justice systems in Ethiopia embrace three major
structures: customary laws, customary courts, and council of elders. For instance, among the
Siltie people, the customary courts are called Raga System (Kairedin, 2018) while the Gamo use
the term Dubusha to refer to customary courts. Let us summarize the Gamo customary justice
system to portray the three major structures. The customary justice system of the Gamo people of
Southern Ethiopia has the following branches: 1) Dere Woga, customary laws, 2) Dere Cima,
council of elders, and 3) Dubusha, customary courts or assemblies.

The three structures of Gamo customary justice system

The Dere Woga: It is a comprehensive body of rules and procedures that govern a wide range of
issues including inheritance, property ownership, marriage and divorce, conflict resolution and
gender division of labour.

The Dere Cima: Literally, dere cima means elders of the land/country. It includes notable and
respected elders experienced in resolving disputes. Elders serving in dispute resolution are
expected to have a sound knowledge of the customary laws, norms and values of the community.

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Dubusha: it is customary courts. Dere dubusha, the biggest customary court in a given Gamo
community, has two major functions: (a) hearing, discussing and resolving disputes, and (b)
revising and making laws. In most Gamo communities, the structure of the customary courts has
three levels: Guta dubusha, at the village level; sub-dere dubusha, at the kebele level; and dere
dubusha at the higher level. Cases would be heard at the guta dubusha level, if not settled,
referred to the second and third level of the structure. According to the indigenous belief, dere
dubusha is a sacred place where supernatural power exists. It is a place where curses are uttered
in its name; justice is delivered; and important assemblies are held. Dubushas are places where
truth prevails. Misconducts such as telling a lie during dubusha assemblies are considered as
transgression of taboos, which in turn would bring misfortunes to individuals and communities.
Customary courts are easily accessible as each Gamo community has several customary courts
(Temesgen 2011; Getaneh 2016).

Strengths and limitations of customary justice systems/institutions

Study findings indicate that indigenous institutions of dispute resolution have strengths and
limitations. Some of their strengths and limitations are outlined below.

Strengths of customary justice institutions

 Incur limited cost in terms of time and resources/money; elders do not request payment
for their services; fines and compensation are relatively small;
 Conflict resolution process are held in public spaces in the community; different parties
(victims, offenders and community members) participate in the process; decisions are
communicated in public;
 Decisions are easily enforced through community-based sanctions including social
exclusion; compliance ensured through blessings and the threat of curses;
 Customary systems aimed at restoring community cohesion, social relations, collective
spirit and social solidarity
 Rely on respect for elders, the tradition of forgiveness, transferring compensations,
embedded in indigenous beliefs

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Limitations of customary justice institutions

 Limitations related to protecting and safeguarding women‗s rights. Indigenous justice

institutions are dominated by men. For example, the council of elders are not open to
elderly women. Women are excluded from participation at customary courts and
assemblies with a few exceptions.
 Indigenous institutions of dispute resolution and peacemaking are effective to resolve
dispute and restore peace within the same ethnic group. Their potential in resolving inter-
ethnic conflicts and restoring long-lasting peace is very limited.

6.3 Inter-ethnic conflict resolution institutions

As noted above, one of the weaknesses of indigenous institution of peacemaking is their

limitation in resolving inter-ethnic conflicts. However, there are some example of inter-ethnic
conflict resolution institutions in some parts of Ethiopia. Abbo Gereb is one of the indigenous
institutions that address inter-ethnic conflicts. It is a dispute resolution institution in Rayya and
Wajirat district, Southern Tigray. Abbo Gereb, literally means the father of the river Gerewo.
Abbo Gereb serves to settle disputes between individuals or groups from highland Tigray and
lowland Afar. Conflict between the two groups often arise because of dispute over grazing land
or water resources, particularly in dry season. When conflict arises between parties from two
ethnic groups, notable elders from Tigray and Afar come together to resolve the dispute and
restore peaceful relations. Most of the elders involved in inter-ethnic conflict resolutions are
bilingual: speaking Tigrigna and Afar (Shimeles and Taddese 2008).

Ethnographic findings also reveal the existence of inter-ethnic conflict resolution mechanisms
when conflicts arise between Afar, Issa, Tigrayans and Argobba. The mechanisms of inter-ethnic
disputes have different names. It is called Xinto among the Afar, Edible among the Issa, Gereb
among the Tigrayans, and Aboroge among the Amhara (Alula and Getachew, 2008).

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6.4 Women‟s role in conflict resolution and peacemaking

Ethiopian women participate in the process of dispute settlement in exceptional cases. For
example, in some cultures, women participate in dispute settlement processes when cases are
related to marriage and women‗s issues. Despite this weaknesses, women are not completely
excluded for indigenous systems of governance, conflict resolution, and peacemaking activities.
In some societies, women use their own institutions to exercise power, protect their rights, and
actively participate in peacemaking activities. The next section discusses the role of women in
conflict resolution and peacemaking.

One of the limitations of customary justice systems, as noted above, is the marginalization of
women. In most cases, indigenous institution of conflict resolution are dominated by men. This
does not mean that women are completely excluded from conflict resolution and peacemaking
activities. Three examples that illustrate the role of women in conflict resolution and
peacemaking are outlined below. Read them and discuss issues related to women‗s role in
peacemaking in Ethiopia.

Women‟s peacemaking sticks

Sidama women have two instruments of power: the Yakka and the Siqqo. The Yakka is women‟s
association or unity group. The Siqqo is a stick that symbolizes peace and women honor. The
Siqqoand the Yakka are closely associated. Mobilizing the Yakka and holding the Siqqo, Sidama
women stand for their customary rights. They do this, for example, when a woman is beaten up
by her husband or a pregnant woman is mistreated. For example, if a man prohibits his wife
from Yakka participation, the women group impose a fine on him. The fine could be an ox. If a
woman is ill-treated by her husband, the Yakka leader (known as Qaritte) mobilizes the Yakka
and leads them to the house of the man. The husband would not have a choice when he is
surrounded by the Yakka holding their Siqqo shouting and singing. If he is found guilty, the man
would be forced to slaughter a sheep and give part of it to the Yakka. Sidama women also use
their Siqqo to make peace between quarrelling parties. Oromo women also have a peace stick
called Sinqee. Sinqee serves the purpose of protecting women‟s rights and making peace.
Quarrelling men stop fighting when a woman stands between them holding her Sinqee.

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Don Kachel: Agnuak women peacemaking institution

Women in many regions of Ethiopia play an important role in peacemaking. Agnuak women
have a peacemaking institution known as Don Kachel (IIRR, 2009, p. 28). Literally, Don Kachel
means „let us all live in peace‟. It involves a peace-making movement initiated by Jaye, a group
of wise and elderly Agnuak women. The Jaye start a peace-making movement based on
information gathered through women‟s networking. The Jaye gather information about potential
conflicts from different sources, including gossips spread in the community. The Jaye quickly act
upon receiving information about, for example, a heated argument that could lead to conflict and
fighting. The Jaye call the disputing parties for a meeting to settle the dispute. A few neutral
observers will also be invited to monitor the process of the meeting. After examining the
arguments of the two parties, the Jaye give their verdict. The party that caused the conflict
request for forgiveness in public and pay some compensation. A sheep or goat is slaughtered
after the conflict resolved; the meat is cooked and shared by participants of the meeting. Finally
the Jaye would announce the meeting is over, the problem resolved, using these words „Now let
us all live in peace together!‟ The practice of Don Kachel is currently being adopted by other
ethnic groups including the Nuer, Mejenger, Opo, and Komo

Women‟s institution of reconciliation: Raya-Azebo, Tigray

Elderly and highly respected women in a village in Raya-Azebo, Tigray established a

reconciliation institution called the Debarte. The Debarte plays an important role in avoiding
harms associated with the culture of revenge. A man may kill another man in a fight. The
incident would trigger the feeling of revenge among male relatives of the murdered man. In such
a tense situation, the wife of the killer requests for the Debarte intervention. The Debarte quickly
start their intervention to stop the act of revenge. The Debarte instruct the murderer‟s wife to
gathering her female relatives together. The wife and her female relatives get ready wearing
their netela upside down and covering their hair with black cloths to show their grief and regret.
After these preparations, the Debarte lead the female relatives of the killer to the home of the
murdered man. The women cry loudly while walking to their destination. As they come near to
the home of the killed person, they utter the following words: „Abyetye ezgio! Abyetye ezgio!‟
„Oh God help us! God help us! Upon their arrival at the compound of the victim, the Debarte
kneel down and cover their heads with the dust of the compound. They beg the relatives/family of

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the murdered man to give up revenge and consider forgiveness. Initially, the relatives may not
respond to the request; however, they will change their mind and open the door to show their
consent for reconciliation. After persuading the victim‟s relatives to give up revenge, the
Debarte give the way for elders who start the peace-making process.

6.5 Legal pluralism: interrelations between customary, religious and state legal
systems

Legal pluralism is an important concept in disciplines that study legal issues. It refers to the
existence of two or more legal or justice systems in a given society or country. Legal pluralism
indicates the co-existence of multiple legal systems working side-byside in the same society.
Pluralism as a normative concept, also refers to a system that recognizes other norms emanating
outside state institutions along with a state legal standards. Legal pluralism is evident in the
Ethiopian context as well. The existence of multiple ethnic groups in Ethiopia has not only made
the country home to diverse cultures but also, a place of diverse legal systems. Multiple legal
institutions, including customary laws and courts, state laws and courts, and religious laws and
courts (e.g., the Sharia Law) work side-by-side in most parts of the country. The 1995
Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) also grants specific rights
to ethnic groups, which ultimately involves the recognition of indigenous legal systems.
Additionally, the FDRE Constitution provides some spaces for religious and customary laws and
courts to address personal and family cases. The following two Articles show this reality.

 In accordance with provisions to be specified by law, a law giving recognition to

marriage concluded under systems of religious or customary laws may be enacted
(Article 34(4).
 Religious and customary courts that had state recognition and functioning prior to the
adoption of the Constitution shall be organized on the basis of recognition accorded to
them by the Constitution. (Article 78(5))

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Legal pluralism is a pervasive phenomenon in Ethiopia. This is because a single legal system
does not have a capability to address all legal cases and maintaining peace and order.
Contemporary studies (e.g. Kairedin, 2018) indicates that the relation between the various legal
systems is characterized by cooperation and competition. The interactions of legal systems also
display contradictory perspectives and cross into territories claimed by the other. And hence, the
legal sphere seems characterized by legal hybridism indicating one cannot stand without the
cooperation of the other legal systems.

The following justice institutions work side-by-side in most parts of the country, especially in
remote and rural areas: state/formal justice institutions, customary justice institutions, and
religious courts. The following figure shows the formal and customary justice institutions
working side-by-side in one of the districts in Gamo zone.

Three elements are portrayed in the figure above: 1) state justice institutions: state law, districts
court, and the police; 2) customary institutions: dere woga/customary law, dubusha/customary
court, and dere cima/council of elders; and 3) social court attached to each kebele administration.
The picture will be more complex if we add religious courts such as the Sharia court which is
very important in regions such as Afar, Somali, and Harari.

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 Unit Seven
Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Practices
7.1 Definition of concepts

In this section, you will learn a couple of definitions. First, let us define indigenous knowledge
systems.

7.1.1 Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS)

IKS is defined as technical insight of wisdom gained and developed by people in a particular
locality through years of careful observation and experimentation with the phenomena around
them. IKS is not just a set of information that is in the minds of the people, which can be simply
taped and applied. It is accessible by recall and practice (Mangetane, 2001). IKS is embodied in
culture and is described as an integrated pattern of human knowledge, beliefs and behavior. It
consists of language, ideas, beliefs, customs, taboos, codes, institutions, tools, techniques,
artifacts, rituals, ceremonies, folklores and gender. This culture is passed down from one
generation to the next generation and generally it provides a holistic view of how to use natural
resources based on traditional ethical perspectives (Atteh,1991). Indigenous knowledge systems
(IKS) refer to a body of empirical knowledge and beliefs handed down through generations of
long-time inhabitants of a specific locale, by cultural transmission, about the relationship of
living beings with each other and their environment (Warren 1991).

In sum, IKS refers to ― a total of knowledge and practices, whether explicit or implicit, used in
the management of socioeconomic, ecological and spiritual facets of life (Hoppers, 2005: 2),
stored in the collective memory and communicated orally among members of the community
and to the future generations [through, stories, myth, songs, etc].

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7.1.2 Indigenous Knowledge

Literatures on indigenous knowledge does not provide a single definition of the concept. This is
in part due to the differences in background and perspectives of the authors, ranging from social
anthropology to agricultural engineering. According to Warren (1991), indigenous knowledge is
the local knowledge – knowledge that is unique to a given culture or society. Since every
population is unique in terms of its environment, its resources, and its tools (both physical and
conceptual), IK will also be unique. IK contrasts with the international knowledge system
generated by universities, research institutions and private firms. It is the basis for local-level
decision making in agriculture, health care, food preparation, education, naturalresource
management, and a host of other activities in rural communities.

For Kwaku and Morena (2010), IK is a unique local knowledge to a given culture or society. IK
exists in rural and urban societies as part of life that their livelihood depends on specific skills
and knowledge for survival.

The World Bank refers IK as a large body of knowledge and skills which is developed outside
the formal system including development planning, environmental assessment, resource
management, local conservation of biological resources, and conflict resolution (World Bank,
1998).

IK has different but closely related names such as 'folk knowledge', 'local knowledge or wisdom',
'non-formal knowledge', 'culture', 'indigenous technical knowledge', 'traditional ecological
knowledge', 'traditional knowledge', and others. All these terms have similar concepts and refer
to how members of a community perceive and understand their environment and resources,
particularly the way they convert those resources through labor (Akabogu, 2002).

In sum, indigenous knowledge is the knowledge that people in a given community have
developed over time, and that continues to develop. It is based on experience, often tested over
centuries of use, adapted to local culture and environment, dynamic and changing (International
Institute of Rural Reconstruction, IIRR, 1996).

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7.1.3 Special Features of Indigenous Knowledge

Ellen and Harris (1996) identified the following special features of indigenous knowledge that
distinguish it broadly from other knowledge. As to them IK is:

a) Local, in that it is rooted in a particular community and situated within broader cultural
traditions; it is a set of experiences generated by people living in those communities.
Separating the technical from the non-technical, the rational from the non-rational could
be problematic. Therefore, when transferred to other places, there is a potential risk of
dislocating IK.
b) Tacit knowledge and, therefore, not easily codifiable.
c) Transmitted orally, or through imitation and demonstration. Codifying it may lead to
the loss of some of its properties.
d) Experiential rather than theoretical knowledge. Experience and trial and error, tested
in the rigorous laboratory of survival of local communities constantly reinforce IK.
e) Learned through repetition, which is a defining characteristic of tradition even when
new knowledge is added. Repetition aids in the retention and reinforcement of IK.
f) Constantly changing, being produced as well as reproduced, discovered as well as lost;
though it is often perceived by external observers as being somewhat static

7.2 Significance of indigenous knowledge

Until relatively recently, the development of a community‗s conception of knowledge was
influenced primarily by the philosophy and methods of western science. ―Few, outside of some
anthropologists and historians recognized that there are numerous sciences embedded in cultures
of other peoples and civilizations throughout the world (Davies, S. and Ebbe, K., editors, 1995)

Today, however, both scholars and public policy makers are recognizing the importance of
various local or culture-based knowledge systems in addressing the pressing problems of
development and the environment‖ (Ibid).

Indigenous knowledge is important in that people in a community value whatever resource they
get from the environment through sustainable production systems. These communities are
conscious of the need to self-reliant in capital stocks and management skills (Mangetane et al,
2001).
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The knowledge of local people is an enabling component of development. In this regard; a large
percentage of the earth's genetic diversity has been maintained and managed through farmer's
IKS (Dewes, 1993).

Indigenous knowledge system enable people to develop strategies for handling household and
communal activities (Mangetane et al., 2001). For example in Ethiopia Debo and Jige are an
important uniting forces in communal activities. Members of the community unite to provide
essential inputs, including direct labor to operations. ''This deployment of manpower is strongly
supported by IKS, which is composed of technologies, rules, information, approaches, and
relationships that are vital to sustainable development'' (Kalawole, 2001).

Over the years, IKS authorities (elders) make local rules to protect important resources such as
useful plants, water bodies, stone terracing, agro-forestry, watersheds and rivers, food
preservations, conflict management, calendar, fallowing as a soil regeneration practice, etc.
According to Paula Puffer Paula (1995), indigenous / local knowledge can help find the best
solution to a development challenges. For example, familiarity with local knowledge can help
extensionists and researchers understand and communicate better with local people.

In general, indigenous knowledge is an important part of the lives of the poor. IK is a key
element of the ―social capital‖ of the poor; their main asset to invest in the struggle for survival,
to produce food, to provide for shelter or to achieve control of their own lives. Furthermore, one
cannot overlook indigenous knowledge‗s ability to provide effective alternatives to Western
know-how. IK offers local people and their development workers further options in designing
new projects or addressing specific problems and wider disasters. Instead of relying on imported
Western technologies, people in the developing nations can choose from readily available
indigenous knowledge or, where appropriate, combine indigenous and Western technology.

However, it is important to note that not all indigenous practices are beneficial to the sustainable
development of a local community; and not all IK can a priori provide the right solution for a
given problem. Typical examples are slash and burn agriculture and female circumcision. Hence,
before adopting IK, integrating it into development programs, or even disseminating it, practices
need to be scrutinized for their appropriateness just as any other technology (A frame work for
action, 1998).

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7.3 Indigenous knowledge and development

Needless to mention again, indigenous knowledge refers to what local people know and do, and
what they have known and done for generations – practices that evolved through trial and error
and proved flexible enough to cope with change (Melchias, 2001).

Indigenous knowledge passes from one generation to the next and enable indigenous people to
survive, manage their natural resources and the ecosystems surrounding them like animals,
plants, rivers, seas, natural environment, economic, cultural and political organization.
Knowledge of these elements form a set of interacting units known as indigenous coping
systems. In other words, ''IK is relevant to development process such as agriculture, animal
husbandry, traditional medicine, saving and credit, community development, poverty alleviation,
and peaceful coexistence'' ( Boven and Morohashi, 2002).

Indigenous knowledge may help identify cost-effective and sustainable mechanisms for poverty
alleviation that are locally manageable and meaningful. It increases and enhances livelihood
options, revitalize agriculture, increase food security, improve health and promote a sense of
cultural pride within the community (Kudzayi et al, 2013). Many plants currently growing wild
in the ancestral domain produce natural dye, fiber, detergent and natural oil. Several plants in the
ancestral domain have medicinal uses. Chemical compounds of these plants could be identified
for the production of organic medicine (ibid).''Indigenous knowledge is used at the local level by
communities as the basis for decisions pertaining to food security, human and animal health,
education, natural resources management, and other vital activities'' (Nicolas, 2000).

Nicolas (2000) further states that indigenous institutions, indigenous technology, and low-cost
approaches can increase the efficiency of development programs because IK is a locally owned
and managed resource. Utilizing IK helps to increase the sustainability of development efforts
because the IK integration process provides for mutual learning and adaptation, which in turn
contributes to the empowerment of local communities.

Since efficiency, effectiveness, and sustainability are key determinants of the quality of
development work, harnessing indigenous knowledge has a clear development business case.
Early indications point to significant improvements in developmentproject quality, if IK is

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leveraged with modern technologies. Building on IK systems also empowers local communities.
Empowerment, especially of the poor, is a core objective of most development efforts( ibid ).

According to the 1998/99 World Development Report, knowledge, not capital, is the key to
sustainable social and economic development. Building on local knowledge, the basic
component of any country‗s knowledge system, is the first step to mobilize such capital.

As to the same report, the challenge for the development community is to find better ways to
learn about indigenous institutions and practices and where necessary adapt modern techniques
(i.e., ―global best practices‖) to the local practices. Only then will global knowledge be rendered
relevant to the local community needs. The key factor in the adaptation process is the
involvement of those who possess indigenous knowledge. A study of 121 rural water projects in
49 countries found that 70 percent succeeded when the intended beneficiaries participated in
project design, compared to a 10 percent success rate among programs where they did not.

In sum, indigenous knowledge is the knowledge that helps a society make decisions about
activities, such as agriculture and education, that are acceptable to their life ways. Indigenous
knowledge, along with western- based knowledge, helps create development solutions that are
culturally acceptable by the community. In the past, such knowledge has been ignored and
development solutions have been created that were not economically feasible or culturally
acceptable by the local community. When western scientific ideas are paired with indigenous
knowledge systems, researchers going overseas or working with local communities can prepare
an initial development plan that has a complete picture (Puffer, 1995).

7.4 Preservation, challenges and limitations of IK

Indigenous knowledge, which has generally been passed from generation to generation by word
of mouth, is in danger of being lost unless it is formally documented and preserved (Amare,
2009). The future of IK, that reflects many generations of experience and problem solving by
thousands of indigenous people across the globe, is uncertain (Warren, 2004).

The loss of IK would impoverish society because, just as the world needs genetic diversity of
species, it needs diversity of knowledge systems (Labelle, 1997). The rapid change in the way of
life of local communities has largely accounted for the loss of IK. Younger generations

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underestimate the utility of IK systems because of the influence of modem technology and
education (Ulluwishewa, 1999).

If IK is not recorded and preserved, it may be lost and remain inaccessible to local people as well
as to development workers. Development projects cannot offer sustainable solutions to local
problems without integrating local knowledge (Warren, 1991).

"Since IK is essential to development, it must be gathered, organized and disseminated, just like
Western knowledge''(Agrawal, 1995 in Amare, 2009). As IK is the key to local-level
development, ignoring people‗s knowledge leads possibly to failure. Similarly, ''one should not
expect all the expertise for third world development to come from developed nations, academic
institutions, multinational corporations or NGOs'' (Amare, 2009). In the face of dwindling
resources available to African countries, and noting that even the industrialized nation
governments cannot provide for all the needs of the people, it has been suggested that IK, and the
technical expertise developed there from become vital tools for rural development(Atte, 1989).

Regarding the challenges and limitations of IK, Amare (2009) states the following :
Although the knowledge of indigenous communities has been found to be very useful, the,
exploitation of natural resources, and increased competition for employment, has set off a
problematic chain of events. This modernization has influenced indigenous traditional spread
of industrialization threatens the preservation and continued development of IK systems
(Sherpa, 2005). Industrialization, along with its attendant processes of urbanization African
which generate IK and practices can break down. Added to this is the commercial society in
many ways and Ethiopia is no exception.

IK can also be eroded by wider economic and social forces. Pressure on indigenous peoples
to integrate with larger societies is often great and, as they become more integrated, the
social structures pressure by multinational agrochemical companies eager to break into new
markets (Thrupp, 1989). As Grenier (1998) puts it: ―the growth of national and international
markets, the imposition of educational and religious systems and the impact of various
development processes are leading more and more to the ―homogenization‖ of the world‗s
cultures. Consequently, indigenous beliefs, values, customs, know-how and practices may be
altered and the resulting knowledge base incomplete.

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As with scientific knowledge, (Amare, 2009), IK has the following limitations and drawbacks
and these must be recognized as well:

IK is sometimes accepted uncritically because of naive notions that whatever indigenous

people do is naturally in harmony with the environment. Thrupp (1989) argues that we
should reject ―romanticized and idealistic views of local knowledge and traditional
societies‖. There is historical and contemporary evidence that indigenous peoples have also
committed environmental sins‗ through over-grazing, over-hunting, or over-cultivation of the
land. It is misleading to think of IK as always being ‗good‗, ‗right or ‗sustainable‗

Quite often the overlooked feature of IK, which needs to be taken into account, is that, like
scientific knowledge, sometimes the knowledge which local people rely on is wrong or even
harmful. Practices based on, for example, mistaken beliefs, faulty experimentation, or
inaccurate information can be dangerous and may even be a barrier to improving the
wellbeing of indigenous people.

Doubleday (2003) pointed out that knowledge is power, so individuals are not always willing
to share knowledge among themselves, or with outsiders. Knowledge is a source of status
and income (as is the case, for example, with a herbalist) and is often jealously guarded. A
related issue is that some indigenous peoples fear that their IK will be misused, and lacking
the power to prevent such abuses, they choose to keep quiet.

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7.5 The Erosion of Indigenous Knowledge Systems

Despite the fact that some IK is lost as techniques and tools. Currently rate of loss is accelerating
because of rapid population growth, growth of global markets, expansion of modern education,
environmental degradation, and development processes — pressures related to rapid
modernization and cultural homogenization (Louise Grenier, 1998). Below, some examples are
given by Grenier to illustrate these mechanisms:

 With rapid population growth—often due to in-migration or government relocation

schemes in the case of large development projects, such as dams-standards of living may
be compromised. With poverty, opportunities for short term gain are selected over
environmentally sound local practices. With increasing levels of poverty, farmers, for
example, may also have less time and fewer resources to sustain the dynamic nature of IK
systems through their local experiments and innovations.
 The introduction of market-oriented agricultural and forestry practices focused on mono-
cropping is associated with losses in IK and IK practices, through losses in biodiversity
and cultural diversity. For instance, policies promoting generic rice and wheat varieties
devalue locally adapted species. With the ready availability of many commercial foods,
some biodiversity seems to become less relevant, such as seed and crop varieties selected
over the years for their long-term storage attributes.
 In the short term, chemical inputs seem to reduce the need to tailor varieties to difficult
growing conditions, contributing to the demise of local varieties.
 With deforestation, certain medicinal plants become more difficult to find (and the
knowledge or culture associated with the plants also declines)
 More and more knowledge is being lost as a result of the disruption of traditional
channels of oral communication. Neither children nor adults spend as much time in their
communities anymore (for example, some people travel to the city on a daily basis to go
to school, to look for work, or to sell farm produce; many young people are no longer
interested in, or do not have the opportunity for, learning traditional methods). It is harder
for the older generation to transmit their knowledge to young people.

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  As IK is transmitted orally, it is vulnerable to rapid change — especially when people are
displaced or when young people acquire values and lifestyles different from those of their
ancestors.
 Farmers traditionally maintained their indigenous crop varieties by keeping household
seed stocks and by obtaining seed through traditional family and community networks
and through exchanges with nearby communities. Some of these traditional networks
have been disrupted or no longer exist.
 In the past, outsiders (for example, social, physical, and agriculturalscientists, biologists,
colonial powers) ignored or maligned IK, depicting it as primitive, simple, static, ―not
knowledge,‖ or folklore. This historic neglect (regardless of its cause — racism,
ethnocentrism, or modernism, with its complete faith in the scientific method) has
contributed to the decline of IK systems, through lack of use and application. This legacy
is still continued, as a result of which many professionals are still skeptical (Louise
Grenier, 1998).

Also, in some countries, official propaganda depicts indigenous cultures and methodologies as
backward or out of date and simultaneously promotes one national culture and one language at
the expense of minority cultures. Often, formal schooling reinforces this negative attitude. Local
people‗s perceptions (or misperceptions) of local species and of their own traditional systems
may need to be rebuilt. Some local people and communities have lost confidence in their ability
to help themselves and have become dependent on external solutions to their local problems
(ibid). 139 In sum, indigen

In sum, indigenous peoples often have much in common with other neglected segments of
societies, i.e. lack of political representation and participation, economic marginalization and
poverty, lack of access to social services and discrimination. Despite their cultural differences,
the diverse indigenous peoples share common problems also related to the protection of their
rights.

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