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The Social Value of Things

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 Martin Bartelheim, Primitiva Bueno Ramírez
and Michael Kunst (Eds.)

rk KEY RESOURCES AND SOCIO-

CULTURAL DEVELOPMENTS

DEVEL­OPMENTS IN THE IBERIAN CHALCOLITHIC

IN THE IBERIAN CHALCOLITHIC

KEY RESOURCES AND SOCIOCULTURAL

The Iberian Peninsula displays extreme geographic and climatic differences, resulting
in very different local preconditions. To what extent are these responsible for the
heterogeneous social and cultural development in different regions observable during
the 3rd mill. BC? To answer this question it is necessary to identify what was considered
to be a resource and to determine how these resources were valuated.
This book aims at investigating and reconstructing the dynamics and the diversity
of the sociocultural manifestations on the Iberian Peninsula in relation to the use
of resources in a comprehensive way during the Chalcolithic. In general regional
overviews and detailed studies of the use of infrastructure, raw materials or social
relations the possibilities to identify key resources as factors in these processes are
explored.

Bartelheim/Bueno Ramírez/
rk Kunst (Eds.)
SFB 1070
RessourcenKulturen

ISBN 978-3-946552-12-3 6 RessourcenKulturen Band 6

Martin Bartelheim, Primitiva Bueno Ramírez
and Michael Kunst (Eds.)

KEY RESOURCES AND SOCIO-

CULTURAL DEVELOPMENTS
IN THE IBERIAN CHALCOLITHIC

Tübingen 2017
Peer Review:
The papers published in this volume were subject to an anonymous
international peer review.

Cover Picture:
View from the ore-rich Cerro de San Cristóbal in Logrosán (Cáceres) to-
wards the dry lands of the Dehesa landscape in the Spanish Extremadura
symbolising the abundance of mineral resources and the scarcity of water
on the Iberian peninsula. Photo: Martin Bartelheim.

The publication of this text is licensed under the terms of the Creative
Commons BY-NC 3.0 DE license. The full legal code is available at https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/de/. Illustrations are not part
of the CC license, the copyright is with their authors, if not otherwise
specified.

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in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische
Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.

© Tübingen Library Publishing und die Autoren

Alle Rechte vorbehalten

ISBN 978-3-946552-12-3

http://hdl.handle.net/10900/78339
http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:21-dspace-783393
http://dx.doi.org/10.15496/publikation-19737

Redaktion: Marion Etzel, Henrike Michelau, Uwe Müller, Jadranka Verdonkschot

Layout: Büro für Design, Martin Emrich, Lemgo
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Contents
Martin Bartelheim and Primitiva Bueno Ramírez
Resource Use and Sociocultural Dynamics in the Chalcolithic of the Iberian Peninsula.
An Introduction and Synthesis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

Primitiva Bueno Ramírez, Rosa Barroso Bermejo and Rodrigo de Balbín Behrmann
Ancestors’ Images as Marks of the Past. The Dolmen of Azután, Toledo (Spain). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

Felicitas Schmitt
Enclose Where the River Flows. New Investigations on the Southern Meseta
and the Ditched Enclosures of Azután (Toledo). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

Carlos P. Odriozola, Rodrigo Villalobos García, Primitiva Bueno Ramírez,

Rosa Barroso Bermejo, Raúl Flores Fernández and Pedro Díaz-del-Río
Late Prehistory Body Ornaments. Exchange and Social Dynamics in the Middle Tagus Basin. . . . . 59

Rosa Barroso Bermejo, Primitiva Bueno Ramírez, Rodrigo de Balbín Behrmann,

and Maria Angeles Lancharro
Production and Consumption of Salt in the Inland Tagus Valley in Prehistory (Spain) . . . . . . . . . . . 89

Corina Liesau
Fauna in Living and Funerary Contexts of the 3rd Millennium BC in Central Iberia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107

José Antonio López Sáez, Antonio Blanco González, Sebastián Pérez Díaz, Francisca Alba Sánchez,
Reyes Luelmo Lautenschlaeger, Arthur Glais and Sara Núñez de la Fuente
Landscapes, Human Activities and Climate Dynamics in the South Meseta of the
Iberian Peninsula During the 3rd and 2nd Millennia calBC. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129

Rui Mataloto, Catarina Costeira and Diana Nukushina

Local Shop for Local People. Resource Management During the 3rd Millennium BCE
at São Pedro (Redondo, Portugal) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143

Victor S. Gonçalves and Ana Catarina Sousa

The Shadows of the Rivers and the Colours of Copper. Some Reflections on the
Chalcolithic Farm of Cabeço do Pé da Erra (Coruche, Portugal) and Its Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167

António Carlos Valera

The ‘Exogenous’ at Perdigões. Approaching Interaction in the Late 4th and 3rd
Millennium BC in Southwest Iberia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201

Elena Morán, Rui Parreira and Helmut Becker

Alcalar and the Management of the Resources of Its Territorial Environment
in the 3rd Millennium BCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225

Leonardo García Sanjuán

Farming Economy and Wealth Economy in the Copper Age of the Lower Guadalquivir River.
Debating Strategic Resources at Valencina de la Concepción (Seville, Spain) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
 Javier Escudero Carrillo, Marta Díaz-Zorita Bonilla, Martin Bartelheim
and Leonardo García Sanjuán
Chalcolithic Enclosures in the Lower Guadalquivir Basin. La Loma Del Real Tesoro
(Carmona, Seville, Spain) and Its Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257

Mercedes Murillo-Barroso and Ignacio Montero-Ruiz

The Social Value of Things. Amber and Copper in the Iberian Chalcolithic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273

Thomas X. Schuhmacher
Ivory Exchange Networks in the Chalcolithic of the Western Mediterranean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291
 273

MERCEDES MURILLO-BARROSO
AND IGNACIO MONTERO-RUIZ

The Social Value of Things

Amber and Copper in the Iberian Chalcolithic
Quel intérêt voulez-vous qu’on trouve encore à change over time and space? And finally, how and
fouiller la terre pour y chercher de petits diamants through what indicators can we deduce the social
presque sans valeur, du moment où il sera aussi aisé value that prehistoric objects held in their day?
d’en fabriquer industriellement de toutes dimen- In this article, we will carry out a comparative
sions que de faire des pains de quatre livres! review of the role of amber and metal on the Iberi-
(J. Verne, L’Étoile du Sud) an Peninsula. Drawing from the resource availabil-
ity, working processes, and the use, exchange, and
Keywords: value; amber; copper; metallurgy; amortisation of objects, we will address the social
Late Prehistory; provenance studies meaning of both resources during Late Prehistory
and how it changed over time.

Acknowledgements
Introduction: The Social Value of Things
This research has been supported by a Marie Curie
Intra-European Fellowship within the 7th ­European If we had to define Late Prehistory with a single
Community Framework Programme (‘Society, feature, we would choose experimentation. Exper-
­Metallurgy and Innovation: The Iberian Hypothesis’ imentation with new techniques, with new technol-
– SMITH project, PN623183); the R&D project ‘Cop- ogies, and above all, with new resources. Starting
per flows in Late Bronze Age Western Mediterrane- from the so-called Neolithic revolution, the amount
an: Iberia and Sardinia’ (HAR2014-52981-R) funded of the different resources utilised multiplies. Sec-
by the Spanish Government and the UGR-Fellows ondary products arrive on the scene, and the use
Programme. We would like to thank J. M. Municio of raw materials expands from ­organic ­resources
and the anonymous reviewers for their suggestions (including ivory and ostrich eggshell) to a myriad
and comments which helped us to improve the of abiotic materials such as ­obsidian, green stones,
manuscript. All remaining errors are our own. rock crystal, quartz, cinnabar, and the first use of
metals (e.g. Costa et al. 2011; Montero-Ruiz/Muril-
lo-Barroso 2014). However, not all these ­resources
Abstract had the same social significance. The different so-
cial meaning acquired by each of these materials,
If the social meaning of objects is culturally attri­ which goes beyond their mere physical-­chemical
buted, and thus depends on a given specific con- and functional properties, depends on various in-
text; if it has a dynamic and contingent nature and terrelated factors. This allows the value of an object
it is not a property inherent to materiality in itself; to change throughout its social life, geo­graphically
if the value of objects is ultimately the materialised and temporally depending on the specific context
reflection of an interpersonal relationship, how in which it is valued.
and through what processes do objects acquire The first question to be answered should there-
value? How and through which processes do they fore be: what are the factors involved in the social
274 Mercedes Murillo-Barroso and Ignacio Montero-Ruiz

Fig. 1. Schematic representa-

tion of the social process of value
assessment.

significance of objects, and how can we infer them memory’ (Graeber 2001, 34) are what must be ana­
from archaeological materiality? If we are attempt- lysed in order to understand the role and social sig-
ing to understand the social meaning of objects, we nificance of certain objects.
cannot omit the question of value. Firstly, the value of an object is granted at the
Value is not an ahistorical or inalienable at- moment of its manufacture and therefore depends
tribute of objects, but rather a dynamic, social, and on the specific characteristics and circumstances
contingent feature that depends on concrete, essen- of the production process in a given society. The
tially political factors (Graeber 2001), or perhaps first influence on this process is the raw ­material
more accurately, on political economy. Therefore, (fig. 1). It is not so much the physical-chemical
to evaluate the social value of prehistoric objects, properties of the material (which will have a great-
we must study their production as well as their er influence on the evaluation of the functional use
exchange and final amortisation. The variations of the object), but rather the availability and acces-
observed in the value of objects should therefore sibility of the resources needed for its creation that
be analysed in relation to the wider socio-­political will contribute more decisively to the social v ­ alue
changes taking place in the society in question. The of an object (Montero-Ruiz 2002). A scarce raw
value of an object can even vary over its social life: material acquires high symbolic or social v ­ alue,
the initial value it is given after its production can given its exotic nature, while also embodying a
differ from the final value given to the same object greater economic value than a nearby, accessible
at the moment of its amortisation (Flad 2012). It resource, due to the need to mobilise a greater
can even be fetishised, ­abstracting itself from the amount of work to obtain it. A second characteris-
social relationships that gave it value and becom- tic that contributes to the social value of an object
ing considered a holder of value in itself (Grae- at the moment of its production is the technology
ber 2001, 76). These characteristics of production and work necessary for its transformation, as well
and exchange, deposition contexts, relationship as the need, or lack thereof, of specific knowledge
to ­other objects, and even the processes of fetishi­ or certain skills; that is to say, whether or not spe-
sation and the ability of objects to ‘accumulate cialised labour is necessary for its manufacture.
 The Social Value of Things 275

To quantify the amount of socially-necessary work (e.g. Gilman 1993; Murillo-Barroso et al. 2016). Dur-
and skills required for the manufacture of a given ing the exchange process, all the factors that gave
object is a useful approach for the relative evalu­ ­value to the object during its production (accessibil-
ation of certain aspects of the social significance of ity of raw materials, the amount of work, skills and
things. The social status of producers, as well as the technology needed for its transformation) come
social context of production, has been articulated into play, in addition to the work necessary for
by Flad (2012) in regard to the social significance distribution. To this end, the advances in archae-
of objects in a way similar to Costin’s concept of at- ometric techniques for determining provenances,
tached production (Costin 1991), especially in con- along with the spatial analysis of contact routes are
texts of sacred or ritualised production, with a high contributing greatly to the advancement of knowl-
political burden, or with the participation of the edge of contact routes and exchange networks.
elite in the production process. In regard to the distribution of objects, whether
Secondly, the use of an object is perhaps the maritime trade requiring the implementation and
clearest characteristic of the value assessment pro- development of navigation techniques is needed;
cess. It seems obvious that a useless object, one that whether warriors have to be mobilised to protect
does not serve to satisfy human needs (­whether exchange routes (Guerrero Ayuso 2010; Rowland/
they are subsistence, functional, artistic, aesthetic, Ling 2010; Earle et al. 2015); whether it involved
cultural, or ideological needs) is completely lack- well-consolidated and travelled exchange routes or
ing in value, as valueless is any work involved in occasional contacts, etc. All of them will be factors
its creation. In this regard, the physical-chemical that contribute to the object’s value. Additionally,
characteristics of an object play an important role, and this is especially true for pre-­capitalist econo-
including those relating to their mechanical func- mies, it also involves the ideological and political
tionality, as well as their physical appearance, es- character of exchange in the Maussian sense of gift
pecially when the use of the objects is ideological. exchange. Context also becomes vitally important,
Objects with a greater significance and social value as while certain objects are common and easily ex-
are generally those used to symbolise central ­ideas, changed in certain areas or at certain times, these
cosmologies and beliefs, or as a form of ostenta- same objects can be considered extremely unique
tion, therefore representing important political and valued in other spatial and temporal contexts.
component (e.g. Burger 2012; Murillo-Barroso et al. Finally, the political and ideological aspects
2015a; Perea 2005; Renfrew 1986; 2012). In the and the identities of the consumers acquire special
same way, the identities of consumers and the con- relevance at the moment of the amortisation of the
texts of use will have a decisive influence, allowing object at the end of their useful lifespan. Accord-
for the modification of the use value of the same ingly, from an archaeological point of view, context
object, socially and geographically. is everything if we hope to infer the social value
Thirdly, objects acquire an ‘exchange value’ of objects at the end of their social life. We must
as commodities. In the case of Late Prehistory, the evalu­ate the location of the object relative to other
high value given to certain raw materials because objects and individuals as well as their relationship
of their qualities, or perhaps more importantly in terms of presence/absence, abundance/scarcity
due to their scarcity and exotism in certain areas, (e.g. Renfrew 1986); whether they are found com-
lead to the development and consolidation of ex- plete or fragmented (e.g. Chapman 2000); if it con-
tensive trade networks (e.g. Renfrew 2012; Earle stitutes intentional destruction of valuable objects
et al. 2015; Ling/Stos Gale 2015). These networks as a form of ostentation of the potlaches type; if
contributed to – although not determined – the they are individual or collective contexts, ritual-
processes of social stratification that were under ised or domestic, etc.
development in the communities involved in these Ultimately, the factors that contribute to the
long-distance exchanges. However, on the Iberian social value of objects are varied and interrelat-
Peninsula, the volume of these exchanges does not ed. It is the balance between them that causes
seem to be sufficiently important as to have a clear an object to acquire a certain value in a concrete
impact in local social processes until the 1st mill. BC space and moment in time. However, this balance
276 Mercedes Murillo-Barroso and Ignacio Montero-Ruiz

changes with time and space, causing our assess- de los Gazules, Cádiz (Lazarich et al. 2009, 77),
ment of the social value of prehistoric objects to al- which at the moment lacks an analysis of origin.
ways be partial and limited. In this article we will On the Iberian Peninsula, Álvarez Fernández
carry out a review of the social role of amber and et al. (2005) and Peñalver et al. (2007) have locat-
metal in the Late Prehistory of the Iberian Peninsu- ed some 40 deposits of Cretaceous amber along the
la. We will assess the factors that had an influence Cantabrian Coast and surrounding areas, notably
on the social significance of these resources, from including Peñacerrada (Alava), San Just (­Teruel),
their collection and transformation to their dispos- and El Soplao (Cantabria). Rovira i Port (1994)
al or deposition in the archaeological record. We ­noted the presence of geological amber in the area
will discuss the consumption of amber and metal surrounding Barcelona, and Domínguez Bella et al.
in a concrete manner as case studies allowing us to (2001) also identified geological amber deposits
compare the social value given to each one in rel- in the area of Puerto del Boyar, Grazalema, Cádiz.
ative terms, as well as its evolution over time. The Geological amber has also been documented in
changes identified in regard to their social value the area of Guadalajara (Cerdeño et al. 2012) and
will be studied relative to the socio-political chang- along the coast of Portugal (Vilaça et al. 2002), al-
es taking place at the time. though at neither of these locations does it appear
as abundantly as in the area of the Cantabrian
Range, where an extensive characterisation of the
Amber and Copper on the Iberian deposits was carried out, being the FTIR spectrum
­Chalcolithic characteristic of the deposits well defined (Alon-
so et al. 2000). Unfortunately, the remaining loca-
The Chalcolithic (ca. 3200–2200 calBC) is perhaps tions with peninsular amber lack extensive FTIR
the moment when the Iberian Peninsula most characterisation, with only a single geological sam-
clearly participates in long-distance exchange ple ana­lysed at the Barcelona, Guadalajara, and
­prior to its integration into the ‘World System’ of ­Grazalema sites, respectively. Therefore, to-date,
the 1st mill. BC (Guerrero Ayuso 2010; Díaz-del-Río the only reliable comparison with local r­ esources
2011). The presence of ‘exotic’ materials such as that can be made is with the amber of the Can-
ivory, ostrich eggshell, and as in the case in ques- tabrian Coast, given that a single sample cannot be
tion, amber, becomes evident. Nevertheless, it is representative of a deposit’s geological variability.
worth noting that these foreign elements are most Nevertheless, it can serve as a starting point for
highly concentrated at the largest archaeological comparison with archaeological materials until
sites, such as Valencina de la Concepción or Los there is a better characterisation of peninsular am-
Millares, where there was a greater capacity for ber, especially considering that the uncharacter-
the mobilisation of work and acquisition of foreign ised amber deposits are small occurrences while
raw materials (Díaz-del-Río 2011; 2013). the main amber deposits from the Cantabrian
Coast have been subjected to extensive research.
In regard to the archaeological pieces of am-
Production and Distribution ber, the number of objects analysed is also very
small. Provenance analyses of origin have only
Differing from the case of ivory (Nocete et al. been carried out at four sites (fig. 2): at the tumu-
2013), to-date there has been no evidence of li of Trikuaizti I and Larrarte (Guipuzcoa), Caves
amber-working areas at Chalcolithic sites. The 1 and 3 of the Valle de las Higueras (Toledo) and
presence of unworked nodules of local amber, PP4-Montelirio (Seville).
occuring somewhat more frequently during the At the tumulus of Trikuaizti I (Guipuzcoa),
Upper Palaeolithic at sites along the Cantabrian in addition to the abundant lithic industry,
Coast (Álvarez Fernández et al. 2005), practically ­researchers recorded more than 30 quartz crys-
disappears with the exception of a nodule of raw tals, a Bell Beaker pot and various fragments of
amber at Tomb E3 at Paraje de Monte Bajo, Alcalá non-decorated pottery, two laminar gold beads
 The Social Value of Things 277

Fig. 2. Archaeological sites with amber. Neolithic sites (red stars): 1. Cabeço da Amoreira; 2. Anta Grande do
Zambujeiro; 3. Chousa Nova; 4. Dolmen de Mamoa V de Chã de Arcas; 5. Orca de Seixas; 6. Anta dos Pombais;
7. Campo de Hockey Necropolis; 8. Dolmen of Alberite; 9. El Juncal; 10. La Encantada 3; 11. Tumulus of Cal Rajolí.
Chalcolithic sites (white dots; green dots: chalcolithic amber with provenance analyses): 12. Bela Vista; 13. Cave
III, Quinta do Anjo; 14. Alcalar 3; 15. Alcalar 4; 16. Anta Grande da Comenda da Igreja; 17. Anta de Vale de Antas;
18. Atalaião dos Sapateiros; 19. PP4-Valencina de la Concepción; 20. Dolmen de Montelirio; 21. Caño Ronco;
22. Sepulture E3 of Paraje del Monte Bajo; 23. Los Delgados I; 24. La Velilla; 25. Caves 1 and 3, Valle de las Higueras;
26. Los Millares, tombs 4, 7, 12, 63 and 74; 27. Gorostiarán E; 28. Trikuaizti I; 29. Larrarte; 30. Blanquizares de
Lebor; 31. Cova de La Pastora; 32. Castell Morrés; 33. La Fossa del Gegant; 34. Cova del Frare. Reutilised sites
with Chalcolithic as well as Bronze Age materials (yellow dots): 35. Dolmen of Las Arnillas; 36. Cova de El
Garrofet; 37. La Pera; 38. Cova de la Roca del Frare; 39. Collet; 40. Tumulus I of El Bosc; 41. Llano de la Teja 18;
42. Llano de la Sabina 97; 43. Llano de la Sabina 99.

(one of them out of context with 20% Ag), two jet (56 x 21 x 6cm), which could be considered an an-
beads, a sandstone bead, a green stone, twelve thropomorphic stela, along with three large stones
small shale or marl beads, and a globular amber (limonite) perforated longitudinally in addition to
bead (Mujika / Armendariz 1991, 128). This bead a predominantly-Chalcolithic set of grave goods,
was analysed by Álvarez et al. (2005) who identi- with abundant lithic industry, fragments of Bell
fied the characteristics typical of the Cretaceous Beaker and non-decorated pottery, eleven jet beads,
amber of the Iberian Peninsula, concluding that it four possibly-limonite beads, two limestone beads,
was derived from a supply of local resources. three green beads, and one amber bead (Mujika/­
At the dolmen of Larrarte (Guipuzcoa), ex- Armendariz 1991, 156 f.). The amber bead, which
cavators also noted the presence of a basalt slab was analysed by Álvarez Fernández et al. (2005),
278 Mercedes Murillo-Barroso and Ignacio Montero-Ruiz

clearly displayed characteristic features of Baltic adapt to the results published by P ­ eñalver et al.
amber, with a flatband between 1250 and 1180cm-1 (2007) in regard to the ­Cretaceous ­amber of the Nor­
followed by a strong absorption peak at 1154cm-1. thern Iberian Peninsula. It also cannot be related
To-date, this constitutes the only evidence to the analysed samples from Cádiz (Domínguez
of Baltic amber on the Iberian Peninsula during Bella et al. 2001), Guadalajara (Cerdeño et al. 2012),
the Chalcolithic. It is also the first evidence of the or Catalonia (Rovira i Port 1994). For the moment,
­arrival of Baltic amber to the Iberian Peninsula, as has already been discussed somewhere else
something that would become more frequent start- in greater detail (Murillo-Barroso/García San-
ing in the Bronze Age and especially during the juán 2013; Murillo-Barroso/Martinón-Torres 2012;
Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age (Murillo-Barroso/ ­Murillo-Barroso 2016), the reference spectra most
Martinón-Torres 2012). similar to the pommel from the PP4-Montelirio
The third site with analysed Chalcolithic amber and to the pendants from the Dolmen de Monte-
is the necropolis of the Valle de las Higueras, where lirio is that of the Sicilian simetite defined by Beck
two amber beads were documented in Caves 1 and and Hartnett (1993). Further archaeological amber
5 (Bueno Ramírez et al. 2005; 2012). In Cave 1, the samples from Iberia have revealed patterns similar
amber appeared along with two variscite beads, as to those of simetite. These include the amber from
well as Bell Beaker pottery and two flint arrowheads the Neolithic ­megalithic tombs of Alberite (Cádiz),
with traces of cinnabar. In Cave 3, with around Mamoa V (Portugal), and Chousa Nova (Ponteve-
twenty inhumations, in addition to the amber, ex- dra). The amber beads found in Alberite were iden-
cavators also recovered variscite beads. The amber tified as simetite by Dominguez Bella et al. (2001);
beads were analysed by Professor Domínguez Bella, while Vilaça et al. (2002) and Domínguez Bella and
who ruled out their Baltic origin, although for the Bóveda Fernández (2011) acknowledged the re-
moment no concrete origin has been able to be es- semblance with simetite of amber objects found in
tablished (Bueno Ramírez et al. 2012, 26). Mamoa V and Chousa Nova but noted that a local
Finally, the last Chalcolithic site with amber origin from botanical sources similar to the Sicil-
objects analysed is Valencina de la Concepción ian simetite should not be rejected either. A more
(Seville) with an amber pomel from the PP4-­ systematic characterisation of the peninsular sites
Montelirio and pendants from the dolmen de Mon- beyond the Cantabrian Coast would be necessary
telirio analysed. The amber pommel is perhaps in order to more definitively rule out an Iberian
one of the most noteworthy pieces in the Prehisto- origin. However, all the Iberian geological a­mber
ry of the Iberian Peninsula, given that it is the only hitherto analysed shows different patterns than
amber object that is not a bead or a pendant. We simetite and has been shown to be of a Cretaceous
are referring to a semi-circular pommel that possi- origin, while simetite is a Terciarian amber, thus
bly belonged to the flint halberd handle that it ap- the hypothesis of a local origin for these beads is
peared with. In this case, the amber was ­deposited not supported by current evidence. At least until
as part of a set of grave goods for an ­individual cov- local amber showing the same characteristic spec-
ered with cinnabar, accompanied by other signif- trum is discovered and analysed, a Sicilian prove-
icant objects such as an unworked elephant tusk, nance remains the most probable option for both
a plate with an almond-shaped edge partially cov- the Montelirio objects and for the other artefacts
ered by red pigment, 23 flint strips, numerous ivory mentioned above.
objects (many of them decorated and considerably Therefore, in regard to the production and dis-
fragmented), and a copper awl (­Murillo-Barroso/ tribution of amber, we can observe that despite
García Sanjuán 2013). The dolmen de Monte- having local resources, the arrival of foreign mate-
lirio (see below) also stands out because of the rial can be identified, although the analysed sam-
large amount of amber beads: more than 250 ples are yet sparse. The absence of archaeological
objects which were also analysed (Murillo- evidence for workshops and nodules of raw am-
Barroso 2016). ber could support the idea of greater consumption
The analysis of these pieces allowed a ­Baltic of foreign amber, which probably arrived to the
provenance to be clearly ruled out, nor do them Iberian Peninsula in the form of already-­finished
 The Social Value of Things 279

objects. The results of the analysis currently malleable metal, its mechanical transformation is
under-­way will help us to confirm or nuance this very simple; however, due to its greater scarcity, it
hypothesis. is a metal with much greater social value.
If correct, this preference for resources of Once copper ores have been extracted, their
foreign amber would need to be understood transformation into metal does not require exces-
in political terms, as it would allow for the sively complex technology as has been demonstrat-
establishment of links and relationships between ed both by archaeometallurgical and experimen-
local and foreign elites. Control or restricted access tal studies (e.g. Hanning et al. 2010; Montero-Ruiz
to objects subjected to long-distance exchange 1994; Murillo-Barroso et al. 2017; Rovira 2002;
would contribute to ostentation and significance of Rovira/Montero-Ruiz 2013), the fundamentals of
higher status, also including other resources such which, in terms of development of mining tech-
as ivory or ostrich eggshell. However, the overall niques and pyrotechnology, can already be found
scarce volume of amber documented prevents us during the Neolithic. Therefore, as has been dis-
to propose intensive trade networks, but sporadic cussed in more detail somewhere else (e.g. Rovi-
exchanges, as the total volume of exchange would ra 2002; Rovira/Montero-Ruiz 2013), Chalcolithic
be reduced (see below). metalworking on the Iberian Peninsula is mainly
The situation in regard to copper metallurgy is characterised by its technological primitivism and
precisely the opposite. While amber resources are poor efficiency. There are no clearly-documented
relatively scarce on the Iberian Peninsula with the ­furnace structures (see Gauß 2013 for a critical
exception of the northern area, copper resources review of the structures known as ‘Chalcolithic
are considerably abundant in practically the furnaces’). Ores are directly smelted, without the
entire region, often appearing on the surface, addition of fluxes, in common ceramic vessels un-
facilitating their access to prehistoric communities der open fires. Specific ventilation systems are not
(Montero-Ruiz 1994; Bartelheim / Montero-Ruiz required either. Air can be supplied by blowing
2009; Rovira / Montero-Ruiz 2013). Nevertheless, through a reed which implies having little control
and ­despite this abundance of surface copper of the redox conditions, and consequently produc-
resources, ­mining technology had already been ing immature slags, frequently with relicts of un-
developed on the Iberian Peninsula since the smelted ore with high viscosity, complicating the
Neolithic, making access to resources viable in separation of the metallic copper and causing the
technological terms. This is evidenced by the flint subsequent loss of high amounts of copper in the
mines at Casa Montero (5400 – 5000 calBC), with slag (e.g. Murillo-Barroso et al. 2017; Rovira 2002;
ca. 3500 shafts of up to 7m deep (Díaz-del-Río et al. ­Rovira/Montero-Ruiz 2013).
2006), or the variscite mines combining shafts and This technology is carried out inside villages, in
galleries at Gavà, Barcelona, which reached 15m the same domestic areas where other subsistence,
in depth (Borrell et al. 2015). pottery, stone or textile production was performed.
We also have clear evidence of copper mining These contexts for metalworking appear to reflect
dating from the 3rd mill. BC. The clearest examples collective and domestic production designed to ful-
are the mines at El Áramo, El Milagro, or La Pro- fil daily necessities, rather than specialised ­labour
funda (de Blas 1989; 1998) in the northern façade, or directed to exchange. In fact, the volume of
even though the easy accessibility of surface sec- ­metal produced does not seem to exceed communi-
ondary carbonates as well as historical mining ty needs (Bartelheim 2007).
activity have contributed to the invisibility of a Provenance studies of the origin of Chalcolithic
large part of prehistoric mining efforts. This great metal objects likewise do not reflect the existence
abundance and accessibility of copper resources of large long-distance trade networks. Provenance
are two of the factors that have most notoriously analyses of metals by lead isotopes have proliferat-
contributed to the limited value of metal. As an ex- ed during the last two decades, and the results are
ample, gold can be more easily obtained using sim- revealing a high variability of sources, indicating
pler technology than copper, given that it general- that there were multiple mineralisations utilised.
ly occurs in its native state and it being the most Nevertheless, the mobility of resources is generally
280 Mercedes Murillo-Barroso and Ignacio Montero-Ruiz

limited, prioritising regional resources, although Late Prehistory of the Peninsula. However, if we
they may take place over a certain distance. Using observe it in relative terms, the amber beads are
some examples of the main metallurgical sites that proportionally scarce in comparison with beads
have undergone a complete archaeometric study, made of other materials. To provide only a few
the metal at sites in the South-West of the coun- examples, only three out of more than a thousand
try, such as Zambujal (Torres Vedras, Portugal), beads from the Alberite dolmen were made of am-
San Blas (Cheles, Badajoz), La Pijotilla (Badajoz), ber (Domínguez Bella et al. 2001, 621); just three
­Cabezo Juré (Alosno, Huelva) or Valencina de la out of 1,107 beads from Cova de la Pastora (Alcoy)
Concepción (Seville), seem to have their origins in were crafted on amber (García Puchol et al. 2012,
the mineralisations of the surrounding area, espe- 286); three out of 573 beads from Tomb 7 of Los
cially Ossa Morena and the Pyrite Belt (Hunt et al. Millares (Almeria) (Leisner / Leisner 1943, 26 f.);
2009, 89–92; 2012; Müller et al. 2007, 22–24; Nocete and only five out of 3,299 beads of Los Millares 12
et al. 2008, 723; Sáez et al. 2004). In the same way, (Leisner/Leisner 1943, 25). Even in the case of the
sites like Almizaraque (Almeria) or La Vital (Valen- Dolmen de Montelirio, the >250 amber beads are
cia) seem to prioritise the resources of the South- proportionally scarce if we compare them to the
East (Montero-Ruiz/Murillo-Barroso 2010; Rovira/ 1 million beads documented at the same site (Díaz-
Montero-Ruiz 2011, 225–227) and a similar pattern Guardamino Uribe et al. 2016, 346).
can be observed in the region of Madrid (unpub- Therefore, it can be observed that there was a
lished data) or the area of the Ebro River estuary smaller concentration of amber consumption dur-
(Montero-Ruiz 2017). To date, no case has been ing the Chalcolithic, with double the sites using
documented with the presence of extra-peninsular it. This could be the result of a greater amount of
metal, nor we do have evidence of metal originat- population centres with an elite capable of obtain-
ing from other regions of the Peninsula (for exam- ing foreign resources, notably including Los Mil-
ple, no metal from the ­Asturian-Leonese mines has lares and especially Valencina de la Concepción,
been identified in the South of Iberia). During these a site that received, by a large margin, the largest
first periods of metallurgy, the abundant copper re- amount of amber pieces and the most unique ob-
sources of the Iberian Peninsula cause it to remain jects such as the pommel of the halberd of PP4 and
out of long-distance metal exchange. the amber pendants of the Dolmen de Montelirio
(also reflected by the exceptional nature of the ivo-
ry carvings at the same site). Nevertheless, with the
Consumption exception of Valencina, the total volume of amorti-
sated amber between 3200–2200 calBC is relative-
In regard to the consumption of these resources, ly scarce, making it possible that these exchanges
the total volume of amber objects turns out to be resulted more from occasional contacts than from
relatively small: the number of sites with amber frequent exchanges through extensive and com-
doubles during the Chalcolithic going from ten pletely-consolidated networks. It is therefore diffi-
sites in the Neolithic to 21 (fig. 2). However, the cult to think that sporadic exchanges (also assum-
amount of Chalcolithic amber that has been recov- ing that all the amber was foreign), would have the
ered is less than that of the Neolithic, oscillating ability to have a decisive impact on the alteration
between one and five beads per tomb. From the of internal processes or be the trigger for cultural
Neolithic we have a total of 79 amber beads, but changes among the peninsular groups.
only approximately 47 have been recovered from The type of objects crafted in amber and their
the Chalcolithic. One exception would be the Dol- contexts for amortisation do seem to reflect a sym-
men de Montelirio, which significantly stands out bolic significance attributed to this resource. With
quantitatively and qualitatively, with more than the exception of the aforementioned pommel from
250 beads and pendants of different shapes (Mu- PP4 in Valencina, practically the entirety of the ob-
rillo-Barroso 2016). This is the tomb containing jects crafted in amber are beads or pendants cre-
the largest quantity of recovered amber from the ated to be worn by an individual as a necklace or
 The Social Value of Things 281

incorporated into fabric. 100% of the objects also ap- and 7 (in the latter tomb an axe, ­chisel, and blade
pear in funerary contexts generally associated with fragment were also documented), and the Necrop-
concrete individuals. They are therefore ele­ments olis of Alcalar 3 and 4 (Algarve), where, by a large
with a strong connotation of identity and status. Am- margin, the ­largest amount of metal has been found,
ber furthermore, is normally accompanied by other specifically three axes, a small chisel, two small flat
exotic or symbolic elements such as the ostrich egg- tools, five daggers, two awls, a saw, and six blades,
shell beads at Los Millares 12 (Leisner/Leisner 1943, some of them fragmented (Apellániz Castroviejo
25); the idols at the Cova de la Pastora (Alicante) and 1973, 222; Bueno Ramírez et al. 2005, 75; Murillo-
Los Millares 7, 12, and 74 (Soler Díaz 2002, 348–354; Barroso/García Sanjuán 2013, 513; Leisner/Leisner
Leisner/Leisner 1943, ­24–27); the rock crystals in 1943, 25–27, 237, 239).
the dolmen of ­Trikuaizti I (­Guipuzcoa), the Paraje Apart from the tombs containing amber ob-
de Monte Bajo (Alcalá de los Gazules) or the PP4 at jects and other exotic elements, it is significant that
Valencina de la Concepción (Mujika/Armendariz the typology of the copper objects up to the final
1991, 127; Lazarich et al. 2009, 76 f.; Murillo-Bar- moments of the Chalcolithic is limited to tools or
roso/García Sanjuán 2013, 513); in addition to the weapons, with the notable absence of ornaments
ivory at the Cova de la Pastora (­Alicante), Los Mil- or potentially-symbolic elements (Murillo-Barroso/
lares 12 and 63, the PP4-Montelirio and the Dolmen Montero-Ruiz 2012). This is in clear contrast to the
de Montelirio in Valencina or the necropolis of Al- metallurgical tradition of the Near East and Central
calar 3 and 4 (­Algarve) (García ­Puchol et al. 2012, Europe, where the first production of metal was
286; Leisner/Leisner 1943, 25, 51, 237, 239; Muri- oriented towards the production of elements for
llo-Barroso/García Sanjuán 2013, 513; Fernández body ornament. Although, as we have sustained,
Flores/Aycart Luengo 2013); the green beads in the there is a large amount of body adornaments craft-
dolmens of Trikuaizti I and Larrarte (Guipuzcoa), ed in a great variety of raw materials, copper was
the Cova del Frare (Barcelona) or the Valle de las not a material chosen by Chalcolithic communities
Higueras (­Toledo) (Mujika/Armendariz 1991, 127, for the creation of body ornaments.
157; Rovira i Port 1994, 73; Bueno Ramírez et al. Equally significant is the fact that, in contrast
2005, 74); or the cinnabar, ochre, and red pigments to the amber objects deposited exclusively as orna-
at La Velilla (Palencia), the Valle de las Higueras (To- ments in funerary contexts, copper objects appear
ledo), Los Millares 12 and 74, PP4 and at Montelirio almost equally in domestic and funerary contexts.
in Valencina de la Concepción, the Paraje de Monte In the case of the southeast, 43% of metal objects
Bajo (Alcalá de los Gazules), or the necropolis of Al- were recovered in domestic contexts, compared
calar 4 (Algarve) (Zapatero 1989, 11; Bueno Ramírez with 57% in funerary contexts (Montero-Ruiz 1994,
et al. 2005, 75; Leisner/Leisner 1943, 24 f., 237, 239; 214). This is similar to the case of Valencina de la
Rogerio Candelera et al. 2013; Fernández Flores/­ Concepción, where 46% of the metal was deposit-
Aycart ­Luengo 2013; Lazarich et al. 2009, 76 f.). Less ed in the so-called domestic area, while 54% came
frequent is the presence of metal in tombs contain- from the necropolis (Costa et al. 2010, 98), with all
ing amber. Gold appears in the form of thin strips of the objects being tools or tools/weapons. We do
at Trikuaizti I (Guipuzcoa), Alcalar 4 (Algarve) and not observe, therefore, that copper was designated
the Dolmen de Montelirio (Valencina) (Mujika/ preferentially for contexts marked by an important
Armendariz 1991, 127; Leisner/Leisner 1943, 239; symbolic, ideological, or ritualised significance.
Fernández Flores/Aycart Luengo 2013; Fernández These typological and contextual differences
Flores et al. 2016), while copper is absent at some seem to reflect the importance that exotic materi-
of the most important tombs, such as the Dolmen als must have had for Chalcolithic funerary ideol-
de Montelirio in Valencina de la Concepción, and ogy and consequently, the importance of the acqui-
where it does appear it does so scarcely and gen- sition and manufacture of scare raw materials, as
erally in the form of awls. These appear at Gorosti- well as the social significance that body ornaments
arán (Guipuzcoa), Valle de las Higueras 3 (Toledo), must have had among Neolithic and Copper Age
PP4 at Valencina de la Concepción, Los Millares 12 communities (Skeates 2010, 75). At the same time,
282 Mercedes Murillo-Barroso and Ignacio Montero-Ruiz

it reveals the limited ideo-technical value reached Muricecs (Gallart i Fernández 2006; Montero-Ruiz
by metal during the Chalcolithic, perhaps as a con- et al. 2015).
sequence of its great abundance and accessibility The total absence of amber in Argaric contexts
on the Iberian Peninsula. is striking, as there are several extensively exca-
vated sites with tombs containing notable sets of
grave goods. Its use, mainly documented in the
Changing Values: The Leap to the Northeast at collective burial sites or reutilisations
Bronze Age maintaining ‘archaic’ practices, seems to reflect the
fact that in the new social relationships of the Arg-
The situation that we have described for the Chal- aric society, amber had lost its relevant social value
colithic changes substantially upon the arrival of as a marker of identity. If we accept that the amber
the Bronze Age. Especially significant is the dras- recovered in the burial sites of Fonelas 18 and La
tic reduction in the number of objects crafted in Sabina 97 and 99 (Guadix) have an Argaric chro-
amber during the 2nd mill. BC, something that will nology − although these three tombs display reuse
change again during the Late Bronze Age /­Early of materials from the Chalcolithic as well as the
Iron Age with the inclusion of the Iberian Pen­ Middle and Late Bronze Age (Lorrio/Montero-Ruiz
insula in the continental, and especially Mediter- 2004) −, its use in burials that preserve previous
ranean, exchange networks. Other exotic elements, funerary practices and do not follow standard Ar-
such as ostrich eggshell, jet, or rock crystal, also garic burial norm, could reflect a continuation of
diminish in use during the 2nd mill. BC (Costa et al. ancestral traditions. It might also be a response
2011). from the people excluded from the new social and
The objects recovered in definite Bronze Age ideological practices and value system of the Arga-
contexts are limited to eight, 1 and none of them ric Bronze Age; a conscious and explicit rejection
represent the usual pattern of individual burial of Argaric values (Aranda 2015; Graeber 2013;
characteristic of the Bronze Age: Pedra Cabana, ­Murillo-Barroso/Martinón-Torres 2012, 209).
­Cabana del Moro in Colomera, Can Cuca, Bullons On the contrary, the change in the consump-
and Muricecs in Lleida, Cova de Can Mauri and tion of metal is the opposite. The number of
Cova de les Pixarelles in Barcelona, and Los La- ­metal objects recovered during the 2nd mill. BC, is
gos I in Cantabria. It is significant that all the am- five times greater and they change substantially
ber documented in the Bronze Age is concentrated (e.g. Montero-Ruiz 1993, 53; 1994). While we have
along the northern façade of the country, and es- no metal ornaments from the Chalcolithic, during
pecially in the northeast, without reaching the rest the Bronze Age this is the predominant typology
of the Peninsula. Provenance studies were carried (Murillo-Barroso/Montero-Ruiz 2012, 59 f.). Never­
out at four of these sites: Los Lagos I, Pedra Caba- theless, even in the Argaric world, copper was
na, Cabana del Moro in Colmera, and Muricecs. late to acquire important social significance as an
Los Lagos I, on the Cantabrian Coast, revealed a element for body adornament, and only appears
consumption of local resources (Gutiérrez Morillo frequently starting in 1800 calBC. The first metal
2003) while the three Catalonian sites showed Bal- ornaments were made of silver and gold (Murillo-
tic origin of the amber (Rovira i Port 1994; Murillo- Barroso / Montero-Ruiz 2012, 60), something that
Barroso/Martinón-Torres 2012), perhaps reflecting Castro et al. (1993/1994, 101) interpret as an exam-
some continental contacts with southern France ple of differential access to metal ornaments in the
via the Pyrenees, also suggested by the metal de- ­Argaric society, with their first appearance in the
posits that accompanied the amber in the case of tombs of the elite, later becoming more accessible
in their copper version starting in 1800 calBC.
In fact, the introduction of bronze into the
1 We will not consider nine more discoveries in collective ­Argaric society also seems to be closely related to
and reused contexts in which materials from the ­Chalcolithic the development of these elements for adornment.
to the Late Bronze Age appear mixed, as it is not possible to
clearly place the amber in a specific moment in the Middle We have more than 400 compositional analyses of
Bronze Age. Argaric objects (Junghans et al. 1960; 1968; Arribas
 The Social Value of Things 283

Fig. 3. Isotopic signatures of Chalcolithic and Bronze Age objects from the Central area of Iberia and the Lower
Ebro area. Note that two different patterns can be distinguished reflecting a regionalised copper consumption.

et al. 1989; Hook et al. 1991; Montero-Ruiz 1994; significant changes to the supply sources of ores, as
­Rovira et al. 1997; Simón 1998; Stos Gale et al. 1999; can be observed in the isotopic data of the ­metals
Murillo-Barroso et al. 2015b) in which a positive of the central area of the country (­Madrid and
correlation can be observed between the elemen- ­Toledo) and of the lower Ebro (Tarragona and Cas-
tal composition and the type of object (Montero- tellon) (fig. 3). Although, we cannot reli­ably carry
Ruiz 1994). The majority of the ornaments ana- out this chronological comparison in the South-
lysed (60%) were crafted in bronze, while tools and East – ­given that we have Chalcolithic data main-
tools / weapons were mostly crafted in arsenical ly derived from sites near the coast and Argaric
copper: 100% of the halberds, 86% of awls, 84% of sites mainly in the interior (Granada and Jaen) –
daggers, 82% of axes, and 72% of swords (Murillo- the comparisons between the Argaric ­metals and
Barroso et al. forthcoming). In addition, metallo- those of the Bronze Age in the Lower Ebro show
graphic studies display a similar hardness in the that there is no relationship between the two
Argaric objects made of arsenical copper and those ­areas, and we still do not find copper originating
of bronze, putting into question the functional su- from the Asturian-Leonese mines still in operation
periority in practice of the latter alloy compared (fig. 4). Even if the use of diverse resources within
with arsenical copper and making us to consider these regions could generate an exchange of metal
other aspects as determining factors in the social between population centres (Murillo-Barroso et al.
value of the new metal, such as appearance and 2015b), these exchanges do not seem to go beyond
especially the scarcity of tin in comparison with ar- these wide regional areas, or were not carried out
senical copper (Aranda et al. 2012). in a sufficiently intense manner. This regional pro-
In regards to the procurement of these ­resources duction also seems to have taken place in the cen-
during the Bronze Age, a regional distribution and tral area of the Iberian Peninsula (Montero-Ruiz
consumption of the metal is maintained, without 1998; Ruiz Taboada/Montero-Ruiz 2000).
284 Mercedes Murillo-Barroso and Ignacio Montero-Ruiz

Fig. 4. Isotopic signatures of Bronze Age objects from the Argaric area and the Lower Ebro. As also
noted in fig. 3 two different patterns in copper supplies can be distinguished reflecting regional catchment
areas for copper ores.
 The Social Value of Things 285

This preference for regional resources seems consistent with the establishment of ­areas for the
consistent with the drastic reduction in exotic ele- ­acquisition of regional metals as well as the ab-
ments. In the societies of the Iberian Peninsula that sence of extra-peninsular metal. Something that
were developing a process of marked social differ- would change again during the Late Bronze Age/
entiation (especially evident in the Argaric world, Early Iron Age, a moment in which the Iberian Pen-
but not exclusive to it), amber and the ­exotic raw insula becomes once again completely integrated
materials used during the Chalcolithic cease to into the long-distance trade networks of Europe
be used as markers of prestige or social status in and the Eastern Mediterranean.
order to give prevalence to metallic elements, es-
pecially ornments and weapons. The new elites
break with the symbolic expressions of the Chalco-
lithic (­baetylus, idols, ostrich eggshell, amber etc.) M. Murillo-Barroso
and establish new ideological and symbolic stand- Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología
ards with which to endorse their power in which Universidad de Granada
amber will not play any role, replaced by metallic Campus de Cartuja s/n
elements. 18011 Granada, Spain
This need to establish a new ideological ex- murillobarroso@ugr.es
pression that favours individuality over the more
communal ideologies of previous ages also could be I. Montero-Ruiz
conditioned by a possible breakdown (­intentional IH–CSIC, C/Albasanz, 17
or not) of the Mediterranean contacts that favoured 28037 Madrid, Spain
the arrival of exogenous ­material (­Murillo-Barroso/ ignacio.montero@cchs.csic.es
Martinón-Torres 2012, 209), which would be

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