Unit-11

Ancient Champa- Vietnam: Mỹ Sơn and Đông Dương

[Note- Answer covers brief introduction of Ancient Champa and its architecture in general
(can be used as introductory content in any type of question), the details related to site of My
Son and that of Dong Duong. Use the material according to the question asked. The material
for Dong Duong is deliberately kept longish in case an independent question occurs.]

(About Ancient Champa & its Architecture)

Ancient Champa was a collection of independent Cham polities that extended across the
coast of present day central and southern Vietnam. The Khmers dominated regions to its
west and the Dai Việts and Chinese ruled territories to its north. Champa emerged as a
significant player in trans-Asian maritime and overland contacts due to its unique
geographical location and historical circumstance, the cultural links with India being
especially noteworthy. At its peak, the Champa Kingdom controlled the trade in spices and
silk between China, India, Indonesia, and Persia. Highly cosmopolitan, the culture was
dominated by Saivism- the establishment religion of Ancient Champa. In addition to
Saivism, sources reveal that Champa was also an important participant in an Asian Buddhist
culture. Mahayana (with some Tantric elements) was the principal form of Buddhism
practised in Champa, Avalokiteshwara being an important figure. As a result of this, we find
today that the ruins of ancient Hindu and Buddhist temples dot the landscape of central and
southern Vietnam.
The makers of the Hindu-Buddhist temples translated and transformed a number of
influences, viz. Indic, Chinese, Javanese, Khmer etc., to create fresher modes of architectural
expressions uniquely Cham. The earliest-known temple in Champa was built during the
fifth century in the Mỹ Sơn valley of central Vietnam. It was built under king and patron
Bhadravarman, thus the name Bhadresvara, and housed the symbolic form of Shiva, the
linga. Subsequently, a huge number of temples were built (and rebuilt) under successive
rulers at sites such as Dong Duong, Tra Kieu, Thap Mam etc.
Tran Ky Phuong, in his essay “Rethinking Cham Temple Architecture and Sculpture” has
divided the religious architecture of Cham temples into two types-the open-sanctum temple
and the closed- sanctum type. The first type comprises four wooden pillars supporting a
terracotta tile roof that forms an open sanctum with a bright interior in which to set a richly
carved altar with narrative sculptural works around for a central yoni-liṅga sculpture. Open-
sanctum temples are known from the fifth to the eighth centuries. My Son E1 pedestal
remains, according to Parmentier, is the sole surviving structure which give us a picture of the
earliest Cham temples, though it was later renovated and enlarged and converted into the
pedestal of an icon in a walled temple.
The second type uses brick applied with corbel technique to make a closed sanctum with a
dark interior to house a minimally decorated pedestal for the yoni-liṅga. Closed-sanctum
temples appeared during the later period of Cham art, from the late eighth and the ninth
century onwards, including brick or stone-brick structures which were built until the
seventeenth century. Architectural examples include the Phố Hài/ Pajai, Po Dam complexes
as well as the Mỹ Sơn C7 and B4. By the early ninth century, with the maturation of the
corbel roof, the decoration of icon pedestals declined and the ornamentation migrated to the
temple exteriors. However, the case of Dong Duong is an exception, where we’ve found an
elaborately carved pedestal within brick walls.

(Site of Mỹ Sơn)

During the 4th to 13th centuries there was a unique culture on the coast of contemporary
Vietnam, graphically illustrated by the remains of a series of impressive tower temples in a
dramatic site that was the religious and political capital of the Champa Kingdom for most of
its existence- My Son. The tower temples were constructed over a period of ten centuries of
continuous development, under the influence of Hinduism of Indian subcontinent. The
temples are dedicated to the veneration of God in accordance with Shaivism, wherein the
God is Shiva. Herein he is venerated as Bhadreshvara, among other local names.
Although Mahayan Buddhist penetrated the Cham culture, probably from the 4thcentury CE,
and became strongly established in the north of the kingdom, Shivite Hinduism remained the
established state religion.
At one time, the site encompassed over 70 temples as well as numerous stele-bearing
historically important inscriptions in Sanskrit and Cham. At Mỹ Sơn, Bhadravarman built a
hall containing a lingam to worship Shiva under the Sanskrit name Bhadreśvara. King
Bhadravarman caused a stele to be erected at Mỹ Sơn the inscription on which recorded his
foundation. The stele indicates that the king dedicated the entire valley of Mỹ Sơn to
Bhadreśvara. The original temples of Bhadravarman were mainly composed of wooden
materials such timber logs. It carries a tale of destruction as the temple complex was
comsumed by a great fire (dagdham) occurred in 535/536 AD. Sambhuvarman rebuilt the
temple, reinstalled the god under the name Sambhu-Bhadresvara, and erected a stele to
document the event. In all likelihood, the first temple at Mỹ Sơn would have been an open-air
temple-type built in wood.
Another structure which conjures a semblance of early open-air shrines with a linga raised on
a small platform is the elaboratively carved stone mahavedi recovered from the Mỹ Sơn E1
temple site. the Mỹ Sơn E1 pedestal evolved through two phases- in the original phase the
sandstone pedestal was itself employed as the foundation of a small wooden open-sanctum
temple. wooden pillars positioned at the corners atop the stone mahāvedī supported a wood-
and tile superstructure termed locally as the janùk. In the second phase, the Mỹ Sơn E1 was
renovated and enlarged and the foundation of the original temple was converted into the
pedestal of an icon in the sanctum of a new walled temple whose remnants are extant today.
While Stern dated Mỹ Sơn E1 to the first half of the 8 th century, Boisselier suggested the
mid-7th. More recently, art historians have supported Stern. Scholars who have analysed the
Mỹ Sơn E1 pedestal with the vedī (altar) noted in king Vikrantavarman’s inscription of the
year of 731/2 CE, have concluded that the two are the same time period.
The sculptural embellishment of the E1 stone mahāvedī reveals many endearing details. It is
adorned with geometrical patterns and architectural elements framing human and animal
forms engaged in a range of activities. Its decorative scenes also depict the daily activities of
Śaiva ascetics at Mỹ Sơn (One of the ascetic figures plays the lute, others pluck at the strings
of a musical instrument, sage-like figures recline in leisurely attitudes etc.) and in this it is
quite unique in Cham temple architecture. Interestingly, each stone slab of the mahāvedī is
inscribed with a Sanskrit syllable which shows that Sanskrit syllabary – and, by extension, its
recitation and memorisation – was well established at Mỹ Sơn.
The F1 temple near the E-group at Mỹ Sơn has been stylistically attributed to the eighth
century. The most important aspect of this structure is the stone tympanum, which once
crowned the F1 temple’s doorway, depicting a miniature two-storeyed temple model in relief
as part of the Śaiva mythological narrative of Rāvaṇa’s vain attempt to lift the Kailāsa
mountain. This temple model is the only surviving and intact representation of a temple’s
elevation – from the sub-socle to the finial – that belongs to a period prior to the first quarter
of the ninth century. This model rises from a moulded platform (upapitha) interrupted by
staircase at the centre. The F1 platform acts as a sub-base (upapīṭha) from which the temple
springs– the socle (vedībandha/pīṭha), wall with pilasters (pādavarga), an entablature
(prastara), a second level (gṛhapiṇḍi) also topped by an entablature, the neck (grīvā), cupola
(śikhara), and a trident (triśūla) as finial resting on a tiny pedestal (pīṭhikā). The pedestal
which supported the linga in the interior of F1 temple was much more modest as it was not
meant to be seen from outside. The architectural transition from the Mỹ Sơn E1 type of
temple to the Mỹ Sơn F1 temple-model type records a shift from open-air structures to brick-
walled temples with superstructures. The Mỹ Sơn E1 mahāvedī served a dual function – of an
image-pedestal and a temple-platform – these functions had been separated in F1 temple.
Another structure at Myson includes the C7 temple, a low corbel structure with four
remaining stone bases at its interior corners, showing that the small altar of the temple was
covered by a small wooden structure, called janùk. Its sanctum is dark and narrow, with four
niches and a large somasūtra (waterspout) on the northern wall. This is the earliest corbel
structure remaining in good condition at the Mỹ Sơn complex. By the early ninth century,
with the maturation of the corbel roof, the decoration of icon pedestals further declined, as
evidenced by those of Mỹ Sơn A1 and A10. My Son A1 square pedestal is decorated with a
light floral motif while the A10 pedestal is decorated with a vermicular (silkworm) motif that
became popular in the Đồng Dương style. Along with the development of the fully corbelled
or closed-sanctum temples, sculptural decoration evolved with rich carvings in sandstone and
terra-cotta of human figures, flora and fauna on roofs and on exterior walls, false-doors, door
pillars, pilasters, pediments, decorative angle pieces and temple-bases which all enhanced the
exterior surface of temples.

(Site of -Đồng Dương)

The site of Dong Duong in the Quang Nam Province of Central Vietnam was once a thriving
religious-political hub of one of the Champa polities ruling from Indrapura, the most
important ruler of which was Indravarman II. The site of Dong Duong once housed a grand
Buddhist temple and Monastry built around late 9th-early 10th century, dedicated to
Avalokiteshvara by Indravarman II (also known as Laksmindra-Bhümisvara-Gràmasvâmin).
The site was first ravaged by a Dai Viet Attack in 982 CE but it survived in ruins. It was
finally razed to ground during the 20th century wars. The art remains of this site are now
placed in the Dà Nàng Museum of Cham Sculpture in central Vietnam and other collections.
These remains are the main source of understanding the importance of this centre, its role in
the larger vibrant international cultural milieu of thi period and for getting an insight into the
processes of cultural interaction transpiring in and around Dong Duong.
The nature of religious practice at Dong Duong can be gauged from the two inscriptions
found at this site- Dong Duong Stele Inscription and An Thai inscription, both of which
mention about Avlokiteshwara- a figure ideally suited to offer a parallel for the king as ‘god
on earth’. As mentioned above, while Shaivism was the state religion, state patronage for
Buddhism reached its climax during this brief period and the monument at Dong Duong is
seen as the grandest monumental complex in Champa to have represented Buddhism as the
official religion of an important ruling polity. With regards to the tantric influences on
Mahayana Buddhism, the mentions of Vajradhatu, Padmadhatu, and Cakradhatu in An Thai
inscription reveals familiarity with the concept of the three Buddha families found in the
Mahavairocana sutra. Some verses of Dong Duong inscription also co-relate with
Karandavyuha Sutra, which suggests a possible awareness of the latter as suggested by Hiram
Woodward. The fact that Karandavyuha Sutra centres on Avalokiteshwara and shows affinity
with Puranic literature suggests that it was well suited for Champa milieu (connected nature
of Buddhism and Hinduism in Champa).
Architecture-wise, the chief structures of Dong Duong complex were constructed in brick
and organized along the east-west axis within three enclosures, each entered through gopura
(gateway). Further eastward along the E—W axis, another gopura led to a long causeway that
terminated in a water-body at the easternmost end, with the column of Xuan-so’n a little to its
west. Enclosure 1 included the main temple complex with a principal sanctuary, a central
tower which was a sarvatobhadra structure with a raised platform and an elaborate pedestal
attached to the back wall, and associated subsidiary structures like the seven small shrines
arranged along the inner circumference of the enclosure wall and five temples surrounding
the principal tower. Enclosure 2 housed a rectangular hall connected with first and third
enclosures through gopura No. 1 and 2 respectively. Enclosure 3 was the vihara complex
with a large pillared assembly hall having two gopuras (no. 2 and 3). A long pathway on the
eastern side connected gopura no. 3 with gopura no. 4 and between these, there were some
brick structures. The principal sanctuary in Enclosure I and the vihàra in Enclosure 3 had
large pedestals carved with narrative sculptures, once supporting images of Buddhist images.
Parallels can be drawn between layouts of enclosure 1 of Dong Duong Monument and that
of Saiva group of structures at My Son. There is a greater similarity with South Indian temple
complexes from 8th century onwards in terms of gopuras and prakaras. Some other features
seem to draw inspiration from Chinese tradition, like the ribbed columns flanking gopuras.
These Indian and Chinese influences have been integrated and localized in the architecture o f
Dong Duong in a manner which is essentially Cham. There are also Cham elements which
are not encountered elsewhere, as for example, the peculiar treatment of the stone pedestals
and the distinct architectural ornamentation style (well known as Dong Duong style).
A number of sculptural remains have been found at the Dong Duong site- firstly, a colossal
Buddha with decapitated head, seated on a stool with his legs pendant (bhadrdsana, or the
‘European’ pose), with the legs parallel and apart below the knee, and with the palms cupping
the knees have been found. His manner of sitting, the thickly pleated lower garment and the
arrangement of the upper drape over his right shoulder and arm is stylistically affiliated to
Chinese or ‘Sino- Japanese’ parallels. A separated head, referred as the Hanoi-head, which
was once wrongly assumed to have belonged to is now located in Museum of Vietnamese
History. It appears that the Hanoi Buddha head belonged to another colossal Buddha, perhaps
of slightly greater proportions than the pendant-legged colossal Buddha in the Dà Nàng
Museum.
A second colossal Buddha head, referred as Guimet head, has also been found. Both the
Hanoi head and Guimet head show distinctive features of the Buddha as rendered in Dong
Duong art— eyebrows that flow in a continuous bow-shaped curve and meet at the centre,
thick and fleshy lips, small chin, flared nostrils, elongated ear lobes (mark of a great being),
gently upturned lips, moustache, prominent side burns and a curved hairline of multiple arcs.
The curled up hair culminate in the usnisa (top knot), as seen in both the heads. It is difficult
to say if the Guimet-head fits the Buddha with pendant legs. Furthermore, a second colossal
body of a Buddha have also been discovered, seemingly of a Buddha seated cross-legged
with only the hands and a part of the body surviving. The palms of the hands were joined
together and the fingers were interlaced. The hand gesture with intertwined fingers can be
identified as the bodhyagri mudra, suggesting that this colossal Buddha was perhaps
Vairocana. It is possible that the Guimet head belonged to the colossal body of Vairocana.
It has also been proposed that there was a third colossal Buddha and that the Hanoi-head
actually belonged to the body of this third Buddha who was perhaps Amitabha, drawing its
basis from the mention of the three Buddhas- Sakyamuni, Vairocana and Amitabha- in An
Thai inscription. Baptiste has proposed that Amitabha would have occupied a dominant
position in the principal tower of the first enclosure; Vairocana would have been located in
the central tower of the same enclosure; and Sakyamuni would have been on the vihara
pedestal in the third enclosure, however the archaeological evidence to support this
hypothesis is fragile.
Two bronzes have also been discovered at Dong Duong. The first, an exquisite bronze
Buddha, stands in samapada (equipoise) with right hand in vitarka mudra and left one
holding end of his garment. In terms of artistic style and iconography, it is affiliated to the
Amaravati School o f south-eastern India, which also had a following in Sri Lanka. This
bronze appears to have reached the coasts o f Campa from Sri Lanka at some point during the
8th century CE or earlier. The incised eyebrows are bow-shaped and trace a continuous curve,
a stylistic detail peculiar to Campa art, and were incised at a later stage perhaps for the ritual
of netronmilanam during image consecration. The second bronze, a female Boddhisattva,
has been a subject of debate since its discovery. She has variously been identified as Tara,
Prajnaparamita and a female Lakshmindra Lokeshwara. The face of the bronze has quiet
strength and eyes register immediate presence. The inlay of eyebrows points to Chinese
influence and forehead is marked by a cavity (perhaps for holding a jewel). Sheltered within
her coiffure is an image o f Buddha protected by a seven-hooded serpent (Mucalinda). Trian
Nguyen has proposed that this exceptional representation o f the bodhisattva in female form
may be linked to three factors- presence of Tantric or Vajrayana Buddhism in Campa by the
9th century, Indravarman’s desire to address and honour the native matriarchal system or
king’s intention to honour a royal lady. However these arguments remain unconclusive.
Several inter-relationships have been highlights by scholars between the Dong Duong
remains and textual evidences to comprehend the symbolic significance of the archaeological
finds. Hiram Woodward has suggested that may iconographic riddles can be solved by
reading Dong Duong stele inscription and Karandavyuha sutra together. The inscription
refers to those languishing in hell who constantly long to see the lord. The effect of
quenching their thirst is likened to cool water in the heat of summer. A section from
Karandavyuha sutra also speaks of cool water flowing from the fingers of the compassionate
Avalokitesvara to satiate the thirst of those suffering in hell. This act is represented by the
gesture of pretasamtarpita. Woodward says that the conch placed in the hands of female
Boddhisattva bronze relates well to the idea of supply of water, thus leading to her
identification with Tara or as female Avalokiteshwara. Yet, another passage from the Dong
Duong stele describes the qualities of the king as one who shines forth in wisdom and is
protected by the planets. This suggests a greater correlation of the bronze with
Prajnäpäramitä, who best epitomizes wisdom. The planets may have been represented by
subsidiary shrines of Enclosure 1. A third possibility is that the bronze could be a localized
female deity bringing together the divine Hindu and Buddhist energies. This is argued on the
basis of conch and lotus in the hands of female figure- attributes associated with Vishnu
whose consort is Lakshmi. In addition to Cham practice of female worship, king Indravarman
was also known by the name Lakshmindra.
The layout of the temple can also be understood in terms a passage from Karandavyuha sutra
which speaks of destruction of hell by Avalokiteshwara. The text states that when
Avalokitesvara enters Avici hell. its fires are extinguished and lotuses the size of chariot
wheels appear in a pool of water. The same text also mentions that Sakyamuni Buddha in the
Jetavana vihara surrounded by arhats, bodhisattvas and others, was visited by Avalokitesvara
after the bodhisattva emerged from Avici hell. The first part of this passage can be correlated
to the water body at the eastern end of the complex. The large lotus which once crowned the
column surrounded by five or six snakes, as suggested by Parmentier on the basis of an
unusual stone sculpture found here, could have stood for ‘lotuses the size o f a chariot wheel’.
The snakes might have represented poisonous hell. In the vihara, a Buddha (Sakyamuni) was
seated on an elaborate pedestal surrounded by arhats, monks etc.- this corresponds to the
textual description of assembly at Jetavana vihara.
Apart from the above discussed examples, another inter-relationship can be drawn between
the depiction on a vihara pedestal of a four-headed and eight-armed being attempting to lift
something above him, and the Ravanaugrahamurti composition. If the depiction is of Mara,
then it appears thar the iconography was borrwowed from depiction of Ravana in Saiva
context. However, it is possible that the depiction is of Ravan himself, given the Shaiva
context of Champa polity. A third possibility is that of a deliberate double entendre, by
employing Saiva iconography first in a Buddhist context, and next, in relation to the king. In
addition, the narrative reliefs on the two pedestals found from Enclosure 1 and vihara depict
scenes from Buddha’s life up to the event of Maravijaya, all known from the text
Lalitvisvara. As this complex was dedicated to Avalokiteshwara, there appears to be a
connection between (escape or rescue from) Maras hell (of desire and temptations) and the
role of Lokesvara in releasing the down-trodden from the travails of hell.
From the above discussion it logically follows that King Jaya Indravarman II sought to
proclaim the distinctive character of his kingship and at the same time, also integrated the
prevailing belief systems of the people of Campa. The art remains and inscriptions from
Dong Duong suggest a religious mix, Buddhist and Hindu, and the local beliefs of the people
of Campa. The colossal Buddha with pendant legs appears to have been seated on the vihàra
pedestal surrounded by bodhisattvas, monks and other devotees, quite in the manner of
Sakyamunis assembly in the Jetavana vihàra as described in the Kàrandavyùha-sùtra. The
second colossal Buddha appears to be Vairocana in bodhyàgri mudrà, occupying a position in
the first enclosure. Archaeological evidence regarding third Buddha is scarce. The identity of
female bronze remains uncertain and the Amravati Buddha bronze is most likely from Sri
Lanka. Taking inspiration from Indian, Chinese, Sri Lankan and Southeast Asian tradition,
the Dong Duong monument represents their assimilation and localization within the dominant
and unique Cham culture.