A Story of the Sufferings

of Sindh (1930)
Mohammed Ayub Khuhro

Reproduced by
Sani H. Panhwar
 ALLAH-O-AKBAR.

"He who ruleth high and wise, Nor falters in his plan,
Will ill take, the stars out of the skies, Ere freedom out of Man."

A STORY OF
THE SUFFERINGS OF SINDH.
(1930)

A case for the Separation of Sindh from the Bombay Presidency

By MOHAMED AYUB KHUHRO K.B., M.L.C.,

of Larkana Sindh (India)
A STORY OF THE SUFFERINGS OF SINDH.

By MOHAMED AYUB KHUHRO, K.B., M.L.C.,

 Member Legislative Council, Bombay.

 Vice President, Sindh Mohamedan Association.

 Fellow of the University of Bombay.

 President, District School Board, President, Zamindari Cooperative

Bank Ltd.

 Managing Director, Sindh Zamindar Paper.

 CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1

I. SINDH - A SEPARATE PROVINCE. Historical Evidence .. .. .. 3

II. A CONTRAST .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 8

III. DIFFICULTIES AND DISADVANTAGES .. .. .. .. .. 13

IV. PUBLIC OPINION .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 22

V. NO DIFFICULTY (IN SEPARATION) .. .. .. .. .. 31

VI. THE "FINANCE" BOGEY .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 40

VII. NOW OR NEVER .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 48

 INTRODUCTION.

The Bombay Presidency has swallowed Sindh since 83 years. it had nearly digested
Sindh when the inhabitants of the latter revolted and decided not to allow the
Presidency to annihilate their motherland, Sindh has been ruined, beyond the least
shadow of doubt, on account of its unnatural and compulsory annexation to Bombay
Presidency. If Sindh is not separated soon it will be ruined in all spheres of life.

It is therefore a paramount duty of all true sons of the soil of Sindh to make every
sacrifice to liberate their motherland from the bondage to which it has been forcibly
subjected, and remove the disadvantages in which it has thus been placed. This is,
however, not the time when a country, to achieve its goal, should resort to any other
force but that of appeal, reason and argument. We cannot wage War with the Bombay
presidency and be up in arms against it. Those old days have gone when the solution of
every difficulty lied in the invincible bullet of the muzzle-loading gun or in the sharp
edge of sword. We cannot achieve freedom from the yoke of the Presidency, which
though obviously strange and alien to us, by taking to any questionable or
unconstitutional method, however disgusted we may be with it. Nevertheless, it is a
plain truth that the cup of our sufferings has come to a brim, and the sooner the
provincial independence is restored to us the better. To achieve this pious object the
country stands in need of every kind of sacrifice on the part of its sons. It is human
nature that when a man is resolutely determined to attain it certain object, nothing
under the sky can come in his way. He will undoubtedly be confronted by all kinds of
trials and tribulations but if his purpose is pious and his intentions are honest, he shall
tide over all the troubles and eventually meet with a success. God helps those who help
themselves. When we clamor for freedom, the deprival of which has undermined the
great significance of this province and has ruined its people in all walks of life, we are
not actuated by any base motive. Sindh has enjoyed provincial independence in the past
and it is fully entitled to have it even now it is birth right of Sindhis to be free from the
bondage of the Bombay Presidency. And to serve my mother land in this noble cause. I
have pledged to do all that lies in my humble capacity.

II

These who are benefited by the injustice which has been perpetrated upon Sindh, have
offered a challenge that the people of Sindh should come forward with a case for the
separation, in which solution of the various difficulties, which stand in the way of
separation, should be suggested. To meet with that challenge and to impress upon the
British Government the reasonability of our demand, I produce this booklet which is
devoted to the discussion of various aspects of the problem of the separation. I have no

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hesitation in admitting that this is not a complete on the subject, and there is still much
to be laid in support of the separation, yet I have embodied in the book what has
occurred to me in bile first attempt and it will be supplemented and substantiated From
time to time is the matter progresses.

III

In conclusion, I would make it, clear to those in whose hands the power to concede our
demand, that Sindh is determined to achieve the separation now. Its claim is quite
reasonable and must be carefully considered. The separation is a question or life and
death to Sindh. It cannot be indifferent to it any further. If a partner declines to be in the
concern how long can be compelled to remain so? I appeal to British government, and
the British Parliament in whose hands are lying tint destinies of Indians and Sindhians,
in the name of justice and fairness the break of fetters which have deprived Sindh of its
freedom, since nearly a century.

Larkana, M. A. KHUHRO
26-5-30.

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 I

SINDH - A SEPARATE PROVINCE.

Historical Evidence.

1. So far as history is able to show, Sindh has all along remained a separate
province under a Rajah of its own.

In cases when it formed a part of some Foreign Kingdom, Sindh enjoyed full provincial
autonomy, and the Governor of Sindh used to be a separate one with his Head Quarter
at Alore, Brahmanabad, Mansura, Siwastan, Nirinkot, Tatta, or Shikarpur.

2. Despite the fact that nothing is known as to what transpired in Sindh in the gap
which exists between the advent of Alexander the Great & the assumption of kingdom
by Rai Dynasty, yet the fact that Sindh had always remained a separate Province has
never been challenged. The narrative of Alexander's voyage through Indus has been
published in the shape of a book, compiled by the Commander of the Alexandrian fleet.
The account given by the author distinctly shows that even at that time Sindh was an
independent province free from the yoke of Governor of any other province. This bears
very strong testimony in support of my contention.

3. The celebrated Arab Geographer Abul Kassim "Ibn Khurdadba" who attained
high office under the Islamic Caliphs of Mecca was employed to carry on topographical
and geographical researches in Asiatic Countries. In his book "Kitabul Masalik wal
Marnalik" (Book of Roads and Kingdom) he describes the Geographical position of
Sindh as follows:—

"Boundary between Persia and Sindh is situated at Narmasira (Nurrnanshur vide

sprengers routes) which is at eight journeys distance. Sindh has no resemblance with
the other countries situated on the north or south of it.The Kingdom of Sindh consists of
the following provinces:—

Kirbun (A Large town in Mekran) Makran Kandhar, Kasran (a City in Sindh) Nukan ( a
town of Tus near Nishapur) Kandabil, Arambil (These two towns are now within the
state of Kashmir) Kinnazbun, Kanbali, Sabhan, Sadusan, Debal, Rasak, Alor, Vandan,
Multan, Sindhan, Mandal, Salman, Sairast Karaj, Rumla, Kuli, Kanaoj, and Broach. All
these "COUNTRIES WERE GOVERNED BY A HAKIM WHO HAD HIS (SADAR
MAQAM) HEAD QUARTER IN DEBAL, ALORE."

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This historical evidence conclusively proves that the vast tract of land lying between
Broach on the south, Kandahil (Kashmere) on the east and Narmasira (Persia) on the
north was under the rule of one man who had his headquarter in Debal. The
significance which Sindh enjoyed at that time can therefore better be imagined than
described. (The author of the book quoted above died in 300 H. D. (912 A. D.) and
naturally therefore his book must have been written earlier than that. And so the
evidence furnished by one thousand years old book deserves great weight.)

4. Following remarks from Almasudi's "Murujul Zahab" are reproduced in support

of my contention:-

"From time immemorial Sindh has remained under a chief of its own."

In describing the geography of India the ancient Historians and Geographers have
always excluded Sindh from India and have referred to India and Sindh separately, as
will be seen from the following remarks of Al-Masudi:-

"India extends to the Side of mountains to Khorasan, on the side of sea to Multan where
the boundary of the Kingdom of Sindh is situated .... "There prevails a great difference"
adds Almasudi "Of language and religion in these kingdoms and they are frequently at
war with each other" .... "Balhara is the king of Kanauj who is one of the Kings of
Sindh." .... "King of Kashmir has the name of Rai which is a general title of all the Kings.
Kashmir forms part of Sindh." .... "Language of Sindh" concludes Almasudi:- "Is
different from that of India." .... "Sindh is the Country which is nearer the dominions of
the Moslems. India is farther from them."

The geographer whose remarks I have quoted above enjoyed a great reputation for his
correct survey of the geographical position of the countries in which he travelled. His
book "Marujal Zahab" The "Meadows of gold" describes the state of the countries, as they
were in his age i.e., 330 (1332 A.H.), Almasudi became, through this work of his; the
prototype of all historians to whom they refer, and on whose authority they rely in the
critical estimate of many facts which form the subject of their labors. His book, referred
to above, is old by one thousand years.

5. Sheikh Abu Ishak who received the cognomen of "Istakhri" from his native city or
Istakhr or Persepolis travelled through all the Mahomedan countries, from India to the
Atlantic ocean. He has also described the boundaries of the kingdom of Sindh in his
book "Kitabul Aklim" in a manner which proves that Sindh even 1000 years ago, when
the author of the book visited India, stood aloof from the rest of India. He has given a
map containing the country of Sindh and the bordering lands. He states that "from
Saimur to Fambul, in Hind from Fambul to Makran, and beyond that as far as the
boundaries of Multan all belong to Sindh." "Sindh" concludes the learned author of the
"Kitabul Aklim "stands by itself."

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6. In one of the Royal Libraries of Lucknow, there is a very old Arabic Manuscript
written A. H. 589 (1193 A. D.) entitled "Ashkalul Bilad" in which diagram of the country
of Islam is given in the postscript. It contains maps and geographical description of
several countries including Sindh. This map has subsequently been reproduced in the
1st part of Sir H. Elliot's history of India. In the original book the author states "I have
placed the country of Sindh and its dependencies in one map which exhibits the entire
country of mind. On the entire east of this tract there lies sea of "Fars" tries subjected to
it; to the north, the countries of Hind (India.)"

7. Subsequently about 400 years alter the compilation of the historical books, cited
in the preceding paragraphs, one Rashiduldin wrote down a book on India & Sindh
entitled the "JAMIUT-TAWARIKH" in which he describing the boundaries of Hind
(India), has alluded to Sindh as a separate country. To quote the author's own words,
"Hind is surrounded on the east by Cheen & Machin, on the west by the country of
Sindh, and on the south by the sea."

8. Al Idrisi in his book "Nuzharul Mushtak" which is devoted to the description of

the countries of Sindh & India has stated that "Sindh has got a Government of its own.
Mirman - name of a city - is one of the dependencies of (Kingdom) of Sindh like Debal,
Nirun etc. Mamhal is situated between Sindh & India."

A few pages down below the author has in the same book recognized, in more clear
terms, the separate entity of Sindh by stating:-

"There is no idol in India or in Sindh which is more highly venerated"

9. By repeatedly referring to Sindh and India separately, the author has shown that
both these countries at that time stood aloof from each other.

10. "Chachnama" is a well— known historical book on Sindh which has lately been
translated into English by Mirza Kalichbeg. The First page of the book describe the
geography of Sindh as follows:—

"Chroniclers and Historians have related that the city of Alore (a town on the bank of
Indus, six Miles beyond Sukkur) the capital of Hind and Sindh was a large city adorned
with all Kinds of palaces & villas, Gardens & grooves, reservoirs and Streams, Parterres
and flowers. This delightful city had a King whose name was Sahasirai. The boundaries of
his dominions extended on the east to Kashmere and the west to Makran, on the south to
the shores of the ocean and Debal, and on the North to the Mountains of Kardan."

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This manifests the great importance which Sindh enjoyed at the time of the "Rai
Dynasty" so much so that according to Chachnama, Sindh was the Capital of Hind
(India) - the vast tract situated within the boundaries described above.

The account given in the Chachnama demonstrates the great power which the kings of
Sindh wielded.

11. "Tarikh Masumi" (History of Sindh,) gives an account of the kingdom of Sindh
and its ruling dynasties from the period of Raja Dahar and the conquest of Sindh by
Arabs down to its incorporation into the Moghal Empire at the time of Akbar. During
the whole period covered by this book Sindh has remained under separate Rulers with
their Head— Quarters at Alore , Brahmanabad, Siwastan, and Thatta.

In the pre— Islamic period the Kings of Sindh ruled over the whole of country which is
now called "Northern India"— Punjab North-West Frontier, Baluchistan & Kashmir.
Even after the conquest of Sindh by Arabs, it has remained under separate Governors.

Nowhere in this exhaustive history, is shown that Sindh has ever been absorbed by any
other province.

12. So long as Sindh was under the rule of the Ommayad and Abbasi Caliphs of
Islam, it remained under a separate Moslem Governor and never for a moment was it
amalgamated with any other Province.

13. When Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni captured the fort of Multan and brought the
country of Sindh under his authority, he sent his officers to be Governors of Sindh, with
their head quarter in Sindh.

14. After Mahmud's death the "Government of Sindh" (to use the words of "Tarikh-
Masumi") devolved upon Abdul Rashid Sulatan-Masud. He was the ruler of Sindh, till
SUMRAS raised a man of their own tribe to the throne, and threw off the yoke of
Masud's obedience. For the interval which existed between Mahmud's rule and the
assumption of the throne of Sindh by Sumras, Sindh had a separate ruler.

15. The SUMRAS were independent "Kings of Sindh" and so the kingdom of Sindh
remained intact for the long time that they ruled.

16. SUMRAS were succeeded by Summas who too continued to be independent

Rulers of the country of Sindh.

17. After the authority of Summas was overthrown by the Arghuns, who invaded
Sindh in 616 A.H., the kingdom of this province remained as it was in the days of
Sumras.

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18. When the country of Sindh passed into the hands of the Emperor Akbar (Who
was born in Sindh) he kept a separate Governor, and for all the time that Sindh
remained a part of Moghul Empire, it continued to have a Governor of its own.

19. Besides, Sindh was ruled by Kalhoras and Talpurs whose capital was in Sindh,
and so until British conquered it, this country enjoyed a separate Government whether
under a Rajah or a Governor of its own.

20. Even after the conquest of Sindh by Sir Charles Napier, it remained a separate
province, and Sir Charles was the first English Governor of this country. So long as Sir
Charles held the Governorship of Sindh, it continued to remain so, and after he
relinquished the charge, Sindh was all of a sudden, without consulting the public
opinion, annexed to the Bombay Presidency.

21. The proof of the fact that Sindh was a very important and a highly civilized
country even 5000 years ago, is furnished by the recent discoveries made by the Indian
Archeological Department at Mohan-jo-Daro (Sindh). A country so advanced and so
civilized could never have labored under the yoke of a Governor who may have
remained 800 miles away from it, as it is today. And had it been so, Sindh would never
have prospered and advanced to that extent.

22. In the preceding paragraphs, I have briefly traced the history of Sindh from 5000
years back down up to the British conquest and the Governorship of Sir Charles Napier.
During this whole period, the historical record shows that Sindh has never been
usurped by any other province and it is really inconceivable how British Government
has deemed it right to allow the Bombay Presidency to swallow Sindh.

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 II.

A CONTRAST

1. Even the worst opponents of the separation will have no hesitation in admitting
that Sindh has absolutely nothing in common with the Bombay Presidency. The union
of Sindh with Bombay has served to destroy the traditions, and culture of Sindh. In this
chapter I will try to place before the readers the great anomaly and difference that exists
between these two provinces which will automatically prove that Sindh is actually
rotting on account of its having been fortuitously wedded to the Bombay Presidency
without a valid consent.

Geographic and Climatic difference.

2. In the previous chapter, I have adduced sufficient evidence to prove that Sindh is
quite distinct from Bombay Presidency from historical viewpoint. Geographically,
Sindh and Bombay Presidency are separated from each other by Rajputana and the
State of Cutch. The distance between both these component parts is 800 miles. In the
distribution of Provinces no such indifference from Geographical point of view has ever
been shown as in the ease of Sindh. It is really inscrutable what prompted the
Government to make this amalgamation.

Not only that but even climatically Sindh is a contrast to the Bombay Presidency. In
winter when in Sindh men actually die due to abnormality of cold, people in Bombay
feel it comfortable to take night walks and change their warm suits for silk ones.
Likewise, in summer when the scorching heat of Sindh makes one's blood boil, you
have a very pleasant monsoon, rain and breeze in Bombay. In July and August when
nights are absolutely hot and hellish in Sindh and people are actually expiring on
account malaria and other contagious diseases, you at Bombay and Poona feel as if you
are in heaven.

AGRICULTURE.

3. Agriculturally, Sindh has nothing in common with the Bombay Presidency. The
whole system of agriculture is different. A Bulletin has been published by Dr. Horold H.
Mann Director of Agriculture, entitled "The Crops of Sindh". The whole book is devoted
to the information regarding the agriculture of Sindh, This report contains a passage
which I quote below:—

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 "Cut off from the rest of the Bombay Presidency by the desert, or by the sea, Sindh differs
widely from it in physical features and climate, as well as in language, dress, and
customs of the people."

In Sindh it is the great river Indus which floods and fertile the plain of Sindh, whereas
in Bombay the irrigation is made by rains. Those who are in Bombay Presidency can not
at all understand, the agricultural, and irrigation problems of Sindh, on account of the
vast difference between the agricultural and irrigation systems of Sindh and the
Bombay Presidency proper.

ETHNOLOGICAL AND CULTURAL DIFFERENCE.

4. Sindh is a distinct province, in life, habits and dress. In the preceding paragraph,
I have reproduced a passage from Dr. Mann's book which bears testimony to it. Even
otherwise it is an open secret that the Sindhi life differs widely from that of the people
of the Presidency.

Mr. Sayed Miran Mahomed Shah was quite right when he, in his Note on the Sindh
separation remarked that:-

"The mode of life, dress and habits of the people are entirely different to those of the
presidency. They are more akin to Baluchistan and Punjab than to Presidency."

5. The Royal Statutory Commission, ordinarily known as the Simon Commission,

has recognized the fact that Sindh differs very much from the Bombay Presidency or,
according to the Commission, from the whole of India in life and habits, although they
have put it in the following language:—

"In its life and civilization Sindh is most closely allied to Iraq or Arabia than to India".

Whether in civilization it, as remarked by the Commission, is allied to Iraq Arabia, or,
as opined by Mr. Miran Mahomed Shah, its life is more akin to Baluchistan, none says
that so far as these things are concerned it has any resemblance with the Bombay
Presidency.

6. So far as dress is concerned, Sindhis clothe themselves in a way which is

distinctly different from that in other parts of the Presidency. I would appeal to the
readers who have never had the occasion to see Sindh personally not to form a wrong
opinion by seeing Sindhis and Presidency people both clad alike in the European dregs.
The Western cap fits everyone and it does not in any way vitiate the difference which in
fact exists between the genuine dress of Sindhis and the Presidency wallahs.

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Sindhis put on a large turban, a long shirt and a loose trouser of a particular style,
whereas those who are in Maharashtra— the heart of the Presidency— go bare-footed. In
place of trouser they put on a piece of cloth.

LINGUISTIC REASON.

7. The Province of Sindh has got a different language called "Sindhi", which is not
spoken in any part of the Presidency. In the whole area of 52,991 square miles, the entire
population of 3,472,529 persons, inclusive the State of Khairpur which encloses an area
of 6,050 square miles and a population of 193,152 this language is spoken. Its alphabets
are different, and it possesses a vast treasure of literature. The Sindhi poetry and
particularly the poetical works of Shah Abdul Latif are very well-known.

8. In 1920, the Indian National Congress had distributed the Provinces of the British
India on linguistic basis. Ever since, Sindh has been sending its delegates as separate
from the Presidency of Bombay.

9. It may be alleged that Sindhi is not spoken throughout Sindh, because in Upper
Sindh Frontier Baluchie speak Baluchi language. In Ubauro Division of the Sukkur
District. Jatki and Seraiki are the common languages. These objections are absolutely
fallacious. Jatki and Baluchi, Seraiki and such other languages are not languages in the
proper sense of the word. Firstly they are spoken by the people belonging to a
particular tribe only and more over there is no literature, or script, in these languages.

Secondly, this languages etas been molded by corrupting different languages and
mixing them up together. For instance, Saraiki is spoken by those who are within the
first few miles of the border of Sindh and Punjab. As they have no schools to impart
education in any language in a right and perfect manner, they have mixed Sindhi and
Punjabi together and to it they have given the name of "Seraiki". Baluchi is a mixture of
Persian and Sindhi and is spoken, though rarely, in the few frontier talukas of the
Jacobabad District, although those very people who speak 'Baluchi' are transacting their
business, carrying on correspondence in the common Sindhi language. Particularly,
when there is no script in these languages, it is very difficult to place them in line with
Sindh in the order of importance.

10. Apart from this, Sindhi the Court language and the entire Government business
is transacted in it. In Civil and Criminal Courts the record of Judicial enquiries is
maintained in Sindhi and it is in this language that the depositions are taken down. All
kinds of decrees, orders, parwanas, and process are issued in Sindhi language.

11. There is quite a large number of Sindhi newspapers which maintain a high
standard of journalism and are reputed for their excellent literary qualities.

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12. The importance of this language will be evident from the fact that in Sindh the
education is imparted in the Sindhi language. And there is a separate Sindhi text
Committee on the Senate of the Bombay University.

13. The Printing — Type foundries are manufacturing "Sindhi Type" for printing
purpose, and the best Sindhi type is produced in England and Germany and its
consumption is also very large.

14. In the light of all these cogent reasons I am sure there can be no two opinions
about the correctness of the view that Sindhi is an important language; it is universally
spoken in the length and breadth of the province; and the importance which this
language enjoys calls for immediate separation of the province in which it is spoken,
from a Presidency which is alien to it linguistically and has become an stumbling block
in the development of our language.

DIFFERENT SYSTEM OF LAND.

REVENUE AND IRRIGATION

15. The difference which exists between Sindh and the Bombay Presidency proper,
from the above viewpoint, has already been manifested. The experience shows that the
Members of the Bombay Legislative Council, in whose hands are lying the destinies of
Sindh, are not able to understand the problems of Sindh, as they belong to a different
country and know nothing about the local conditions, local systems of Land Revenue &
Irrigation, and the local customs, usages, and feelings and aspirations of the Sindhis.

16. Government had recognized this difficulty a long time ago, when they sent the
whole of the Bombay Legislative Council to Sindh to see for itself and get first hand
information about, the Sukkur Barrage works.

17. It is quite natural that the Presidency members of the Legislative Council, for
instance those gentlemen who come from Sholapnr, a distance of about eleven hundred
miles from Sindh would not show any sympathy to Sindh because they know nothing
about this step-child of this Presidency.

18. Mr. Miran Mommed Shah Member Legislative Council is quite right when he
complains that:-

"The grievances of the people of Sindh in connection with the land Revenue and
irrigation matters do not invoke any sympathy in the minds of the Non-Sindh Members
who are in majority in the Council".

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19. Mr. P. R. Cadell, the late Commissioner in Sindh, who occupied the
Commissionership for a long time and bad gained sufficient experience about Sindh has
given vent to his opinion on this subject in the following words:-

"Any correspondence on education, Engineering, and such other subjects takes a very
long time before it is finally dispatched."

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 III

DIFFICULTIES AND DISADVANTAGES

Distance.

1. Sindh is at a distance of about eight hundred miles from the capital of

Presidency, and is geographically separated completely from the Presidency by a
wedge of Non-British territory— namely the States of Catch and Rajputana. The distance
which prevails between Sindh and the "Presidency proper" has greatly hampered the
progress of Sindh — which has been receiving step-motherly treatment from the
Bombay Presidency. Following reasons must be chiefly mentioned:-

(a) That the Heads of all Departments are residing eight hundred miles away,
and are consequently unable to get firsthand knowledge about Sindh. They are
ignorant of the local conditions of Sindh. It may be contended that they are
paying visits to Sindh, but the fact is that Sindh cannot be benefitted by the flying
visits of the Bombay Heads of the Departments and the Members of the
Government, who come in Sindh for a week only in the whole of year. These
seven eight days are also spent in District Head Quarter towns and in giving
interviews to officials. It is a plain truth that Sindh cannot derive any advantage
from such tours which though very costly yet do no material good to Sindh.

(b) The various important problems cannot invoke sympathy of Officials who
are ignorant of the local conditions; who are beyond the reach of people, and
who are sitting in Bombay far away from Sindh.

(c) On account of this distance there occurs incalculable inconvenience and

inexcusable delay in the decision of every matter. It takes four days by land or
sea to reach the Capital if fast Railway Service or Mail Boat is engaged. The
insurmountable difficulty under which the country is laboring is that matters of
very urgent nature are not decided so soon as they should have been.

It will be worthwhile quoting the opinion of an experienced Commissioner of this

Province— Mr. P. R. Cadeil C.S.I., on this point. He, in his speech on the eve of the Sindh
dinner, is reported to have said:-

"The work is more and mare being done through a Government which however friendly,
is situated several hundred miles away. Any correspondence on education, engineering
and such other subjects takes a very long time before it is finally disposed of. The
departments which deeply effect the trade of Sindh, such as the Railways, the contract of

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 the Port, the Customs, and the Salt Department are now administrated by the
Government of India. Possibly a mere direct approach to that Government than through a
distant local Government would be desirable.

This view of Mr. Cadell is endorsed by the Royal Indian Statutory Commission which
has on page 58 in the 1st volume of its report, opined:-

"The ordinary method by which, whether for the purposes of business or Government,
one passes between Bombay and Karachi the Port of Sindh is by sea. Railway
communication involves a long detour, usually via Lahore".

A MENACE.

2. The Commissioner in Sindh Act, of 1868, has made the administration very
autocratic and has invoked resentment in Hindu and Moslem public of Sindh alike. It
confers upon the Commissioner-in-Sindh the powers of Local Government which is
negation of the Montfort scheme of Reforms. The people of this Province have been
clamoring that the powers of the Commissioner in Sindh under the said delegation Act
should be withdrawn and he should be placed on the same footing with the
Commissioners in the Presidency.

3. On the occasion of the visit of the Right Honorable Mr. Montague, a special
session of the Sindh Provincial Conference was held and a deputation was appointed to
place before Lord Chelmsford and Mr. Montague a memorial in which, among other
things relating to reform, it was strongly urged that all the extra powers conferred on
the Commissioner in Sindh should be withdrawn. This deputation was headed by the
late Honorable Mr. Harchandrai. The very question had been taken up in the year 1920
by the late Honorable Mr. G. M. Bhurgri who bad the support of all the educated Sindh
Hindus.

Honorable Mr. Montague on behalf of the special Sindh Provincial Conference runs as
follows:—

"The Government of Sindh has for the last seventy years been, in effect an unqualified
autocracy, with all the disadvantages characteristic of that system. The Commissioner in
Sindh, deriving his numerous powers, partly, by the unconstitutional powers of
successive inheritance from his ancient predecessor, Sir Charles Napier the First and last
Governor of Sindh, mainly, by the frequent delegation to him of numerous powers of
Local Government by the Governor of Bombay in Council, under the Commissioner in
Sindh's act V of 1886, and recently by the specific reservation to him, in later acts, of
powers elsewhere reserved to the Governor in Council, has today become in most respects,
a Local Government itself, without the check of an Executive Council".

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"This concentration of exceedingly wide powers in the hands of one man, without the
simultaneous replacement of control by the people for control from above, has naturally
resulted in the creation of despotic administration in Sindh. We feel that the vesting of
practically the entire Government of a large sub province in the hands of a single
individual leads to the operation of personal opinion and predilections, and fluctuation in
policy, involves the risk of the misuse of powers and militates against the processive
liberalization of the administration. This elect is felt not only in the departments in which
he has practically final control, but even on those matters, in which, while, technically, he
possesses no greater powers than the Ordinary Divisional Commissioner, he yet has a
greater voice and influence". "We also feel convinced, that by the present arrangement
Sindh is being practically denied the benefits of Government by the Governor in Council.
Questions which, in the case of other divisions of the Presidency, after passing through
the hands of the Divisional Commissioners, undergo elaborate criticism in the Bombay
Secretariat, pass the close scrutiny of one of the Members of the Executive Council who is
conscious of his responsibility as a member of Government and which, sometimes, ever
run the gauntlet of a debate in the Executive Council itself, are, in the case of Sindh,
disposed of practically finally, by the Commissioner in Sindh, whose decisions are
uninfluenced not only by the restraint due to the existence of a higher body with
revisional powers, but also by the pressure of public opinion in the province".

"Further, unlike the other divisions of the Bombay Presidency, Sindh not being under the
direct administration of the Government of Bombay, is deprived of the benefits of the
statesmanship, liberality, sympathy and broad outlook of a man trained in the public life
of England and the open mindedness and freshness of view of a new corner to India. The
administration of those, who, as in Commissioner in Sindh, hold sway over the affairs of
this Province, is on the other hand, characterized by the irresponsible and bureaucratic
spirit with which their long official career imbuses them. Sindh also keenly feels the
degradation of her position in being ruled by a Civilian Commissioner, whereas the other
divisions are directly under the Governor of Bombay in council."

"To take another instance, the control, at present exercised by the Commissioner in Sindh
over the Judicial Administration of the Province, not only by the power of appointing
Subordinate Judge, but also by various other powers under the Sindh Courts Act XIV
and of other enactments, reduce the status of the Judicial Commissioner's Court and
weakens its independence."

"The Revenue administration of the Province, almost exclusively under the final control
of the Commissioner in Sindh, has for years been regarded by people as almost illiberal
and is carried on in disregard of the existing rights of the Zaminders. The land revenue
code of 1879 has, in Sindh, been modified by the 'special circulars' issued by the
Commissioner in Sindh. The remission rules framed by him are in conflict with the
principles laid down by Lord Curzon in his famous resolution on the subject and ignore
the higher cost of cultivation and clearance in Sindh."

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 "What your memorialists regard as an aggravation of the whole case, is the absence of
any attempt to differentiate between the delegation of criminal and revenue powers; and,
in holding the view, that anything which affects the life and liberty of the people should
not be the subject of delegation by executive order. Your memsoialists are supported by
competent official evidence tendered before the Royal Commission upon decentralization
in India. Extensive powers of Local Government have been conferred on single
irresponsible official in Sindh both under the Criminal Procedure Code and the Bombay
District Police Act of 1890."

Withdrawing his own responsibility for the direct Administration of Sindh, the Governor
of Bombay in Council leaves it to the Commissioner in Sindh to enquire into and satisfy
the needs and requirements of the Province. These are but few of the many instances of
the disadvantages suffered by the people of Sindh as a result of the present irresponsible
system of Government prevailing in the province,"

(ends)

The Bombay Provincial Committee which collaborated with the Royal Statutory
Commission has opined on this subject as under:-

"We are of opinion that the special powers which the Commissioner in Sindh at present
enjoys under the Commissioner in Sindh's Act, 1868 should be done away with, and he
should be placed in the same position as Divisional Commissioners in the rest of the
Presidency".

Sindh is laboring under the despotic rule of the Commissioner which has made every
officer however; small his position is very autocratic. The Legislative Council does not
directly wield any influence on the Government of Sindh, because the questions asked
in the Council take a considerably long time to be answered and are always non-
committal and evasive.

POLICE TYRANNY

The Police Tyranny in Sindh is an admitted fact. The Sindh Mahomedan Association
had vehemently criticized it in the course of the address given to His Excellency the
Governor of Bombay in November 1929. The said address of the Association reads as
follows:-

"And in dealing with the Police might we respectfully submit that corruption and
tyranny among the police of this Province have increased beyond all bounds, and we feel
it our duty to bring to Your Excellency's notice the stern fact that unless the drastic
measures are taken to put a stop to it, the General Administration of the Province will be
seriously hampered. The public of Sindh are waiting to come forward to help by exposing

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 flagrant instances of this, but they require a definite lead from the Government to show
that there is a real desire and determination to put a stop to it ".

Corruptions prevails extensively in Sindh which is due to the fact that Sindh is not
directly under any Legislative Council through which the public may be able to remove
this evil by putting interpellations and moving adjournment motions. There is a great
discontentment among people on this account, and the only remedy lies in the
separation of Sindh and placing it under a separate Legislative Council.

KARACHI PORT
Difficulties in the development of.

The development of the Port of Karachi has been greatly hampered on account of the
Province being under a Government which has been giving step-motherly treatment to
Sindh. From geographical point of view the Port of Karachi enjoys great importance.

The Statesmen of Calcutta wrote, in 1857:-

"Kurrachee, situated in the mouth of Indus, is fast advancing in prosperity and into
notice as a sea port. It will probably soon be known as the first in the Empire, being
superior to Calcutta, Madras, or even Bombay. In a commodious harbour and safe
anchorage, it will become a depot for the commerce (export and import) of all Northern
India and Scinde with Europe."

The first European who visited Sindh in the first decade of the nineteenth century -
namely Sir Henry Pottingar has referred to Karachi as follows:—

"Of the harbour of Karachi I have always had the highest opinion."

It will not be out of place to quote the opinion of Sir Justin Shell, expressed by him in
1850:—

"It can hardly be doubtful that Karachi is destined to be the great arsenal of the Punjab
and North Western India perhaps the emporium, and even the real capital of British
India".

Colonel Jacob, Acting Commissioner in Sindh, in April 1856, reported to the

Government of Bombay the following facts about the Port of Karachi:—

"The Pilgrims from the countries on our North West Border en route to Mecca, and ether
holy cities, would supply traffic to the railway and steam flotilla, and increase the
intercourse already established between Kurrachi and the ports of the Persian gulf."

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 "From Sutlej to the Oxus, whoever wishes to communicate with any place beyond the
Sea, must pass through Kurrachee. It occupies a position scarcely less favorable to
commerce than that of Alexandria".
Kurrachee", says Thornton, "is a position of very great importance, whether regarded in
a commercial, a political, or a military point of view. In a commercial point of view, it
may be defined the gate of Central Asia, and is likely to become to India what Liverpool is
to England ".

"It has been officially reported that accommodation exists for the reception within the
harbor, at the same time, of 20 Ships of 800 tons (and any number of smaller craft). The
climate of Karachi is cool in proportion to its latitude; and under British auspices, the
town must specially become a most important place." "Kurrachee, then, is not only the
natural port of Scinde, but also of the Punjab and Central Asia; and the Schick, railways
which connects it with permanently deep water in the Indus at Hyderabad, is only the
first link in that chain of improved communication which must at no distant period
connect Peshawar, on the borders of Afghanistan, with the Sea."

Mr. James Walker L.L.D, F,R.S., was deputed by the Court of Directors of the Sindh
Railways to examine the surroundings of the Karachi Port and the plan of its possible
developments in the year 1857. In the course of his report Mr. Walker has stated that:-

"Karachi is capable of being made an excellent harbor and there are no very great
Engineering or other physical difficulties to contend within making it such. To be the
nearest point to Europe of all our Indian possessions, is important in many points of
view, but mire especially with reference to the "Euphrates Valley Route", and every
remark relative to the direct Communication of Karachee with Suez is equally, if not more
applicable to that with Bussrah, as materially reducing the sea voyage from India.
Hitherto beyond the place of the electric chain that spans the Empire, Karachee is
destined, ere long, to become the chief seat of the telegraph in India".

"I have elsewhere remarked that Kurrachee is not only the port of Indus and Central
Asia, but, from its geographical position and other advantages, appears destined to
become, if not future metropolis of India, most certainly the second city and the European
Port of that Empire".

The following remark made by Brigadier-General Jacob C. B. officiating Commissioner,

in the middle of the nineteenth century is very important:-

"Every increase in facility and safety of transport will give fresh impulse to all native
productions, the export of cotton, silk, wool, corn, oil seeds, saltpetre, and Indigo,
Madder, and other Dyestuffs, is capable of almost indefinite extension".

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The significant feature of Karachi is that it is the nearest port to Europe. The distance
between Aden and the following ports is as follows:-

Karachi to Aden 1435 miles.

Bombay to Aden 1640 miles.

The following observation made on Karachi, as an Air and sea port, by Sir Montague
De. P. Webb in "The Karachi Handbook and Directory" (1927-28) will greatly help the
readers of this book in forming opinion about the importance of the port of Karachi.

"That Karachi will, in course of time, be the Chief Central Art Port of the British Empire
has long been obvious to all students of the world's Air Route between west and east,
vide the rough, sketch map of the old world reproduced on the opposite page."

"The fact that not only English, but also French, Spanish, Danish, Portuguese, American
and Australian aviators, have called at Karachi recently, has attracted the attention of the
whole world to the geographical and other advantages enjoyed by Sindh's capital; and
great developments may be expected in the near future."

"In the world of commerce and shipping, these advantages have been recognized for over
half a century, i.e., from the days of Sir Charles Napier; and the history of the Province
and Port has been one long struggle to convince first the Government of Bombay, then
the Government of India, and lastly the Imperial authorities in Great Britain, that capital
extended on the development of the harbor and its Hinterland (the latter by perennial
canals and adequate Railway services), would assuredly yield the handsome of returns,
not only in money, but also in every other way that a rapidly multiplying population
would reasonably desire. Particulars of those development will be found in later chapters
of this handbook."

"Karachi he capital of Sindh, "the port of Punjab", "the coming Liverpool of India" and
some day "glory of the East" (to recall Sir Charles Napier's affectionate parting words) is
at present a town of about 217,000 inhabitants, located on the Fringe of Lagoon of the
Arabian Sea, on the North West Coast of India, and within twenty miles of the Frontier
of Baluchistan."

Now, it is highly painful to observe that this port has been utterly neglected, on account
of its being situated in an unfortunate province which has been deprived of its right of
having a separate Government. The following passage, from the address presented by
the Karachi Chamber of Commerce to Lord (then Sir George) Lloyd late Governor of
Bombay demonstrates the feelings of the public on the subject:-

"In February 1919, when welcoming Your Excellency to Karachi for the first time we
ventured to set forth in explicit terms the matters wherein we felt that Sindh and the Port
of Karachi have been grossly neglected. Some of the matters have been the subjects of

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 representations from this Chamber to Government for nearly a quarter of century
without much result."

To sum up, Sindh has a reason to complain that development of its port — the most
important one in the whole India — has been neglected, which is due to the fact that
Sindh has lost its entity and existence because of its having been made to merge into a
Presidency which is separated from it by a distance of 800 miles.

In conclusion I would like to quote the views of Seth Haji Abdullah Haroon, Member
Indian Legislative Assembly in this connection",

"The present capital of the province the city of Karachi possesses one of the finest ports in
this country, and has a great future before it. With complete autonomy in the province,
we will be in a position to make an effective demand for the direct arrival of the English
Mails at Karachi, which is a nearer port to Europe than Bombay. The commercial
interests of the province will thus be greatly promoted. No doubt, Karachi at present does
not possess the shipping facilities of Bombay, but Bombay was not built in a day. It has
grown slowly to the present stature, and it is the arrival of the English Mails at Bombay
that has largely contributed to the development of that port, there can be no doubt that
Karachi will also make rapid strides in this direction, and will be able to beat in the near
future all that Bombay is proud of today. As a result of the Sukkur Barrage, and the
various schemes of the Punjab, Karachi is destined to be one of the most important places
of export in India. Further an autonomous Sindh will also be able to obtain a direct route
from Karachi to Delhi by Rail. This will enable this province to capture the trade of the
most important parts of country".

ROADS AND COMMUNICATIONS NEGLECTED.

It has been a constant complaint of Sindh that its Roads and Communications have been
neglected. The Sindh Mohammadan Association has been every year conveying this
complaint to the Governor of Bombay. Even is the last November the Sindh.
Mahomedan Association made the following representation to the Governor of
Bombay:-

"Your Excellency will, as the tour of Sindh is made, see that our Province is more
wretchedly served with roads than any other Province in India. We know that the natural
conditions are very different from other areas, but this does not do away with the
established fact that Bombay Government have sadly neglected us in this respect. The
seriousness of the situation was recognized very strongly during the recent floods; at a
time when speedy transportation facilities were necessary, the officers and relief workers
found that roads were nonexistent. When the Barrage scheme comes into existence, the
problem of roads will force its way to the fore."

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Not only that, but the Karachi Branch of the European Chamber of Commerce has been
making persistent appeals to Bombay Government for the constructions of the new
Trunk Roads and improving the existing ones. In the representation which the Chamber
made to the Governor of Bombay it drew His Excellency's attention to the following
immediate need of Sindh.

(a) Better utilization of the river Indus for the irrigation of Sindh.

(b) Additional and improved Railway communications between Karachi and

Bikanir, Rajputana and U.P.

(c) The construction out of Provincial Revenue of Trunk Roads in Sindh.,"

In another address the Chamber has complained that:-

"Throughout Sindh, with the exception we believe of a few miles, there are no Trunk
Roads maintained out of provincial revenues and it is impossible to proceed outside the
Municipal limits of Karachi in any vehicle except a country cart."

This is the condition of Roads and Communications which is due chiefly to the fact that
Sindh is the "Cinderella" of the Presidency, and of the Government of India.

EDUCATION.

The education has tremendously suffered on account of this combination. In the whole
of Province there is not a single Government College. The attitude of the Bombay
Government towards our Primary as well as Secondary education, has been
discouraging. A study of the statistics will show that the Mussalmans of Sindh who
form ¾ th of the whole population are very much in the rear, even in Primary education
and no impartial investigator will come to any other conclusion than that, we have not
been given our fair share of educational attention. According to the annual report of the
Director of Public information, only about 3% of Mussalmans in Sindh have benefitted
even by Primary Education. The Auxialiary Committee on Education, ordinarily known
as Hartog Committee has depicted a painful picture of backwardness of Sindh in
Education. A large part of the report is devoted to the lamentations on the unfair
treatment meted out to Sindh in respect of Educational grants and encouragement.
These are in a nut-shell some of the disadvantages and difficulties which can never be
overcome until Sindh is placed under a separate Government which may devote its
entire attention to the betterment of this province.

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 IV.

PUBLIC OPINION

There is a strong public opinion in favor of Sindh separation, so much so that the people
of the whole of India look forward to it anxiously. This question has achieved all India
importance and no constitution worth the name will be acceptable to the people of
India, until and unless the demand for separation of Sindh is conceded. Almost all the
responsible and representative, Public Bodies, Public men, Patriots, Politicians, and
newspapers have strongly advocated this cause.

In order to give an idea of the public feelings on the subject, I would like to give below
some of their resolutions and opinions in this regard.

1. The First Commissioner of Sindh, after Sir Charles Napier relinquished the
charge of Governorship of Sindh, appears to have first of all strongly opposed the
amalgamation of Sindh with Bombay Presidency as will be evident from the trend in
which he communicated with the Imperial Government on the subject.

2. On account of lack of education and want of public opinion this unnatural

amalgamation did not create open public opposition in the beginning and it was for the
first time in 1913 — 17 years ago — that this question engaged public attention. The
Honorable Mr. Harchandrai C.I.E., Member Imperial Council in his address as the
Chairman Reception Committee all India National Congress, Karachi, had referred to
this subject in the following words:- "On the conquest of Sindh by the British in 1843, it was
administered as a separate Province with Sir Charles as its Governor. After his departure in
1847, it was annexed to the Bombay Presidency and still continues to be so, although in several
matters the Commissioner in Sindh unlike the Commissioner of the other Divisions, of the
Presidency, has been invested with the powers of the local Government. Still the Province
possesses several geographical and ethnological characteristics which give her the hall mark of a
self-contained territorial unit."

3. Again, in the years 1917-18, the deputation of the Sindh Provincial Conference
waited on the Right Honorable late Mr. Montague the then Secretary of State for India,
and His Excellency Lord Chelmsford the then Viceroy of India, with a representation on
behalf of the people of Sindh in which they have alluded to this question in the
following words, in para 10 of their representation:—

"The memorialists, therefore venture to place before you, Sirs, their firm conviction, that
if the introduction of Responsible Government in India is to have any reality for the three
and a half million Indians, who have lived, for over 70 years in Sindh under a more
autocratic system of Administration than perhaps prevails in any other province of India,

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 except the Military Provinces, it is absolutely essential that, until circumstances become
ripe for the elevation of Sindh to the position of an independent Province, with a dully
responsible Executive Council and a Chartered High Court, the Administration of the
affairs of our province should, for the time being, be placed directly under the Governor of
Bombay in Council, and all enactments and measures, which relate to the delegation of
powers to the Commissioner-in-Sindh be, so amended or replaced as to place the
Commissioner-in-Sindh, on the same footing as other Divisional Commissioners, all the
powers conferred on these later being also retained by him, but no more. The governor of
Bombay should reside at Karachi during a few months of the year, and the members of the
Executive Council, should visit the Province more frequently than here-to-fore and at
least one of the sessions of the Bombay Legislative Council should be held at Karachi
every year."

It may be noted that in the preceding two notes they have not directly pressed for
immediate separation of Sindh because on one hand the public opinion was not so
advanced and strong and on the other it was not the time then for the re-distribution of
Provinces. They have made a brief reference to the hardships under which the Province
was laboring and they have started with describing the anomaly which existed between
the Bombay Presidency and the province of Sindh and by demanding the divestion of
the Commissioner-in-Sindh of the special powers enjoyed by him under the
Commissioner-in-Sindh Act 1868.

4. The Indian National Congress in its 42nd Session held in the end of 1927 passed
the following resolution on the subject of Sindh separation:—

"This Congress is also of opinion that such re-adjustment of Provinces be immediately

taken in hand and that any Province which demands such re-constitution on linguistic
bases be dealt with accordingly. This Congress is further of opinion that a beginning may
be made by constituting Sindh into a separate Province".

This resolution was proposed by Pandit Madan Mohan Malavaya and was accepted by
the followers of all Schools of thought.

5. The All India Muslim League has adopted a very strong resolution for the Sindh
separation. The fact that the Muslim League has passed this resolution conclusively
proves that this demand enjoys the sympathy of seven Crores of Muslim inhabitants of
India.

6. The All Parties Conference Delhi has resolved on the question thus:—

(b) The Conference is of opinion that simultaneously with the inauguration of the new
constitution a redistribution of provinces such as Andhra, Utkal, Sindh, Karnatak C.P.
Hindi and any other area demanding separation on a linguistic basis shall be undertaken,
provided:-

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 (i) That the separate Province shall be financially self-supporting.

(ii) That on the scheme of separation being laid before the people of the area
concerned, with its financial aspects, the majority of the inhabitants favor the
scheme and express their readiness to bear the, financial responsibility of the new
arrangements.

7. In 1926 when Indian Legislative Assembly and the Council of State were in
session at Delhi, the Hindu and Muslim leaders made several meeting to confer on the
question of future constitution of India. Sir Sankaran Nair (who subsequently became
Chairman of the Central Simon Committee) had invited Muslim leaders to come
forward with their demands about their rights and privileges in the future Indian
constitution. Mr. Jinnah called a Meeting of the Muslim leaders which among other
things demanded the separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency. These demands
received the approbation of Hindus and Mohammadans so much so that it prompted
the working Committee of the Indian National Congress to decide in favor of Sindh
separation, which decision was subsequently confirmed in the Madras session of the All
India National Congress.

8. The Nehru Committee which produced a constitution for India on behalf of the
Indian people has plainly agreed to the question of Sindh separation.

9. The All Parties Conference which was held at Lucknow under the Presidentship
Dr. M. A. Ansari (the then President of the Indian National Congress) to consider the
constitution: framed by the Nehru committee unequivocally upheld the
recommendation of the Committee on the subject under consideration.

10. On July 17, 1928, the prominent Hindu, Muslim, and Parsi representatives of
Sindh adopted a pact ordinarily known as the Sindh Hindu Muslim pact, in which they
have inserted a clause about the Sindh separation which runs as under:-

(1) We hereby declare that the introduction of joint electorates and the separation or
Sindh from the Bombay Presidency should be effected simultaneously.

(2) The Province of Sindh, (so constructed) shall enjoy the full measure of provincial
autonomy as shall be accorded to the other Major Provinces of India, and further it shall
not be attached to any other Province.

(3) As regards the feasibility of separation of Sindh, from the financial point of view, we
declare that we shall cut our coat according to our cloth".

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This pact was signed by Hindu Muslim and Parsi representatives, among whom are to
be found the following gentlemen:-

HINDU

Mr. Naraindas Anandjee Bechar representing the Karachi city Non-Moslem

constituency on the Bombay Legislative Council, Swami Govindanand M.A., President
Sindh Provincial Congress Committee, Mr. K. Punniah Editor Sindh Observer, Mr. T. K.
Jeswani M.A., Editor New Times and Secretary Indian Merchants Chamber, Mr.
Tarachand Municipal Councilor, Mr. Tikamdas Wadhumal Bar-at-law Municipal
Councilor, Mr. Ram. B. Motwani, Mr. Rijhumal Kundansing Lahori M.A., LL.B.,
Chairman Municipality Larkana, Mr. Pribhdas Tolani B.A., Messrs Besant Rana &
Anjandas Members Sukkur Bar, Mr. C. T. Valeeha B.A., Messrs Kishandas Jhamrai,
Pamandas, Ramchand, Mr. Jethanand Parsram Editor Sindh Herald, Professor
Jhamatmal, Mr. Lalchand Jagtiani, Mr. Vishnoo Sharma Editor Hindu Jati, and Mr.
Gupaldas Lekhraj Editorr Parkash.

MOSLEMS.

Sath Haji Abdullah Haroon, Member Indian Legislative Assembly, Shaikh Abdul Majid
President Sindh Provincial Khilafat Committee, Seth Tayobali Alavi and Mr. Hatim A.
Alavi Municipal Councilor Karachi, Haji Mir Mahomad Baloch Member Legislative
Council Bombay, Mr. Abdul Jabar Bar-at-law Municipal Councilor, Dr. Shaikh Nur
Mohamed M.B.B.S., Mr. Allahbux Editor Alwahid & Kazi Abdul Qayum.

PARSIS.

Mr. Jamshed N. R. Mehta President, Karachi Municipality and Mr. R. K. Sidhva

Municipal Councilor and Member Port Trust Karachi.

This pact received universal acceptance all over Sindh, as it was framed under the
auspicious of the Sindh National League.

11. The Sindh Mohammedan Association in its representation to the Simon

Commission has remarked on the subject thus:-

"The Province of Sindh has absolutely nothing in common with the Bombay Presidency.
The union is based neither on ethnologic, geographical linguistic agricultural nor any
other sound considerations. A mere accident that it was the army of the Bombay that
conquered Sindh is responsible for this unnatural arrangement. Our Province has
suffered very much on this account, educationally, economically, and socially we are far
behind the Presidency. Even the development of the Port of Karachi has been impeded on
account of the jealousy of the Bombay harbor. Looking to these and several other

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 circumstances, this association strongly urges that the Province of Sindh should be
separated from the Bombay Presidency and given its own Executive and Legislative
machinery. This is the demand of the majority of population which includes Musalmans,
Parsis, Christians business people belonging to different communities and a large section
of the bread minded Hindus. The entire Muslim India is also strongly in favor of this
proposal and even the Indian National Congress has recognized the justice of this
demand".

This representation was made by the most important representative Institution

representing the entire Muslim Public, of Sindh which forms ¾ th of the entire
population of Sindh.

12. The All India Muslim Conference which was held at Delhi on 31st December
1928, and 1st of January 1929, under the Presidentship of His Highness Sir, Agha Sultan
Md. Shah Agha Khan K.C.I.E, G.C.I.E., G.C.S.L, G.C.V.O., L.L.D., has unanimously
resolved in favor of Sindh separation as follows:-

"And whereas on ethnological linguistic, geographical and Administrative grounds the

Province of Sindh has no affinity whatever with the rest of the Bombay Presidency and
its unconditional constitution into a separate province, possessing its own separate
Legislative and Administrative machinery on the same lines as in other provinces of
India is essential in the interests of its people, the Hindu minority in Sindh being given
adequate and effective representation is excess of their proportion in the population, as
many may be give to Mussalmans in the provinces is which they constitute a minority
population".

This resolutions was moved by a prominent public man Sir Mian Mohammad Shafi
K.C.S.I. late law member Government of India and was supported by Sir A. K.
Ghaznavi, Moulana Md. Shafi Deesai M.L.A., Dr. Sir Md. lqbal Ph.D., L.L.D., M.L.C.,
Mr. Sharif-ul-Din M.L.C., K.B., Hafiz Hidayat Hussain M.L.C. Maulvi Md. Yakoob
Deputy President Indian Legislative Assembly, Dr. Shafaat Md. Ahmed Khan Ph.D.,
M.L.C. Mr. Abdul Aziz Bar-at-Law, Mr. D. S. Tayebji M,L.C. Bombay, Seth Haji
Abdullah Haroon M.L.A. Moulana Azad Sabhani, Sheikh Md. Sadiq Bar-at-Law M.L.C.
and Moulana Md. Ali.

The anxiety of these gentlemen about this question will be seen from the fact that this
resolution has been concluded in the following words:—

"This Conference emphatically declares that as constitution, by whom-so-ever proposed

or devised, will be acceptable to Indian Minimums unless it conforms with the principles
embodied in this resolutions."

13. In November 1928 a representation was submitted to the All Parties Convention
Calcutta, on behalf of Mussalmans of Sindh by a very prominent Muslim representative
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of Sindh namely Seth Haji Abdul Haroon, Member Indian Legislative Assembly, etc.
The 7th clause of the representation relates to Sindh separation and runs as follows:—

"Clause 7.
That the Province of Sindh shall be separated from the Presidency of Bombay as the
majority of its people have already so desired it and that its separation shall in no case be
made conditional on the results of the financial and administrative considerations as
recommended in the resolution No 4 of the All-Parties Conference ".

Explanatory Note,
Those who are conversant with controversy on the separation of Sindh know fully well
that majority of the people favor its separation. The organizations of all India fame have
accepted this demand and accordingly have recommended the separation of the province.
At first the separation was included in the famous Delhi-Muslim proposals. The All
India Congress Committee (May 1927) and the National Congress at Madras (December
1917) also supported this separation. Inspite of the strong recommendation of these
influential bodies one fails to understand why the All Parties Conference at Luknow (vide
their Resolution No, 4) have made the separation conditional. The majority of the Sindh
people want to make it clear that the separation should not be delayed on account of the
grant of dominion status as suggested in the Nehru report and that the Nehru report
should be so amended as to accept the formation of Sindh into a separate province at the
next meeting of the Nehruite Convention. Further that this separation should not be
hinged on financial and Administrative considerations. If the separation is made
conditional it would confirm the genuine fears of the Muslims who would take it as a
fresh proof of the lack of statesmanship on the pact of the leaders of the major community.
To conciliate the Muslims it would be better if the Members of the Nehru Report
carefully consider the following resolution of the Sindh Khilafat Conference at Sukkur
from the 27th to 29th October 1928) it runs as under:—

"Whereas the major portion of population of Sindh (Muslims) is prepared to shoulder the
cost of the administration of the separated province to the fullest extent of the resources of
the Province and further as any deficit can be made up by the Central Government, the
simultaneous separation of the province with the coming into operation of the
recommendations under the Nehru Report should not be made conditional on any
financial enquiry but should be made absolute".

The above Conference was attended by over two thousand delegates, end was
representative in character, further in the above resolution it is significant to note that
the Muslims are fully alive to the additional expenditure which may be incurred on the
establishment of a separate province. Their desire for a separate province is supported by
their willingness to bear to the fullest extent of the resources of the Province the
additional cost of a separate province. Another important fact which may perhaps
interests the members of the Nehru, Report is that the above resolution was carried

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 unanimously in the presence of the Staunch Nehruites viz. Dr. Ansari, Moulana Abdul
Kalam Azad, Moulvi Habibur-Rehman, of Ludhiana and others.

The majority of the people of Sindh are firmly convinced that with comparatively such a
large revenue of two crores of rupees and population of 35 lacs, Sindh cannot only
maintain its Administration but cat make progress. They naturally ask, with such a large
Revenue and so small a population their province cannot be conducted on efficient and
ever progressive lines, when the states of Travancore and Gwalior with the respective
revenues of 205 and 1440 lacs, and populations of 40 and 24 lace are administered in an
enlightened manner. I strongly support them in such a view. If the above examples are
not sufficient I further substantiate with the instances of the Punjab and Assam.

These Provinces respectively have revenue of eight crores and 275 lass & populations of 2
crores and 75 lacs and yet both these provinces are conducted in such a way that none
can doubt their efficient administration. The model of Bombay administration is certainly
very expensive and extravagant and a separated Sindh will not be under any obligation
to follow it. It is quite clear that Sindh administration cannot only be economically run
but also can be conducted on efficient and progressive lines (for facts and figures in
support of this view see schedule A. No.3.). Granted that Sindh has deficient Budgets, the
Central Government should come to its aid. It should give subsidy on the same lines as it
gives to the Provinces of N.W.F., Ajmer Merwar and Delhi. But the majority of the
people of Sindh are strongly of opinion that their Province should not in any case be,
denied the Status of a separate province nor should they be deprived of the manifold
privileges which are sure to accrue to them as a result of such a separation. If on the next
installment of reforms Sindh is not constituted as a separate province, I am afraid that its
people will remain dissatisfied and discontented and what is important to us—the
framers of India's constitution is that they will carry on their present vehement and
vigorous agitation until the separation becomes an established fact".

The memorandum submitted by the All India Moslem Legislators (i.e. Members of the
Council of State, Indian Legislative Assembly, & All the Provincial Legislatures)
Association contains the following passage in which the immediate separation has been
demanded:-

"It also urges the separation of Sindh from the Bombay Presidency and its creation as a
separate self contained".

15. The Parsi community which is in minority much less than the Hindu community
even, is entirely in favor of Sindh separation. Mr. Jamshed N. R. Mehta President
Karachi Municipality, who is a moving spirit among the Zooristrian community, and
whose "opinion" in the words of Pandit Jawherlal Nehru President Indian National
Congress (vide his letter dated Jane 8th 1928) "on this question is bound to carry weight
with all reasonable men" has issued several booklets on this subject, and to acquaint the
readers of this book with the feelings of Parsi community, I give some extracts from Mr.

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Jamshed's book "Separation of Sindh" which will show the eagerness on their part to see
Sindh separated:-

"1. Sindh is a distinct province in life, habits, circumstances and dress.

2. It is also geographically distinct from Bombay.

3. With the best of sincerity, it is too far out for Administrative purposes and after
all, the Governor, the Members of the Executive Council and even the Ministers or the
Members of the Council can give hardly one fifteenth of their attention to Sindh.

4. Problems of Sindh are so totally different from those of the Presidency that it is
difficult to bring them into line.

5. Sindh, with its Governor or a chief Commissioner and a Council, can and well
command more attention. Questions will be answered and problems and difficulties
solved and tackled on the spot. We have not to wait for months, years and generations on
the strength of that beautifully worded and seemingly sympathetic answer, "the matter is
under consideration of the Government".

6. We must develop Sindh and the only way is to take the matters in our own hands
main road to freedom is the right education of children and adults. We shall never be able
to do this when joined with other parts of the Bombay Presidency.

7. I am not afraid of the finances. Sir Henry Lawrence about 5 years ago had
produced certain figures to show that the Government spends more on Sindh than what
it recovers. The very same figures are not hopeless or disappointing. On the other hand,
they convince me of the certainty of our being able to manage our own finances.

8. There remains the question of capital liability on account of Sukkur Barrage. I feel it
would be managed if we take it up as a loan from the Government of India at the present
rate of Government interest, 4½%, for a period of 60 years. I am sure we shall be able to
manage it well, especially if the Government of India will back up our cooperative
movement to guarantee a scheme of a Land Mortgage Bank with a capital of Rs. five
crores.

9. Separation of Sindh will give us scope to chalk out our own line of salvation by way of
roads, traffic and other development schemes which are essential for our province".

16. The Committee appointed by the Bombay Legislative Council to collaborate with
the Royal Statutory (Simon) Commission consisted among others, of Mr. Sayed Miran
Mohamed Shah, M.L.C. B.A., LL.B. as its Member. This gentleman has devoted the
whole of his "Minute of dissent" covering about 12 printed pages to the discussion of

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this problem in which he has conclusively proved the case for separation. It is needless
to quote the contents of his minute here, as it is available everywhere.

17. The great anxiety which prevails among the people of the province for the
separation of Sindh will be discernible from the fact that in every Taluka in the
province, meetings are held wherein resolutions to that effect are passed in most
emphatic terms. In Hyderabad Sindh, a meeting of the Nawabs, Sirdars, Zaraindars and
leading personages of the four districts of Lower Sindh (i.e. Hyderabad, Nawabshab,
Tharparkar and Karachi) was convened on the 31st of May 1930 by Shah Sir Nawaz
Bhutto, C.I.E., O.B.B., M.L.C. K.B., in which a resolutions was passed to the effect that
with the inauguration of New reforms, the separation of Sindh must be effected. This
was followed by resolutions passed in the Meetings held for this purpose, at Kotri,
Sukkur, Larkana, Karachi, Shikarpur, Kambar, Mahar, Hyderabad, Sehwau, Mirokhan
and almost in every part of the Province.

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 V

NO DIFFICULTY
(IN SEPARATION)

Is the area & the population too small for a Province?

There has never existed in the past nor does exist at present any law, constitution or
convention prescribing the limits— minimum or maximum of any territory or Province
in the world. There are biggest Empires like the British empire extending from East to
West ostensibly meet unwieldy far efficient administration. There are kingdoms of
considerably large size and small size like Russia and Nepal; there are again the biggest
states like the Nizam's Dominions, Mysore and Baroda, and the smallest like
Travancore, Sangli and Morvi. Each of these Empires, Kingdoms, countries and States
are being administrated properly— ought we to know, if the considerations of area and
population were to be deciding factor in the matter of constituting a separate Province,
Assam could not have been so constituted at the time of its birth for surely it must have
been, as it is now, the smallest province as compared to the other provinces in India.
Sindh is only a few thousand square miles smaller than Assam while Assam has got
15,000 square miles, as waste land incapable of development. As regards population,
the development of the Barrage zone (which will raise the cultivable area of the
Province from two and a quarter million acres to nearly six million acres) will give
impetus within a short compass of time, to the figure if population.

Apart from the above facts in connection with the area and population of Sindh, should
we not in fairness, compare and see if there exists any province within the British India
smaller than Sindh itself? Take for instance Coorg, North West Frontier province,
Ajmere, Merwar, etc. Coorg has get only 1,582 square miles in area and has a
population of only 165,833. North West Frontier has got 16,466 square miles area and
22,47,696 population. Figures for Merwar— Ajmere are not available but that province is
also smaller than Sindh. I am not losing sight of the fact that they being maintained
from the subsidies advanced by the Central Government besides their own Revenues.
Besides there are no administrative difficulties owing to their small size and their
population.

Will there not be enough work for a Governor and a Cabinet?

It is an indisputable fact that, there is considerable work to keep busy the Heads of all
Departments in Sindh and in some cases there is a complaint that there is so much table
and outdoor work that the heads of all Departments are hardly able to cope with it,
despite the feet that at present Sindh is a neglected province and no new developments

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are undertaken. However when the Barrage works are over the population will
considerably increase and so the work of the Revenue and Public Works Departments,
because then the cultivated area of the province will be raised from two and a quarter
million acres to nearly six million acres. Imagine the great difference.

Moreover in the beginning when Sindh is constituted into a separate autonomous

province, it may not be necessary to keep more than two Ministers with a salary of 2,500
or 3,000 a month to make cabinet. The less busy the Governor and his Ministers are with
routine the more they will be able to pay attention to the general good of the province
(coming in direct touch with the people), although the matters of Sindh are bound to
grow in volume and complexity, after the inception of Barrage, so much so that they
will keep the Governor as engaged as he is now.

Amalgamation of Baluchistan with Sindh.

Some people are of opinion that Baluchistan should be amalgamated with Sindh. There
is no doubt that this suggestion does, to some extent, appeal to our mind. I wish it may
be annexed to Sindh, because it would give a relief to those lace of people who are
rotting under a despotic and extremely autocratic Government. The declaration of
Martial Law in Sholapur has shocked people but the inhabitants of Baluchistan are
always laboring under a lawless Law. They are being ruled by Military officers, who
administer law and justice according to their whims. People have no independence of
expression. No newspaper is allowed to raise its head. No attention is paid to
education. People have no voice in the administration. All officers are "Bosses" and the
people their slaves. Baluchistan looks more like a Cattle-Pound than a Province under
the benevolent British rule.

It is alleged that the Government of India is contributing lacs of rupees for the
maintenance of Government in Baluchistan, but it is no use disguising the fact that this
money is not spent on the well-being of people. It is squandered over the "maintenance
of the prestige, and dignity of officials".

Mr. Ali Mohamed H. Rashdi Editor Sindh Zamindar Sukkur will be shortly publishing a
book giving his experiences about Baluchistan where he has spent nearly four months'
studying various problems of that country. The book describes in a pathetic language,
the innumerable sufferings of Baluchistan and the feasibility of the proposal of
amalgamating it with Sindh. I think this book will be of great help in facilitating the
scrutiny of various aspects of this question.

Personally, I feel that the amalgamation of Baluchistan with Sindh will be a blessing
and a relief for the suffering lacs, and will also remove the objection that Sindh is too
small in area and population to be a separate province. It is quite possible that from
Political point of view there may be some difficulties in doing this, but on the whole I

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find that horrible exaggerations are being made to magnify these so-called difficulties.
The inner object in their so doing is that they want to keep this "Summer Health resort"
within their grip and so they always feel reluctant in restoring independence to it,
which will automatically come if it becomes a part of Sindh.

Apart from this, the incorporation in Sindh of the province of Baluchistan will be
beneficial in the following respects particularly:-

(1) That in summer when Sindh becomes hot, Ziarat and Quetta will serve as
the summer residences of the Governor of Sindh— Baluchistan. There will be no
extra expenditure on building new houses for the Governor, because the existing
palatial residences of the Hon'ble the A. G. G. at both the places are as good as
the Government Houses of Bombay or Mahableshewar.

(2) That when services will be provinsialised and it will not be possible to
shift officials, whose service becomes undesirable in Sindh, to Presidency as is
being done now, Baluchistan would serve as a place for dealing with undesirable
and incorrigible Government servants. Sindh being backward in education and
awakening, it has often been noticed that some public servant occupying
responsible position in Sindh, indulge in corruption, and carry on regular
exploitation. All efforts to improve or deal with them locally prove abortive. In
that tease the policy has been to shift such incorrigibles to some distant corners of
the Bombay Presidency where there is no possibility of their itching palms being
greased. It is in this manner that at present Sindh nips this nuisance in the bud.
But when the Province of Sindh is limited to the existing seven districts only, and
it becomes impossible to free it from the yoke if undesirable officials by pushing
them to a distant place as the Presidency, a pressing need would be felt to make
some special arrangement for obviating this difficulty. I think Baluchistan would
be the best place to accommodate and even improve such public servants, and
hence its amalgamation is highly desirable.

Anyhow, whether Baluchistan is amalgamated or not Sindh, as it is, is bound to keep

the new Sindh Government busy.

UNNECESSARY EXPENSE ON A CABINET.

The Bombay Government has laid great stress on the point that there will be
unnecessary expense on a cabinet of at least "three ministers", in the new Sindh
Government. I do not find any force in an argument of this nature. I think two ministers
will be quite sufficient to farm a cabinet in the beginning. If need be we shall keep 3, 4,
or five. Mr. Jamshed N. R. Mehta, President Karachi Municipality has rightly said that:-

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 "Three or four thousand a month on a Minister is not an item to be afraid of, when a
small Municipality can pay anything between 500 to to 900 rupees to its chief officers
such an item is not worth considering. If my business, expands keep more men. If there is
no need, I do not. Few thousands here and there make no difference whatsoever".

It is quite needless to dwell upon this so-called "administrative difficulty" at any length,
because it looks on the very face of it simply imaginary and ridiculous. If Sindh spends
a few thousands of rupees per month on its cabinet, it will comparatively derive a far
greater advantage from it. If Khairpur State with an annual income of Its. 25 lakhs is
able to keep an Executive Council, costing 6 to 9 thousands rupees per mensem.
(Allowances & Travelling expenses extra) I see no reason why Sindh will not be able to
maintain a cabinet— of 2 or 3 ministers.

Will Sindh be deprived of the control and advice of a large number of Experts?

It is alleged that Sindh will in case of its separation from Bombay Presidency lose the
control and advice of a large number of experts like the Director of Public Instruction,
the Inspector General of Police, the Chief Engineer for Irrigation, etc.

The fact is that Sindh would not mourn much if by achieving independence it forgoes
the control and advice of the Bombay, Heads of Departments. There is no conspicuous
blessing which may have been bestowed upon Sindh by these "experts". Firstly we are
skeptic about their usefulness, in as much as the problems of our country are concerned,
and secondly hardly 1/15th of their attention goes to our affairs, as they have to think
of the entire presidency and not of Sindh exclusively. They are residing in Bombay or
Mahableshewar — at a distance of nearly a thousand miles from Sindh, and there is a
little hope that they are able to understand the divergent and complicated problems of
our province. They do indeed visit Sindh, but for how many days during a year? At the
most one week! This "one week" goes on interviews dinners and entertainments and
they hardly take the trouble to go out in mofussil and see for themselves the wretched
condition of the country. I think that great Persian poet Hafiz has rightly represented
our feelings on this subject, in the following maxim:—

(I expect no favor at your hands but pray don't harm me).

Apart from this I feel that Sindh will not lose the control and advice of experts when
Sindh is separated, as alleged by the Government of Bombay. Sindh has already got
separate heads of Departments namely the Deputy Inspector General of Police, Deputy
Director of Agriculture, Educational Inspector, Assistant Commissioner income tax,
Conservator of Forests, Director of Health, Superintendent salt and excise. They are as
competent as the Bombay Bosses. They are in no way inferior to the Bombay Votaries.
With due respect to the latter, we could get a better, more concentrated and efficient

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administration by having our own men. Under the existing system of administration of
the Bombay Presidency, more attention cannot be paid, notwithstanding all the
sincerety of the Governor or the heads of various departments. It is a fact that it takes
weeks and mouths to get decisions of the Bombay Government on very small matters.
"We don't want" in the words of Mr. Mehta "a red tap a thousand miles long, if at all we
must have it let us have it in our midst so that we can pull it the other way at our own
satisfaction."

LACK OF BRAINS.

Certain friends, who are opposed to separation on account of some personal motives,
are making insinuation that there is lack of brains in Sindh and that the people of this
province would not be able to carry on administration with efficiency. Statements such
as these indicate lack of faith in the capability of the people of Sindh. But they are not
well-grounded. Sindh has produced Shah Abdul Lateef— the Great Poet, and many
others who rose to the rank of the Prime Ministers to the Moghal Emperors. Even at
present Sindh has got many brilliant brains literary men, Politicians and Legislators.
Why they have not shined out is due to the reason that Sindh is in bondage. Slaves
cannot compete with those who have been born and brought up in independent and
advanced atmosphere. Moreover there is lack of education in Sindh and consequently
some very brilliant Brains are going, without education. There is very little chance for
the people of this province to make name because somehow they are under a Military
rule.

Nevertheless, Sindh, as it is, contains quite a large number of competent men who
would run the administration most satisfactorily. I would like to quote here the opinion
of Mr. P.R. Cadell C.S.I., I.C.S., Late Chief Secretary Government of Bombay and late
Commissioner in Sindh which he has expressed in his recent article on Sindh
Separation, published in the Asiatic Review and reproduced in the "Daily Gazette" of July
15th, 1930:-

"As regards local ability, there need be no apprehension. The Hindus of Sindh, if
comparatively few in number, possess a high degree of intelligence sufficient in any
circumstances to safeguard their position; nor are the Sindhi Mohammadans, or the
Baluchi immigrants, in any way lacking in brain power or administrative capacity".

I think this is sufficient evidence to remove all apprehensions about the alleged
incapability of Sindhis to run the administration.

It is a wicked lie that there is lack of brains and learned men in Sindh. Despite the fact
that, as expressed by the Hortog Committee, Sindh has not received fair treatment at
the hands of the Bombay Government in the matters educational, a small town as that
of Shikarpur contains as many as one hundred Moslem graduates, leaving Hindus

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aside. Although I dislike making personal references, yet it is no use disguising the fact,
that it is Sindh which is proud of having produced men like Mr. M. A. Jinnah, and the
Honourable Khan Bahadur Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah General Member
Government of Bombay.

Why not "Equal Privilege"?

The Bombay Simon Committee, has emphasized that:-

"If Sindh were a separate province, it could not, at such an early stage, expect an equal
privilege, and it would, therefore, inevitably be denied the advantages of any further step
forward which Bombay may secure".

This argument is obviously extremely fallacious. I think I should, instead of making any
other comment, quote the repudiatory remarks made by a member of the same
committee— Sayed Miran Mohamed Shah:-

"I regret to remark that it is a very illiberal and narrow view taken of the rights of the
people. It strikes at the very root of the principle of self-determination to the people of
India involved in the education of 1917. It also, I am afraid, recommends a policy of
discriminating differentiation between province and province in India so far as their right
to self-Government is concerned. Why Sindh cannot claim "equal privilege" is not
expressly explained. Apart from injustice I see no logic in the above statement. Sindh has
to the common knowledge of all, remained as a part and parcel of the Bombay Presidency
since about 1817 A. D. Since its connection with the Presidency it has been enjoying the
Political status and privileges conferred on the latter. The people of Sindh have as much
participated in the legislation of the Presidency and have, therefore, as much training in
the art of legislation as the people of the Presidency. Old as well as new reforms have been
worked by Sindhis as much as the people of the rest or the Presidency. How is it just or
even logically sound that those very people who have enjoyed equal rights and privileges
with their colleagues in the Presidency should be denied equal status simply because they
want to develop separately. Why should one component part of a body Politic be
considered inferior to the rest of the body? Every Province including Assam is
demanding Provincial Autonomy. If others get, Sindh will surely get. If others do riot get
Sindh will also have to wait. In the circumstances there is no reason to preclude Sindh
from getting the privileges to be conferred upon the other provinces. This argument
advanced against Sindh could logically be applied to a province like the N. W. Frontier
Province and British Baluchistan which have never had a training in the field of self-
Government, but could it, in all fairness, be applied to Sindh (on separation) when it has
as much experience behind it as the Presidency proper. Apart from the indisputable right
of Sindh to an equal status with the rest of the Bombay Presidency, I for my part consider
it preferable for Sindh to get separation and be content with the present system of
Government for some time, rather than to consent to remain as a slave of the Presidency

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 forever. I agree with Mr. Jamshed Mehta, when he says in his pamphlet "separation of
Sindh":—
"If Bombay becomes autonomous and Sindh does not after all it can be at the most for 5
years. These 5 years will pass away as a stage of transition and what is 5 years in the
history of a nation"?

The above quoted remarks of Sayed Miran Mohamed Shah are literally true, and it is
unwise to give this simple thing so much significance that it should become an
stumbling block in the separation.

The apprehensions of the Hindus.

Some Hindus, very few in number of course, are opposing the separation. They are
actuated be communal feelings and have adopted "Dog in the Manger" Policy. Those
who are aware of the conditions prevailing in India, will easily see through this move of
our friends, who, fortunately happen to be very few in number. It is really unfortunate
that the contagious disease of communal Jaundice has affected some very learned men
who are prepared to sacrifice their country for the sake of a few loaves and fishes. They
do not look to the interests of the country and thereby they are doing infinite harm to
the progress and well-being of Sindh and India. That those communalists who oppose
the separations are being looked to with contempt by the sober minded Hindu
gentlemen, will be evident from the following remarks made by Pandit Jawherlal
Nehru President Indian National Congress in the course of a letter addressed by him to
Mr. Jamshed N. R. Mehta President Karachi Municipality dated June 8th, 1928:-

"I entirely agree with you that a mess has been made about the question of making Sindh
a separate province. It was obviously a matter for dispassionate consideration and should
have been decided largely in accordance with the wishes of the people of Sindh. But it has
now become not only an All India question and one affecting Hindu—Moslem relations
but one of those questions which give rise to so much passion that it is impossible to
consider them calmly. This is very unfortunate but I do not see how we can shelve the
matter now. It has to be faced whatever the consequences. Perhaps you are aware that
only a year or so ago the leaders of the Maha Sabha were entirely agreeable to the
separation. As for as Congress men were concerned they have been committed to it for the
last seven years. But now it is not a question of logic or reason for most persons. As it is
not possible for us to shelve it the only other course open is for such of us as can consider
it with some measure of equanimity to study the question and give their opinion".

Our Hindu friends like Prof. Chablani are opposing the separation by bringing in
financial and such other groundless bogies. When the majority of the inhabitants of
Sindh, namely Mussalmans who form ¾ th of the entire population and also the
majority of Hindus, is quite ready to bear any additional expenditure that may be in
cured in consequence of separation, why should these few communalists be afraid of it?

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From a cursory perusal of the preceding chapter ("Public opinion") everyone would
come to know that all the responsible Hindu institutions, the Indian National Congress
with its Hindu President, the Nehru Committee with Pandit Motilal as its chairman, the
Sindh Hindu league (having within its fold almost all the representative Hindus of
Sindh,) have unequivocally accepted the separation. Even in their individual Opacity
almost all the prominent Hindu gentlemen are in favor of separation. Not only that but
they are carrying on regular propaganda and are making efforts with utmost
enthusiasm.

If the minorities have any apprehension about some impending calamity after Sindh is
constituted into a separate province, the Parsi community should be, I think, more
afraid of it which numerically is much less than the Hindus in Sindh, but yet it is more
anxious for the separation than the Moslems or Hindus. Personally I feel that it is highly
in the interests of the Sindhi Hindus that the province should be separated, because
they are obviously great losers in the existing amalgamation. If you take into
consideration the present strength of the Sindh Hindus in the Bombay Legislative
Council you would find that the whole bulk of the Hindu population is represented by
three members only! If Sindh is separated they will get more representation and wilt
have adequate voice in the Government.

The Hindus of Sindh are far more advanced in every sphere of life, than the Moslems.
The trade is monopolized by them. Most of the Government offices have been captured
by them. Educationally they are more advanced than Mussalmans. Legal profession is
entirely in this hands. All the Municipalities are under their thumb. Not only that but
even 40% lands have been usurped by them. If Sindh is separated their strength is
bound to increase by leaps and bounds, and there need be ne apprehension whatsoever.
When Sindh is separated, the roads and communication would greatly increase and so
it will give a considerable impetus to the trade in Sindh which is entirely in the hands of
Hindus.

Hindus are feeling apprehensive that the separation of Sindh would add to the number
of provinces in which Mussalmans are in majority. But I cannot understand in what
way the Moslem majority could harm them. I don't think, so long as British rule exists,
there will be any hand to hand fight between Hindu and Moslem Provinces. If Hindus
dream of some Civil war, in which one province may wage war with another province,
then of course, they can have some justification to say that Sindh should not be
separated because it would add to the strength of Moslem provinces and come in their
way when Hindu provinces raise arms against them. But such vicious plans must be
frustrated and if that is the only object under lying their opposition, I think no heed
need be paid to what they say or suggest. I have heard some Hindus telling that if
Sindh is separated it may sometime join with other Moslem Provinces in inviting the
onslaught of Afghans and thus establishing Moslem rule. This is a most childish and
ridiculous notion. Firstly, the separation does not mean independence outside the

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British sovereignty. The separated Sindh would have as much independence as the
prevent Punjab. There Mussalmans are in a majority; the Legislative Council is under
the influence of Moslems, the Province is on the border of Afghanistan, much nearer
than Sindh, but has it within living memory ever made any truce with Afghans and
helped them in marching over India? Anyone who knows the constitution of the Indian
Government can easily understand that the Military is not under the control of
Provincial Government and the foreign department is an Imperial subject. The local
Councils are controlling educational, Municipal Agricultural, Revenue, Excise and
Judicial affairs. Now it is possible that Sindh if separated would lead an Army
consisting of only Administrative Officers, Municipal Engineers, Sanitary inspectors,
Excise Sowers, Agricultural experts, Revenue Collectors, Public Prosecutors, and join
Afghanistan against India? Whether Sindh is separated or it continues to remain with
Bombay it shall not have a single aeroplane, gun, or sword to be used against India or
Hindus, in conjunction with Afghanistan. We are lock, stock and barrel, within the grip
of Government which is second to none in power, and so long as the present state of
affairs continues it is childish to dream of these silly things.

Anyhow I must repeat that all the sober minded and representative Hindus of Sindh
and India are openly in favor of separation and that those few gentlemen who are
opposed to it are inspired by highly deplorable motives which must never be
encouraged.

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 VI.

THE "FINANCE" BOGEY

1. First of all, I would like to make it clear that, in the words of Dr. Ambedkar M. A.
Ph.D., D.SI., I do not attach importance to the financial difficulties, because they alone cannot be
decisive, despite the fact that in the case of Sindh financial difficulties can most easily be
removed. The anti-separationists have taken undue advantage of the fact that the
Government of Bombay, which is not willing to forego the fertile province of Sindh, has
not yet scrutinized the financial side of the question, and it is in consequence of this that
the Hindu economists, who are inwardly opposed to it on account of some other
considerations— pointed out in the preceding chapter, are making a row in the name of
"Finance". They are manipulating figure to unnerve the separationists.

2. Despite the fact that the Simon Commission had clearly promised to depute
some expert to prepare a budget for Sindh, neither the Commission nor the Bombay
Government have appointed any unbiased and disinterested person to go through the
financial aspect and find the solution of this problem. So long as it is not done we have
reason to hold that Sindh is self-supporting and can very well stand on its own legs.

3. The great injustice which has been done to us is that separate Budget is not
drawn for Sindh. The figures on the side of income or expenditure have been mixed up
with those of the cast of the Presidency and therefore it is very difficult to understand
the real position. This creates a heavy doubt in favor of separation and we must have
the benefit of it.

4. In fairness, the decision about the financial position of Sindh ought not to be
based on the materials supplied by the Government of Bombay. If their figures and
statements are to be believed as "Gospel Truth" it will be like delivering judgment on
the uncorroborated statement of defendants only.

5. Let us now discuss the financial position of Sindh, as it is today, and whether
when separated Sindh can be self-supporting. I give below the fig fires for the years
1922-23, 1923-24 and 1924-25. The figure , for these three years are the ones sup-plied by
the Government in reply to interpellations in the Bombay Legislative Council:-

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 Revenue receipts in Lakhs. Expenditure in Lakhs
Receipts Expenditure
Heads 1922-23 1923-24 1924-25 Heads 1922-23 1923-24 1924-25
1 Land Revenue 83.5 72.1 62.1 1 Revenue 40.1 39.2 13.8
2 Excise 35.5 40.3 29.1 2 Excise 1.3 1.3 1.9
3 Stamps 19.4 20.2 17.8 3 Stamps 0.9 0.8 0.7
4 Forest 6.2 6.3 6.9 4 Forest 3.5 3.6 4.1
5 Registration 1.6 1.5 1.5 5 Registration 1.0 0.9 0.9
6 Irrigation works for
6 Scheduled Taxes 0.0 0.2 0.6 which capital accounts 12.9 16.2 21.5
are kept.
7 Irrigation Works for capital
accounts are kept (Net 7 Miscellaneous irrigation
36.5 39.3 39.2 23.1 13.5 23.1
receipts after deducting expenditure
working expenses)
8 Works for which capital 8 Civil Administration
0.5 0.1 0.1 20.7 19.6 44.8
accounts are kept General Administration
9 Administration of
9 interest Civil Administration. 3.6 2.7 1.8 9.6 10.0 11.5
Justice,
10 Jails and Convict
10 Administration of Justice 2.1 1.9 1.8 5.9 5.2 5.2
settlement.
11 Jails and Convict
0.8 1.0 1.2 11 Police 36.1 35.1 36.1
settlement.
12 Education 1.0 1.0 1.5 12 Ports and Piolotage 0.1 0.1 0.3
13 Police 0.3 0.2 0.4 13 Education 23.0 26.6 23.8
14 Medical 0.4 0.4 0.3 14 Medical 4.6 5.3 5.3
15 Public Health 0.1 0.1 0.2 15 Public Health 3.5 2.9 2.9
16 Agric ulture including 16 Agriculture including
0.4 0.7 0.7 3.3 3.3 3.4
veterinary cooperation. veterinary cooperation.
17 Miscellaneous department. 0.0 0.1 0.5 17 Civil works 10.4 6.5 8.0

18 Miscellaneous
18 Civil works 0.9 0.7 0.7 0.3 0.3 0.3
department.
19 Superannuation
6.1 6.9 7.0
allowance and pensions
19 Miscellaneous 2.2 3.2 3.6
20 Stationary & Printing 1.3 0.9 1.0
21 Miscellaneous 1.3 4.0 5.2
Total 195.0 192.0 180.7 Total 209.0 202.2 221.5

Now out of various items of expenditure, items No. 6, 7, and 17 cannot be classed as
ordinary expenditure. Items No. 6 & 17 must wholly go out for they relate to works
Civil and Irrigational. Items No. 7 miscellaneous irrigation expenditure does not tell us
what portion of it is spent on capital works. It is certain that some portion of it is spent
on capital works, which in Sindh are productive. In the absence of any definite
information in these figures it will be safe and right to deduct 50% from this item on this
account. Therefore after deducting these amounts the right figures for the annual
expenditure will be Rs, 174.1, Rs. 172.7 and Rs. 180.4 lakhs for the three years 1922-23.
1923-24 and 1924-25 respectively. The average revenue and expenditure for these three
years works out to Rs 189.2 and Rs. 175.7 lakhs respectively that is to say Sindh shows
an average annual surplus of Rs. 13.5 lakhs.

6. We have so far received figures from two sources namely the Secretary Finance
Department and Professor Chablani. The latter has made horrible exaggerations and
has swelled figures to such an extent that it is absurd to waste time on considering
them. According to the secretary Finance Department, Government of Bombay, the

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ordinary small deficit which separated Sindh has to face is estimated to be Rs. 50 lacs
out of which 25 lacs constitute deficit from ordinary Revenue and expenditure and the
remaining 25 lacs constitute share of public debt and interest thereon. If we
dispassionately examine the first 25 lacs we shall be able to see that it does contain a
portion of capital expenditure and interest which ought to, have been included in the
head of capital liability and shown as public debt paid by Sindh. The statements
supplied by Bombay Government are full of discrepancies and it is difficult to believe
them: Nevertheless we can make up the deficit, if it actually occurs, by adopting the
following measures:—

(a) Economy. The Bombay Government is the most costliest one (excepting
Burma ) in comparison to the other Provincial Governments, as will be evident
from statement (A). When Sindh is separated we would reduce it to the level of
Behar and Orrisa or at the most Bengal.

STATEMENT (A) SHOWING EXPENDITURE PER HEAD.

No. of Current Current Expenditure
NAM E. Population Area
Districts Revenue expenditure. per head
Ajmere Mewar 4,20,000 2,711 2 Not available. Not available,
Assam 67,00,000 53,015 12 2,66,05,000 2,81,63,000 Rs. 4/-
Bengal 1,60,00,000 76,843 28 12,15,13,000 11,10,79,000 Rs. 2/8
Behar & Orissa 3,94,00,000 83,161 21 7,78,26,000 6,00,45,000 Rs.1/8
Bombay 2,62,00,000 123,621 32 15,50,69,000 16,01,51,000 Rs. 6/8
Burma 1,25,00,000 233,707 41 9,31,28,000 9,50,92.500 Rs. 7/8
C. P. & Berar 1,57,00,000 99,876 22 5,63,76,000 5,88 36,463 Rs.4/-
M adras 4,43,00,000 142,260 24 16,51,92,000 15,16,60,000 Rs. 3/5
N. W. Province 50,00,000 13,418 5 Not available. Not available. Not available.
Punjab & Delhi 2,50,00,000 100,439 29 11,12,92,000 12,52,11,000 Rs. 5/-
Sindh 32,70,000 47,000 7

(b) Retrenchment. It is an established fact that the Bombay Government is an

extravagant one, and when Sindh is separated we shall make retrenchment and
curtail the expenditure considerably. The "Axe of retrenchment" could be applied
to many departments which have gone fat without rendering services
commensurate with the expenditure incurred on them. For instance the Forest
department. The annual income to Government from Forests of Sindh is only 7.1
lacs, while the expenditure is 4.1 lacs i.e. more than half the income. We shall
easily curtail the expenditure by doing away with all the Range Forest Officers
along with their staff. We would, if possible, amalgamate some Forest divisions
which have lighter work. The intermediaries will be removed from all
departments: So far as Police department is concerned the posts of "Inspectors of
Police" must be abolished. The Divisional Officers can very well do both the
duties. Another convenient department for economy is the General Department.
The table of expenditure shows that the expenditure on this department has
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swelled from 14.3 to 44.5 lacs a year: We should not look at this expenditure as
irreducible minimum.

Besides, reasonable reeducation may be made in the salaries and allowances

which are now given officials in Sindh.

(c) Increase in the Revenue. According to the figures given by Meston

Committee the average income of the various departments is increasing every
year as follows:-

Revenue 4%
Excise 13%
General stamps 16%

The figures of Revenue supplied by Government of Bombay show that in the

years 1920-21 the income was Rs. 185.4 lacs but in the succeeding year it rose to
210.5— an increase of Rs. 76 lacs, If the increase continues Eon this ratio every
year, Sindh would surely be able not only to make up the so-called deficit but it
would finance even new development schemes. Besides, with the opening of
Barrage the income would increase under the following heads:-

Increase in population
Increase in the number of villages
Increase in land Revenue
Increase in the sale of stamps owing to sale of land
increase in the income from registration
Increase in Excise owing to the increase in population

Direct profit may not accrue on the lands within the Barrage Zone immediately
on the working of the Barrage in 1932, yet after 12th or 13th year from the
working of the Barrage, there will be some direct income to Government from
Land Revenue as is clear from the evidence of Mr. Harrison, the Chief Engineer
Lloyd Barrage, before the Simon Commission. The period of revision of land
settlement in Sindh (which is 20 years) is also drawing near. It might begin from
1932. Land assessment is bound to increase as it inevitably does, in consequence
of the Revenue Inquiry. According to the remarks of Mr. Musto: "Sindh will
become one of the richest and most important provinces in India, supplying
grain and cotton to its poor neighbors and to all parts of the world". Since the
cultivable area is estimated to raise from approximately, three to nearly seven
million auras, the land revenue, and income from registration, stamps, etc., is
bound to increase considerably.

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 (d) Taxation. In lieu of the manifold advantages which Sindh would derive by its
ceasing to be the proverbial Milk cow of Bombay or India, we would be quite
willing to bear any additional taxation that may be imposed for making up the
deficit. "The general prosperity", as described by Mr. Musto in his booklet "The
Sukkur Barrage and New Sindh Canals" "is bound to prepare people to bear any
super-tax which may be imposed by their own Government for the purpose of
nation— building departments".

(e) Subsidies from the Indian Government. If a backward province desires to

advance and there is room for development— it is the duty of Government of
India to help it in the struggle for progress to a reasonably considerable extent.
Besides, the primary and important help which Sindh will require from the
Government of India will be the readjustment of its share of public debt; and
reorganization of Capital Accounts for Sindh on liberal basis. For instance if the
Government of India permits Sindh to borrow the capital as well as the recurring
interest on the same for such period till the works for which the money is
borrowed have actually finished and yielded returns, Sindh will find itself in no
difficulty to pay off its debts easily and run it's Government without any trouble.
Another method of concession which Government of India should do to Sindh to
pay off its debts will be to extend the period of payment. If the above concessions
are made by the Government of India, which they should, it will be seen from
resurvey of the statements supplied to us that the annual deficit of 50 lacs will he
reduced to a few lace only.

Additional cost of New Province.

7. Even under Dominion Status Sindh being a very much smaller province shall
have a Governor whose salary should be less than the Assam Governor. I am opposed
to the fat Salaries of Governors and Civilians. In the easy of constituting Sindh into a
separate Province the Governor of Sindh should not get more than what the
Commissioner gets at present. Sindh even today is for all practical purposes of
administration a separate province. It has its own High Court. So it will not have to
incur any extra cost for head-quarter establishment. At the most for every department
we may have an additional personal assistant to the official in charge with one or two
additional clerks. It will be no use opening a secretariat on a grand scale. After the
establishment of Provincial autonomy the services will be provincialised and the rates
of the salaries reduced to the present provincial service. There are already four
Assistants working under the Commissioner in Sindh as his secretaries— the first being
an I.C.S. man while the remaining three are men of Provincial grade. Assam has got
only four Secretaries including the Secretary for the Council. They are no doubt men of
Civil Service, but for the sake of economy till funds permit, the present Assistants to the
Commissioner in Sindh can conveniently be converted into Secretaries for various
departments. The clerical establishment is already sufficient and there will be no need

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of increasing it. So far as the cabinet is concerned I think, for the present, a cabinet
consisting of two minister, each drawing not more than Rs. 2000/- per mensem, would
be quite sufficient. The President of the Legislative Council should also get the same
salary. Those gentlemen who hold these affairs are never in need of salary and in most
of the cases their pay goes to charity. It would matter little if they show some leniency
to Sindh in the beginning. The Sindh Legislative Council should consist of not more
than 50 members. At present the members who are traversing a long journey to Bombay
draw exorbitant allowances and travelling expenses. When the Sindh Council holds it
sessions at Karachi, the expenditure would be very little and I think the members
would also quite willingly agree to their allowances being curtailed to some reasonable
extent. Economy shall have to be maintained in every department, and the
representatives of the people are bound to help the Government even at the risk of their
own pockets. If in lieu of a little sacrifice we get out of the bondage, the bargain is a
cheap one.

Liabilities and Barrage Expenses.

8. In considering the question of the partition of the assets and liabilities between
Sindh and the rest of the Presidency, we would like them to the case of two brothers, in
similar circumstances. Whatever the annual income they may have had in the previous
years, and whichever way they have spent it we would assume that both the brothers
have had a fair share of the benefits they could get out of the current expenditure. But
when it comes to debts incurred, we would like to know for whose benefit the money
was used, and whether that party has been paying interest on each sum.

In excluding all Barrage works, to which we shall revert later, we see from the Irrigation
Administration report for 1924-25 that the total capital outlay on all irrigation works in
Sindh to end of that year was as follows:-

Productive works in Operation. Rs. 3,62,27,791

Productive under construction. Rs. 1,22,057
Unproductive works in operation and construction. Rs. 67,65,270
Total Rs, 4,51,51,118

It will be seen from the interest accounts of the respective works that Sindh has, been
paying interest on all sums borrowed for the purpose, year after year, and in addition to
the interest Sindh has to its accumulated profit of Rs. 6,23,97,268 an accumulated loss of
Rs. 29,06,975, giving a net profit of Rs. 5,94,90,293. Sindh has thus paid into the coffers
of the Central and Provincial Governments from time to time a sum of Rs. 594 lakhs,
and interest up to date in place of Rs. 451 lakhs which she has borrowed. These profits
extend over a period of half a century, and if they had been given out on an ordinary
interest Sindh would have easily built up a balance of over 12 crores in her hand with
which to pay a major portion of the expenditure on the Sukkur Barrage. All these sums

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have been used by the Central and the Provincial Governments, and even assuming
that it is perhaps too late to ask for a refund of this sum, It would not be doing Sindh
too great a favor if she asked to be relieved of having to pay interest in future years, not
to speak of the Sinking Fund as proposed by Prof. Chablani, the true friend of the Sindh
Zamindars.

10. As regards the Lloyd Barrage, we can only state that if this work had been taken
in hand 20 years ago, as it should have been, the expenditure on it would have been
well nigh wiped out by this time. But whether that may be, Sindh has now put her hand
to it, and she will he honor bound to accept full responsibility for its success or failure.
Prof. Chablani advocates hanging on to the neck of Bombay to evade payment,
presumably on the plea that Presidency has thrust Barrage on Sindh. If that is so, the
Presidency might as well retort that the Sindh members are not less responsible for
thrusting the Bombay Development on them, both parties cannot evade their
responsibilities in presenting an elephant to each other, and each of them must take a
chance as to whether it proves a black or a white one. It is no use trying to escape from
that liability, whether separation or no. It may be mentioned in this connection that
with effect from 1st April 1925 the arrangements for administrating the advance to be
made by the Central to Provincial Governments have been systematized and a Central
Fund called "Provincial Loan Fund" has been established from which all advances are
now made by the Government of India. According to this arrangement the Provincial
Government can borrow sums of money according to definite principles by which the
arrangements for interest and repayment will be regulated. The Provincial
Governments naturally desire to spend large sums on various schemes of development
and expansion of their useful activities, and the Government of India, regarding this as
an inevitable & healthy result of the Reforms, wish to help them to fulfill their desire.
The fact is that the capital for the Barrage is provided by the Government of India as a
loan to the Bombay Government and interest is also being added on the capital cost.
When Sindh is separated it will administer the management of the repayment of the
loan instead of the Bombay Government. The Sukkur Barrage is the greatest irrigation
scheme in the world, and it is hoped Sindh will get every pie of the cost on the scheme
on the land sales. For the time being the Government of India can trust the Sindh
Government as much as the Bombay Government.

11. Borrowed Funds spent on development like Forests and excise are a feature, and
whatever one may have to say about their being right or wrong. The actual amount
spent in Sindh can be separately found very easily, and Sindh ought to bear that
responsibility. We cannot see how Sindh can escape this even if she remains with the
presidency.

12. As regards the contribution to the Central Government they are now a matter of
history, and we need not spend any more thought on it. This however raises another
subject of vital importance to Sindh. Prof. Chablani himself mentions how unfair

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Meston Settlement has been to Bombay, rendered mere unfair by the wiping out of the
Provincial Contributions. Bombay Presidency has commerce as its greatest asset, and
that taking away of Customs and Income Tax entirely deprives it of the only gaining
source of Revenue. Even half the income tax share of the Bombay amounted to two
crores in 1920-21, and this state cannot last long. The Meston Settlement is bound to be
revised on a more equitable basis & if Bombay's claim of share of income tax is
recognized, Sindh, with Karachi— a town with even greater possibilities— is bound to
profit, not lose in the coming days.

13. There remains the question of Famine Insurance. It is true that the Government
of India insist upon the Bombay Presidency for laying a certain sum of money every
year. But considering the great difference of Sindh and the rest of the Presidency, it does
not follow that they would insist on the- sums to be kept apart in Sindh. Crops in Sindh
do not depend upon rain but on irrigation. The Indus does not get dried up. If any
Famine Insurance was required for Sindh at all, the Lloyd Barrage serves the purpose. If
Sindh can afford by all means let her lay some more money for a rainy day, as a
protection from the floods, but that could hardly be called an urgent necessity.

14. A dispassionate investigation into the financial position of Sindh is sure to lead
all unbiased persons to the conclusion that Sindh can very well stand on its own legs.

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 VII.

NOW OR NEVER

Now that I have briefly discussed most of the important aspects of the question of the
separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency, I would earnestly appeal to the British
Government and the British Parliament that the separation, should be effected
immediately.

It absolutely unfair to shunt off this question from pillar to post and refer it to various
so-called committees. Each day's delay adds to the intensity of the sufferings of Sindh.
While every other province is advancing on the path of progress, our country is going
backward, to the great anxiety of its inhabitants. The people of Sindh will no longer live
on hopes. The separation must come now or never. The cup of our suffering has come
to a brim. We shall not rest contented until Sindh is constituted into a separate province.
I have made out a convincing case for the separation and the justice should not now be
denied to us.

(THE END)

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