Q.
CRITICALLY EXAMINE THE PECULARITY AND PERSISATENCE OF CASTE IN
CONTEMPORARY INDIA.
Incepting with the word which has served to designate the fact, CASTE is of
Portuguese and Spanish origin. Its not ashtonishing that a social system
centred on hierarchy has given rise to the most various and curious discussions
by modern Western writers.
Caste is a pan-Indian institution, a "system of ideas and values, a formal,
comprehensible rational system," according to Dumont. (Dumont, 1966:35)
The caste system, according to Dumont, divides the entire society into a large
number of hereditary groups, distinguished from one another and linked
together by three characteristics: SEPARATION IN MATTERS OF MARRIAGE
AND CONTACT, whether direct or indirect (food); DIVISION OF LABOUR, with
each group having, in theory or by tradition, a profession from which their
members can depart only within certain limits; and finally HIERARCHY which
ranks the groups as relatively superior or inferior to one another.
Encountering HIERARCHY is necessary as – it is a reference for the parts to the
whole system and also it is the fragment of the system. Hence is defined as a
principle by which the “element of whole are ranked into the relation of whole
and thus be religious in nature”. (Dumont , 1966 : 66). It remains to be seen
how power and authority is defined within it. To explain the same he refers to
the classic theory of Varna, to which Hindus frequently attribute the caste. It is
important to study the varnas, their relationship with caste in milieu of
relationship between power and hierarchy. It is divided into two- The last
group, the Shudras are opposed to the block of the first three castes, whose
members are ‘twice-born’ in the sense that they participate in religious life in
general. The twice born in turn divide into two- the Vaishyas are opposed to
the block formed by the Brahmins and the Kshatriyas.
The hierarchy of purity, forming the ideological scaffolding of Indian society is
confronted with a problem: in the Varna hierarchy of Brahmin, Kshatriya,
Vaishya and Sudra, purity does not correlate with rank. Thereby the
subordination of the King to the Brahman. It is this particular ordering and
weighting of religion, politics, and economy which Dumont sees as unique to
India. This formulation gives rise to a host of problems relating to the middle
ranges of the hierarchy. Namely, the Vaishya's abstaining from meat, alcohol
etc. are purer than the Kshatriyas above, but lower in rank. The answer
Dumont provides is that, “ what happens at the extremes is essential: that
which encompasses is more important than that being
encompassed.”(Dumont , 1966: 76) .
The four varnas form successively resolved unities opposed to the residual
categories i.e. the encompassing and the encompassed, reflecting the primacy
of status over power.
Further Dumont mentions about the existence of caste as a system in other
religious realms and how also highlights its persistence outside India. to begin
with he delves about the existence of caste system among the christians. He
takes cites two cases one of the european and the other that of Indian
converts. He mentioned that no matter, if the untouchables who accepted
conversions often responded to the egalitarian religious realms , it didn’t cater
to the improvememt of their social stituation – neither in the hindu milieu nor
in the christian milieu. He uses the instance of Catholic Missions in Madura,
Tamil Nadu, to demonstrate the operation of the caste system among
Christians. Dumont mentions Robert de Nobili, who settled in Madura in the
early 17th century, adopting Indian customs and distancing himself completely
from the Portuguese, and thus succeeding in getting initiated into texts, and
converting the Nayakkars- the people of the king's caste and brahmans. From
this point forward, missionaries were separated into two groups: Missionaries
Bhramanas And Missionaries Pandarams.
He explores the existence of caste system among the Muslims. Dumont
mentions that the co-existence had effected the two communities: Due to the
loss of political power and a shift in the balance of religion and politics,
hinduism was affected, whilst caste impacted Muslims & were divided into
large groups of graded status. For intials the muslims are divided into 2
categories- the Ashrafs/ nobles and the commom people. The Ashrafs were
influenced by the caste system but they didn’t succumbed to it. for instances-
there was no endogamous grouping but they prefered marriage within a small
group(marriage circle). Among the non- ashrafs three levels osf status was
noticed- the converts of superior caste, the professional group corresponding
to the artisan caste of hindu and the converted untouchables with preserved
functions. Dumont used the Pathan of Swat as an example of the caste
system's pervasiveness. The lowest caste is considered impure and is linked
through a system (like the jajmani system) and endogamous marriages,
demonstrating the influence of the hindu caste system in this upper Indus
valley. The caste system is based on the division of labour and political
antagonism, rather than on ritual. At last he stated that caste can be found
more or less everywhere, even in the modern society of south Africa and in the
united states.
M.N.Srinivas was convinced that caste as a system has deceased and in lieu of
that he wrote an obituary on caste system. His main argument was “how the
localised system of production based on a caste wise division of labour if fast
breaking down all over rural India , and is likely to disappear in the near
future”. (Srinivas,2003: 455). He mooted that he is aware that the rural Indian
economy is based on the jati-based division of labour. He goes on to describe
the main characteristics of the system of basic needs production of which
Hierarchy was an important feature. Local Jatis involved in the production had
hierarchical relationships, which were expressed in the idiom of purity and
impurity. Srinivas further discussed the relationship between Jatis and the
land. In relation to the amount of land, there was a gradation among the
landowners.Thus one with most land( exercised power, numerical strength)
were called Dominant Caste by Srinivas. He also mentioned the overlap
between landless and traditional untouchables, also the existence of bonded
labour due to this system of production. The equating of caste with class has
often simplified the gross reality.
In addition, he discusses the nature of the jati hierarchy and the frequent
disagreements over the position in the rank order—what the Jatis claim and
what others concede for Jatis. Despite the fact that the rank order was
ambiguous, it allowed Jatis to move up the hierarchy. But this was only true for
the dominant caste. He then shifts his focus to the types of relationships that
were prevalent among those involved in the production process. The patron
and the client had a dyadic relationship. Artisans, servicing and labouring
groups were rewarded by their patrons in grains. This highlighted that money
was minimally used and the economic relations of production occurred in
hierarchical framework .
He believes that the caste system is fading away, thus society will shift from
status to contract. He proposed a few options to satisfy his claim, including
replacing the grain-based subsistence economy with new technologies and
institutions introduced during British rule in India.To replace this, he
mentioned changes that have occurred since 1950. The effects of these
changes began with revolutions such as the green and white revolutions.
However, it is clear that these revolutions benefited only the upper crust of
society.
Nonetheless, Srinivas claims that improved communication, political
mobilisation, and government policies have all contributed to the weakening
of the link between jati and traditional occupation. But he also noticed that
there are still clashes between assertive dalits and aggressive dominants, and
these conflicts appear to be on the rise in the future.
He mentions that its important to recapitulate that any ideological condemn
on hierarchy no matter how well supported can’t alter the firmness of the
system as long as “it is backed up by an alternative system of production that
ignores if not violates the jati based division of labour”. (Srinivas 2003: 458). He
broached how anti-brahminical and anti-hierarchical movements did existed in
pre- British India but they somehow failed to bring an end to the caste system.
similarly Buddhism and Jainism and Bhakti movement which emerged from the
Hindu fold itself tried best to suppress but couldn’t make a dent on caste
hierarchy as at the village level the production of basic needs was stillbound
with jati.
Srinivas comes across the paradox “that while caste as a system was dying, but
the individual castes were thriving”. (Srinivas ,2003:459). This was bolstered in
the 1930s, when caste, ethnicity, and religious mobilisation were realised; he
dubbed this the Horizontal Stretch. He also sees how, despite representing all
sections of Indian society, the middle class in urban India is largely dominated
by the upper dominant caste, elite section of minority groups. Still, caste as a
system is a cloak of persistence and can be lifted by a combination of entirely
new technologies, institutions, and principles.
One of the most important pieces of work which projects the tenacious
existence of caste system is by Andre Betielle who argued that caste has vital
engagement in the growth of democracy of India and long term changes on
caste are being ignored. The emergency of 1975-77 and it's aftermath were the
turning points in the public acknowledgement in the unceasing significance of
caste.Betielle noticed that anthropologists' focus, at the time when Srinivas
gave his presidential address, was solely on tribe rather than caste, while
others were focused on class. Indian anthropologists gradually shifted their
focus from tribal studies to village studies and intensive fieldwork, resulting in
the recognition of caste's continued existence.
Rajni Kothari looked into the impact of caste on policy implementation at the
local and regional levels. According to political scientists, caste brought
democracy to ordinary Indians' doorsteps. For anthropologists, it was both
significant and noticeable. It had attracted anthropologist from another
country, and they were prone to exaggerate its tenacity. Economists, on the
other hand, held a very different view: caste belonged to India's past and was
now a barrier to economic development that could only be overcome through
policies. The focus on caste, according to development economist, has shifted
attention away from the more important issue. K N Raj suggested that instead
of focusing on caste, one should focus on class, but his understanding of caste
paled in comparison to Srinivas'.
As a result, Beteille focuses on three key aspects of social life that claim to be
at the root of the caste system's demise. First, observation rules relating to
purity and pollution were weakening, second, marriage regulations were
loosening, and finally, the relationship between caste and occupation was
becoming more flexible.
Beteille starts by considering the laws of purity and pollution. The decline of
ritual practises has been blamed on the secularisation of ritual practises.
Srinivas believed that the central concepts of purity and pollution in Hinduism
had been severely weakened, and that secularisation could be accompanied by
a strengthening of what he called Sanskritization. It essentially broadened the
scope of ritual in ceremonial life while narrowing the concept of purity and
pollution in daily life.
He went on to discuss the rules of commensality, which is prime among the
purity and pollution directives. He cites several viewpoints, including those of
J.H.Hutton, Mariott, and Srinivas, to demonstrate how the rules of
commensality were changing. Though the rules governing social inclusion and
exclusion have been weakened, this does not imply that all forms of
discrimination and exclusion have vanished into thin air; rather, the old rules
have been replaced with more subtle and adaptable codes with similar social
effects. Author A.C.Mayer correctly observes that old rules of commensality
have become more relaxed, but he also observes that this is both continuity
and change, and thus striking an exact balance between the two is difficult.
The Rules of Endogamy, according to Betielle, are codes that define kinship
ties and marriage within a confined and defined group, allowing for
lucid boundaries between groups of the same kind.The marriage rules in the
class are less well defined and more ductile than those in castes. Even in
arranged marriages, redefining caste boundaries broadened the range of
options available, and it also aided in incorporating factors other than caste
into marriage pattern selection. It was argued Hypergamy provided a better
insight into the nature of caste than the rule of endogamy. Hypergamy's
demise signalled a weakening of caste separation and hierarchy, "but this
doesn't mean that consideration of rank and status is no longer present in
marriage arrangements." It is difficult to regulate adult marriages according to
caste rules (Betielle, 2012:45).
He made a remark about the growing middle class, claiming that the caste
must adjust to the new middle class due to its size and diversity. In relation to
this, he mulls over the relationship between caste and occupation. to which he
established that alliance between caste and occupation has only loosed , and
didn’t break down altogether.
According to Betielle, the extent and rate of individual mobility varies greatly
from society to society because "economic development does not create the
same opportunity everywhere and it leads not only to upward but also to
downward mobility." (Betielle,2012:46). He warns about the vast unorganised
sector, in which individuals earn low wages and mere security is
disproportionately concentrated among lower caste members. The
overemphasis on caste has diverted attention away from other major sources
of inequality and conflict.
Following that, Betielle presented some evidences to examine the
strengthening of caste since independence. "To understand the peculiar
tenacity of caste, we will have to turn to a different sphere of activity, namely
politics." (Betielle,2012:46). Before independence, caste was a part of the
political arena, British rulers encouraged the use of caste in the formation of
political groups in order to suppress the nationalist movement. From the 19th
century onwards, caste associations were formed with the primary goal of
social reform, according to N K Bose. However, as soon as the focus shifted
from status to power, antagonism between castes became more open.
“Resentment between the upper and lower caste led to the genesis of politics
of backwardness.”(Betielle,2012:47). Political conflicts between castes were
common and intense after independence. Caste's greater involvement in the
political process was ironed out as a result of the differences. Caste loyalty
provided an easy way to mobilise electoral support. The massive campaigns
that have become a part of every election have resurrected caste
consciousness.
Finally, Betielle focused on the 1975-1977 emergency and its aftermath. The
Mandal Commission report of 1980, as well as the agitation for its
implementation, favoured caste politics. As a result, social justice became a
caste issue rather than a class issue. Caste, unlike class, does not change and is
easily identified. Individual mobility has harmed class identities while having no
effect on caste identities. He discussed how periodic election campaigns raise
caste awareness. The media keeps this alive by constantly displaying caste and
its role in public life; Long-term changes in the caste system are ignored in this
process.
When it comes to Indian society and their representation within it, the weaker
sections have always been an vital chunk of the conference. C.Parvathamma
delves into the topic of the country's weaker section – the Schedule Caste.
They are enshrined in Indian Constitution Article 341.She emphasises that
despite contributions to the problem of untouchability by various reformists,
revolutionaries, social movements/workers, caste and untouchability have
persisted for a long time. Caste is ascribed- As a result, caste-based
occupations provide a sense of rank and status to people ,thus a social
hierarchy develops in society, which is now omnipresent in all aspects of
society. Though educational and political aspects of life are given achieved
status, they are closely monitored by religious and caste values and are heavily
laden with dharma and karma concepts in the rest of India. The author
asserted that all indigenous movements, such as Brahmo Samaj, rebelled
against the caste system and other social evils, but they were all predominated
by religious ideologies, and thus there is hardly any movement that influenced
people's minds without the religious idiom.
Parvathamma then contemplated the plight of the scheduled caste. She sees
the conflict between scheduled and non-scheduled castes as a clash of
traditional and emerging values. Despite political reservations, members of the
schedule caste are still subordinate to party leaders in political parties. They
object to being labelled "scheduled caste" because their votes are frequently
outnumbered by general votes. The constitutional provisions, on the other
hand, benefited only a small segment of the scheduled caste. The scheduled
caste has been exploited in the past due to their economic vulnerability.
Attempts to elevate the scheduled caste have only fuelled the non-scheduled
caste's hatred and resentment of them. Reservations in the educational sector
have also been criticised. Ambedkar attempted to organise the scheduled
castes, but his efforts were futile. As a result, it is reasonable to conclude that
constitutional provisions will take a long time to address the issues of
scheduled castes, and structural change is urgently needed.
As a result, it can be concluded that the conflict between achieved and
ascribed status cannot be resolved smoothly in the case of scheduled caste.
They want everyone to have an honourable social standing. As a result,
scheduled caste issues will persist, the Hindus and scheduled caste aspirants
will become more agitated as are unable to organise a movement on their
own.
Caste is most visible in Indian society through politics, and caste-related
atrocities that are rarely reported. It is established through the elucidation of a
few texts above that caste is the most important segment of Indian society,
which supports the fact that caste still rules the game. However, the caste
system conceals unspeakable torture, sexual politics, and other crimes that go
unreported because they are frequently justified on the basis of ascribed caste
to a specific individual, and thus has a strong hold in society.To expound the
same two works will be used as instances-
The element of the Rouge State, according to Kalapna Kannibiran, is
annihilation by caste. The author brings this up in relation to the Budaun
murder case in Uttar Pradesh. The victims were dalits, a socially and
economically disadvantaged group. She questioned whether this was included
in the legal definition of the POA act of 1989, which was designed specifically
for ST and SC. Even if they were not SC, the murder was not a minor offence.
She also mentioned and questioned the samajhwadi party's sexual politics. The
parties compared sexual assault and politics to an art form. In addition, it
compares the plight of two victims from different regions—Delhi and Khirlanji
—in terms of protest and judicial representation of the crimes. Also Describes
the socio-political context of sexual violence, assault, and murder. Thus, the
crux of the article is that caste annihilation is rare; rather, annihilation by
caste is observed. It obliterates us. She concludes by describing the
Rouge state, where, despite constitutional prohibitions on various forms of
discrimination, patriarchy ,caste still prevail.
The other case demonstrates how caste, rather than caste associations in
particular, has remained relevant and central in analysing Indian democracy.
Ronojoy examines this through two lenses: the trajectory of caste in Indian
politics since the 1950s and caste policies adopted by Indian states. He explains
how there were constant variations in the belief that caste was a retrograded
system that needed to be abolished as soon as possible, and how some
intellectuals believed caste would be the central feature in Indian politics.He
mentioned that Rajni Kothari disagreed with the idea of caste as a political
force, stating that it was not politics that became caste-ridden, but the caste
itself that became politicised. He also mentions the prevalence of caste
associations. Political parties and regional organisations representing a cluster
of similarly positioned Jatis used these. Through the concept of Caste
Federation, Kothari explained the consolidation of Jatis. In Uttar Pradesh, for
example, there is the AJGAR Coalition. In terms of Indian state policies, it
contributed significantly to the consolidation of caste identities in post-
independence politics. Here, sen cites three examples: the implementation of
the Mandal Commission, the re-enumeration of castes in the 2011 census, and
constitutional safeguards for the redressed of atrocities against lower castes.
He concludes that caste appears to be very much alive in Indian politics.
CONCLUSION- Thus it can be culminated that rather of being obliterated or
faded away, caste gains a new lease of life every now and again and continues
to exist today, in afresh dispositions and ways. Caste, it might be claimed,
reincarnates every time it is thought to be dead.
REFERENCES
BÉTEILLE, ANDRÉ “The Peculiar Tenacity of Caste.” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 47, no. 13,
Economic and Political Weekly, 2012, pp. 41–48, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23214709.
DUMONT, LOUIS (1966): “HOMO HIERARCHICUS The caste system and its implications” University
of Chicago Press, Chicago and London
KANNABIRAN, KALPANA “Annihilation by Caste: Lessons from Budaun and Beyond.” Economic and
Political Weekly, vol. 49, no. 26/27, Economic and Political Weekly, 2014, pp. 13-15
M.N. Srinivas (2003): “An Obituary on Caste as a System”, Economic and Political weekly vol.38, no.5
(Feb. 1-7,2003), pp.455-459
Parvathamma, C. “THE WEAKER SECTIONS OF SOCIETY—THE SCHEDULED CASTES IN INDIA.”
Sociological Bulletin, vol. 30, no. 1, Indian Sociological Society, 1981, pp. 54–72.
Sen, Ronojoy. “The Persistence of Caste in Indian Politics.” Pacific Affairs, vol. 85, no. 2, Pacific
Affairs, University of British Columbia, 2012, pp. 363–69.
