Marcus Aurelius (born April 26, 121 CE, Rome [Italy]—died March 17, 180, Vindobona [Vienna, Austria] or
Sirmium, Pannonia) Roman emperor (161–180), best known for his Meditations on Stoic philosophy. Marcus
Aurelius has symbolized for many generations in the West the Golden Age of the Roman Empire.
Youth and apprenticeship
Marcus Aurelius
Marcus Aurelius, bas-relief depicting his triumphal entry into Rome in a quadriga; in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome.(more)
When he was born, his paternal grandfather was already consul for the second time and prefect of Rome, which
was the crown of prestige in a senatorial career; his father’s sister was married to the man who was destined to
become the next emperor and whom he himself would in due time succeed; and his maternal grandmother was
heiress to one of the most massive of Roman fortunes. Marcus thus was related to several of the most prominent
families of the new Roman establishment, which had consolidated its social and political power under
the Flavian emperors (69–96), and, indeed, the ethos of that establishment is relevant to his own actions and
attitudes. The governing class of the first age of the Roman Empire, the Julio-Claudian, had been little different
from that of the late Republic: it was urban Roman (despising outsiders), extravagant, cynical, and amoral. The
new establishment, however, was largely of municipal and provincial origin—as were its emperors—cultivating
sobriety and good works and turning more and more to piety and religiosity.
The child Marcus was thus clearly destined for social distinction. How he came to the throne, however, remains a
mystery. In 136 the emperor Hadrian (reigned 117–138) inexplicably announced as his eventual successor a
certain Lucius Ceionius Commodus (henceforth Lucius Aelius Caesar), and in that same year young Marcus was
engaged to Ceionia Fabia, the daughter of Lucius Aelius. Early in 138, however, Lucius Aelius died, and later, after
the death of Hadrian, the engagement was annulled. Hadrian then adopted Titus Aurelius Antoninus (the
husband of Marcus’s aunt) to succeed him as the emperor Antoninus Pius (reigned 138–161), arranging that
Antoninus should adopt as his sons two young men—one the son of Lucius Aelius and the other Marcus, whose
name was then changed to Marcus Aelius Aurelius Verus. Marcus thus was marked out as a future joint emperor
at the age of just under 17, though, as it turned out, he was not to succeed until his 40th year. It is sometimes
assumed that in Hadrian’s mind both Lucius Aelius and Antoninus Pius were merely to be “place warmers” for
one or both of these youths.
The long years of Marcus’s apprenticeship under Antoninus are illuminated by the correspondence between him
and his teacher Fronto. Although the main society literary figure of the age, Fronto was a dreary pedant whose
blood ran rhetoric, but he must have been less lifeless than he now appears, for there is genuine feeling and real
communication in the letters between him and both of the young men. It was to the credit of Marcus, who was
intelligent as well as hardworking and serious-minded, that he grew impatient with the unending regime of
advanced exercises in Greek and Latin declamation and eagerly embraced the Diatribai (Discourses) of a religious
former slave, Epictetus, an important moral philosopher of the Stoic school. Henceforth, it was in philosophy that
Marcus was to find his chief intellectual interest as well as his spiritual nourishment.
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The Roman Empire
Meanwhile, there was work enough to do at the side of the untiring Antoninus, with learning the business of
government and assuming public roles. Marcus was consul in 140, 145, and 161. In 145 he married his cousin, the
emperor’s daughter Annia Galeria Faustina, and in 147 the imperium and tribunicia potestas, the main formal
powers of emperorship, were conferred upon him; henceforth, he was a kind of junior coemperor, sharing
the intimate counsels and crucial decisions of Antoninus. (His adoptive brother, nearly 10 years his junior, was
brought into official prominence in due time.) On March 7, 161, at a time when the brothers were jointly consuls
(for the third and the second time, respectively), their father died.
Roman emperor
The transition was smooth as far as Marcus was concerned; already possessing the
essential constitutional powers, he stepped automatically into the role of full emperor (and his name henceforth
was Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus). At his own insistence, however, his adoptive brother
was made coemperor with him (and bore henceforth the name Imperator Caesar Lucius Aurelius Verus
Augustus). There is no evidence that Lucius Verus had much of a following, so a ruthless rival could have easily
disposed of him, though to leave him in being as anything less than emperor might have created a focus for
disaffection. It is most probable, however, that Marcus’s conscience impelled him to carry out loyally what he
believed to have been the plan by which alone he himself had eventually reached the purple. For the first time
in history, the Roman Empire had two joint emperors of formally equal constitutional status and powers, but,
although the achievement of Lucius Verus has suffered by comparison with the paragon Marcus, it seems probable
that the serious work of government was done throughout by Marcus and was the more arduous in that it was
done during most of his reign in the midst of fighting frontier wars and combating the effects of plague and
demoralization.
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For constructive statesmanship or the initiation of original trends in civil policy, Marcus had little time or energy
to spare. The field most congenial to him seems to have been the law. Numerous measures were promulgated and
judicial decisions made, clearing away harshnesses and anomalies in the civil law, improving in detail the lot of
the less-favoured—slaves, widows, minors—and giving recognition to claims of blood relationship in the field of
succession (see inheritance). Marcus’s personal contribution, however, must not be overstated. The pattern
of ameliorating legislation was inherited rather than novel, and the measures were refinements rather than radical
changes in the structure of law or society; Marcus was not a great legislator, but he was a devoted practitioner of
the role of ombudsman. Moreover, there was nothing specifically Stoic about this legal activity, and in one respect
the age of Antoninus Pius and Marcus signalizes a retrogression in the relationship of law to society, for under
them there either began or was made more explicit a distinction of classes in the criminal law—
honestiores and humiliores—with two separate scales of punishments for crime, harsher and more degrading for
the humiliores at every point.
Marcus’s claim to statesmanship has come under critical attack in numerous other ways—for example, in the
matter of Christian persecution. Although Marcus disliked the Christians, there was no systematic persecution of
them during his reign. Their legal status remained as it had been under Trajan (reigned 98–117) and Hadrian:
Christians were ipso facto punishable but not to be sought out. This incongruous position did little harm in times
of general security and prosperity, but when either of these were threatened, the local population might denounce
Christians, a governor might be forced to act, and the law, as the central authority saw it, must then run its course.
The martyrdoms at Lyon in 177 were of this nature, and, though it appears that Christian blood flowed more
profusely in the reign of Marcus the philosopher than it had before, he was not an initiator of persecution.
In 161 Syria was invaded by the Parthians, a major power to the east. The war that followed (162–166) was
nominally under the command of Verus, though its successful conclusion, with the overrunning of Armenia
and Mesopotamia, was the work of subordinate generals, notably Gaius Avidius Cassius. The returning armies
brought back with them a plague, which raged throughout the empire for many years and—together with the
German invasion—fostered a weakening of morale in minds accustomed to the stability and apparent
immutability of Rome and its empire.
In 167 or 168 Marcus and Verus together set out on a punitive expedition across the Danube, and behind their
backs a horde of German tribes invaded Italy in massive strength and besieged Aquileia, on the crossroads at the
head of the Adriatic. The military precariousness of the empire and the inflexibility of its financial structure in the
face of emergencies now stood revealed; desperate measures were adopted to fill the depleted legions, and
imperial property was auctioned to provide funds. Marcus and Verus fought the Germans off with success, but in
169 Verus died suddenly, and doubtless naturally, of a stroke. Three years of fighting were still needed, with
Marcus in the thick of it, to restore the Danubian frontier, and three more years of campaigning in Bohemia were
enough to bring the tribes beyond the Danube to peace, at least for a time.
The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius
A more intimate contact with the thoughts pursued by Marcus during the troubling involvements of his reign,
though not what would have been historically most valuable, his day-to-day political thoughts, can be acquired by
reading the Meditations. To what extent he intended them for eyes other than his own is uncertain; they are
fragmentary notes, discursive and epigrammatic by turn, of his reflections in the midst of campaigning and
administration. In a way, it seems, he wrote them to nerve himself for his daunting responsibilities. Strikingly,
though they comprise the innermost thoughts of a Roman, the Meditations were written in Greek—to such an
extent had the union of cultures become a reality. In many ages these thoughts have been admired; the modern
age, however, is more likely to be struck by the pathology of them, their mixture of priggishness and hysteria.
Marcus was forever proposing to himself unattainable goals of conduct, forever contemplating the triviality,
brutishness, and transience of the physical world and of humanity in general and himself in particular;
otherworldly, yet believing in no other world, he was therefore tied to duty and service with no hope, even of
everlasting fame, to sustain him. Sickly all through his life and probably plagued with a chronic ulcer, he took
daily doses of a drug; the suggestion has been made that the apocalyptic imagery of passages in
the Meditations betrays the addict. More certain and more important is the point that Marcus’s anxieties reflect,
in an exaggerated manner, the ethos of his age.
The Meditations, the thoughts of a philosopher-king, have been considered by many generations one of the great
books of all times. Although they were Marcus’s own thoughts, they were not original. They are basically
the moral tenets of Stoicism, learned from Epictetus: the cosmos is a unity governed by an intelligence, and the
human soul is a part of that divine intelligence and can therefore stand, if naked and alone, at least pure and
undefiled, amid chaos and futility. One or two of Marcus’s ideas, perhaps more through lack of rigorous
understanding than anything else, diverged from Stoic philosophy and approached that Platonism that was itself
then turning into the Neoplatonism into which all pagan philosophies, except Epicureanism, were destined to
merge. But he did not deviate so far as to accept the comfort of any kind of survival after death.
At the same time that Marcus was securing his trans-Danubian frontiers, Egypt, Spain, and Britain were troubled
by rebellions or invasions. By 175, the general Avidius Cassius, who earlier had served under Verus, had virtually
become a prefect of all of the eastern provinces, including control of the important province of Egypt. In that year,
Avidius Cassius took the occasion of a rumour of Marcus’s death to proclaim himself emperor. Marcus made peace
in the north with those tribes not already subjugated and prepared to march against Avidius, but the rebel general
was assassinated by his own soldiers. Marcus used the opportunity to make a tour of pacification and inspection in
the East, visiting Antioch, Alexandria, and Athens—where, like Hadrian, he was initiated into the Eleusinian
Mysteries (though that esoteric religious cult does not seem to have impinged at all upon his philosophical views).
During the journey the empress Faustina, who had been with her husband in the Danubian wars as well, died.
Great public honours were bestowed upon her in life and in death, and in his Meditations Marcus spoke of her
with love and admiration. The ancient sources accuse her of infidelity and disloyalty (complicity, in fact, with
Avidius Cassius), but the charges are implausible.
Commodus
Commodus as Hercules, marble bust; in the Capitoline Museum, Rome.
In 177 Marcus proclaimed his 16-year-old son, Commodus, joint emperor. Together they resumed the Danubian
wars. Marcus was determined to pass from defense to offense and to an expansionist redrawing
of Rome’s northern boundaries. His determination seemed to be winning success when, in 180, he died at
his military headquarters, having just had time to commend Commodus to the chief advisers of the regime.
Legacy
Marcus’s choice of his only surviving son as his successor has always been viewed as a tragic paradox. Commodus
(re
