Crime and Justice 1750–1950

Crime and Justice

1750–1950

Barry S. Godfrey and

Paul Lawrence
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© Barry S. Godfrey and Paul Lawrence 2005

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First published 2005

ISBN 1-84392-116-2 paperback

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 Contents

Contents

List of figures, tables and illustrations ix

1 Introduction 1
Does crime history have a history? 2
Why the period 1750 to 1950? 3
The structure of the book 3
Note 7
Further reading 8

Part 1 Institutions and Processes 9

2 The development of policing 9

Introduction 9
The ‘old’ police 10
The transition to the New Police 14
A golden age of policing? 20
Conclusion 25
Key questions 25
Note 26
Further reading 26

3 The role of the ‘victim’ 28

Introduction 28
‘Victims’ and the prosecution of crime 29
Retribution, self-defence and other extra-judicial action 36
Victims and ‘private’ initiatives 40
Conclusion 45
Key questions 46
Notes 47
Further reading 47

4 The law and the courts 49

Introduction 49
An overview of the court system, 1750–1950 50
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Crime and Justice 1750–1950

Historians, law and the courts between 1750 and 1850 55

Historians, law and the courts between 1850 and 1950 59
Conclusion 65
Key questions 65
Further reading 66

5 Punishment, 1750–1950 68
Introduction 68
Changing patterns of punishment, 1750–1950 69
Historians, sociologists and the rise of the prison 76
Debates over punishment and welfare, 1850–1950 81
Conclusion 86
Key questions 86
Note 88
Further reading 88

Part 2 Crime and Criminals 89

6 The measurement and meaning of violence 89

Introduction 89
Measuring levels of violence 90
Changes in the meaning of violence 95
Sensitivity to violence and the civilizing process 103
Conclusion 106
Key questions 107
Notes 108
Further reading 108

7 Changing perceptions of crime and criminals 110

Introduction 110
Changing perceptions of crime and criminals 111
Factors influencing perceptions of crime and criminals 117
The effects of changing representations of crime and criminals 121
Conclusion 124
Key questions 124
Notes 125
Further reading 125

8 Criminal others: women and children 127

Introduction 127
Changing patterns of juvenile and female criminality 128
Youth justice: care or control? 134
Prostitution, social control and reform 141
Conclusion 146
Key questions 148
Notes 149
Further reading 149

vi
 Contents

9 Control in the workplace and the rise of surveillance society 150

Introduction 150
Customary rights in the workplace 151
The prosecution and punishment of ‘offending’ employees 154
Did the factory eradicate workplace theft? 160
Conclusion 162
Key questions 165
Notes 165
Further reading 166

10 Conclusion 167
Further reading 168

Glossary 169

Timetable of significant events 175

Useful websites 179

Bibliography 183

Index 195

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Crime and Justice 1750–1950

viii
 List of figures, tables and illustrations

List of figures, tables and illustrations

Figures

6.1 Homicide rate in England and Wales, 1856–1914 94

6.2 Homicides in England and Wales, 1900–70 96
6.3 Prosecutions for common assault, 1856–1914 98
6.4 Prosecutions for common assault, 1900–70 98
8.1 Assaults, number of offenders within age brackets, North-West
English cities, 1900–20 133
9.1 Calderdale Mill Rules 154
9.2 Rules and Laws of Stansfield Mill (1833) 155
9.3 Broadsheet issued by the Worsted Inspectorate, 1934 162

Tables

9.1 The legislative structure for the punishment of illegal workplace

appropriation, 1777–1875 156
9.2 Punishments imposed on workplace theft cases, West Yorkshire,
1844–76 159
9.3 Conviction rate by combination of magistrates, 1844–76 159

Illustrations

Special Constables receive their orders following rioting in

London during the 1880s (cover)
A stereotypical depiction of a night-watchman 13
Metropolitan Police marching to work 20
A police reward poster from 1932 43
The old Central Criminal Court at the Old Bailey 54
Bow Street Police Court 60
Illustration accompanying the report on new legislation which
allowed the flogging of those convicted of robbery 69

ix
Crime and Justice 1750–1950

‘Capital punishments around the world’ 71

Fleet Prison 74
The Old Scaffold at Newgate Prison 77
Illustration accompanying the report of a Whitechapel murder 92
Illustration accompanying the report of an infanticide 97
Focus on the physical attributes of criminals 112
Illustration accompanying the report of the birching of ‘urchins’ 129
Illustration accompanying the report of a case of neglect and cruelty
to children 141
Comparison of the physiological features of ‘normal’ women and
prostitutes 143

x
 List of figures, tables and illustrations

This book developed out of a collaborative teaching project between

Keele University and The Open University. The authors would like to
thank Chris A. Williams for providing valuable feedback and a first draft
of parts of Chapters 2 and 3, and Gerry Oram for providing a first draft
of parts of Chapters 3 and 8.

xi
Crime and Justice 1750–1950

xii
 Introduction

1. Introduction

William Sanders stated that: ‘In the course of their work, both detectives and
sociologists must gather and analyse information. For detectives, the object
is to identify and locate criminals and to collect evidence to ensure that the
identification is correct. Sociologists, on the other hand, develop theories and
methods to help understand social behaviour’ (Sanders 1974: 1). But how
important is it to gain an understanding of how criminal behaviour and
society’s reactions to it have changed over time? What part does history play
in understanding criminality, and what tools can we use to recover evidence
from one or two centuries ago? Whether you are interested in modern history,
criminology or sociology, you will be questioning which areas of knowledge
are important to you and your work, and which are not. This book will
explain how a critical appreciation of the history of crime can inform current
understandings of offending, and why historical events in the past two
hundred years will continue to affect crime and criminal justice for many
years to come.
If we were designing a criminal justice system to meet the needs of today’s
society, would it look like the one we actually have? Almost certainly it would
not, and that is because the institutions of criminal justice – the police, prisons
and the courts – have all been shaped and influenced by events and ideas
over a long period of time. For example, the growth of police services from
a private force employed and run for the benefit of the social elite to recover
stolen property to a professional, uniformed and preventative public service is
complex. We can only fully understand why the police force works the way it
does (prioritizing the maintenance of public order, being organized in counties
rather than being ‘The British Police Force’, being largely unarmed, and so
on) by looking at the changes made over two hundred years of history. In
addition to institutional changes, historical research can also reveal attitudinal
changes towards crime and risk in contemporary society. For example, youth
crime appears to be a persistent problem for modern society. Media debates
about joy riding and the drug/rave culture have recently given way to
celebrations of Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs) and their effectiveness
against youth ‘yob culture’. However, when did juvenile delinquency become
a pressing problem, what particular sets of anxieties or events made it so, and
are those factors still present today? Was delinquency always waiting to be
1
Crime and Justice 1750–1950

discovered, or was it ‘invented’ – can crime be ‘manufactured’ in this way?

If so, what are the conditions that allow us to manufacture crime, and do
fears about particular types of offenders reflect rising crime or do they feed a
system which creates rises in crime?
Do we live in a safer society now than our parents and grandparents did?
Statistics tell us that violence fell to its lowest prosecuted level about a century
ago, and that the rates of violence are now much higher (they peaked around
the 1990s and are currently declining). Why is this? Are we safer now? Do
we care more about violence now? Are we more worried about violence than
we ever were? We are not going to find the answers to such questions by
just looking at the situation as it stands today. We need to find meaningful
comparisons with the recent and far past. We also need to question the
assumptions that people readily make about the past – that it was a golden
age where police officers clipped unruly teenagers around the ear and people
did not need to lock their doors. Was that really true and, if so, how do we
know?
It is also clear that the past has a future. Perceptions of crime and changes
in the Victorian criminal justice system have left their legacy. For example, why
do we imprison women and children in separate prisons to men? Why are
men and women sentenced in different ways? What is it about the persistence
of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century constructions of femininity that means
that we still feel their impact today? These kinds of questions remain relevant
to modern criminology and social policy, and they remain pertinent to anyone
wanting to understand the social world.

Does crime history have a history?

Crime history itself has created a history – a ‘historiography’. Since the subject
began to develop out of the general upsurge in popularity of social history
generally – mainly through the work of Leon Radzinowicz (1948–86), Doug Hay
et al. (1975), Edward Thompson (1975) – it has now grown to be a substantial
subdiscipline in its own right. Whether the subject is properly situated within
‘history’ or ‘criminology’ is an interesting question, and you will find crime
history articles in both historical and criminological journals (and if you are
interested in the development of crime history itself as a subject there are
a number of interesting review articles listed at the end of this chapter in
‘further reading’). Where once one would struggle to find a course containing
a history of crime element, it is now extremely common for criminal justice
and criminology courses to include modules on crime history or the history of
deviance, as well as on the foundations of criminology itself.1 History degree
courses too, even when not specifically addressing the issue of crime, usually
include modules on large-scale disorders (industrial disputes and labour
relations, food riots and the economy, political movements which were heavily
policed, and so on). The extraordinary growth in interest in lawbreakers and
the policing of society has been matched with a growing body of academic
literature. Peter King (1999) has provided a guide to navigating the various
sources that can be explored (on the Web, in bibliographic databases and in
2
 Introduction

journals, for example). However, the wealth and diversity of literature can be
bewildering. A small number of authors have attempted to review the field
and construct a narrative of crime and its control from the mid-eighteenth
to the mid-twentieth centuries. Notable among these are Jim Sharpe (1999),
David Taylor (1998), Philip Rawlings (1999) and perhaps the person who has
done most to popularize this subject, Clive Emsley (2005). Those authors have
all described crime in what might be termed ‘the modern world’. Why is there
a concentration on this period?

Why the period 1750 to 1950?

Put simply, during this period the ‘modern world’ was shaped. The dynamic
development of new forms of industrial production, the rise of the great
urban towns and cities and unprecedented population growth all changed the
appearance of the British Isles. They also created new social conditions and
problems that policy-makers attempted to ameliorate, control or eradicate.
The period witnessed the end of capital punishment and the transportation
of convicts overseas, and the rise of a system of mass imprisonment which
is now culminating in the highest number of people ever imprisoned in this
country and the largest prison population in Europe. It saw the beginning of
public uniformed policing, the first mass-media moral panics about violent
crime (from the ‘garotters’ to Jack the Ripper), and changes to the court
system which ensured the rapid processing of offenders. During this period
the systematic recording of levels of crime was begun by the Home Office (an
organization which itself grew impressively from six clerks in 1817 to a vast
bureaucracy in the twentieth century). Perhaps most importantly, this period
witnessed the beginnings of the ‘science’ of criminology, and when ‘crime’
moved from being considered an accepted part of life – like the weather – to
a subject which today commands the highest political and press attention.

The structure of the book

This book has been written with researchers of crime, criminology and social
policy in mind. It intends to give a broad historical overview of crime, policing
and punishment within the context of historical processes such as urbanization
and industrialization, and it will present different perspectives on a number
of ‘issues’ and debates in current criminological and historical research. By
drawing on primary source materials it aims to show how historical knowledge
is constructed, and also suggest ways in which researchers can investigate
primary source materials for themselves.
The book itself is divided into two sections. The first section contains
chapters which describe changes to the criminal justice system in this period.
It explores the development of the main institutions and charts procedural and
legal changes – from the means of detection, through the changing prosecution
and court formats, and onto the punishment of offenders. The second section

3
Crime and Justice 1750–1950

contains chapters describing how conceptions of crime and criminals altered

between 1750 and 1950. These two thematic strands are, of course, closely
related. Each chapter contains suggestions for preliminary reading, three
sections which explore different facets of the topic, a full bibliography and
suggestions for further reading. For those who want to explore the subject
in more detail, we have posed some key questions. We have suggested how
the first question can be approached. For questions two and three we have
listed some of the main texts you may need to answer the questions, but
you should consult the main Bibliography at the end of the book. After the
conclusion, there is a glossary of terms (with brief explanations of legal and
historical terms used in this book), and a ‘timeline’ of significant events.
These are designed to make a difficult and complex subject easier to navigate.
There are also some suggested websites that provide additional information
on crime and offending.
Following this introduction, Chapter 2 describes the development of policing
in England from 1750 to 1950. During this period there were three phases of
development. Initially, from 1750 up to about 1850, there was an amateur or
semi-professional parish system organized by local authorities, a system that
varied in quality. Then, following the setting up of the Metropolitan Police
in 1829, a more consistently professional system of uniformed ‘New’ Police
was developed. It took almost thirty years of experimentation to consolidate
this new style of policing, and there have been numerous debates about its
purpose among historians. Some argue that it was a rational response to
rising crime in rapidly growing cities, while others claim that it was in fact a
tool via which the middle classes ensured the sanctity of their newly-earned
property, and point to its ‘social control’ function. By 1870, however, the new
system was firmly established, leading eventually to what has often popularly
been conceived of as a ‘golden age’ of policing, between about 1890 and 1950.
This chapter gives an account of the historical development of the English
police, starting at a point (1750) where almost all its modern features had yet
to appear, and critically explores the nature of enforcement for two hundred
years. In doing so it considers arguments around the introduction of the New
Police, and debates whether any ‘golden age’ of policing ever really existed.
While, as detailed in Chapter 2, the New Police gradually developed into
the default mechanism for enforcing the law and apprehending criminals,
this process took a long time and was only partially complete by the 1850s.
Chapter 3 deals with the role of the victim in the criminal justice process
– a role which was initially far more instrumental than it is today – and
begins with a consideration of victims, the prosecution of crime and the
changing face of the prosecutor. At the beginning of our period it was largely
through individual or private actions, not through police involvement, that
cases were prosecuted. Prosecutions could be expensive as well as difficult
and this chapter will examine the various ways by which private individuals
were able to bring cases to court. The emotive subject of self-defence will
then be discussed. ‘The Englishman’s home is his castle’ is not just a modern
sentiment but is a long-established view. Accordingly, we will take a close
look at how the use of ‘reasonable force’ has been variously interpreted and
the underlying causes of any shifts in attitudes. Finally, there have always
4
 Introduction

been measures that private individuals could – and were expected to – take in
order to safeguard their own property and prevent crime. The route to court
was therefore a dynamically changing situation with some essential elements
remaining fixed. This could also be said of the court system itself.
The period 1750–1950 witnessed far-reaching changes in trial procedures,
in court jurisdictions and in the administration of justice more generally.
Significant change also occurred in the way in which trials were run, with
increasing ceremony and more meticulous analysis of evidence becoming the
norm. Chapter 4 firstly provides a broad, largely factual, overview of some
of these changes, then moves on to consider debates about the accessibility,
efficiency and legitimacy of the court system. The major question will be
whether the courts acted as unbiased arbiters of justice or whether they
primarily served the interests of a small, privileged elite. If the latter, how
long did that situation persist?
It is not the permanence of situations but the rapidity and extent of
change that dominates the chapter on punishment. For example, in the late-
eighteenth century, execution or transportation (initially to America and then
to Australia) were the norm for serious (and even minor) offences. Prisons
were used sparingly, and then only to detain offenders before and after trial
and to imprison debtors who could not pay their fines. By 1950, however,
prison was used almost exclusively for all serious criminal cases. While the
death penalty was not finally abolished until 1969, transportation had ended
in the 1860s along with public executions, and the prison had long been the
primary punishment inflicted by the courts. By the start of the twenty-first
century, England and Wales would have their highest ever prison population
– over 75,000 people. Historians, criminologists and social commentators have
all debated these dramatic changes. They question whether the rise of the
prison indicates a growth of ‘humanitarianism’, or just a switch to a different
(but similarly severe) method of discipline. Was there a relationship between
changing modes of punishment and the rise of industrial society and (later)
the welfare state? When precisely did the ‘rise of the prison’ occur? Chapter
5 provides a basis for answering these questions by first outlining the extent
of the changes in managing offenders before exploring why these changes
took place.
The chapter on punishment marks the end of the first section on the
workings of the criminal justice system. The second section of the book
considers specific issues within the history of crime – such as the changing
perceptions of criminality and the changing nature of crime over our period.
How were criminals portrayed in society? How was criminality explained?
Why was there a connection made between poverty and crime in this
period?
Chapter 6 will discuss why and in which ways the putative ‘site’ of
criminality changed over time. In the eighteenth century, criminality was
related to a deficiency in morality. Criminals were seen as simply too greedy
or lazy to control their most base desires, as individuals who chose to steal
rather than earning money through honest work. Those who did not work, or
who worked in low-earning occupations, were associated with crime, but the
role of poverty in engendering crime often went unacknowledged. By the turn

5
Crime and Justice 1750–1950

of the twentieth century, however, this view of crime as a ‘choice’ taken by

rational individuals had declined. Instead, early criminologists, psychologists
and social commentators had shifted towards the view that crime was often
the product of either inbuilt hereditary deficiencies, or the exhausting and
degrading urban environment in which much of the population now lived.
This change in turn altered the dominant perceptions of criminals themselves,
and this chapter will initially consider the different ways in which criminals
and criminality were conceptualized and represented. It will question why
some groups (particularly among the poor) were often perceived to be
inherently ‘criminal’, while certain types of middle-class (‘white-collar’) crime
were often virtually ignored. It will then propose some broad explanations for
the changes which took place in the way criminals were viewed during the
nineteenth century, and consider the input of popular culture, scientific debate
and crime fiction. Finally, an overview of the interactions between changing
perceptions of criminals and the evolution of Victorian penal policy will be
provided. The following chapter will also question perceptions of criminals,
this time with regard to age and gender.
From 1750 to today, men have always formed the vast majority of
offenders. Indeed Home Office figures published in 2004 suggest that men
are responsible for 80 per cent of recorded crime, and that one-third of
men will have a conviction by their thirtieth birthday (this does not include
motoring offences). The history of offending has therefore tended to be a
history of male offending. Chapter 7 examines the criminological ‘others’ –
women and children – and shows how expectations about behaviour and the
‘natural’ character of women underpinned penal reactions towards ‘deviant’
women and children. In addition to considering the ‘reality’ of juvenile and
female offending, therefore, this chapter will also discuss how conceptions
of ‘respectable femininity’ and ‘ideal childhood’ conditioned criminal justice
responses. It will question whether the propensity or opportunity of women
and children to commit crime affected prosecution figures, or the way that
offending women and children were policed and punished. These issues
are critical because the differential treatment they received throws light not
only on conceptions of female and child criminals, but on the status of all
women and children in society and how their positions have changed over
time.
Some of the most important and interesting questions that we can ask about
ourselves involve ‘violence’. Chapter 8 discusses whether levels of violence
have changed over time, and examines how we might go about answering
that question. The media and older generations of society constantly tell us
that violent crime and public disorder are now much higher than they were at
some (usually undefined) point in the past. We are also familiar with historical
reconstructions of Victorian streets where murderers lurk around every murky
fog-laden London street corner. Neither myths of a putative ‘golden age’ in
the ‘peaceable kingdom’ nor media depictions (past and present) of ever-
escalating social violence seem entirely convincing or particularly analytical.
This chapter will take a more rigorous approach – firstly considering the
statistics of violent crime from 1857 (when annual statistical measures started)
through to 1950 and asking when the figures rose or fell. Then it will question
6
 Introduction

the reliability of those statistics and investigate what alternatives there are to
governmental statistics.
After discussing whether the level of violence in society has changed, it will
discuss whether the ‘meaning’ of violence has also changed. Despite queries
about the accuracy of the statistics of murder and assault, the changing amounts
of prosecuted violence are often used to suggest that societal attitudes have
also shifted considerably since the Victorian period. This chapter will explore
what these changes might be and how they were brought about, and offers a
critical view of the apparent decline and subsequent rise in violence over the
last hundred years. The efficacy of using different statistical and qualitative
measures of crime will again be raised in Chapter 9. However, this chapter
will mainly deal with the use of criminal law in private spaces and the use
of the criminal code against employees (taking the example of Worsted Act
prosecutions against textile factory workers).
The workplace has long been a battleground between the rights of custom
and tradition and the rights of property. The ‘rights’ of workers to work at
their own pace, take home waste material and have some autonomy over
the conditions of their employment have been gradually eroded from the
eighteenth century onwards. The introduction of the factory system has been
seen as a key weapon in the employers’ fight to control workers in their
employ. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the workplace proved
the battleground for the conceptual battle between the entitlements granted
to employees by custom and tradition, and the rights of property enjoyed by
employers. This chapter therefore describes how employers tried to limit and
eradicate the workers’ traditional entitlement to ‘appropriate’ waste materials
created in manufacture using legislation (particularly the 1777 Worsted Acts)
and changes in the organization of work (particularly the factory system). In
particular it focuses on the possibilities that this new system of production
offered employers for increased powers of surveillance over workers. Lastly,
the chapter will briefly discuss the general rise of surveillance in society, and
pose the question ‘are we now living in a “Big Brother” society and, if so,
how and when did that come about?’

Note

1. The new ‘science’ of criminology has done much to increase attention on crime
and criminality. Criminology itself has a history which stretches back to the late
nineteenth century – building on classical approaches, and leading to positivism,
and biological determinism (see Garland 2002: 7–50). As the ‘science’ became more
sophisticated and developed more nuanced and less crude theories to explain
crime, some authors began to chart its progress (and still do). This is, of course, a
different thing from a history of crime. Crime history attempts to understand the
processes and interactions between how people perceived crime and its impact at
particular moments in history, how it was represented in sources of information
such as newspapers, how the authorities reacted, and what changed over time.
Nevertheless, the history of crime and the history of criminology interact with each
other and should be studied in tandem.

7
Crime and Justice 1750–1950

Further reading

The references for this chapter can be found in the Bibliography at the back of the
book. If you wish to pursue this topic, however, below is a list of publications which
could be consulted.

Innes, J. and Styles, J. (1986) ‘The crime wave: recent writing on crime and criminal
justice in eighteenth-century England’, Journal of British Studies, 25, 4, October,
pp. 380–435.
Monkkonen, E. (2002) Crime, Justice, History. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University.
Philips, D. (1983) ‘A just measure of crime, authority, hunters and blue locusts: the
“revisionist” social history of crime and the law in Britain 1780–1850’, in S. Cohen
and A. Scull (eds), Social Control and the State. Oxford: Robertson, pp. 50–74.
Pratt, J. (2002) Punishment and Civilization. Penal Tolerance and Intolerance in Modern
Society. London: Sage.
Sheldon, R.G. (2001) Controlling the Dangerous Classes. A Critical Introduction to the
History of Criminal Justice. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

8
 Bibliography

Bibliography

Acton, W. (1857) Prostitution Considered in its Moral, Social and Sanitary Aspects in London
and Other Large Cities; with Proposals for the Mitigation and Prevention of its Attendant
Evils. London: Frank Cass.
Anderson, J. (1929) ‘The police’, Public Administration, VII: 192–202.
Archer, D. and Gartner, R. (1984) Violence and Crime in Cross-national Perspective. New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Archer, J. (1999) ‘The violence we have lost? Body counts, historians and interpersonal
violence in England’, Memoria y Civilización, 2: 171–90.
Archer, J. and Jones, J. (2003) ‘Headlines from history: violence in the press, 1850–1914’,
in E. Stanko (ed.), The Meanings of Violence. London: Routledge, pp. 17–31.

Bailey, V. (1993) ‘The fabrication of deviance: “dangerous classes” and “criminal classes”
in Victorian England’, in J. Rule and R. Malcomson (eds), Protest and Survival: The
Historical Experience. Essays for E. P. Thompson. London: Merlin, pp. 221–56.
Baldwin, S. (1926) On England and Other Addresses. London: Philip Allen.
Ballinger, A. (2000) Dead Woman Walking. Chippenham: Ashgate.
Barton, A. (2005) Fragile Moralities and Dangerous Sexualities: Two Centuries of Semi-penal
Institutionalisation for Women. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Beattie, J. (1986) Crime and the Courts in England 1660–1800. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Beattie, J. M. (2001) Policing and Punishment in London, 1660–1750. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Berg, M. (1984) ‘The power of knowledge: comments on Marglin’s “Knowledge
and Power”’, in F. Stephen (ed.), Firms, Organization and Labour: Approaches to the
Economics of Work Organization. London: Routledge, pp. 165–75.
Blackstone, W. (1982) Commentaries on the Laws of England, in four books (first published
in 1765, 15th edition published in 1809 with notes and additions by Edward
Christian). London: Professional Books.
Brewer, J. and Styles J. (eds) (1980) An Ungovernable People: The English and Their Law
in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. London: Hutchinson.
Brooks, P. (1984) Reading for the Plot. Design and Intention in Narrative. Oxford: Clarendon
Press.
Brown, A. (2003) English Society and the Prison: Time, Culture and Politics in the
Development of the Modern Prison, 1850–1920. London: Boydell Press.

Cain, M. (1990) Growing up Good. London: Sage.

Carlen, P. (1983) Women’s Imprisonment. London: Routledge.
Carlen, P. (1985) Criminal Women. Cambridge: Polity.

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Chadwick, W. (1900) Reminiscences of a Chief Constable. Manchester: J. Heywood.

Clay, Revd J. (1853) Chaplain’s Report on the Preston House of Correction. Preston.
Colquhoun, P. (1800) A TREATISE on the POLICE of the METROPOLIS. London:
C. Dilly.
Conley, C. (1991) The Unwritten Law: Criminal Justice in Victorian Kent. New York:
Oxford University Press.
Cox, P. and Shore, H. (eds) (2002) Becoming Delinquent: British and European Youth 1650–
1950. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Critchley, T. A. (1967) A History of Police in England and Wales, 900–1966. London:
Constable.
Critchley, T. (1970) The Conquest of Violence. Order and Liberty in Britain. London:
Constable.
Croall, H. (2001) Understanding White-Collar Crime. Buckingham: Open University
Press.

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