SPORT FANS

Sports, and the fans that follow them, are everywhere. Sport Fans: The
Psychology and Social Impact of Fandom examines the affective, behavioral,
and cognitive reactions of fans to better comprehend how sport impacts
individual fans and society as a whole. Using up-to-date research and theory
from multiple disciplines including psychology, sociology, marketing, history,
and religious studies, this textbook provides a deeper understanding of topics
such as:

• the pervasiveness of sport fandom in society

• common demographic and personality characteristics of fans
• how fandom can provide a sense of belonging, of uniqueness, and of
meaning in life
• the process of becoming a sport fan
• sport fan consumption
• and the future of sport and the fan experience.

The text also provides a detailed investigation of the darker side of sport fandom,
including fan aggression, as well as a critical look at the positive value of fandom
for individuals and society.
Sport Fans expertly combines a rigorous level of empirical research and
theory in an engaging, accessible format, making this text the essential resource
on sport fan behavior.

Daniel L. Wann is Distinguished Professor of Psychology in the Department of

Psychology at Murray State University.

Jeffrey D. James is the Mode L. Stone Distinguished Professor of Sport

Management in the Department of Sport Management at Florida State
University, and also Chair of the department.
 SECOND EDITION

Sport Fans
The Psychology and Social
Impact of Fandom

DANIEL L. WANN
JEFFREY D. JAMES
Second edition published 2019
by Routledge
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and by Routledge
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Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2019 Taylor & Francis

The right of Daniel L. Wann and Jeffrey D. James to be identified as authors

of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and
78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or

utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
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any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or

registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.

First edition published by Routledge, 2001

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Wann, Daniel L., author. | James, Jeffrey D. (Jeffrey Dalton) author.
Title: Sport fans : the psychology and social impact of fandom / Daniel
L. Wann, Jeffrey D. James.
Description: Second edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. |
Includes bibliographical references and index. | “Earlier edition
entered under title.”
Identifiers: LCCN 2018016207 | ISBN 9781138683150 (hb : alk. paper) |
ISBN 9781138683167 (pb : alk. paper) | ISBN 9780429456831 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Sports spectators—Psychology. | Sports spectators—Social
conditions. | Sports—Social aspects.
Classification: LCC GV715 .W36 2019 | DDC 306.4/83—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018016207

ISBN: 978-1-138-68315-0 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-138-68316-7 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-0-429-45683-1 (ebk)

Typeset in Sabon
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
From Dan:

To mom and dad, who always were there;

To Michelle, who always will be there.

From Jeff:

To Valerie, Kylie, and Kenzie, what I “do” may not always make sense, so I am
very thankful you love me enough—and are patient enough—to let me “do my
thing.”

We are your biggest fans.

 CONTENTS
Acknowledgments ix
Photo Credits x

1 An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans 1

PART I H OW AND WHY FANS FOLLOW SPORTS, TEAMS,

AND ATHLETES 25
2 The Process of Becoming a Sport Fan: The Psychological
Continuum Model 26

3 Points of Attachment: Understanding Connections to

Teams, Players, and Beyond 42

4 Motivation and Sport Fandom 65

5 The Impact of Sport Fandom on Sport Consumption

Behavior 83

PART II T HE EMOTIONAL AND AGGRESSIVE REACTIONS

OF SPORT FANS 103
6 The Emotional Reactions of Sport Fans 104
7 An Introduction to Fan Aggression 127

8 Understanding the Causes of Fan Aggression 135

9 Sport Fan Riots 157

vii
viii Contents

PART III T HE CONSEQUENCES OF SPORT FANDOM FOR

INDIVIDUALS AND SOCIETY 173
10 The Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom 174
11 The Societal Consequences of Sport Fandom 198

PART IV SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 217

12 The Future of Sport Fandom: Gazing Into the Crystal Ball 218
References 229
Index 294
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors wish to acknowledge the following individuals for their invaluable
assistance throughout the writing of this book. First, we would like to thank
Georgette Enriquez, Brian Eschrich, and the staff at Routledge Press for their
tireless efforts throughout the various phases of this project.
Second, a special note of thanks must be given to Brian Gordon, Robert M.
Carini Jr., Laurence DeGaris, and the other anonymous reviewers for their
efforts as reviewers on earlier versions of this book. Your insights and sugges-
tions were most useful and informative and served to strengthen this book.
Third, we would like to recognize the contributions of Merrill J. Melnick,
Gordon W. Russell, and Dale G. Pease, coauthors on the first publication to this
text. Their work on the original edition was invaluable in shaping the direction
of this book.
Finally, we would like to express our gratitude to the following individuals
who assisted with editing and other logistical tasks: Ashley Bieze, David
Crittendon, David Castleman, Tommy Derossett, and Joanna Tweedie. We are
so very grateful for your willingness to assist us; without your efforts, this pro-
ject could not have been completed.

ix
 PHOTO CREDITS PHOTO CREDITSPHOTO CREDITS

1.1 Jonathan Street / Shutterstock.com 19

2.1 LightField Studios / Shutterstock.com 37
3.1 Ken Wolter / Shutterstock.com 46
3.2 Steve Broer / Shutterstock.com 52
4.1 fitzcrittle / Shutterstock.com 69
5.1 Avigator Thailand / Shutterstock.com 84
6.1 Oleksii Sidorov / Shutterstock.com 105
6.2 igorstevanovic / Shutterstock.com 113
7.1 A_Lesik / Shutterstock.com 128
8.1 zeljkodan / Shutterstock.com 140
8.2 Cristina Nixau / Shutterstock.com 155
9.1 Ververidis Vasilis / Shutterstock.com 158
10.1 Izida1991 / Shutterstock.com 176
11.1 Leonard Zhukovsky / Shutterstock.com 206
11.2 Alexey V Smirnov / Shutterstock.com 212
12.1 Akhenaton Images / Shutterstock.com 219

x
 CHAPTER 1
An Introduction to the
Study of Sport Fans An Introduction to the Study of Sport FansAn Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans

When people are asked to imagine a typical “sport fan” or “sport spectator,”
their images can be vastly different. Some describe these persons as happy, well-
adjusted individuals participating in a pastime that is important and beneficial
to the structure of modern society. They imagine the strong social bonds that
form among spectators—families coming together around a sporting event and
groups of joyous fans storming onto the field to congratulate the victorious
players. Others, however, hold a negative view of sport fans and spectators.
They view them as beer-drinking couch potatoes possessing a pathological
obsession with a trivial and socially disruptive activity. They conjure up images
of the violent outbursts of sport fans, the strained marital relationships between
fans and their spouses, lives that have been ruined because of sport gambling,
and how sport directs attention away from life’s more important concerns, such
as religion, politics, education, and the betterment of humanity.
Thus, although some view sport fandom as a positive force for individuals
and society, others feel it has a predominantly negative impact. Which of these
divergent perspectives is correct? Is sport beneficial or harmful for society and
its members? Are sport fans psychologically healthy or emotionally disturbed?
Are fans harmless or harmful? And what are we to make of the seemingly end-
less amounts of time and money fans devote to the pastime? What drives their
passion to consume sport? To answer these questions accurately, one must con-
duct a careful and thorough investigation of the personalities and characteristics
of sport fans, the reasons underlying their decision to participate in the activity,
and the relationship between sport fans and society. Such an investigation is the
aim of this text. We attempt to answer these and similar questions by discussing
and critiquing the current state of social scientific research and theory on sport
fandom. The desired result is a better understanding of fans, their consumption
habits, the meaning of sport in their lives, and the place of sport in contempo-
rary society.
In this first chapter, we examine several basic topics relevant to the explora-
tion of sport fandom, thereby setting the stage for the remainder of the text. We
begin by defining, comparing, and contrasting sport fans, sport spectators, sport
consumers, and highly identified fans. We then paint a picture of the typical
sport fan by examining research on their demographic and personality

1
2 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans
characteristics. Next, to establish the necessity of the discipline, we provide a
justification for the social scientific study of fandom. We conclude this chapter
by previewing subsequent chapters and laying the groundwork for the remain-
der of the book.

Defining and Classifying Sport Fans

An important first step in understanding sport fandom involves defining and
classifying persons involved in the activity. A number of different typologies and
classification schemes have been proposed for segmenting sport fans (Bouchet,
Bodet, Bernache-Assollant, & Kada, 2011; Giulianotti, 2002; Hunt, Bristol, &
Bashaw, 1999; Koo, Andrew, Hardin, & Greenwell, 2009; Markovits &
Albertson, 2012; Ross, 2007). Although the segmentation of fans into various
groups is a relatively common practice, this process can be problematic. For
example, the labels and categories used for classification can seem arbitrary,
particularly when the scheme was developed though non-empirical methods.
Crawford (2004) identified several additional pitfalls accompanying the classifi-
cation of fans into discrete types. For instance, he notes that typologies often fail
to consider the ever-changing nature of the fan experience and the fact that fans
frequently move across categories.
Although there are drawbacks associated with segmenting fans into catego-
ries, there are advantages as well. Stewart, Smith, and Nicholson (2003) argue
that segmentation can provide valuable information on the behavioral and atti-
tudinal patterns of fans, particularly if the typologies are based on sound theory
and are multi-dimensional in nature. They list a number of advantages to using
classification schemes, including a better understanding of demographic and
social/cultural groups which, in turn, can lead to a greater understanding of
antecedents to and consequences of fan loyalty and commitment. They note
further that information provided by segmentation procedures can be valuable
to sport marketing and management professionals as they attempt to better
understand and serve sport consumers. For example, classification schemes can
provide data on interest in sport products, satisfaction with arenas and stadi-
ums, and feedback on the effectiveness of marketing campaigns.
Given that the classification of fans can be beneficial, in the following para-
graphs we examine three ways of classifying fans by focusing on the distinctions
between sport fans and spectators, direct and indirect sport consumers, and
various levels of team identification.

Distinguishing Between Sport Fans

and Sport Spectators
The first important distinction to be made involves differentiating between sport
fans and sport spectators (Sloan, 1989; Wann, 1997). Sport fans are individuals
that are interested in and follow a sport, team, and/or athlete, while sport spec-
tators are those who actively witness a sporting event in person or through some
form of media (radio, television, etc.). Unfortunately, the terms “sport fan” and
 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans 3
“sport spectator” are often used interchangeably, a practice that can lead to
confusion and frustration for researchers and practitioners (Trail, Robinson,
Dick, & Gillentine, 2003). The distinction between fans and spectators is impor-
tant because some sport fans rarely witness sporting events in person, while
some spectators have little interest in identifying with a favorite team or player.
For instance, consider a person who attends a college basketball game simply
because he was given a free ticket. This person may go to the contest even
though he has no interest in the event itself or the teams competing (perhaps he
simply wishes to be with his friends who are also at the game). Although this
person would be classified as a sport spectator, he should not be considered a
sport fan.
Although we believe the distinction between fans and spectators is an impor-
tant one, maintaining a consistent use of these terms is difficult when writing a
book such as this. A strict adherence to the “fan” versus “spectator” nomencla-
ture becomes cumbersome and likely overstates the importance of the distinc-
tion. In this text we are, more often than not, focusing on individuals with an
interest in a sport, team, or player (i.e., a fan) rather than those who are merely
observing a sporting event (i.e., a spectator). To avoid confusion and an over-
reliance on jargon, we have chosen to use the term fan throughout this book,
unless the distinction of spectator is critical for the specific topic being discussed
(e.g., the influence of watching sporting events on spectator violence).

Distinguishing Between Direct and

Indirect Sport Consumers
Another important distinction involves the classification of sport consumers
into two groups: direct and indirect (McPherson, 1975). Direct sport consump-
tion involves one’s personal attendance at a sporting event. Indirect sport con-
sumption involves one’s exposure to sport through some form of mass media,
such as television, radio, or the Internet. Thus, an individual who attends the
Super Bowl in person would be classified as a direct sport consumer, while
someone watching the same contest on television would be classified as an indi-
rect sport consumer. This distinction is important because the situational con-
text in which one witnesses an event can impact his or her reactions (Brummett &
Duncan, 1990; Hemphill, 1995; Wenner & Gantz, 1989). For example, con-
sider the work by Wann, Friedman, McHale, and Jaffe (2003) on the consump-
tion patterns of avid sport fans. Participants stated their preferences for
consuming sport in person (i.e., direct consumption) and via television or radio
(i.e., indirect consumption). The researchers found distinct differences between
the various forms of consumption. For instance, only 2 percent of respondents
indicated a preference for attending a sporting event alone. Conversely, 14 per-
cent had a desire to watch sport on television by themselves and over 60 percent
had a desire to listen to sport radio alone.
Wann and his colleagues (2003) offered two suggestions for the large propor-
tion of persons preferring to consume radio sport programing alone. First, it
could be that sport consumption via radio frequently occurs when driving, an
4 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans
activity that is often done alone. As a result, spectators may grow accustomed
to listening to sport radio by themselves and develop a preference for this envi-
ronment. Second, Wann and his associates suggest that, given the absence of
verbal cues, consuming sporting events via radio may require greater levels of
concentration than other forms of consumption. This greater level of focus may
be disrupted by the presence of other persons, and, thus, fans may prefer to lis-
ten to sport radio broadcasts alone to better follow and comprehend the game
action. Regardless of the reasons underlying the differences in consumption
preferences, it is clear that such partialities do exist. Thus, it is important to dif-
ferentiate between the two forms of consumption.

Distinguishing Among Fans Across Levels

of Team Identification
A common approach to distinguishing fans is based on level of identification, or
what has typically been referred to as team identification, although other terms
(such as fan identification) have occasionally been used. Although researchers
have utilized a variety of definitions of team identification, they often share com-
monalities (see Lock & Heere, 2017, for an insightful look at definitions of this
construct). We will utilize an operational definition that is generally consistent
with most others and view team identification as the extent to which a fan feels
psychologically connected to a team (Guttmann, 1986; Lock & Funk, 2016;
Wann, 2006a; Wann & Branscombe, 1993).
Although often thought to be a new term, references to team identification
among sport fans can be found as early as the 1920s and 1930s. For example,
consider the writings of Coleman Roberts Griffith (1938). Often viewed as the
father of North American sport psychology (Green, 2009; Wann, 1997), Griffith
was asked to consult with the Chicago Cubs Major League Baseball team. As
part of a larger project to improve team performance and fan interest, he sur-
veyed approximately 300 Cubs fans to gauge their motivations for following the
team. The majority of respondents cited identification as a critical factor in fos-
tering their interest in the team, leading Griffith to conclude that “interest in
baseball was frequently based on the principle of identification” (p. 174). A few
years earlier, Brill (1929) had also referenced the identification process among
sport fans, arguing that fandom was a function of “the psychological laws of
identification” (p. 430). Modern perceptions of identification within the realm
of fandom typically have origins in general psychology (e.g., Kagan, 1958;
Tolman, 1943) and, more particularly, Social Identity Theory (Tajfel, 1978;
Tajfel & Turner, 1979).
Research suggests that a fan’s sense of connection to a team is a highly stable
trait. For example, team identification is not a function of the location or out-
come of a team’s most recent game (Wann, 1996, 2000; Wann, Dolan,
McGeorge, & Allison, 1994; Wann & Schrader, 1996). Rather, fans tend to
report consistent levels of identification from game to game and from season to
season. Additional evidence of the stability of team identification was noted in
the work of Boen, Vanbeselaere, Pandelaere, Schutters, and Rowe (2008). These
 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans 5
authors investigated identification with a basketball team that had been recently
merged with another team. Interestingly, they found that, “identification with
the pre-merger club was the best predictor of identification with the new merger
club” (p. 165).
Identification with a team is usually a lifelong love affair that fans take to
their graves—literally, as fans often express their love for a team after death. For
instance, they sometimes choose to be buried in team and sport-themed coffins
and/or display team logos on their tombstones. Furthermore, people frequently
feel compelled to describe the fandom of their deceased loved ones in the obitu-
ary section. For example, in an examination of over 1,800 newspaper obituar-
ies, End, Meinert, Worthman, and Mauntel (2009) found that over 10 percent
of the descriptions mentioned the deceased individual’s fandom. Similarly, in his
study of obituaries posted on legacy.com, Clotfelter (2015) found that 2 percent
of the tributes specifically included mention of the person’s loyalty to a college
team.
For fans with a low level of team identification, the role of team follower is a
very small part of their self-concept. As a result, these persons tend to exhibit
mild reactions to team performances, if they react at all. However, for fans with
a high level of identification, the role of team follower is a central component of
their identity. They willingly present themselves as a fan of their team in their
written self-descriptions and their choice of apparel (Derbaix, Decrop, &
Cabossart, 2002; Wann, Royalty, & Roberts, 2000). Because of their close asso-
ciation with a team, highly identified fans often view it as a reflection of them-
selves. That is, the team becomes an extension of the individual (Smith & Henry,
1996; Tajfel, 1978; Tajfel & Turner, 1979). The team’s successes become the
fan’s successes, and their failures become the fan’s failures. Due to the increased
importance highly identified fans place on their team’s performances, their
affective, cognitive, and behavioral reactions tend to be quite extreme. In fact,
the responses of these fans are a consistent theme running throughout this book.
Subsequent chapters will include information about a variety of fan reactions
impacted by team identification, including consumption (Chapter 5), affect
(Chapter 6), aggressive behaviors (Chapter 8), and the psychological health of
fans (Chapter 10). A detailed discussion of team identification can be found in
Chapter 3, including the origin of identification and the development of scales
used to accurately measure this construct.
It is also important to note that, although most fans feel some sort of connec-
tion to a favorite team, there are other important points of attachment as well.
That is, fans can identify with a variety of objects within sport. Consistent with
work examining other social or organizational settings (Ouwerkerk, Ellemes, &
De Gilder, 1999), sport researchers have reported that, in addition to a team,
fans can feel a sense of identification with and connection to coaches, players,
the fan community, the sport played by a team, conference affiliation, and the
university linked to a collegiate team (Robinson & Trail, 2005; Spinda, Wann, &
Hardin, in press; Trail et al., 2003). Researchers also suggest these points of
attachment may be differentially important across levels of competition. For
instance, Robinson, Trail, Dick, and Gillentine (2005) found that player, sport,
and organizational attachment for college football varied as a function of NCCA
6 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans
division (e.g., player attachment was higher at lower levels of competition).
Thus, although identification with a team may be a key predictor of fan responses
(Kwon, Trail, & Anderson, 2005; Mahony, Nakazawa, Funk, James, &
Gladden, 2002), other forms of identification are critical as well (see Chapter 3
for a detailed discussion of the various sport objects to which fans can feel an
attachment).

Demographic and Personality Traits of

Sport Fans
Now that we have classified the types of sport fans and spectators, it is appropri-
ate to discuss the demographic and personality profiles of these individuals.
However, prior to this discussion, a few points warrant mention. First, research-
ers have been inconsistent in their operational definitions of sport fandom.
These inconsistencies render cross-study comparisons of fan characteristics
more difficult. To aid researchers in acquiring a consistent and reliable assess-
ment of sport fandom and therefore improve our profile of fans, Wann (2002)
developed and validated the Sport Fandom Questionnaire (SFQ). The SFQ
includes five items designed to measure level of identification with the role of
sport fan (e.g., “My life would be less enjoyable if I were not able to follow
sports”). By utilizing the SFQ when assessing sport fandom, investigators
employ a more consistent operational definition of the construct, resulting in a
greater ability to generalize across studies.
A second important point is that much of the research on the personality
patterns of sport fans has been atheoretical. That is, similar to work on the
personalities of athletes (Martens, 1981; Morgan, 1980; Silva, 1984), investi-
gations of the personality profile of sport fans have not been guided by a theo-
retical rationale. Without theory, investigators are often left “fishing” for
significant differences between fans and nonfans. Such findings are often diffi-
cult to replicate because they are the artifactual result of a single, unexpected
observation. A more appropriate line of research would be to use relevant the-
ory to predict specific differences between fans and nonfans and then test those
predictions.
Finally, in the paragraphs that follow, we review the relationships between
fandom and gender, age, race, involvement as a fan, socioeconomic status, and
personality. This is certainly not an exhaustive list of research on characteristics
associated with fandom, but we have limited our discussion to relationships that
have been well-replicated. Additionally, even among the selected traits, there
have been contradictory results. For instance, although researchers have found
that age and socioeconomic status are positively correlated with fandom (see
below), other work has failed to find these effects (e.g., Grove, Pickett, &
Dodder, 1982; Lieberman, 1991; Wann, 2002). These contradictions are likely
due to the differential methodologies employed by the researchers, the afore-
mentioned inconsistencies in operationally defining sport fandom, and the athe-
oretical nature of the research.
 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans 7
Gender and Fandom
Gender is likely the most frequently investigated demographic trait associated
with sport fandom. In the existing literature, a consistent finding is that males
report a greater interest in sport fandom or indicate higher levels of team iden-
tification than do women. Additionally, End, Kretschmar, and Dietz-Uhler
(2004) found that involvement in sport as a fan is believed to have a greater
influence on the popularity amongst peers of adolescent males than females.
These authors asked college students to rank seven popularity determinants for
men and women. The determinants included physical attractiveness, sport par-
ticipation, and sport fandom, among others. End et al. reported that following
sport received the third-highest ranking for males (behind physical attractive-
ness and sport participation). Conversely, following sport as a fan was ranked
as the least important predictor of popularity for females.
The volume of research indicating gender differences in sport fandom is quite
impressive, and this literature is confirmed in national polling data (Jones,
2015). Although far from an exhaustive list, several of these studies are listed in
Table 1.1. The studies highlighted in the table reflect the fact that gender issues
in sport fandom have frequently been a topic of interest to sport scholars. In
fact, discussions of gender will regularly appear in later chapters, including top-
ics such as the processes of socialization into fandom (Chapter 2), motivational
patterns (Chapter 4), and aggression (Chapters 8 and 9).

TABLE 1.1 A Partial List of Studies Indicating Gender Differences

in Fandom and Team Identification

Anderson and Stone (1981) Bahk (2000)

Bloss (1970) Dietz-Uhler, Harrick, End, and Jacquemotte
(2000)
Grove et al. (1982) James and Ridinger (2002)
Judson and Carpenter (2005) Lieberman (1991)
Groeneman (2017) Mehus and Kolstad (2011)
Meier and Leinwather (2012) Melnick and Wann (2004, 2011)
Murrell and Dietz (1992) Norris, Wann, and Zapalac (2015)
Parry, Jones, and Wann (2014) Prisuta (1979)
Roloff and Solomon (1989) Sargent, Zillmann, and Weaver (1998)
Schurr, Ruble, and Ellen (1985) Schurr, Wittig, Ruble, and Ellen (1988)
Tobar (2006) Wann (1998, 2002)
Wann and Waddill (2014) Yergin (1986)

Notes: The studies above found that males had a greater interest in sport or higher levels of
team identification than females. Full citation information can be found in the Reference
section.
8 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans
Several researchers have investigated how the gender discrepancy in sport
fandom might impact the experiences of female fans. For instance, authors have
noted that women are often marginalized when they attempt to enter the male-
dominated world of sport fandom (Esmonde, Cooky, & Andrews, 2015;
Markovits & Albertson, 2012; Sveinson & Hoeber, 2016). Researchers have
reported that individuals have different perceptions of the “typical” male and
female sport fan. For instance, Dietz-Uhler, End, Jacquemotte, Bentley, and
Hurlbut (2000) found that individuals believe males are more likely to be a
sport fan, and they spend more time consuming sport. The differential percep-
tions of male and female fans were magnified by one’s level of sexism; persons
high in sexism were particularly likely to believe there are large differences in
male and female fans. Dietz-Uhler and her colleagues argued that this pattern of
effects suggests that men may feel threatened by female fans (see also
Markovits & Albertson, 2012; McGinnis, Chun, & McQuillan, 2003). That is,
given that they are threatened by female fans entering their space, male fans may
have a preference for women who are not sport fans. However, this argument
contradicts a large body of research indicating that individuals have a partiality
for persons sharing similar attitudes (e.g., Byrne, Clore, & Smeaton, 1986;
Caspi, Herbener, & Ozer, 1992). Based on this literature, one would expect
male fans to report a preference for women who are also fans.
To determine whether male college students would be threatened by or
attracted to female fans, Wann, Schinner, and Keenan (2001) asked male fans
to read a description of a female college student. Some read that the target
female frequently followed sport, while others read that she was not at all a
sport fan. After reading the description, participants indicated the extent to
which they had formed a positive impression of the target female. The results
supported the importance of similarity, as male fans viewed the target female in
a much more positive light when she was described as a sport fan. Thus, although
some male fans may feel threatened by the entrance of women into the histori-
cally male-dominated arena of sport fandom, it is more likely men have favora-
ble impressions of female fans.
A few final points about gender issues in sport fandom warrant mention.
First, although males often report higher levels of team identification than
women (e.g., Parry et al., 2014; Theodorakis, Wann, Lianopoulos, Foudouki, &
Al-Emadi, 2017; see Table 1.1), this gender difference may be less likely for a
local team. That is, a number of researchers have found that male and female
fans report similar levels of identification for hometown college and profes-
sional teams (e.g., Mehus & Kolstad, 2011; Norris et al., 2015; Robinson &
Trail, 2005; Wann, Brasher, Thomas, & Scheuchner, 2015). One conclusion
from such a finding is that women may be more interested in and feel comfort-
able with becoming involved in teams with a local fan base. Interestingly, gender
differences are also frequently absent when examining identification with a
newly formed team (James, Kolbe, & Trail, 2002; Lock, Darcy, & Taylor,
2009). Such a finding could mean that women feel more accepted when joining
a fan base that has yet to be fully established because such a group may not have
developed the male-dominated nature of clubs with a longer history.
 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans 9
Second, sex-role orientation might be a better predictor of fandom than ana-
tomical sex. Individuals can be viewed as possessing one of three gender roles:
masculine, feminine, or androgynous (i.e., self-identifying with both masculine
and feminine traits). Wann, Waddill, and Dunham (2004) found that, although
anatomical sex did significantly predict levels of fandom, one’s level of mascu-
linity (regardless of biological sex) was a better predictor (femininity was not a
significant predictor). McCabe (2008) also reported that gender-role orientation
was a more effective predictor of fandom than anatomical sex. However, con-
trary to Wann and his colleagues, McCabe found that femininity (i.e., expres-
sive traits) was the best predictor. Perhaps the inconsistency between these two
studies lies in the assessments of fandom. Wann and his associates targeted gen-
eral fandom, while McCabe assessed fandom specifically for women’s profes-
sional basketball. Thus, it may be feminine gender roles are particularly
important for understanding one’s interest in women’s sports. Taken together,
the results of these studies indicate that simply utilizing anatomical sex as a
predictor of fandom will result in an incomplete picture. Rather, researchers and
practitioners alike should also assess gender-role orientation and consider its
impact on interest in sport.
Third, there is some indication that the gender gap in sport fandom is shrink-
ing (McGinnis et al., 2003). For example, in the 1990s there were reports of
increased interest among females in several sports, including professional soc-
cer, football, and hockey (Hofacre, 1994; Meyers, 1997; Mihoces, 1998).
Perhaps as more women enter the realm of sport fandom, the perception of
them as outsiders will diminish. Reductions in the marginalization of female
fans should result in a more welcoming environment, paving the way for other
women to become fans.
Finally, although research has frequently targeted the level of fandom for
females, far fewer studies have examined the experiences of these persons.
Although a few notable exceptions can be found (e.g., Farrell, Fink, & Fields,
2011; Markovits & Albertson, 2012; Pope, 2013; Toffoletti & Mewett, 2012),
overall the affective, behavioral, and cognitive reactions of female fans is an
understudied area of investigation (James & Ridinger, 2002; Sveinson &
Hoeber, 2016). This lack of research is unfortunate given that women follow
virtually all sports, including those that have historically been viewed as espe-
cially masculine in nature, such as rugby (Allon, 2012), hockey (Field, 2012),
and rodeo (Thompson & Forsyth, 2012). Clearly, additional research on the
experiences of female fans is warranted to better understand how their lives are
impacted by their sport fandom.

Age and Fandom

Age is a second demographic variable that has garnered the interest of sport
scholars interested in fandom. Although the breadth of work pertaining to age
and fandom is not as extensive as work on gender, that which has been done
illustrates age and fandom is a viable area of study. This body of work includes
mixed results. Although some have reported that age and fandom were
10 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans
positively correlated (Lee & Zeiss, 1980; Murrell & Dietz, 1992), other research-
ers found that younger persons appeared to be more interested in sport (Lock
et al., 2009; Tobar, 2006). Further muddying the water, others have failed to
find age differences in fandom (James et al., 2002; McDaniel, 2002; Mehus,
2005). For example, in the initial validation studies of the Sport Fandom
Questionnaire (Wann, 2002), levels of fandom and age were not significantly
related across three different samples. Given these inconsistent findings, it is
clear that additional work is needed to better our understanding of the relation-
ship between age and sport fandom.
Although the relationship between age and level of fandom remains
blurred, what has been established is that fans of varying age cohorts can
exhibit differences in their fandom (Westerbeek, 2000; Yoh, Pai, & Pedersen,
2009). For instance, researchers have found that fans of varying ages report
differential affective responses to sporting events. In a study of student and
parent fans, Tobar (2006) noted that younger fans reported significant pre- to
post-game mood changes, while older fans reported greater enjoyment of the
sport viewing environment. Age differences in emotional responses were also
documented by Rainey, Larsen, and Yost (2009) who found that younger
fans reported particularly high levels of disappointment in their team’s play-
off loss.
Younger and older fans also differ in their agreement with old school values
within the realm of sport. Sukhdial, Aiken, and Kahle (2002) define old school
sport ideology as “old fashioned American notions of the team before the player,
sportsmanship, loyalty above all else, and competition simply for ‘love of the
game’ ” (p. 73). These authors developed an Old School Scale assessing three
components of old school ideology: materialism (e.g., modern athletes are
greedy), role modeling (professional athletes have a duty to act as role models),
and importance of winning (losing is unacceptable). In a series of studies,
Sukhdial, Aiken, and their colleagues found consistent age differences in
responses to the Old School Scale (Aiken, Campbell, & Sukhdial, 2010; Aiken &
Sukhdial, 2004). Specifically, relative to those younger in age, older fans were
far more likely to endorse old school values in sport, such as the belief that
modern day athletes are too materialistic.

Race and Fandom

The relationship between race and sport fandom has also been investigated. In
many ways, this research mirrors work on age and fandom, as the results have
been inconsistent (Armstrong, 2002a). Earlier research by Schurr and his col-
leagues (Schurr et al., 1985, 1988) indicated that African Americans had signifi-
cantly higher levels of fandom than Caucasians. However, subsequent work
includes results showing either the opposite pattern (Brown & Bennett, 2015;
Nelson & Wechsler, 2003) or a failure to find any differences by race (Armstrong,
2008; McDaniel, 2002). Furthermore, some researchers have found that the dif-
ferences are sport specific (Groeneman, 2017). Thus, race and level of fandom
is yet another area of research in need of further investigation to untangle the
inconsistent findings from past efforts.
 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans 11
Similar to work on age and fandom, although work on race and degree of
fandom is inconclusive, researchers have identified racial differences in fans’
attitudes and behaviors (Armstrong & Peretto Stratta, 2004). For example,
although large numbers of fans play fantasy sport games, participation is quite
rare among African Americans (Drayer & Dwyer, 2013). Racial differences
have also been found in the motivational profiles of fans (Armstrong, 2008;
Wann, Bilyeu, Brennan, Osborn, & Gambouras, 1999). Because members of
different races sometimes report different reasons underlying their interest in
following and consuming sport, researchers have developed more racially inclu-
sive measures of fan motivation (Armstrong, 2002b; Bilyeu & Wann, 2002).

Athletic Involvement and Fandom

Another individual difference variable positively correlated with level of sport
fandom is past or present participation as an athlete. In fact, the volume of early
studies indicating that fans are or were actively involved in sport suggests that
this variable may be one of the best predictors of sport fandom (e.g., Bloss,
1970; Freischlag & Hardin, 1975; Grove et al., 1982). Work in subsequent
decades has substantiated the positive relationship between fandom and athletic
participation (Appelbaum et al., 2012; Inoue, Berg, & Chelladurai, 2015;
Mehus, 2005; Shank & Beasley, 1998), leading some to suggest that hosting
major sporting events may lead to greater athletic participation (Frawley &
Cush, 2011; Mutter & Pawlowski, 2014). That is, the increased salience of and
interest in fandom resulting from large-scale sporting events may increase sport
participation rates among the population (but see also Murphy & Bauman,
2007). Interestingly, one of the more common criticisms of sport fandom is the
belief that these individuals are passive, sloth-like creatures who rarely get off
their couch. However, as will be discussed in Chapter 10, the high levels of
physical activity among sport fans are frequently used to challenge this
stereotype.

Socioeconomic Status and Fandom

As most fans are all too aware, following sport can be a costly endeavor. For
example, in 2015–2016 the average ticket prices for the four North American
professional sports leagues ranged from a not-so-low of $31 per ticket to Major
League Baseball games to a potentially wallet-busting $93 per seat at National
Football League contests; National Basketball Association and National Hockey
League tickets averaged around $60 per event (Statista, 2016). And that is just
the cost to get into the game. When you factor in other expenses such as travel
costs, parking, food, and memorabilia purchases, the outlay of cash needed to
attend sporting events can escalate quickly. Given this, it seems plausible that
there may be a positive relationship between socioeconomic status (SES) and
sport fandom. Indeed, researchers have found such an effect, as persons higher
in SES report greater levels of fandom and sport consumption (e.g., Crawford,
2001; Lieberman, 1991; Mashiach, 1980; Pan, Gabert, McGaugh, & Branvold,
1997; White & Wilson, 1999; Yergin, 1986).
12 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans

Personality and Fandom

A final individual difference variable concerns the personality characteristics of
sport fans. Personality is commonly viewed as unique patterns of emotional,
behavioral, and cognitive responses that endure across time and place (Phares,
1991; Wann, 1997). Work on the personalities of fans attempts to paint an accu-
rate picture of the types of persons who gravitate toward this pastime. Given the
large number of personality traits identified (one estimate included several thou-
sand traits, Allport, 1937, 1961), it not surprising that researchers have exam-
ined a fairly wide range of personality characteristics of sport fans. This list
includes, but is not limited to, locus of control (Miller, 1976), optimism (Wann
et al., 2003), patriotism (McDaniel, 2002), empathy (Sun, 2010), curiosity (Park,
Andrew, & Mahony, 2008), and assertiveness (Wann & Ostrander, 2017).
Although the list of individual personality attributes is quite long, in recent
years psychologists have established that there are five core (i.e., Big 5) personal-
ity traits (McCrae & Costa, 1987, 2008). These core dimensions are extraver-
sion (i.e., sociability and friendliness), neuroticism (i.e., emotional instability),
openness to new experiences (i.e., flexibility and imagination), agreeableness
(i.e., trustworthiness and cooperativeness), and conscientiousness (i.e., reliabil-
ity and dependability). These traits have been examined in several studies in
relation to team identification and sport fandom (Appelbaum et al., 2012;
Donavan, Carlson, & Zimmerman, 2005; Sun, 2010; Wann, Dunham, Byrd, &
Keenan, 2004). Taken together, the results of these investigations lead to a pair
of conclusions. First, in the majority of cases, team identification was not signifi-
cantly associated with the Big 5 personality traits. When significant correlations
were found (e.g., a positive relationship between identification and extraversion,
see Donavan et al., 2005; Wann et al., 2004), the magnitude of the effect was
small. Second, other personality traits (e.g., empathy and need for affiliation)
may mediate the relationship between core personality traits and fandom. These
findings suggest that relationship between fandom and personality is complex,
when it exists at all. Clearly, additional research is warranted in this area.

Justification for the Social Scientific

Study of Sport Fans
After getting to this point, readers may be asking “Why bother? Why do we
need to understand the psychology of sport fans? Why is it important to under-
stand their place in society? Why should we care about fan motives and con-
sumption practices?” Your authors believe these are fair questions, and we have
certainly fielded inquiries such as these many times ourselves. It is our belief that
there are a number of reasons for examining the psychological and sociological
processes involved in sport fandom and spectating. In the paragraphs that fol-
low, we highlight these justifications.

The Pervasiveness of Sport Fandom

Perhaps one of the most straightforward justifications for an empirical examina-
tion of sport fandom lies in the pervasiveness of fandom in modern society (as
 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans 13
well as ancient civilizations; see Guttmann, 1986). However, prior to examining
data on the pervasiveness of sport, it warrants mention that the impact of the
proliferation of sport is not limited to fans but, rather, affects the lives of all
members of society. Although most people have at least a moderate interest in
following sport and/or teams, there are still some who do not feel or understand
the passion fans have for sport. Referred to as the “sports agnostic” by Price
(2016, p. 18), nonfans find themselves in a world driven by a pastime they have
no interest in following. For these persons, it must seem as though half of their
cable channels are useless, most of the conversations they overhear are spoken
in a foreign tongue, and the Olympics last for three months every year.

Sport Fandom and Attendance Data The proportion of individuals who

consider themselves to be sport fans and the number of persons attending sport-
ing events can be mind blowing. As for fandom, based on polling results and
laboratory data, it is estimated that roughly 60–80 percent of individuals self-
identify as a sport fan, with different estimates likely attributable to varying
operational definitions of “fan” (Groeneman, 2017; Jones, 2015; Luker, 2014;
Wann, Melnick, Russell, & Pease, 2001). Although much of this work is based
on samples from the United States, sport fandom is most certainly a worldwide
phenomenon. For instance, it is estimated that there are 3.5 billion soccer fans
globally (Topend Sports, n.d.; Sporteology, n.d.).
Statistics for attendance at sporting events are equally staggering (Gaines,
2015). For example, in the United States, well over 130 million spectators
attended an NFL, NBA, NHL, or MLB game during the 2014–2015 seasons.
Attendance for sporting events in other countries is just as impressive. For
instance, leagues in 11 different countries average greater than 10,000 specta-
tors per event. And these figures are simply for mainstream professional leagues.
When one factors in attendance at less popular and minor league sports, school
events (e.g., scholastic, collegiate), and youth contests, the number becomes
almost incomprehensible. In fact, it seems as though sport fans are willing to
watch any sport played at any level in any locale.

Sport on Television and Radio The pervasiveness of sport in the lives of

fans and its important place in society are also evident in the extensive coverage
of sport on television and radio. With respect to television coverage, one need
only turn on the television and channel surf to see the pervasiveness of sport. For
the major networks in the United States (ABC, CBS, NBC, and FOX), sport is a
major component of their overall programming schedule. When one considers
the addition of the Fox Sports Network, ESPN, professional and college league
networks (e.g., NFL, SEC), WGN, TBS, TNT, HBO, and Showtime, specialty
channels such as the Golf Channel and the Outdoor Channel, and pay per view
events, two facts become abundantly clear: (1) network executives desperately
want a piece of the sport programming pie, and (2) sport fans are rarely, if ever,
deprived of opportunities to consume sport on television.
Viewership statistics indicate that spectators are flocking to their televisions
to watch sport. For example, greater than 100 million viewers tune in to the
Super Bowl each year (Statista, 2017c). That might sound like a lot of people
until one learns that over three billion persons watched the 2014 FIFA World
14 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans
Cup, and this many or more persons tune in to watch the Olympics every two
years (FIFA.com, 2015; Statista, 2017b). The ratings of sport programs are
equally impressive. For example, 44 of the top 50 most viewed primetime tele-
casts for 2016 were sporting events, including 19 of the top 20 (Porter, 2016).
Networks are aware of these statistics and are willing to pay huge amounts for
the right to air sporting events. For example, the right to air NFL games has
escalated from $268 million ($67 million per year) in 1974 to an astounding
$55.1 billion ($6.5 billion per year) in 2014 (Wolff, 2016).
Sport coverage on radio is also quite prevalent. Most professional and major
college sport teams have their own radio network. Additionally, sport talk radio
has become very popular. The first 24-hour-a-day sport talk radio station,
WFAN in New York, was introduced in 1987 (Haag, 1996; Mariscal, 1999). As
a testament to the popularity of this programming format, there were an esti-
mated 150 such stations only ten years later (Goldberg, 1998; Mariscal, 1999).
The number of sport-only stations continued to increase in the years that fol-
lowed, reaching over 600 such stations by the year 2010 (Number of Dedicated,
2012). Referred to as “the church of athletic self-opinion” (Goldberg, 1998,
p. 213), sport talk radio allows fans to express their views, release their frustra-
tions, and (theoretically) demonstrate their sport acumen.

Sport-Related Movies and Videos Yet another example of the pervasive-

ness of sport is found in the large number of sport-related movies. Sport-themed
movies are not a new phenomenon; athletic themes were common on film as far
back as the 1910s. Several popular recent sport movies have been produced,
including Moneyball, Million Dollar Arm, The Rookie, Blindside, Secretariat,
The Bench Warmers, Cars (as well as Cars 2 and Cars 3), Fever Pitch, The
Legend of Bagger Vance, and Miracle, to name but a few. It is also interesting
that movies not centered on sport often insert athletic competition into the film,
apparently to arouse the passion of sport fans in the audience. Some notable
examples of this practice include the pod races in the Star Wars series, quidditch
matches in the Harry Potter films, and the chariot race in Ben Hur.

Sport in Print Media The pervasiveness of sport is also reflected in print media
(i.e., sport-related books, magazines, and newspaper coverage). With respect to
sport-related books, simply venture into a bookstore and you will quickly see
the importance of sport, as most retailers have a special (and large) section for
sport-related material. In fact, as of late 2016, searching for “sports books” on
Amazon.com resulted in over 800,000 matches! There are also hundreds of
sport-related magazines available, including periodicals with impressive sub-
scription numbers such as Sports Illustrated and ESPN the Magazine.
Historically, newspapers have been the print media with the strongest con-
nection to sport. It is likely that every major and minor newspaper contains a
sport section. The “nation’s newspaper,” USA Today, includes a sport section
as one of its four major components, and it is often the largest (how many of us
have purchased a copy of USA Today, read the Sport section, and discarded the
rest of the paper?). For example, in the Monday, March 13, 2017, issue of USA
Today, the News section contained eight pages, the Money section four pages,
 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans 15

TABLE 1.2 Top 10 Sport Websites Ranked by Unique Visitors per

Month

Website Estimated unique visitors per month

1. Yahoo! Sports 125,000,000
2. ESPN 80,000,000
3. Bleacher Report 40,000,000
4. CBS Sports 30,000,000
5. Sports Illustrated 20,000,000
6. NBC Sports 19,500,000
7. SBNation 19,000,000
8. Fox Sports 18,000,000
9. Rant Sports 13,000,000
10. Deadspin 12,500,000

Notes: Data as of March 2017. Source: eBizMBA (2017).

the Life section four pages, and the two Sport sections sixteen pages. Thus, the
editors allotted 50 percent of the newspaper’s space to sport! This amount of
coverage indicates that the editors understand the place of sport in today’s soci-
ety and its importance to their readers.

Sport-Related Internet Sites One of the greatest technological advances to

impact modern society is the Internet. This impact most certainly extends to the
lives and actions of sport fans (many of whom likely feel that the Internet was
invented specifically for sport). Sport fandom has thrived on the Internet. Need
proof? Consider that in March 2017 the keyword “sport” resulted in over 4
billion matches on Google. The keyword “football” resulted in 1.37 billion hits,
while there were 1.2 billion matches for golf, 629 million for basketball, and
453 million for baseball. As shown in Table 1.2, the most popular sport sites
have remarkable numbers of visitors. Truly, sport fandom has gone
“high-tech.”

Sport-Related Video Games The pervasiveness of sport in association with

technology is also represented through the popularity of sport video games. The
video gaming industry is big business. Very big, in fact; the video gaming market
is expected to surpass $2 trillion annually by 2020. United States residents play
video games an average of over 20 minutes per day and spend over $50 per year
on games and accessories (Statista, 2017a). Sport video games have a large part
of this market, as it has been estimated they account for roughly 20 percent of
the sales (Entertainment Software Association, 2012). Many of the top-selling
video games have sport themes, such as Madden NFL, FIFA (soccer), and the
NBA 2K series (Kain, 2015).
16 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans
Researchers have found that playing sport video games may actually influence
the player’s fandom (Crawford & Gosling, 2009). Kim and Ross (2015) ran-
domly assigned participants to play a NASCAR-themed racing game either
once, three times, or seven times. They found that increased exposure to
NASCAR via video game play impacted participants’ brand attitudes.
Specifically, although there was little pre- to post-test attitude change for per-
sons in the single exposure condition, those playing the game multiple times
(i.e., three or seven) reported more favorable attitudes toward NASCAR after
exposure to the game.

Sport as a Central Component in the

Identity of Fans
Another important justification for an investigation of sport fandom concerns
the importance of fandom in the overall identity of so many persons. For a large
proportion of fans, the role of team supporter or follower of a particular sport
is a highly central and important component of their sense of self. It plays a
major role in how they perceive and define themselves. It is, in large measure,
who they are. In fact, one’s fandom can be more central than other important
social institutions. Smith, Grieve, Zapalac, Derryberry, and Pope (2012) asked
participants to complete measures assessing their level of identification with
their favorite sport team, religious group, occupation, and school. The respond-
ents reported a stronger sense of identification with their favorite team than they
did for the other social institutions.
The importance of fandom is readily evident in the desire of fans for their
favorite teams to succeed. Wann and his colleagues (2011) asked MLB fans to
complete a measure assessing their identification with their favorite team and to
complete a form gauging their willingness to consider a series of unusual behav-
iors if the acts would guarantee their team a World Series title. The researchers
found that many persons were willing to consider engaging in the bizarre acts
for the good of the team. A summary of these acts and percentages of fans will-
ing to consider them is found in Table 1.3. Although the frequency data were
interesting (and humorous), the predictors of willingness to consider the acts of
desperation were particularly informative. Specifically, Wann and his colleagues
found that two variables were associated with a greater desire to consider the
unusual championship-guaranteeing acts. First, and most relevant to our cur-
rent discussion, persons with higher levels of team identification were more will-
ing to engage in the acts. This finding highlights the central nature of fandom in
the identity of many persons. Because they care so deeply about their team, and
because being a fan is so central to their self-concept, they are willing to do
almost anything for the team’s success. The second significant predictor was
also interesting; supporters of teams who had experienced a longer passage of
time since their last championship were especially likely to consider the acts.
Thus, because the desperation of these fans was greater, they were more willing
to consider the unusual acts.
The centrality of sport fandom and connections to teams is also revealed in
the degree to which sport matters in the lives of fans (Mandelbaum, 2004). At
 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans 17

TABLE 1.3 Unusual Behaviors Fans Are Willing to Consider to

Guarantee Their Team a Championship

Percent willing to engage in the following behaviors for at least a

month
Behavior Percent
Give up all drinks except water 58%
Give up all sweets 57%
Go without shaving 52%
Go without sex 51%
Go without watching television 35%
Stop talking to their best friend 18%
Wear the same underwear 17%
Go without talking 8%
Go without showering 5%
Percent willing to at least minimally consider the following
behaviors
Behavior Percent
Donate a paycheck to charity 75%
Get a permanent team-oriented tattoo 49%
Donate an organ 47%
Destroy their favorite keepsake 31%
Cut off one of their fingers 10%

Notes: From Wann et al. (2011).

the individual level, fandom impacts each of the “ABCs of Psychology”: affect,
behavior, and cognition. That is, fandom influences what people do, how they
feel, and what they think. With respect to behaviors, there are innumerable
ways in which sport impacts the actions of fans. Many of these behaviors will
be detailed in this text, including consumption of sport (Chapter 5) and the
aggressive actions of some fans (Chapters 7 through 9). As for affective
responses, it is hard to imagine sport fandom without emotion. We will touch
on emotional reactions to sport in several places throughout this text, but we
give it our full attention in Chapter 6. And finally, with respect to cognition,
sport fans frequently think about their favorite sports and teams (Griggs,
Leflay, & Groves, 2012). This includes memories from the past (e.g., recalling
the glory years), thoughts about the present (e.g., evaluating current perfor-
mance), and hopes for the future (e.g., imagining championships yet to be
won). As one might expect, because the role of team following is central to the
identity of highly identified fans, these persons are particularly likely to allocate
cognitive resources when confronted with team-relevant stimuli (Potter &
Keene, 2012).
18 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans
To simply and coldly conclude that fandom impacts individuals’ affect,
behavior, and cognition undervalues and underappreciates what sport means to
fans. To many individuals, sport is more than this. Much more. Sport touches
people’s lives in ways that are both moving and profound. Although a seemingly
countless number of examples can be used to illustrate the power of fandom
(there are hundreds of such stories just from the Cubs’ World Series title in
2016), we will limit our discussion to three. First, readers may find it interesting
to learn that sport fandom (as well as participation) can become an invaluable
resource and experience for persons with autism. Often times, individuals with
autism struggle in social environments, finding these situations uncomfortable
and difficult to navigate, and they may have a hard time connecting with others
(Phetrasuwan, Miles, Mesibov, & Robinson, 2009; Waterhouse, 2013).
However, as Wertheim and Apstein (2016) note, parents and therapists of chil-
dren with autism often find that sporting events can provide a real-world envi-
ronment for persons with autism to better hone their social skills and to better
understand some social norms. Additionally, it provides those with autism an
opportunity to share their love of sport with like-minded others and gain price-
less social connections that might not occur without the unifying link of sport
fandom.
A second example of the power of sport fandom comes from the country
of Colombia in South America. Colombia has been a hotbed of violence, and
the country had been in the midst of a civil war spanning several decades. In
an attempt to expedite the end of hostilities, Colombian governmental offi-
cials devised several unique strategies (The New Colombia, 2016). This
included sending lit messages of peace to “guerilla fighters” at night, placing
messages on trees, and dropping Christmastime messages from family mem-
bers over guerilla-fighter strongholds asking for peace. The architect for these
programs was advertising specialist Jose Miguel Sokoloff. During an inter-
view, Sokoloff was asked to name the most successful strategy. His response?
“Football.” Football (soccer in North America) is a passion of the citizens in
Colombia, and this included the guerrilla fighters. During the 2011 Under 20
World Cup hosted by Colombia, Sokoloff had players, fans, and celebrities
autograph thousands of soccer balls with the saying “Demobilize. Let’s play
again.” The balls were dropped into locales held by the guerrilla fighters.
When describing his explanation for the particularly high impact of this par-
ticular campaign, Sokoloff stated, “Football moves this country. Football is
our passion.”
A final example highlighting the centrality of fandom in the identities of
fans is noted in the actions of politicians and world leaders. These individuals
often present themselves as sport fans to establish a connection with voters.
Two examples include President Barack Obama and Cuban dictator Fidel
Castro (Price, 2016). Obama always had a passion for basketball (First Lady
Michelle Obama commented that he would rather be a basketball player than
a president). During college basketball’s March Madness, Obama would fre-
quently fill out his bracket predictions for the upcoming NCAA Tournament.
By doing so, he could connect to millions of fans who were also caught up in
the madness. (The first author fondly remembers when he predicted that
 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans 19
Murray State University would pull a first-round upset in the 2010 tourna-
ment.) As for Castro, he had long been a baseball fan and player (although his
descriptions of his skill were likely overinflated). Castro used baseball both to
connect to the masses and to bond them in a unified love for the game.

Sport Fandom Assists in Meeting

Powerful Human Needs
Three critical dimensions of identity involve establishing and maintaining a
sense of belonging with others, maintaining a sense of distinctiveness, and find-
ing meaning in life (Thomas et al., 2017; Vignoles, Regalia, Manzi, Golledge, &
Scabini, 2006). Another important reason to critically investigate sport fandom
is because participation in this pastime has the capacity to aid in meeting each
of these fundamental human needs.
The need to belong is an innate human drive (Pickett, Gardner, & Knowles,
2004) involving the desire to “form and maintain strong, stable interpersonal
relationships” (Baumeister & Leary, 1995, p. 497). The importance of this
motive cannot be overstated. Indeed, although the precise strength of this need
may vary across individuals (Lavigne, Vallerand, & Crevier-Braud, 2011), the
need to belong is “one of the most powerful, universal, and influential human
drives” that “shapes emotion, cognition, and behavior” (Baumeister, 2012,
p. 121). Quality social relationships even predict lower mortality risk (Holt-
Lunstad, Smith, & Layton, 2010). Researchers from a wide variety of social sci-
entific disciplines have found that individuals use sport fandom and their interest
in a team to gain connections with others and, thus, assist in the quest to satisfy
the need to belong (Bain-Selbo & Sapp, 2016; Clopton, 2008; Crawford, 2004;

Sport Fandom Can Assist in Meeting Our Innate Need to Belong

20 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans
Elling, van Hilvoorde, & Van Den Dool, 2014; Groeneman, 2017; Lock & Funk,
2016; van Hilvoorde, Elling, & Stokvis, 2010; Wann, Waddill, Polk, & Weaver,
2011). For instance, Theodorakis, Wann, Nassis, and Luellen (2012) found that
identification with a local sport team and the need to belong were positively cor-
related among samples of both U.S. and Greek college students. The relationship
between fandom and belonging is examined in detail in Chapter 10.
The need for distinctiveness is a second basic human need to which sport
fandom can contribute. Although humans want to feel a sense of belonging with
those around them, they simultaneously have a need to be different and unique
(Hornsey & Jetten, 2004). The fundamental need for uniqueness is best under-
stood through Brewer’s (1991) Optimal Distinctiveness Theory. According to
this framework, individuals strive for two sometimes opposing social goals:
inclusion and differentiation. These goals are best satisfied “through identifica-
tion with distinctive groups that satisfy both needs simultaneously” (Brewer,
2012, p. 81). Given that brand consumption is associated with desires to be
unique (Moon & Sung, 2015; Timmor & Katz-Navon, 2008), it seems reason-
able that individuals use sport fandom as an opportunity to meet their need for
distinction by selectively choosing to follow non-mainstream sports or less pop-
ular teams (Dimmock & Gucciardi, 2008; Goldman, Chadwick, Funk, &
Wocke, 2016; Groeneman, 2017; Holt, 1995). For instance, individuals can
partially meet their need for uniqueness by identifying with a distant team
(Andrijiw & Hyatt, 2009; Hyatt & Andrijiw, 2008) or rooting for an underdog
(Kim et al., 2008).
A third critical need impacted by fandom concerns the desire to experience
meaning in life. The search for meaning involves gaining a sense of purpose and
significance to one’s existence (Frankl, 1963; Lambert et al., 2013; Steger,
Frazier, Oishi, & Kaler, 2006). A life can acquire meaning when an individual
attaches to something that is grander than the self (Angyal, 1941; Seligman,
2011). Given the centrality of sport fandom and team identification in the iden-
tities of fans, it seems reasonable that following sport and teams provides mean-
ing to these persons and a connection to something larger than themselves.
Indeed, researchers have found an association between fandom and meaning in
life (Wann, Hackathorn, & Sherman, in press). For instance, in their interviews
of Australian League Football fans, Doyle, Filo, Lock, Funk, and McDonald
(2016) found that several participants described the meaning brought to their
lives through their support of the team. Similarly, Keaton and Gearhart (2014)
report that fandom can foster a sense of self-actualization (i.e., following sport
“helps me to develop and grow as a person”, p. 370).

Spectators Can Influence the Outcome

of Sporting Events
A final justification for the study of sport fandom involves the influence specta-
tors have on athletic performance. Although some sport audiences are inactive
and do not interact with the performers, most would be classified as reactive
because they respond to players and teams (Wann, 1997). When fans cheer, yell,
 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans 21
boo, and scream, the verbalizations typically stem from their desire to influence
the on-field action. Spectators think that these outbursts influence athletic per-
formance (Wann et al., 1994; Wolfson, Wakelin, & Lewis, 2005), and both
research and theory confirm their beliefs. Wann and Hackathorn (in press) dis-
cuss two empirically supported pathways through which spectators wield their
influence: social facilitation and the home advantage.
Social Facilitation Theory originated with the work of Triplett (1898), who
noticed that bicycle racers seemed to perform better when they rode against a
competitor rather than alone. Triplett tested this effect by having children wind
reels either alone or in pairs. Consistent with what he witnessed in the cycling
races, the children wound the reels faster when in the presence of another child. As
a result, Triplett concluded that audiences enhance performance, including actions
of an athletic nature. Several decades later, Zajonc (1965) expanded on Triplett’s
original theory by incorporating the notion of social interference. Specifically,
Zajonc theorized that although the performance of skilled individuals will be
enhanced by an audience (i.e., social facilitation), performance may be hindered
when the individual is not competent at the task (i.e., social interference). The
large volume of studies supporting Zajonc’s model (e.g., Davis & Harvey, 1992;
Landers, Brawley, & Hale, 1978; Moore & Brylinsky, 1993) confirms the premise
that sport spectators have the capacity to both positively and negatively influence
individual athletic performance through the process of social facilitation.
A second process through which spectators impact athletic performance is the
home advantage. The home advantage, or the tendency for home teams and
players to outperform their visiting counterparts, is one of the most well-docu-
mented findings in sport psychology (Jamieson, 2010). A variety of explanations
for the superior play of home teams have been suggested, including rules favor-
ing home teams and the travel-induced fatigue experienced by visiting players
(Carron, Loughhead, & Bray, 2005; Courneya & Carron, 1992). The influence
of the audience has also been cited as a causal factor in the success of home teams,
including the possibility that the home crowd positively affects the home team
and negatively impacts the visiting team (Wann, 1997). Additionally, there is
evidence that implicates the influence fans exert on officials and referees as the
most powerful force behind the home advantage (Balmer, Nevill, & Williams,
2003; Dosseville, Edoh, & Molinaro, 2016; Moskowitz & Wertheim, 2011;
Unkelbach & Memmert, 2010; see Wann & Hackathorn, in press, for a review).
According to the results from this growing body of research, officials feel pres-
sure from spectators and, as a result, make calls that are favorable to the home
team (Jones, 2013; Nevill, Newell, & Gale, 1996; Pettersson-Lidbom & Priks,
2010). Regardless of which group is responsible for the home advantage (e.g.,
players or officials), it is clear that spectators are influencing someone and, con-
sequently, the outcome of sporting events.

Overview of the Book

A lot has happened in the academic world since the first edition of this book was
published in 2001. Research on fandom was somewhat rare in the decades prior
to the publication of the first edition (Wann & Hamlet, 1995). However, since
22 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans
the late 1990s there has been an explosion of sport fan–related research from a
variety of disciplines including psychology, sociology, leisure studies, general
fandom studies, history, and business (e.g., marketing, management, consumer
behavior, economics). In fact, it is likely that more empirical and theoretical
work has been done in the years since the first edition was published than in all
the years prior to that date. The proliferation of work in this area is evidenced
by the fact that, in early 2017, entering “sport fan” into Google Scholar resulted
in well over 400,000 hits.
Given the large increase in the sport fandom literature, the current edition
contains new topical areas and expanded coverage of others. This includes (but
is far from limited to) the emotional reactions of fans, the process of becoming
a fan (including coverage of the Psychological Continuum Model, Funk &
James, 2001, 2006), dysfunctional fandom, measurement issues for constructs
such as fan motivation and team identification, and cross-cultural issues (such
as cultural differences in the process of sport fan socialization). In fact, the cur-
rent edition of this book contains approximately 600 citations that were written
after the first edition was published, including well over 300 since 2010.
This text has been divided into three sections. The first section contains four
chapters examining factors related to fan interest in and involvement with
sports, teams, and athletes. Chapter 2, “The Process of Becoming a Sport Fan:
The Psychological Continuum Model,” includes an examination of the stages in
becoming a sport fan. This chapter also contains a discussion of the sport fan
socialization process. Chapter 3, “Points of Attachment: Understanding
Connections to Teams, Players, and Beyond,” is an examination of the process
of becoming a supporter of specific sports, teams, players, and other points of
attachment. This chapter includes a discussion of antecedents to team identifica-
tion and the process of hero worship. Chapter 4, “Motivation and Sport
Fandom,” provides a detailed examination of factors underlying one’s desire to
follow sport. Chapter 5, “The Impact of Sport Fandom on Sport Consumption
Behavior,” is focused on the impact of fandom on sport consumer behavior.
The second section targets the affective and aggressive responses of sport
fans. Chapter 6, “The Emotional Reactions of Sport Fans,” includes an exami-
nation of the emotional responses of fans. Included in the discussion are both
positive emotions (e.g., happiness and pride) and negative emotions (e.g., sad-
ness and shame). Chapters 7 through 9 focus on fan aggression. Chapter 7, “An
Introduction to Fan Aggression,” provides a general overview of spectator vio-
lence. It examines definitional issues and forms of fan violence. Chapter 8,
“Understanding the Causes of Fan Aggression,” includes an examination of
theory and research designed to account for fan violence, including discussion
of both situational forces (e.g., modeling, temperature) and personal factors
(such as team identification and gender). Chapter 9, “Sport Fan Riots,” is the
third chapter dedicated to fan aggression. This chapter is focused on large-scale
fan violence as well as characteristics of persons typically involved in these
disturbances.
The third section contains a pair of chapters dedicated to an examination of
the pros and cons of sport fandom. Social scientists have debated the individual
and societal costs and benefits of sport fandom for many years. Although some
 CHAPTER 1 ▸ An Introduction to the Study of Sport Fans 23
have argued that sport fandom can have a positive impact on individuals and
society, others have contended that fandom has mainly negative effects. This
section takes a critical look at both sides of the debate. Chapter 10, “The
Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom,” focuses on the potential psy-
chological costs and benefits of sport fandom. It begins with a critical examina-
tion of the argument that sport fandom has harmful effects on individuals. The
chapter also examines the possibility that fandom has positive effects on fans.
Chapter 11, “The Societal Consequences of Sport Fandom,” addresses the
larger societal implications of sport fandom. Similar to Chapter 10, Chapter 11
begins with an examination of sociological-based criticisms of fandom, fol-
lowed by potential societal benefits of the pastime.
And finally, in Chapter 12, “The Future of Sport Fandom: Gazing Into the
Crystal Ball,” we summarize the text and consider the future of research on
fandom. In this closing chapter, we offer suggestions for areas in need of addi-
tional research from sport scholars. So, settle in, and let’s get started. On to the
discussion of becoming a sport fan.
 PART ONE
How and Why Fans
Follow Sports, Teams,
and Athletes
 CHAPTER 2
The Process of
How and Why Fans Follow SportsThe Process of Becoming a Sport Fan

Becoming a Sport Fan:

The Psychological
Continuum Model
In the first chapter, we discussed different ways to define and classify sport fans.
We differentiated between sport fans and spectators, wrote about direct and
indirect sport consumers, and examined the topic of sport team identification.
However, an important point we have not yet addressed in depth is the notion
of how people become sport fans, become sport consumers, and come to iden-
tify with particular teams. In this chapter, we examine the “how” of sport fan-
dom by investigating fans’ psychological connections with sport objects (e.g., a
sport, team, or player) and the process through which such connections develop.
Think about the people you see when you attend a sporting event. It is not
unusual to see people dressed in clothes (including costumes) portraying their
favorite team’s colors. For example, at Florida State University home football
games there are two fans that cover their bodies with garnet and gold paint and
glitter and refer to themselves as the “Garnet and Gold Guys.” Perhaps you also
frequently wear team apparel, paint your body, or have a tattoo of your favorite
team’s logo. Or maybe your fandom is a bit more subdued, and you simply have
a favorite team jersey that you wear for special games. Such behaviors do not
just occur spontaneously. A person does not just wake up one morning and
decide to have the star symbolizing the Dallas Cowboys tattooed on his or her
arm (or other body part for that matter). A person needing clothes does not
randomly purchase multiple items of team apparel from among all the clothing
choices available. Rather, a person becomes a sport fan and connects to sport
objects through individual and social psychological processes. One theory that
helps us better understand these connections is the Psychological Continuum
Model (Funk & James, 2001, 2006, 2016). This framework and its application
to the process of becoming a sport fan is the focus of the current chapter.
The Psychological Continuum Model (PCM) was introduced as a conceptual
framework to organize and advance our understanding of the psychology of

26
 CHAPTER 2 ▸ The Process of Becoming a Sport Fan 27

TABLE 2.1 Psychological Continuum Model 2001 (Funk & James,

2001)

Stage of Connection Key Psychological Characteristics

Allegiance Intrinsic consistency
Commitment to a sport (or team); persistent
(positive) attitude toward a sport (or team);
attitude resistant to change; attitude impacts
cognition; intrinsic influences most important
Attachment Intrinsic features
Formation of a strong, positive attitude to a sport
(or team); emotional complexity to a sport (or
team); sport (or team) has personal importance
and meaning
Attraction Extrinsic and intrinsic features
Selection of a favorite sport (or team); interest in
sport (or team) impacted primarily by situational
influences or dispositional influences
Awareness Extrinsic features
Knowledge that sport (or team) exists, but no
particular interest; distinguishes between sports
(and teams), but no particular interest;
knowledge influenced by socializing agents and
media

sport fans, particularly their interest in and connection with a sport object
(Funk & James, 2001). The PCM contains four stages categorizing the connec-
tions people form within the realm of sport fandom: Awareness, Attraction,
Attachment, and Allegiance. The PCM was conceptualized as a hierarchical
model. Thus, people are expected to move through each stage (presuming there
is movement), with each level representing a different degree of attitude forma-
tion and involvement toward a sport object. Psychological and sociological pro-
cesses are thought to facilitate or inhibit movement among the stages. The PCM
is illustrated in Table 2.1 as a bottom-up vertical progression. As a person
advances to a higher stage, the psychological connection is expected to become
stronger (i.e., stronger attitudes and greater involvement). In the paragraphs
that follow, we take a brief look at the four stages. It should be noted that
although the PCM explains connections to a variety of sport objects, for sim-
plicity we will often frame our discussion around a fan’s connection to a team.

Awareness
The first stage of the PCM, Awareness, occurs as an individual first acquires the
knowledge that a sport object exists. For example, the second author knows
that the Jacksonville Jumbo Shrimp minor league baseball team plays in
Jacksonville, Florida. However, he has never attended a game and really does
28 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
not have any other knowledge about or interest in the team. From a sport con-
sumer perspective, he does not purchase merchandise, tickets, or consume the
Jumbo Shrimp brand in any fashion. He is aware of the team but does not have
any particular interest in it; he is simply not a fan of the Jumbo Shrimp. Similarly,
although prior to reading the previous sentences you may have had no knowl-
edge of the Jumbo Shrimp, you are now aware the team exists. At this stage, a
person’s connection with the sport object (the Jumbo Shrimp in our example) is
essentially cognitive. That is, a person has knowledge and awareness of the focal
object. This knowledge and awareness emanates from the sport fan socialization
process, a topic that we will examine in much more detail in later sections.

Attraction
The second stage, Attraction, is reached when a person progresses from simply
knowing that a sport object exists to learning details about the object, other
sports and teams, the rules of play, and different levels of the sport and poten-
tially making the conscious decision to view a team as a favorite (Funk & James,
2001). At this stage a person begins to develop positive thoughts and feelings
toward the object that are triggered when the individual recognizes that hedonic
and dispositional needs may be fulfilled through sport consumption behavior
related to the object (Funk & James, 2006). For example, if you find yourself in
Jacksonville, Florida, and you are seeking a fun activity, and if you happen to
like baseball, you may think attending a Jumbo Shrimp game could be entertain-
ing. You have positive thoughts and feelings about the sport of baseball and
may view attendance at a game as an opportunity to have an enjoyable experi-
ence. Thus, at this point, you would be operating at the Attraction level, the
second stage within the PCM.

Attachment
A person reaches the Attachment stage “when he or she has formed a stable
psychological connection to a sport or team” (Funk & James, 2001, p. 132).
A key distinction of the Attachment stage is that a person’s connection to a team
is based on the intrinsic importance of the relationship. That is, the team has a
special, personal meaning to the individual. The difference between Attraction
and Attachment stages can be illustrated in the following example. Imagine that
a child’s favorite sport team is The Ohio State University football team because
her father is a fan of the Buckeyes. If the father were to suddenly decide that the
Buckeyes were no longer his favorite team, it is possible the daughter might
choose another favorite as well. For the child, there was an attraction to the
team, but the connection was based on her relationship with her father, not with
the team. However, if the Buckeyes take on personal importance to the daughter
(beyond simply her relationship with her father), the team now has emotional
and/or social psychological meaning to her, and she will have an attachment to
the team regardless of her father’s interest.
Here is a second example. Imagine that you have moved to a town that has a
popular team, let’s say an indoor soccer team. You may not enjoy indoor soccer,
 CHAPTER 2 ▸ The Process of Becoming a Sport Fan 29
but decide to attend games and talk about the team as you make new friends
and attempt to fit in to your new environment. As you become established and
form relationships with others, you may no longer follow the team. You had an
attraction to the team but never formed an attachment. Essentially, the team
served its purpose (assisted in your acclimation to your new surroundings), and
following the team is now no longer needed. Given the lack of attachment, the
connection to the team can be easily severed. However, if you maintain your
fandom for the team even after using it to gain connections with others, you are
clearly attached to the team for intrinsic reasons beyond simply using the team
as a catalyst to form relationships.

Allegiance
The final stage, Allegiance, represents the strongest psychological connection.
According to Funk and James (2001), the term allegiance is used “to describe
the construct of loyalty” (p. 134). At this stage an individual possesses an “atti-
tude that is resistant to change, stable across context and time, influences cogni-
tive processing of information, and is predictive of behavior” (Funk & James,
2016, p. 250). A fan at the allegiance stage invests significant emotional, psy-
chological, financial, and temporal resources in the favorite team. From a sport
consumption viewpoint, a fan at the allegiance stage will likely exhibit consist-
ent and enduring behaviors such as purchasing team merchandise, attending or
watching games, and talking positively about the team.

Understanding the PCM

In the paragraphs to follow, we provide a deeper examination of the PCM and
its four stages. Such a presentation is designed to give the reader a deeper com-
prehension of the connections fans feel with sport objects. However, before
continuing, it warrants mention that although the original presentation of the
PCM provided a framework for understanding connections with a sport object
(Funk & James, 2001), the authors soon revised the framework to provide addi-
tional information about movement among the stages, as well as inputs and
outputs that operate within each level (Funk & James, 2006). The revision helps
us better understand “how the psychological connection between an individual
and a sport object progressively forms through particular internal social-
psychological mechanisms” (Funk & James, 2016, p. 250). The revised PCM
has the unique characteristic of integrating the advantages of a stage-based
model and a continuum-style approach “to create a theoretical hybrid, a stage-
based continuum model that serves as a framework to study the developmental
progression of a psychological connection to a sport, sport-based object, or lei-
sure activity” (Funk & James, 2016, p. 251).

Awareness
When thinking about the Awareness stage, Funk and James (2001) suggest two
questions are likely to come to mind: (1) when and (2) how do people become
30 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
aware of sport objects? The answer to the first question is that we become aware
of sport and sport-related objects continually throughout our lives. From the
very first years of life we are exposed to sport as part of the process of learning
about the world around us. And we continue to learn about different aspects of
sport at other times in our lives. For example, unless people were of Scottish
descent, they were likely not familiar with the sport of curling prior to its inclu-
sion in the 1998 Olympic Games. Furthermore, new sports emerge (e.g., indoor
soccer, roller hockey, snowboarding, and many of the action/extreme sports),
and new teams are added to existing leagues.
To answer the second question on the process through which people become
aware of sport objects, think about the statement “learning about the world
around us and our place in it” written in the previous paragraph. Such learning
is referred to as socialization. Socialization is impacted by the cultural influences
and environment in which a person resides. As a process, socialization involves
learning the attitudes, values, and actions believed to be appropriate for members
of a particular society (Kenyon & McPherson, 1974). Thus, sport fan socializa-
tion occurs as we learn about attitudes, values, and actions related to specific
sport objects. This learning happens via socialization agents, that is, those indi-
viduals or institutions that expose us to the values, behaviors, and ideals of sport.
For example, think about your favorite team. Perhaps your family liked this
team, and you were exposed to the team through family conversations. Or maybe
you learned about the team from a close friend or peer, or as a child you played
on a team with this name. Individuals like family members, friends, coaches, and
others in our lives teach us about sports, teams, and sport fandom in general.
Participating in organized sports through community leagues and school pro-
grams can also be informative. Additionally, teams engage in promotional activi-
ties to stimulate consumer awareness, that is, to ensure that consumers know
about a sport product. Activities such as advertising, special promotions, and free
admission for children are used to increase awareness. And we would be remiss
if we did not mention the impact of media, particularly in the “digital age” with
increasing access to sport news and information. Each of the aforementioned
individuals (e.g., family and friends) and institutions (e.g., schools and the media)
are important agents in the process of sport fan socialization. Sport socialization
is a critically important process, and an impressive volume of research has been
devoted to this topic. As a result, we will examine this issue in greater detail in a
separate section following our discussion of the stages of the PCM.
Knowing that sports and teams exist is indicative of Awareness. At this stage,
however, a person is not necessarily a fan of a particular sport or team. As one
learns more about the sport object in question, he or she comes to recognize
(consciously or otherwise) that hedonic and social needs may be fulfilled by sup-
porting teams and by attending and watching sporting events. Such learning
may result in movement to the next stage, Attraction.

Attraction
Once a person has learned about a sport object (i.e., Awareness), he or she may
choose to follow it because he or she finds something pleasing about the activity
 CHAPTER 2 ▸ The Process of Becoming a Sport Fan 31
and thus, move to the Attraction stage of the PCM. One interesting point about
the Attraction stage is that the individual may or may not be a fan at this juncture.
That is, we have to consider why the person is interested in the pastime. In essence,
this stage focuses on factors that motivate fan interest in sports and the teams/
athletes that play them. The motives that underlie fan interest are a critical piece
of the puzzle for understanding one’s connection to sports and teams. In fact,
because of the importance of this topic and the large volume of research dedicated
to it, we will address fan motivation in a future chapter devoted solely to this area.
At a more general level, two key processes associated with the Attraction
stage involve experiencing the hedonic and social-situational aspects of sport
(and team) consumption. That is, fans are motivated by and attracted to some-
thing pleasurable or socially stimulating about sport fandom.

Hedonic Need Fulfillment There are a number of potential elements of sport

fandom that could be enjoyable for those interested in the pastime. There is
excitement, drama, and aesthetically pleasing performances, and even the
potential for escape, all of which may contribute to a pleasurable experience.
Everyone (your authors included) prefers to have pleasurable experiences and to
have fun. This desire is the essence of hedonic need fulfillment; one’s attempt to
satisfy a craving for pleasurable experiences. Sport fandom is one means through
which people can satisfy their desire to have fun. For instance, think about the
special events associated with sporting contests, such as pregame concerts and
postgame fireworks shows, and the variety of promotional giveaways. Hey,
everyone likes a free T-shirt (some people will seemingly do anything to catch
one at a game). Such activities are enjoyable because they are fun, pleasurable
experiences.
The preceding description illustrates that sport fandom can be a means
through which people experience hedonic need fulfillment. However, this does
not guarantee that someone seeking such fulfillment is connected to a particular
team or other sport object. For example, imagine a person who attends a base-
ball game one night, yet the following day chooses to go to a movie or concert
instead of another game. In this instance, the rationale for attending the game
may have been to have a pleasurable experience more so than because of a con-
nection to the team. If asked, such a person might say she or he is a fan of the
team, but if there is not an abiding interest in following a specific team, the
individual is really a mere spectator.

Social-Situational Aspects of Sport A second general driver of behaviors

for those functioning at the Attraction stage concerns the social-situational
aspects of fandom. Consider the earlier example of the child who roots for the
same team as her father. Following the team, talking about the team, and
watching games with her father are all useful ways for her to connect with him.
In this instance, the father (or the relationship with him) is the focal point, not
the team. Moving to a new location and supporting a local team as a way to fit
in would be another example of social-situational attraction. In each of the
aforementioned examples, the team is secondary to the focal point of establishing
relationships with others. Once again, an individual may state that she or he is
32 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
a fan of the team, but the question remains as to whether or not there is an
abiding interest in following the team. If not, the connection to the team is still
quite tenuous at this stage.
A large portion of work in sport marketing focuses on consumers at the
Attraction stage and the ability to move people to this level. The special events,
promotions, and price discounts associated with sporting events (particularly at
the minor league level) are mechanisms for satisfying hedonic needs and the
need to belong. However, when teams become the focal object and take on
intrinsic importance to an individual, that person has progressed to the stage of
Attachment.

Attachment
Once a person has reached the Attachment stage he or she has formed a mean-
ingful psychological connection with a sport object, such as a particular sport or
team (Funk & James, 2006). Of interest here is an understanding of what, pre-
cisely, is involved in a “meaningful psychological connection.” As mentioned in
our overview of the four stages presented above, at the Attachment stage a
person’s connection to a team is based on the intrinsic importance of the team
rather than extrinsic factors such as satisfying hedonic and/or social needs.
Intrinsic importance occurs when a team has a special meaning to the fan and
becomes a part of the individual. You may be wondering how a team becomes
“part of an individual.” This occurs as a person assimilates the team within her
or his self-concept. That is, the person derives value from thinking of her or
himself as a fan of the team. It is at this point that a person comes to identify
with the team. Being a fan of the team becomes more central to the individual’s
social identity, and he or she takes greater pleasure in being a supporter of the
team (Doyle, Kunkel, & Funk, 2013).
For example, sport teams have particular characteristics that are thought to
be representative of the team. One such team would be the Pittsburgh Steelers
from the NFL, a team that has often been promoted as a hard-working, blue-
collar team. For someone that values a strong work ethic and derives worth
from being a “regular Joe,” the Steelers may serve as a symbolic representation
of those values. The team is thought of as a positive symbol, and through asso-
ciation with the team, a person derives positive self-esteem (Hogg & Abrams,
1988). Thus, one’s connection with a sport object involves the person’s social
identity. Hogg and Abrams (1988) explain that social identity is “defined as the
individual’s knowledge that he belongs to certain social groups together with
some emotional and value significance to him of the group membership” (p. 7).
As a fan of a team, a person may view his or herself as a member of a group that
supports the favorite team. That is, being part of the fan group provides a sense
of belonging.
Recall what is happening at the Attraction stage. At this point in the process,
the person is interested in following a team and attending games primarily due
to the influence of hedonic need fulfillment and the psychological features of a
social situation. When the individual has progressed to the Attachment stage, he
or she likely still enjoys the hedonic need fulfillment and social pleasures
 CHAPTER 2 ▸ The Process of Becoming a Sport Fan 33
accompanying sport fandom (e.g., still appreciates ticket discounts and special
events). However, these elements are no longer the driver of attitudes and
behaviors. Rather, the team has come to represent particular values or ideas that
are important to the individual. From a sport consumer behavior perspective,
individuals reaching the Attachment stage are quite likely to be consumers; they
attend games, purchase merchandise and apparel, and engage in positive word
of mouth when talking about the team (Funk & James, 2001). Additionally, as
the connections and positive sentiments toward the team strengthen, a person
may progress to the stage of Allegiance.

Allegiance
The Allegiance stage involves the notion of loyalty, that is, a commitment or
devotion to a favorite team (or other sport object). At this stage of the PCM, a
person’s attitude toward a team is persistent, is highly central to one’s social
identity, influences cognitive processing, and is predictive of behavior (Doyle
et al., 2013; Funk & James, 2016). Fans reaching this stage often attempt to
promote the team to others (Lock, Taylor, Funk, & Darcy, 2012).
For fans at the Allegiance stage, the thoughts and feelings they have toward a
sport object such as a favorite team are going to be quite strong. The concept of
strength concerns the accessibility of the thoughts and feelings in one’s memory.
When a sport object such as a sport team is important to a person, she or he can
easily access memories and feelings about it (Funk & James, 2001). For exam-
ple, memories such as the team winning a championship or watching a memo-
rable play are readily available in the person’s memory. These cognitive and
affective experiences stay with us, that is, they persist over time. As a result,
attitudes toward the team become resistant and hard to change. When a person
has a strong connection to a favorite team, it is difficult for the individual to
change how he or she thinks and feels about the team because the role of team
follower has become a central and valued part of the person’s identity (Funk &
James, 2001; Wann, 2006a). It seems that no matter what happens, be it poor
team performance or unlawful acts by a player or coach, the individual does not
waver in his or her allegiance (Kwon, Trail, & Lee, 2008; Spinda, 2011).
Fans are able to resist changing their attitude toward a favorite sport object
(particularly a favorite team) in part due to biases in cognitive processing
(Wann & Grieve, 2005; Wann & Schrader, 2000). For example, consider how
you respond when your favorite team loses. Do you tend to blame your team or
something else (e.g., the officials, bad luck, poor weather)? Researchers explain
that most allegiant fans focus blame on objects other than the team in an attempt
to protect the part of their identity built around the team (Wann, 2006c;
Wann & Dolan, 1994a). When there is negative information reported in the
media about your favorite team, how do you respond? Do you resist or reject
these unflattering reports, reinterpret the information in a way that seems posi-
tive, or use selective perception to avoid information that conflicts with your
thoughts and feelings? Again, researchers suggest that you are likely biased in
your perceptions in a manner that favors your team as you attempt to cope with
threats to your fan-related identity (Wann, 2006a, 2006c). For example, Funk
34 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
(1998) found that people with a strong attitude toward a team had more
thoughts, recalled more facts, and demonstrated biased thinking when respond-
ing to prompts about a newspaper article compared to those having a weaker
attitude toward the team. Sport fans develop and utilize an impressively wide
range of these “mental gymnastics” to protect their fan-related identity. In fact,
in Chapter 10 we will examine a number of strategies fans utilize to cope with
team-related identity threats.
Another critical point about fandom at the Allegiance stage is that a strong
positive attitude toward a team not only influences cognitions and perceptions
but also has the capacity to influence behavior. It should seem logical that if a
team is considered an important and central part of one’s identity, then follow-
ing the team should be a priority. Fans follow teams in many ways, including
watching games in person or on television, reading information about the team,
purchasing merchandise, and wearing team apparel. Importantly, these behav-
iors persist over time (for many, over a lifetime). In the context of sport con-
sumer behavior, those characterized by allegiance are highly desirable to sport
marketers because those reaching the Allegiance stage invest considerable
amounts of monetary, temporal, and emotional resources to follow a team.

Summarizing the Psychological

Continuum Model
The Psychological Continuum Model (PCM) is valuable as an explanatory
framework for describing the process involved in becoming a fan. Additionally,
the PCM is a useful model for describing the impact of connections with sport
objects on thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. We will refer to the PCM through-
out this book as we address other topics pertaining to sport fandom. For
instance, in Chapter 5 we will return to a discussion of the PCM by focusing on
how the framework has been used in the study of sport consumers, particularly
the efforts that have been undertaken to develop a tool that may be used to
“stage” (or position) individuals along the continuum.

Socialization Into Fandom

As noted earlier in this chapter, socialization is vital in the process of becoming
a sport fan. We explained the pivotal role socialization is believed to play in the
PCM, particularly at the Awareness stage. Beyond the parameters of the PCM,
however, socialization merits further discussion in relation to sport fandom.
In Chapter 1, we presented information about the pervasiveness of sport, not-
ing that its prevalence is evident in a variety of ways. For instance, the volume
of fans that (repeatedly) attend sporting events at the professional, intercollegi-
ate, and interscholastic levels is staggering. Additionally, sport is a primary
source of programming for network, cable, and satellite television providers.
The number of sport-related Internet sites, print media, and video games also
illustrates the importance, and value, of sport in our society. Given the degree to
which individuals are bombarded with sport, it seems reasonable that most
 CHAPTER 2 ▸ The Process of Becoming a Sport Fan 35
persons end up being fans of the pastime. However, although survey data indi-
cate that most individuals do indeed consider themselves sport fans (Jones,
2015; Luker, 2014), others have absolutely no interest. Some people seem
immune to the influence of our sport-crazed society. How is it that so many
persons come to love sport while others pay little or no attention to it (or, in the
case of some people, actually loathe sport)?
Our starting point to answering this question is to acknowledge that the value
attached to sport fandom is learned. A person does not simply wake up one
morning and decide that she or he is a diehard fan of the Murray State Racers
and thus proceed to spend $1,000 on team apparel and memorabilia. In this
section our purpose is to illustrate that people learn to become sport fans
through the process of sport fan socialization and, where possible, examine the
role of various socializing agents.
As we move through the following sections, it will be useful to remember the
general premise of socialization: it involves the process of learning to live in and
understand a culture or subculture by internalizing its values, beliefs, attitudes,
and norms. James (2016) articulated these concepts well when he wrote that
socialization is “the process through which we learn what it means to be part of
society and how to live and act within a given society” and that “individuals,
groups, and institutions that are part of, and which create the social context in
which we learn attitudes, values and roles are socializing agents” (pp. 264, 265).
With respect to sport fandom, we are specifically concerned with the process by
which individuals learn and accept the values, beliefs, attitudes, and norms of
the sport fan culture (e.g., the notion of “never giving up,” the jargon, terminol-
ogy, rules of specific sports, players’ statistics, and so forth). Examining sport
fan socialization not only furthers our comprehension of how individuals
become sport fans and form connections with specific sport objects, it also high-
lights the importance of cultural differences in fandom.

Research on North American Sport

Fan Socialization
Much of the early work on sport socialization dealt with individuals becoming
active sport participants. For example, in the 1970s scholars reported that dur-
ing their elementary school years children learned about and were primarily
influenced to participate in sport by family members (Kenyon & McPherson,
1974). As parents raise and teach their children, these interactions often include
encouraging children to value sport and to become actively involved. However,
as children grow, other socializing agents such as peers and the media become
more influential (Kenyon, 1968; McPherson, 1968; Snyder & Spreitzer, 1973).
Social scientists began to show interest in the process of sport fan socializa-
tion in the 1970s. During this time period, although a small number of authors
had written about the process (e.g., Kenyon & McPherson, 1974), few empirical
studies were conducted. That changed when McPherson (1976) completed what
is likely the first comprehensive examination of sport fan socialization. He
believed that four sources (i.e., socialization agents) would be primarily
36 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
responsible for teaching the values, beliefs, attitudes, and norms of sport fan-
dom. These were family, peers (i.e., friends), schools, and community. To test
the impact of these agents, McPherson asked Canadian adolescents to complete
a questionnaire assessing the influence of each. The findings revealed that males
and females reported different patterns of sport fan socialization. Specifically,
males were most often influenced by their peers, followed by family and schools.
The community did not appear to be a significant agent in the sport fan sociali-
zation of males (see also Smith, Patterson, Williams, & Hogg, 1981). As for
female participants, family had the greatest influence, followed closely by peer
groups. The community was also found to have a significant impact on the
socialization of females, but to a lesser degree than family and peers. Schools did
not appear to be a significant agent.
Although McPherson’s (1976) work was valuable and shed light on the pro-
cess of becoming a sport fan, it is quite dated. Cultures change with the passage
of time, and so do the institutions and pastimes residing within them. To inves-
tigate the possibility that sport fan socialization had transformed in the years
since McPherson’s work, the first author and his colleagues conducted a replica-
tion and extension of McPherson’s research, the results of which were presented
in the first edition of this text (Wann et al., 2001). To maintain consistency with
McPherson, we investigated the influence of the same four socialization agents.
However, in our work, participants (United States college students) also
answered an open-ended item in which they listed the person (e.g., father, aunt,
etc.) or entity (e.g., school, media, etc.) that had the greatest single influence on
their becoming involved with sport as a fan.
For males, the pattern of sport fan socialization remained consistent from the
1970s to the late 1990s. That is, similar to McPherson’s (1976) findings, males
were most strongly influenced by peers, and they were least likely to have been
influenced by their community. Such was not the case for the female partici-
pants, however. Rather, although McPherson found that schools had the least
amount of influence on female fans, respondents in our sample indicated this
was the most powerful socialization agent. We surmised that this change for
female fans may have been partially due to Title IX, a federal law that prohibits
sexual discrimination in institutions receiving federal funding. Begun in 1972,
Title IX has had a widespread impact on high school and college athletics
because it requires that schools provide equitable opportunities to females.
Consequently, the number of women’s sport teams at the high school and col-
legiate levels increased dramatically (Oglesby, 1989; Snyder, 1993). Perhaps this
increase in participation led to a greater prominence of female sports in school
settings, thereby arousing greater interest in sport among the female student
body. Thus, there may have been an added influence of Title IX, namely, the
increased role of schools in the socialization of female sport fans.
Responses to the open-ended item on the single most influential agent were also
quite informative. One’s family was listed as exerting the greatest influence on
socialization into fandom, as more than half of the male and female participants
listed a family member as the individual who had the greatest impact. Within the
family category, fathers were clearly the most influential agent (for males and
females alike); they were named by over one-third of the sample (see also
Thompson & Forsyth, 2012). However, although our data revealed the powerful
 CHAPTER 2 ▸ The Process of Becoming a Sport Fan 37

Family Members, and in Particular Fathers, Can Be Powerful Agents of Sport Fan
Socialization

influences of family as a socializing agent, the impact of one’s family (including

parents) likely decreases as one transitions from youth to adolescence and adoles-
cence to young adulthood (Casper & Menefee, 2010a; Yoh et al., 2009).
Another interesting result involved the gender of the socialization agents
(Wann et al., 2001). Gender of the agent was detectible in slightly over half of
the cases (e.g., father, sister, aunt, etc.). An examination of these agents revealed
that they were far more likely to be male than female. Thus, it was evident that
both male and female fans were more likely to be socialized into the sport fol-
lower role by males. Although one might believe that other women would have
a stronger influence on the sport fan socialization for females, such was not the
case. Similarly, Farrell et al. (2011) summarized their work on female sport fans
by stating “the most robust theme to emerge was the profound male influence in
the spectator lives of women” (p. 190). The fact that males wield such a domi-
nant influence in the process of sport fan socialization should not be taken
lightly. Rather, it likely aids in the persistence of the male hegemony associated
with sport in general and sport fandom specifically, a topic that is examined
further in Chapter 11.

Cross-Cultural Research on Sport

Fan Socialization
Thus far, our investigation of sport fan socialization has focused on people from
North America. However, sport fandom is a worldwide phenomenon. Thus, it
38 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
is important to consider whether the socialization process varies among persons
in different cultural groups. For instance, the values, beliefs, attitudes, and
norms held by European soccer hooligans would almost assuredly differ from
those held by North American golf fans. Given this, it is important for research-
ers to conduct cross-cultural work to determine how the sport fan socialization
process differs across various sociocultural contexts. Fortunately, such a line of
investigation has been undertaken. In fact, we now have information on the
sport fan socialization process from persons living in a variety of regions, includ-
ing Norway (Melnick & Wann, 2004), Greece (Theodorakis & Wann, 2008),
Australia (Melnick & Wann, 2011), Qatar (Theodorakis et al., 2017), and the
United Kingdom (Parry et al., 2014). To remain consistent with the work con-
ducted by Wann et al. (2001), persons in each of the aforementioned studies
reported on the influence of the four key socialization agents on their becoming
a sport fan. Taken together, these studies highlight both cultural differences and
similarities in the socialization process.
The influence of the four agents is depicted in Figure 2.1. Several points
become apparent when looking at the figure. First, friends were consistently
listed as a critical socialization agent across all cultures sampled. In fact, it was
the highest rated agent for five of the samples and the second highest for the
other. Second, there was little variability among agents in the Grecian sample,
suggesting that each source had a roughly equal level of influence. Third, some
countries differed markedly in the influence of communities and schools. For
instance, although community was least important for the persons in the United
States and United Kingdom samples, it was quite influential for those in Norway.
Conversely, schools were far more powerful as socialization agents in the United
States and United Kingdom than in Norway. As Melnick and Wann (2004)
noted, this pattern of effects is reasonable when one considers the sport cultures
High

6.5
Influence of the Agent

6
5.5
Parents
5
Friends
4.5
Schools
4
Community
Low

3.5

Culture

FIGURE 2.1 The Influence of Agents of Sport Fan Socialization Across Six Cultures.
Scales Ranged From 1 to 8, with Higher Numbers Reflecting a Greater Influence for
That Agent
 CHAPTER 2 ▸ The Process of Becoming a Sport Fan 39
in these locales. For example, the interscholastic model found in the United
States likely results in greater attention being placed on school athletic teams,
while the club model in Norway renders the community (and community-based
teams) as superordinate.
Before leaving our discussion of cross-cultural work on sport fan socializa-
tion, a couple of points warrant mention. First, it should be noted that these
projects utilized small convenience samples often comprised of university stu-
dents. Thus, the results are limited in their generalizability. However, even with
this limitation, this body of work provides a partial glimpse into the process of
sport fan socialization for persons in the different countries.
Second, the work detailed above focused on only four socialization agents. Of
course, there are many others. In particular, individuals learn about and may be
socialized into sport fandom through media outlets such as team magazines,
television programs, and the Internet. Socialization in this manner may be par-
ticularly common among displaced fans who are often far removed from other
socializing agents such as friends and community (Farred, 2002). Interestingly,
there is evidence to suggest that the impact of the media increases as people
move from their early teens to early 20s (Yoh et al., 2009) and is particularly
influential in the socialization of fans who did not play the sport in their child-
hood (Casper & Menefee, 2010b).

Some Final Thoughts

The current chapter focused on the process of becoming involved in sport fan-
dom and attachments fans develop for various sport objects. Our presentation
of this issue was divided into two sections: connecting to sport objects via the
process described by the Psychological Continuum Model (Funk & James,
2001, 2006, 2016), and the process of sport fan socialization and the many
agents that teach us what it means to be a fan. A few final thoughts warrant
discussion before leaving these critical issues. First, the process of connecting
with teams, players, and other entities within the realm of sport fandom is
closely tied to the construct of involvement (Dimanche, Havitz, & Howard,
1993; Kerstetter & Kovich, 1997). Involvement is defined as a “state of motiva-
tion, arousal, or interest toward a recreational activity or associated product”
(Iwasaki & Havitz, 1998, p. 260). Involvement is believed to be composed of
five factors: attraction, sign, centrality to lifestyle, risk probability, and risk con-
sequence (Funk & James, 2001). Table 2.2 includes a list of these factors and an
explanation of each. The involvement factors are believed to differentially
impact connections with a sport team, relative to the stage of connection. For
example, at the stage of Awareness, a person would be expected to have low
scores on the measures assessing each involvement factor. At the Attraction
stage, a person would likely have a high score on the attraction factor as a func-
tion of anticipated hedonic need fulfillment. At the same time, we would expect
scores on the sign and centrality factors to be lower. However, at the Attachment
stage, a team may be viewed as representative of the self, and, therefore, scores
on the sign factor would be higher. If following a team becomes important to an
individual, then she or he would likely organize his or her time around watching
40 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports

TABLE 2.2 Five Factors Comprising Involvement

Factor Definition Example

Attraction The interest in an activity For example, the hedonic
or product, and the value associated with
pleasure derived from following a sport team.
participation or use.
Sign The unspoken statement For example, the Steelers
that purchase or are known as hard working;
participation conveys about I am a Steelers fan, I am
the person. hard working.
Centrality to Encompassing friends and Following a particular team
Lifestyle families centered around to feel accepted by family
activities and the primary or friends.
role of the activities in an Organizing one’s life
individual’s life. around following the
favorite team.
Risk The perceived probability For example, what is the
Probability of making a poor decision. likelihood that choosing not
to attend a game is a bad
decision?
Risk The perceived importance What happens if I follow a
Consequence of negative consequences losing team?
in the case of a poor
decision.

Note: Definitions are derived from the work of Havitz and Dimanche (1997), Iwasaki and
Havitz (1998), Laurent and Kapferer (1985), and McIntyre (1989).

the team and attending the team’s games. This greater degree of importance
should be reflected in a higher centrality score. In Chapter 5, we examine further
how the involvement factors can be used to determine stage of psychological
connection.
As for the process of sport fan socialization, you may have noticed that the
agents found to be most influential tend to be people (or persons). However,
non-person factors can be important as well. For example, Kolbe and James
(2000) found that the notion of a team representing a specific locale (e.g., “the
hometown team”) was an important influence on a person becoming a fan.
Additionally, the media, promotions, and special events could also be consid-
ered non-person factors. It is likely that these non-person agents interact in some
manner with one’s personal experience as a fan. That is, one has to value the
idea of a team being representative of one’s hometown for that factor to be
influential. The point we are drawing out here is that when we think about
socialization, although we like to focus on “primary” influences or the person
with the “most” influence, we must keep in mind that the process is not linear
or even dichotomous. It might be more realistic to think of the sport fan
 CHAPTER 2 ▸ The Process of Becoming a Sport Fan 41
socialization process as a wave, with various agents and factors flowing over
and around an individual throughout her or his life. These waves likely include
different agents and influential factors over time.
Thus, it is important to remember that sport fan socialization is a lifelong
process. For example, consider the NHL fandom experience of the first author.
Although I had routinely followed almost every sport, I made it into my early
50s before ever attending (or even casually watching or following) a profes-
sional hockey game. It was at this time that I found myself romantically involved
with a Nashville Predators fan. Looking back, it seems as though my identifica-
tion with the “Preds” paralleled my relationship with Michelle (now my wife).
The more involved we became, the more I was socialized to follow hockey and
support the Nashville team. We now attend 5–6 games per year and have even
discussed purchasing a season ticket package. Similarly, it is possible (perhaps
even common) for parents to be socialized to follow a new sport or team via
their children. Referred to as reverse socialization (Hyatt, Kerwin, Hoeber, &
Sveinson, 2017), this process can occur when a child becomes involved in a
sport (or supports a team) with which his or her parents had yet to become
acquainted (e.g., mom and dad now follow soccer because their child is on a
school soccer team). Thus, it is critical not to view sport fan socialization as
simply a top-down process. Quite to the contrary, socialization agents can and
often do continue to exert influence throughout one’s lifetime. As a consequence,
fandom tends to be an ever-evolving and dynamic enterprise for those involved
with the pastime.
 CHAPTER 3
Points of Attachment:
How and Why Fans Follow SportsPoints of Attachment

Understanding
Connections to Teams,
Players, and Beyond
I love football!
I am a diehard Cowboys fans!
I am a huge Stephen Curry fan!
I love Wrigley Field!

The preceding statements each convey some type of psychological connection

common among sport fans. In Chapter 2, we examined the Psychological
Continuum Model (PCM; Funk & James, 2001, 2006) as a framework for
understanding the strength of connections people form with sport objects and
the processes through which these connections develop. At the Awareness stage,
the connection entails knowledge that a particular team exists, but the attitude
toward the team remains ambiguous. Remember the Jacksonville Jumbo Shrimp
discussion from Chapter 2? You are now aware of this team, but likely have no
particular connection to it. At the Attraction stage, the connection is likely a
hedonic motive (e.g., a desire to have fun) or a social-situational factor (e.g., a
desire to spend time with family or friends). At the Attachment stage, the team
(or other sport object) has become a person’s favorite, and the connection has
become intrinsically important. This may involve viewing the team’s values as
symbolic of one’s own, and the fan may be developing a sense of identification
with the team. At the Allegiance stage, the connection reflects a strong associa-
tion with the self-concept. A person no longer regards herself or himself as just
a fan of the team but, rather, views himself or herself as part of the team. The
strong association found at the Allegiance stage influences the fan’s affect,
behavior, and cognition (i.e., how he or she feels, acts, and thinks).
The quotes used to open this chapter express a strong connection. Words and
phrases such as “love,” “diehard,” and “huge fan” reflect a powerful attach-
ment to a sport object. Importantly though, taken together these quotes convey

42
 CHAPTER 3 ▸ Points of Attachment 43
something else as well. Sport fans may form connections to a variety of different
sport objects. Although authors writing about the PCM typically use a sport
team as the focal object, the reality is individuals form connections with many
different components of the fan experience. The focus of the current chapter is
on these different objects of connection.
It is also important to pay careful attention to the terms used in this chapter.
Specifically, notice the phrase “points of attachment” in the chapter title. When
they discuss the PCM, authors typically write about psychological connections.
So, what is up with the phrase “points of attachment”? No, it is not simply the
Attachment stage in the PCM (we agree that the use of the same term adds to
the confusion). As explained, a connection with a sport object in the context of
the PCM can range from simple awareness and knowledge to strong levels of
allegiance. On the other hand, the phrase “points of attachment” typically refers
to particular types of connections, namely, one’s identification with sport
objects.
The phrase and concept of “points of attachment” traces back to work from
Trail et al. (2003). Of particular note is their introduction of the Points of
Attachment Index (PAI), a scale used to measure connections with seven differ-
ent sport objects: team, coach, community, university, players, level of sport
(i.e., competition), and sport. Thus, the work by Trail et al. (2003), and much
of the PAI work that has followed, dealt with an individual’s strength of identi-
fication with different sport-related objects, whether it is a sport, team, player,
or some other entity. In essence, research that includes the PAI involves measur-
ing levels of identification with particular sport-related targets. This type of
research aligns with some elements of, but is not as comprehensive as, the PCM,
given that the PCM describes the process of connections rather than simply the
type and magnitude of attachments.
Regardless of the nomenclature used, what is clear is that if we are going to
better understand sport fans, we must pay attention to the sport objects with
which they connect, how these connections form, and what influences the con-
nections might have on fan affect, behavior, and cognition. In this chapter, we
provide a review of the research involving points of attachment, then focus on
the connections fans form with two particular objects: teams and players.

Points of Attachment
What are the sport-related objects to which people connect? As noted, a sport
team is one such entity. By extension, fans may have an interest in one or more
specific players on a favorite team. It is also possible fans have an interest in a
particular player, but not a strong connection to the player’s team. For example,
some fans of LeBron James are interested in his performance as a professional
basketball player, regardless of whether he is playing for Cleveland, or Miami,
or Cleveland again (and whatever the next team may be).
We can also think from team back to sport. That is, a person may have a
favorite team, but preceding their interest in the team may have been their con-
nection with a particular sport. Indeed, James (1997) found most children he
interviewed indicated they had a favorite sport prior to selecting their favorite
44 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
team. The preceding highlights an important point: fans often identify with mul-
tiple sport objects. For example, it is hard to imagine someone announcing his
or her love for a favorite basketball team but then claiming not to like the sport
of basketball. Similarly, not everyone having a favorite team will have played
that particular sport. Understanding that not all sport fans will have actively
participated in a particular sport is important, especially for those interested in
sport consumer behavior. Although many fans have participated in various
sports (as noted in Chapter 1), having played a sport is not a necessary qualifica-
tion for having a favorite sport or team. For example, consider that many
women have a favorite NFL team. Although they may have played other sports,
they likely had little to no opportunity to participate in organized football.
As the preceding paragraphs suggest, there are many sport objects with which
fans can form an attachment. They can connect with sports, teams, players, and
many other aspects of the sporting environment. Researchers have studied the
extent to which fans connect with various sport-related objects. For example,
Schurr, Wittig, Ruble, and Ellen (1988) studied connections with a university,
players, and sport. Similarly, Murrell and Dietz (1992) also wrote about fans
connecting with these same three sport objects. Matsuoka and Fujimoto (2002)
proposed that fans may connect with players, coaches, other fans, or the home-
town of a team (referred to as place attachment). Much of the previous work
targeting points of attachment includes studying multiple objects (see Table 3.1
for examples of such work). Although that approach did not necessarily origi-
nate with Trail et al. (2003), it may have become the standard methodology in
large part because of the development of the Points of Attachment Index.

Points of Attachment Research and

the Sport Objects with Which Fans
Form a Connection
As noted above, Trail et al. (2003) developed the Points of Attachment Index
(PAI) to measure connections with different sport objects. In their work, five
objects (team, coach, community, university, and players) were grouped as an
assessment of organizational connection, while sport and level of sport were
grouped as an indicator of overall sport connection. The organizational and
sport connections were linked to various motives. For instance, vicarious
achievement was associated with the organizational objects, while skill, aesthet-
ics, drama, and knowledge were associated with the sport objects.
Shortly after the original work by Trail and his colleagues (2003), Robinson
et al. (2004) continued work on points of attachment in their study of fans’ con-
nections to golf-related objects. Their work included testing connections with a
specific golfer, the tour, one’s community, the sport of golf, and a charity.
Robinson et al. (2004) examined whether particular motives were associated
with certain objects of connection, finding that vicarious achievement was sig-
nificantly related to connections to a golfer and the tour. No other motive was
strongly associated with a particular golf-related object.
 CHAPTER 3 ▸ Points of Attachment 45

TABLE 3.1 Points of Attachment Research

Citation Points of Attachment

Ballouli, Trial, Koesters, and Team, Athlete, Place, Sport, Level of
Bernthal (2016) Competition, Community
Tokmak and Aksov (2016) Team, Athlete, Coach, Level of Sport
Spinda, Wann, and Hardin (2016) Team, Sport, University, Athlete, Level
of Competition, Coach, Conference
Dwyer, Mudrick, Greenhalgh, Team
LeCrom, and Drayer (2015)
Keaton, Watanabe, and Gearhart Team, Athlete
(2015)
Reams, Eddy, and Cork (2015) Sport, Level of Competition, Athlete,
Sponsors
Yoshida, Gordon, Heere, and Community
James (2015)
Zembura and Zysko (2015) Athlete, Organization, Sport
Shapiro, Drayer, and Dwyer (2014) Sport, Team, Athlete, Community
Cottingham, Chatfield, Gearity, Athlete, Sport, Community
Allen, and Hall (2012)
Gencer, Kiremitci, and Boyacioglu Team, Sport, Level of Competition,
(2011) Community
Karg and McDonald (2011) Sport, Team, League, Athlete, Coach
Woo, Trail, Kwon, and Anderson Team, Coach, University, Athlete,
(2009) Sport, Level of Competition
Dittmore, Stodt, and Greenwell Team, Sport, Athlete
(2008)
Robinson and Trail (2005) Athlete, Team, Coach, Sport, Level of
Competition, Community, University
Robinson, Trail, and Kwon (2004) Athlete, Coach, Community, Team,
Sport, Level of Competition, University
Murrell and Dietz (1992) University, Athlete, Sport
Schurr, Wittig, Ruble, and Ellen University, Athlete, Sport
(1988)

The study of multiple points of attachment continued beyond the work by

Trail and his colleagues. For example, Dittmore, Stoldt, and Greenwell (2008)
measured connections with team, sport, and player among consumers of a
weblog for a Major League Baseball team. They found that connections with the
team was strongest, followed by sport, and then player. Karg and McDonald
(2011) examined differences in connections to five sport objects among fantasy
sport participants and non-participants. Specifically, they investigated connec-
tions to sport, league, team, players, and coach. They found that fantasy sport
players reported a stronger connection with each object compared to persons
not playing fantasy sport. The strongest connections were with team, sport, and
46 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
players, respectively. Cottingham et al. (2012) studied points of attachment for
wheelchair rugby. The objects of connection included player, sport, and disabil-
ity community. Connection to sport and disability community were each signifi-
cant predictors of future attendance intentions.
Although research on points of attachment typically targets sport, level of
sport, team, player, university/school, and community, we would be remiss not
to acknowledge that fans can connect to any sport-related object. For example,
a fan could feel a connection to a particular piece of sporting equipment, such
as a favorite football or baseball. Or maybe an autographed basketball from a
favorite player has particular importance to the fan. Individuals may well go to
extreme measures to take care of these items because of the strong connections
they feel for the memorabilia. Likewise, a person could have a strong connection
with a particular piece of sport apparel, such as a favorite jersey. Other sport-
related objects to which individuals connect include sport conference (Spinda
et al., 2016) and team sponsors (Reams et al., 2015).
A final sport object with which fans form a connection is a particular place
(i.e., place attachment). For example, a major component of the attachment
Nebraska Cornhusker fans feel for their football team centers on their connec-
tion with the state of Nebraska (Aden, 2008). Although place attachment is
often a general locale such as a city or state, at other times the connection is with
a specific facility. For some fans, a stadium, arena, or other sport venue is an
object to which they form a strong connection. And we mean really strong con-
nection. Remillard (2015) writes about sport venues that people consider sacred,

Sport Fans Often Become Attached to a Location, Such as the Strong Connection Fans
of the University of Nebraska Cornhuskers Often Have With the State of Nebraska
 CHAPTER 3 ▸ Points of Attachment 47
viewing a place with a type of religious reverence (the link between sport fan-
dom and religion is discussed in Chapter 11). For example, Remillard refers to
an exhibit at the Baseball Hall of Fame in Cooperstown, New York, titled
“Sacred Ground” that highlights noteworthy ballparks in the United States. We
could write for several pages about college sport venues and the history and
tradition associated with them. For instance, Delia and James (in press) docu-
ment the importance of the Carrier Dome, a venue that is an integral point of
connection for many Syracuse University fans.
Thus, fans may connect with any number of objects; no one is limited to hav-
ing an interest in just one sport, one team, one player, or one anything sport-
related. Fans can and often do connect with multiple sports, teams, players, and
other sport-related objects. For example, Grieve and his colleagues (2009) found
that fans averaged greater than a half dozen attachments just with different
teams. Think again about our Lebron James example. Some people may have
become Cleveland Cavalier fans simply because James was part of the team.
When he left to play for Miami, some of these fans may have formed a new
allegiance, becoming supporters of the Miami Heat. At the same time, other
individuals may have been Cavaliers’ fans prior to James becoming a member of
the team. As a result of his playing for their favorite team, they could have
become fans of James. When James changed teams, some may have continued
to support him while also remaining fans of the Cavaliers. Clearly, fans can be
complicated people.

Attachments to Teams: Team Identification

Identification with sport teams and the implications of these connections are one
of the most oft studied topics among scholars of sport fandom since the 1990s.
A literature search that utilized team identification as a primary variable of
interest found over 100 journal articles published between 1980 and 2018.
Furthermore, the topic of team identification has been cited in hundreds of addi-
tional articles. The study of team identification has been largely influenced by
and generally originated with Wann and Branscombe’s (1993) publication of
the Sport Spectator Identification Scale (SSIS). However, the topic of identifica-
tion among sport fans predates the work of Wann and Branscombe. As noted in
Chapter 1, two of the earliest mentions of team identification come from the
work of Brill (1929) and Griffith (1938). However, for all intents and purposes
the “modern day” study of team identification began with the work of Wann
and his colleagues.
In Chapter 1, we defined team identification as the extent to which a fan feels
psychologically connected to a team. The impact of that connection is what has
likely driven the interest in team identification as a topic of research. As we
explained in Chapter 1, sport scholars usually study the strength of identifica-
tion, ranging from low to high. Many scholars have examined the impact of
“low” and “high” team identification on attitude, behavior, and cognition.
A strong connection (i.e., high identification) is expected to result in consistent
and enduring behaviors and attitudes towards a team (James et al., 2002). Such
48 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
behaviors include purchasing event tickets (Wann, Bayens, & Driver, 2004),
merchandise (Kwon & Armstrong, 2002; Lee & Ferreira, 2011), and team
apparel (Kwon, Trail, & James, 2007), and positive word of mouth (Swanson,
Gwinner, Larson, & Janda, 2003). In addition to marketing benefits, Wann
(2006c) has discussed social psychological benefits of team identification, includ-
ing enhancement of social well-being.
The range—not just the magnitude—of scholarly activity on team identifica-
tion is indicative of its appeal to those who study sport fandom. It is somewhat
ironic to note, however, that more than 25 years after the initial work by Wann
and Branscombe (1993), sport scholars are just now giving proper attention to
the theoretical underpinnings of team identification. Indeed, Lock and Heere
(2017) point out that in the 1990s and early 2000s, the study of team identifica-
tion often failed to include strong theoretical foundations. The authors did
acknowledge that scholars had discussed team identification as a type of social
identification (cf., Branscombe & Wann, 1991; Heere & James, 2007; Kwon
et al., 2007; Madrigal, 1995), grounded in Social Identity Theory (SIT) (Tajfel &
Turner, 1979). Fink et al. (2002) noted explicitly that “Team identification is
based on social identity theory” (p. 196). There have also been some scholars
(Trail, Anderson, & Lee, 2016; Trail & James, 2015) that have endeavored to
study team identification using Identity Theory (Stryker, 1968) as a theoretical
framework. Lock and Heere offer several insightful suggestions for improving
the theoretical study of team identification.
According to the PCM, connections to a sport team progress from awareness,
to attraction, to attachment, to allegiance. Where does identification fit in to
such a progression? The Awareness stage simply involves knowledge that teams
exist and learning about different teams, players, and coaches. The Attraction
stage reflects an interest in attending a game played by a particular team.
However, the connection is likely based on some social-situational (e.g., attend-
ing with family or friends) or hedonic (seeking a fun experience) factor. Thus, it
is likely that identification with a team has not yet developed in either the
Awareness or Attraction stages. Funk and James (2016) explain that as a team
takes on intrinsic importance and meaning for a person, she or he has advanced
to the stage of Attachment. Thus, identification is associated with this stage.
Tajfel’s (1978) definition that social identity is “that part of an individual’s self-
concept which derives from his knowledge of his membership of a social group
(or groups) together with the value and emotional significance attached to that
membership” (p. 63). Identification involves associating the team with one’s
self-concept or forming an attachment.

The Origins of Team Identification

Think for a moment about when you first started supporting your favorite team.
Do you remember the reasons for your initial decision to follow this team? Now
imagine asking your friends and family members who also support this team to
recall the reasons they originally started following the team. In all likelihood,
their explanations would not be the same as yours. In fact, you may be surprised
to learn the factors leading to their support. Indeed, researchers have found
 CHAPTER 3 ▸ Points of Attachment 49
there is a wide range of reasons that underlie fan’s initial identification with a
team (Wann, Tucker, & Schrader, 1996). And some of the reasons seem to lack
reason. For instance, consider how actor Matthew McConaughey became a fan
of the Washington Redskins even though he was born and raised in Texas,
home of the rival Dallas Cowboys. When asked why he began to support the
Redskins, McConaughey noted that his favorite food at that time was hamburg-
ers and the Redskins had a player named Chris Hanburger (Steinberg, 2013). In
a more personally relevant example, consider the experiences of the first author
of your text. I am a diehard Cubs fan, a devotion that dates back to the late
1960s. Did I grow up in Chicago? Nope, not even in Illinois. Did my family fol-
low the Cubs? Nope, and quite to the contrary, my father was a fan of the rival
St. Louis Cardinals, having grown up in southeast Missouri. So why did
I become a fan of the Cubs? Because my older brother decided to follow in our
father’s footsteps and also support the Cardinals (sport fan socialization in
action). Consequently, in an attempt to drive my older sibling crazy, I decided
to support a rival of the Cardinals and, hence, became a Cubs fan.
Many fans have similar stories of the strange circumstances that ignited their
passion for a team. Listening to fans tell these stories may lead to the impression
that the origin of team identification is a purely random process. However, this
is not the case. Rather, a number of informative studies have been undertaken
that shed light on the most common origins (also referred to as causes or ante-
cedents) of identification. For instance, Wann and his colleagues (1996) asked
91 college students to state why they originally began to follow their favorite
team. Participants generated a list of over 300 reasons, and one person reported
16 reasons for originally following a team! And to make matters even more
complex, there was not a great deal of agreement among the participants. For
example, no single factor was listed by more than 13 percent of the sample, and
only two causes (characteristics of the players and one’s family followed the
team) were listed by as many as 10 percent of the respondents (Wann et al.,
1996).
Because fans list such a wide variety of reasons for originally following a
team, to describe them without some form or structure would be a logistical
nightmare. Thankfully, a typology has been proposed to assist in our under-
standing of the variety of factors impacting the origination of team identifica-
tion (Wann, 2006a). According to this perspective, the wide range of reasons
fans originally begin supporting a team can be grouped into one of three catego-
ries: psychological, environmental, and team-related.

Psychological Origins of Team Identification Wann (2006a) lists two

critical psychological origins of team identification: the need to belong and the
need for distinctiveness. You may recall that these innate psychological drives
were discussed at length in Chapter 1 and that sport fandom has the potential
to assist individuals in meeting these needs (Goldman et al., 2016; Groeneman,
2017; Theodorakis et al., 2012).
As for the need to belong, individuals can satisfy their desire to gain connec-
tions to others by rooting for a sport team, particularly if that team has a strong
local following. By supporting the local team, one can gain a sense of unity and
50 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
cohesion with others (Gwinner & Swanson, 2003; Watkins, 2014). In fact,
Sutton, McDonald, Milne, and Cimperman (1997) contend that a desire for
“affiliation is the most significant correlate of fan identification” (p. 18). Wann
et al. (1996) found that the desire to spend time with others was a fairly com-
mon antecedent for team identification, as this factor was listed third-most fre-
quently. The need to belong may be a particularly powerful driver for
identification with new teams because other potential links (e.g., players and
team success) may not yet be in place (James et al., 2002; Lock, Taylor, &
Darcy, 2011).
In addition, researchers suggest that the need to belong may be especially
common among female fans (Aiken & Koch, 2009; Dietz-Uhler et al., 2000).
For instance, consider a recent study by Koch and Wann (2016). In this research,
fans completed a questionnaire assessing the extent to which the origin of their
identification for a favorite team was based on a desire to establish relationships
with others (e.g., “I became a fan of my favorite team to bond with family,
friends, and/or peers”). They found that females were significantly more likely
than males to originally identify with a team for relationship-based reasons.
In terms of the need for distinctiveness, one way for individuals to feel unique
is to identify with groups that separate them from the mainstream. As it relates to
fandom, persons may choose to support a team because the team is different in
some way. For instance, one (albeit dangerous) way for persons in New York City
to stand out and feel unique would be to begin supporting the Boston Red Sox.
The needs for belongingness and distinctiveness were the focus of recent work
by DeRossett and Wann (2018). These authors asked United States college stu-
dents to read a vignette describing a pair of equally successful Australian
Professional Cricket teams (both teams were fictional). One team was described
as being very popular and having a large fan base; the other was said to be less
popular and had more of a cult-type following. Subsequent to reading the
vignette, participants selected the team they would be most likely to support.
Lastly, they completed scales assessing their need for belongingness and distinc-
tiveness. The results indicated that persons who chose the more unique (less
mainstream) team had higher levels of need for distinctiveness than those select-
ing the popular team. And which team did participants higher in need for
belonging prefer? As you may have guessed, these persons were more likely to
place their allegiance with the popular team.
For a third psychological origin of team identification, we need to return to
the Koch and Wann (2016) project. In addition to investigating relationship-
based origins of identification, this work also examined recognition-based ante-
cedents (e.g., “I became a fan of my favorite team to be known as a fan of that
team”). The authors found that participants were more likely to have begun
following a team due to a desire to be recognized as a fan of the team than to
establish relationships with others. It warrants mention that the desire to sup-
port a team to be viewed as a fan of that team is distinct from the desire to gain
a sense of belonging. That is, belonging as an antecedent of identification
involves using the team to establish social relationships. However, recognition-
based origins involve a desire to manage one’s impression by being perceived as
 CHAPTER 3 ▸ Points of Attachment 51
a supporter of the team, a common practice among fans (Cialdini et al., 1976;
Wann, 2006a).
A fourth psychological cause was noted by Dimmock and Grove (2006) in
their research on uncertainty reduction. Subjective Uncertainty Reduction
Theory (Hogg & Abrams, 1993) proposes that individuals possess a fundamen-
tal need for certainty because it provides meaning in life and an understanding
of acceptable forms of behavior. One method of gaining certainty is via shared
group membership (Grieve & Hogg, 1999). Given this, Dimmock and Grove
hypothesized that team identification may assist in the need to reduce uncer-
tainty. Consistent with expectations, they found that persons higher in the need
for a structured life had higher levels of identification with their favorite team,
leading the authors to surmise that “the desire for subjective certainty might
influence the development of team identification” (p. 1209).

Environmental Origins of Team Identification One of the most critical

environmental origins of team identification is the sport fan socialization process
(Wann, 2006a). As was detailed in the previous chapter, socialization begins
during the Awareness stage of the PCM (Funk & James, 2001) and involves
exposure to a team via socialization agents. For example, if an individual’s
friends and/or family actively root for a team, this person may also begin to
develop an affinity for the team (Crawford, 2003; Greenwood, Kanters, &
Casper, 2006; Groeneman, 2017; Gwinner & Swanson, 2003; Keaton &
Gearhart, 2014; Wann et al., 1996). Often, fans who are socialized to follow a
team do so out of a sense of obligation to their family and friends (Koch &
Wann, 2013). Your first author’s youngest son, Kevin, witnessed firsthand a
family’s socialization of a child to support a specific team. While working at an
arcade-style game room, Kevin was approached by a mother and her young
child. The child had several hundred tickets he had won playing various games.
The boy eyed a University of Louisville basketball and was overjoyed to learn
that he had enough tickets to purchase the item. The joy quickly turned to
sorrow (and many tears) when his mother refused to allow him to select the
item, stating that they were University of Kentucky fans and definitely not
supporters of Louisville. The child was informed that because they did not have
a Kentucky basketball, he was not getting a basketball.
James (2001) noted the potential for socialization agents to have a combined
impact on identification with a favorite team. For instance, although a person’s
father may have a strong influence on identification (particularly for younger
fans, see Kolbe & James, 2000), it is likely there is a community influence as
well, particularly if a fan grows up in the hometown of the favorite team (more
about the impact of geography below). In essence, the importance of the team is
reinforced through messages at home, interactions with peers, and messages
through various media outlets. Additionally, the team is likely engaging in pro-
motional activities to foster a positive connection with fans. Thus, fans are most
likely socialized to follow a team by multiple sources.
Another environmental origin, and one that is likely related to socialization,
involves geographical nearness to a team. Research suggests that growing up
52 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
and/or living near a team can be a powerful force in facilitating team identifica-
tion (Aiken & Koch, 2009; Greenwood et al., 2006; Kolbe & James, 2000),
particularly for fans whose allegiance to the team was developed earlier in life
(Popp, Barrett, & Weight, 2016). Although Wann and his colleagues (1996)
found that a fair percentage (10 percent) of respondents listed geographical rea-
sons for originally identifying with a team, subsequent work provides evidence
this is more common than previously believed (e.g., Uemukai, Takenouchi,
Okuda, Matsumoto, & Yamanaka, 1995). For example, in his work with
English soccer fans, Jones (1997) found that over 60 percent of his sample listed
geography as an antecedent. Likewise, Groeneman (2017) found that geography
was listed by over 50 percent of fans of United States professional sports, the
most frequent factor influencing the origin of identification. Interestingly, the
impact of geography may be related to the type of sport in question. Specifically,
Keaton et al. (2015) found that geography was more critical as an antecedent to
identification with a team sport (i.e., college football) than to an individual sport
(i.e., NASCAR).
Three additional environmental causes are interactions with players, the sali-
ence of rival teams, and a team’s stadium (Wann, 2006a). As for player contact,
the logic here is that exposure to and interactions with players leads to interest
in the team (think Awareness and Attraction stages from the PCM) and such
interest can facilitate the development of team identification. Direct contact
with players via autograph sessions and other team events could be particularly
influential.
In terms of rival salience, increasing awareness of a rival should result in
greater levels of identification (Ashforth & Mael, 1989; Bass, Gordon, & Kim,
2013). This was the pattern of effects found by Luellen and Wann (2010). In
their research, college sport fans completed a questionnaire assessing their level

A Stadium or Arena Can Be an Antecedent of Team Identification

 CHAPTER 3 ▸ Points of Attachment 53
of identification with the University of Kentucky men’s basketball team.
Participants completed the identification measure both before and after watch-
ing a rival team’s highlight video or, for those in the control group, a generic
sport highlight video (the rival team was not depicted in the control film). As
expected, those exposed to the rival team video reported an increase in identifi-
cation with the Kentucky team, a pattern of effects absent from those watching
the control video.
Finally, fans may begin to identify with a team because of the team’s stadium
(Boyle & Magnusson, 2007; Underwood, Bond, & Baer, 2001; Watkins, 2014).
Specifically, fans may develop a sense of pride for and attachment to a unique or
historically relevant arena (e.g., Wrigley Field and Fenway Park in Major League
Baseball). Lee, Heere, and Chung (2013) investigated how a fan’s sensory expe-
rience at a stadium can impact team identification. They found that four
stadium-related sensory experiences (sight, sound, touch, and smell) influenced
team identification, with the visual sense having the greatest impact. The authors
concluded that the “sport venue experience through consumers’ senses can be
an antecedent of team identity” (p. 209).

Team-Related Origins of Team Identification The third category contained

in Wann’s (2006a) typology involves team-related origins of identification, that
is, issues directly related to the team itself. Wann further separates team-related
causes into three categories: organizational characteristics, team performance,
and player attributes. According to Sutton and his colleagues (1997),
organizational characteristics involve “the ‘off-field’ image of ownership,
decision making, and tradition of the franchise” (p. 15). This would include the
team’s history and rituals (Aiken & Koch, 2009; Boyle & Magnusson, 2007;
Underwood et al., 2001), such as chanting “Rock Chalk, Jayhawk” at Kansas
University basketball games and dotting the “i” in “Ohio” at The Ohio State
University football contests.
As for team performance, it should come as no surprise that fans frequently
begin to identify with a team due to the success of the franchise (Bass et al.,
2013; Fisher & Wakefield, 1998; Wann et al. 1996). In fact, some work has
found this to be the most influential factor (Aiken & Koch, 2009). End, Dietz-
Uhler, Harrick, and Jacquemotte (2002) asked participants to list the teams
with which they felt some level of identification and to rank the list from most
preferred to least preferred. The authors then examined the success of these
teams (e.g., winning percentage, Top 25 national ranking) and found that the
teams listed were significantly more successful than one would have expected.
For example, the teams listed had winning percentages far greater than .500.
Additionally, those teams ranked higher in preference were more successful than
those with a lower ranking. The authors concluded that fans utilize a team’s
past success as a criterion for determining which team (or teams) they choose to
support. It warrants mention that non-performance factors can also serve as
antecedents to team identification. For example, researchers report that trust in
a team (e.g., belief that a team keeps its promises, Wu, Tsai, & Hung, 2012) and
perceptions of a team’s values (Groeneman, 2017) are also significant facilita-
tors of identification.
54 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
In terms of player attributes, several investigators have found this to be a
common antecedent of identification (Kolbe & James, 2000; Wann et al., 1996;
Wu et al., 2012). Although player skill and ability are important (Aiken &
Koch, 2009), non-performance characteristics matter as well (Nelson, 2004;
Pritchard, Stinson, & Patton, 2010). For instance, it has been suggested that
fans often begin to identify with teams composed of players that are attractive
or similar to the fan (Fisher & Wakefield, 1998). However, in a direct compari-
son of these two traits, Fisher (1998) found that similarity was of greater impor-
tance than attractiveness in the development of identification.

Summary of the Origins of Team Identification Individuals may form a

connection with a team at any point in time, and that connection may strengthen
over the years. It is important to note that until a team takes on personal
importance and becomes an element of one’s self-concept, although the
individual may have an attraction to the team, he or she likely does not feel a
sense of identification. Rather, team identification is expected to form as
individuals reach the Attachment stage of the PCM. For those interested in sport
marketing and sport consumer behavior, we have to recognize that those at the
Attraction stage are seeking satisfaction or fulfillment of particular needs (e.g.,
social-situational, hedonic), but the connection does not yet involve identification.
Team identification concerns aligning the team with one’s self-concept and, in
so doing, engaging in behaviors such as buying tickets, buying merchandise, and
attending games in a manner that is more easily predicted. These points matter,
because those that study team identification “in the field,” that is, in actual sport
settings, must be careful about reporting whether fans are identified. As we
explain in the next section, there have been some problems with the interpretation
of whether people do or do not identify with a team.

Measurement of Team Identification

To aid in the assessment of team identification, Wann and Branscombe (1993)
developed the Sport Spectator Identification Scale (SSIS). Investigators from sev-
eral countries have successfully translated and used the SSIS in their work,
including researchers in the United States (Gayton, Coffin, & Hearns, 1998),
Germany (Straub, 1995), and Japan (Uemukai et al., 1995). Sample items from
the SSIS are shown in Table 3.2.
Trail and James (2001) published a second measure of team identification
that has had frequent use. Although the original work did not include a name
for the scale, it has since been labeled the Team Identification Index (TII). The
TII includes three items: (1) I already consider myself a fan of the [team name];
(2) I would feel a loss if I had to give up being a [team name] fan; and (3)
Others recognize that I am a big [team name] fan. People typically have
responded to the items on a seven-point scale anchored by “Strongly Disagree”
and “Strongly Agree.”
We have written specifically about the SSIS and TII because they have been
utilized most frequently by sport scholars. This is particularly true for the SSIS. In
fact, as of early 2018, Wann and Branscombe’s (1993) article introducing the
 CHAPTER 3 ▸ Points of Attachment 55

TABLE 3.2 Sample Items From the Sport Spectator Identification

Scale

1. How important is it to you that the [team name] wins?

Not Important   1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  Very Important
2. How strongly do you see yourself as a fan of the [team name]?
Not at All a Fan  1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  Very Much a Fan
3. How important is being a fan of the [team name] to you?
Not Important   1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  Very Important

Note: Wann and Branscombe (1993).

SSIS had been cited more than 1,000 times. In a review of more than 100 articles
utilizing team identification as a focal variable, we found the SSIS was included in
over half of the studies. However, there are other measures of team identification
besides the SSIS and the TII. For example, Fisher (1998) reported use of an eight-
item scale that was also included in Kim and Kim’s (2009) work. Swanson and
colleagues (2003) included a seven-item scale modeled on a measure of organiza-
tional identification originally published by Mael and Ashforth (2001) and simi-
lar in design to the scale reported by Bhattacharya, Rao, and Glynn (1995).
Regardless of whether researchers have used the SSIS, the TII, or some other
measure of identification, one of the challenges with previous work is the lack
of consistency in characterizing levels of identification. Those studying team
identification often use some technique to place respondents into high, moder-
ate, or low team-identification groups (James, Delia, & Wann, in press). Some
common methods used include a median split (e.g., Madrigal & Chen, 2008;
Wann et al., 2004; Wann, Ensor, & Bilyeu, 2001; Wann & Schrader, 1997),
upper and lower percentiles (e.g., Dimmock & Grove, 2005; Parker & Fink,
2010), a midpoint scale split (e.g., Fink, Parker, Brett, & Higgins, 2009), and,
in some instances, grouping individuals somewhat arbitrarily (e.g., Wann &
Grieve, 2005). However, because different researchers have used different points
along the identification continuum to divide fans into various groups, it can be
difficult to compare across studies. For example, utilizing the SSIS, Wann and
Schrader (1997) averaged the item scores and characterized an individual scor-
ing 5.1–7.0 as high identification; low identification included those scoring 1.0–
5.0. However, in the work done by Madrigal and Chen (2008), those scoring
3.4–6.8 were characterized as high identification, with those scoring 1.0–3.2 as
low identification. In another example, Lee and Ferreira (2011) characterized
those averaging 6.0 or 7.0 as high identification, and those averaging 1.0 or 2.0
as low identification.

Assessing Team Identification as a Unidimensional Versus Multi-

dimensional Construct A common characteristic of most team identification
measures is that they assess identification as a unidimensional construct. As you
56 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
might guess from the prefix “uni,” unidimensional means one. In this sense,
team identification is just a single concept or component, a person’s psychological
connection to a team. However, think back to Tajfel’s (1978) vision of social
identity: “that part of an individual’s self-concept which derives from his
knowledge of his membership of a social group (or groups) together with the
value and emotional significance attached to that membership” (p. 63). Given
this, Dimmock, Grove, and Eklund (2005) proposed that social identifications
such as sport team identification include three elements: cognitive (knowledge of
group membership), evaluative (value of group membership), and affective
(emotional significance of group membership).
As a multi-dimensional construct, team identification would be composed of
multiple elements. Heere and James (2007) proposed that a unidimensional
measure of team identification, such as the SSIS, provides a measure of an indi-
vidual’s sense of belonging (or connection) to a team. In other words, an assess-
ment of whether a person feels a sense of connection with the team and the
strength of that connection. Heere and James suggest further that a multi-
dimensional measure of team identification allows for assessment of an indi-
vidual’s self-concept, knowledge, and value of membership in a group and the
emotional significance attached to the membership. That is, viewed as a multi-
dimensional construct, team identification would include different components
and may provide a more complete picture of the basis for one’s identification
with a team.
Drawing from the work of Ashmore, Deaux, and McLaughlin-Volpe (2004),
Heere and James (2007) reported their efforts to test a multi-dimensional meas-
ure of team identification they labeled the TEAM*ID. Following the standard
scale development process established by Churchill (1999), Heere and James
provided evidence of a six-dimension scale: public evaluation, private evalua-
tion, interconnection to self, sense of interdependence, behavioral involvement,
and cognitive awareness. Descriptions of these dimensions can be found in
Table 3.3. Research conducted with the TEAM*ID scale has provided evidence
of the reliability and validity of the scale (Heere & Katz, 2014; Katz & Heere,
2016; Yoshida, Gordon, Heere, & James, 2015). Thus, the TEAM*ID scale is a
viable option for researchers interested in assessing team identification as a
multi-dimensional construct.
The choice to measure team identification with a uni- or multi-dimensional
scale should be based on the goal(s) of the particular research project. Both
scales provide a measure of whether an individual has a psychological con-
nection with a sport team. By extension, it is possible to characterize the
strength of an individual’s identification with a team. A unidimensional scale
provides a simple, parsimonious measure of team identification. A multi-
dimensional scale provides us with some understanding of what composes an
individual’s identification with a team. Thus, if the research goal is to better
understand why a person identifies with a team (i.e., what drives team identi-
fication), then a multi-dimensional scale is likely the proper choice. On the
other hand, if the goal is to capture whether there is a psychological connec-
tion (and the strength of that connection), a unidimensional scale is more
than sufficient.
 CHAPTER 3 ▸ Points of Attachment 57

TABLE 3.3 Dimensions Comprising the TEAM*ID Scale

Dimension Description
Public Evaluation How favorably others are perceived to regard a
particular social identity.
Private Evaluation How favorably others are perceived to regard
one’s own identity.
Interconnection to Self The cognitive merging of a sense of self and an
ingroup.
Sense of Interdependence An individual’s recognition that he or she is
treated the same as other group
members.
Behavioral Involvement The degree to which a person engages in
actions that directly implicate the
focal social identity.
Cognitive Awareness The degree of knowledge a person has of a
group that directly implicates his or her identity
with the group as a whole.

Note: From Heere and James (2007).

Misinterpreting Team Identification

James and his associates (in press) noted that through the first three decades of
team identification research, much of the work included an interpretation prob-
lem (your authors are included in the group of researchers responsible for the
misinterpretation). To understand the misinterpretation, it will be helpful to
refer back to the sample items from the SSIS listed in Table 3.2 (we will focus on
the SSIS, but the problem with misinterpretation can occur with any measure of
team identification). As researchers, we typically average or sum scores to the
items and report a team identification score. Once we have a set of team identi-
fication scores, we generally categorize them as high or low identification via
one of the methods mentioned above. However, whether we use a midpoint
split, a median split, or a tripartite split or treat the responses as continuous
data, we have misinterpreted participant responses by incorrectly labeling “not
identified” individuals as those with “low” identification.
Here is how the misinterpretation happens. The SSIS (and likely all team
identification scales) includes positive and negative anchors. Individuals who
score all team identification items as “1” are disagreeing with the items and
reporting they do not identify with the focal team. Yet we have consistently
characterized these participants as having a low level of team identification (and
remember, your authors are a part of this “we”). As James et al. (in press)
explain, there is a fundamental problem when researchers use anchors that pur-
port a “not,” “never,” or “strongly disagree” condition, yet they interpret this
“no” condition as “low” identification. Consider item 2 in the SSIS, which is
58 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
worded “How strongly do you see yourself as a fan of the [team]?” The anchors
for the item are “Not at all a fan” and “Very much a fan.” The individuals who
read the anchors and choose “Not at all a fan” are reporting they do not identify
with a focal team. Yet we have classified such individuals as having low team
identification.
Consider the following examples presented by James et al. (in press).

Example 1: In their research on spectating enjoyment, Wann and Schrader

(1997) explained “A median split of 5.1 on the subjects’ identification
scores was used to divide the subjects into high (n = 58; M = 6.1,
SD = 0.7, range = 5.1 to 7.9) and low (n = 56; M = 3.3, SD = 1.1,
range = 1.0 to 5.0) groups” (p. 954). Notice the range for the low
identification group, from 1 to 5.
Example 2: Investigating individuals’ causal attributions of game outcome,
Madrigal and Chen (2008) noted “As expected, those in the high-
identification group scored significantly higher on team identification
(n = 61; M = 5.00, SD = 1.12, range = 3.4–6.80) than did those in the low
identification group (n = 60; M = 2.08, SD = .67, range = 1–3.20),
t(119) = -17.33, p < .001” (p. 725). Thus, in this study, the range for the
low identification group was from 1 to 3.20.
Example 3: Levin, Beasley, and Gilson (2008) studied the relationship
between identification with NASCAR and intention to purchase products
of NASCAR sponsors. They wrote “Total scores ranged from a low of 6
to a high of 42, with a mean of 32.4” (p. 199). The authors used a
modified 6-item SSIS with scale range 1 to 7. Thus, some of those in the
low identification group scored a 1 on each of the six items.

You may be thinking “So what? Why does this matter? Is this really just a
problem of labeling?” Although some people might not think there is a problem
here, or that it is a trivial concern at most, we believe the misinterpretation is
much more than just a minor issue. Researchers have been reporting compari-
sons of high and low identified individuals which have in fact been comparisons
of highly identified individuals and some combination of individuals with low
and no identification. At the very least, our research has been plagued by a fail-
ure to recognize the not identified group.

Sport Spectator Identification Scale-

Revised (SSIS-R)
Assuming that we have sufficiently convinced you that the misinterpretation
issue is a problem worth addressing, you may now be wondering if there is any-
thing that can be done to remedy the situation. Thankfully, the answer is a
resounding “YES!” Because the problem of misinterpretation has arisen from
how team identification is assessed, a reasonable solution is to revise the meas-
urement tool. James and his colleagues (in press) reported on their effort to
revise the SSIS (the new scale is referred to as the SSIS-R) in an attempt to elimi-
nate the misinterpretation of team identification scores.
 CHAPTER 3 ▸ Points of Attachment 59
The screening question and sample items from the SSIS-R are shown in
Table 3.4. The first portion of the SSIS-R is designed to determine whether or
not a person is identified with a focal team. This is accomplished via a screen-
ing item asking, “Do you identify yourself as a fan of the [team name], even
if just a little bit?” The purpose of the screening question is to determine
whether there is any level of identification (that is, psychological connection)
with a target team. If a person does not identify as a fan, she or he would be
directed to the next section of the questionnaire. If a person does identify
with the team, even if just a little bit, she or he would respond to the items in
the SSIS-R.
Along with the addition of the screening item, the anchors with the SSIS-R
are different from the original SSIS. Individuals responding to the SSIS-R
items should have some level of connection with the team, given their
affirmative response to the screening item. Accordingly, they should not
disagree with any item. Thus, the anchors were revised to reflect the fact
that participants should have at least a minimal connection with the target
team (a comparison of Tables 3.2 and 3.4 will highlight the changes in
anchoring). Preliminary work using the SSIS-R is quite encouraging (James
et al., in press). It appears that with the SSIS-R, we seem to be able to cap-
ture those that are not identified and separate them from those that do
identify with a team.
To close out this section, we return once more to the question of whether
“low identification” versus “not identified” really matters. We wholeheartedly
believe it does. For sport scholars, it does matter that we are performing research
correctly, that we are accurately reporting results, and that we serve our peers in
the industry without misleading them. And, it does matter that we do our sci-
ence well and to the best of our ability. Misinterpreting data and mislabeling
participants is simply not the best science available. Scholars interested in sport
fandom can and must do better. We believe the SSIS-R (or another scale with
similar modifications) can assist in this matter.

TABLE 3.4 Sample Items From the Sport Spectator Identification

Scale-Revised

Do you identify yourself as a fan of the [team name], even if just a little bit?
Please circle the appropriate letter: A. Yes B. No
1. How important is it to you that the [team name] wins?
A Little Important  1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  Very Important
2. How strongly do you see yourself as a fan of the [team name]?
Slightly a Fan      1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  Very Much a Fan
3. How important is being a fan of the [team name] to you?
A Little Important  1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  Very Important

Note: James, Delia, and Wann (in press).

60 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports

Athletes and Players as Points of

Attachment
In the previous sections, we have examined the strong connections sport fans
develop and maintain with teams. However, if you were to wander into a sport-
ing goods store and happen upon the team apparel section, another form of
attachment would become apparent. Specifically, many of the team jerseys for
sale would contain the names and numbers of popular local and national sport
figures. This reveals the fact that fans frequently become attached to specific
players (Robinson & Trail, 2005; Robinson et al., 2004) and often imagine hav-
ing social encounters with them (Keaton, Gearhart, & Honeycutt, 2014). In
many cases, these players become heroes to fans (Bain-Selbo & Sapp, 2016;
Griggs et al., 2012; Mandelbaum, 2004; Peetz, Parks, & Spencer, 2004). In the
paragraphs that follow, we review the process of attachment to athletes and the
hero worship of these public figures by examining the prevalence of sport heroes,
the process of selecting a sport hero, and the consequences of when sport heroes
fall from grace.

The Sports World as a Source of Heroes:

The Prevalence of Sport Heroes
Research suggests that the sports world is a fairly consistent source of heroes for
children, although parents and other family members are more likely to be listed
as a hero (Stevens, Lathrop, & Bradish, 2003; Wallis, 1999). Sport heroes were
nonexistent among 12- to 14-year-old Americans prior to the 1900s, but by
mid-century it had emerged as an important category, accounting for 23 percent
of choices (Averill, 1950; Darrah, 1898). More recent data provide evidence to
confirm that sport figures serve as a relatively common exemplar category for
children, at least among those residing in North America (Giuliano, Turner,
Lundquist, & Knight, 2007). Although percentages vary across studies, most
suggest that between 15 and 25 percent of children list a sport figure as their
greatest hero (Foundation for Child Development, 1977; Harris, 1994; Stevens
et al., 2003; Wallis, 1999). However, much higher percentages have been found
(Parry, 2009). As for adults, interviews with older respondents revealed that
these persons seldom have sport heroes (Smith, 1976). Thus, it appears that the
relationship between age and sport hero worship is nonlinear, specifically, the
inverted-U curve depicted in Figure 3.1 (Harris, 1986).

Selecting a Sport Hero: The Importance

of Similarity
Social psychologists have established that individuals tend to be attracted to
others with whom they share traits, characteristics, backgrounds, and so forth
(e.g., Byrne, 1971; Byrne et al., 1986). Consequently, it should not be surprising
that sport fans tend to resemble their sport heroes on both sport-related and
unrelated dimensions. As for sport-related dimensions, researchers have found
 CHAPTER 3 ▸ Points of Attachment 61

Many
Number of Sport Heroes

Some

Few

0 20 40 60 80
Age (in years)

FIGURE 3.1 Hypothesized Relationship Between Age and the Number of Sport Heroes

that among children who identified an athlete as their hero, 59 percent chose a
sport figure excelling at the youngster’s favorite sport (Cooper, Livingood, &
Kurz, 1981). Additionally, children tend to select a sport hero who plays a simi-
lar position within a sport (Castine & Roberts, 1974; Russell, 1979). Research
on non-sport traits has typically focused on race and gender. This literature
indicates that individuals often adopt sport heroes with whom they share a race
and/or gender (Castine & Roberts, 1974; Parry, 2009; Vander Velden, 1986),
although female children often choose male sport figures as well (Balswick &
Ingoldsby, 1982; Harris, 1994). Of course, there are other important resem-
blance factors in addition to those noted above (e.g., nationality, see Parry,
2009). Because youngsters assign different levels of importance to the various
components of the self (Harter, 1993), they may desire sport heroes who resem-
ble themselves on a variety of traits and characteristics. One might speculate, for
example, that left-handers tend to select other lefties, while disabled persons
disproportionately select physically challenged athletes as their personal heroes.

When Sport Heroes Fall: The Impact of

Athlete Transgressions
In the past few decades, a wide range of athlete transgressions have become
public knowledge. These incidents have included a seemingly limitless variety of
wrongdoings including marital infidelity, the use of performance enhancing
drugs, and violent off-field actions involving rape and murder. For example, an
archival investigation by Benedict and Yaeger (1998) revealed that 21 percent of
players on NFL rosters had been charged with serious criminal offenses ranging
from resisting arrest and armed robbery to kidnapping and homicide. And many
of these players had multiple charges.
How do fans react when their heroes fall from grace? This is an important
question given that athletes frequently serve as spokespersons (Ruihley,
Runyan, & Lear, 2010), and athletes have the ability to develop their own brand
62 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
image (Arai, Ko, & Kaplanidou, 2013; Arai, Ko, & Ross, 2014; Carlson &
Donavan, 2013). Furthermore, given that trust in an athlete is a critical predic-
tor of purchase intentions of the products he or she endorses (Tzoumaka,
Tsiotsou, & Siomkos, 2016), an athlete’s negative actions could potentially
undermine his or her effectiveness as an endorser.
Although a variety of factors influence responses to athlete misdeeds, includ-
ing intentionality (Sato, Ko, Park, & Tao, 2015) and locale (i.e., off-field versus
on-field, see Sassenberg, 2015), research by Lee and his colleagues reveals that
fans’ moral reasoning strategies play a particularly important role (Lee, Kwak, &
Braunstein-Minkove, 2016; Lee, Kwak, & Moore, 2015). Specifically, responses
are impacted by the type of moral reasoning strategy utilized in response to the
athlete’s problematic behavior. Three moral reasoning strategies employed by
fans are: moral rationalization, moral decoupling, and moral coupling
(Bhattacharjee, Berman, & Reed, 2013). Descriptions of these strategies are
found in Table 3.5.
Lee et al. (2015) primed participants in a manner consistent with one of the
moral reasoning strategies. Respondents then read and reacted to a scenario
describing a successful athlete whose career had been tainted by a tax-evasion
scandal. The athlete was rated on a variety of dimensions such as attractiveness
and trustworthiness. The results indicated that the moral reasoning strategies
had a powerful impact on the participants’ evaluations of the athlete. Specifically,
ratings of the athlete were particularly negative when participants had adopted
(via priming) a moral coupling approach. That is, when participants were less
able to separate the athlete from the transgression, they were more critical of

TABLE 3.5 Moral Reasoning Strategies That May Be Used in

Response to Athlete Transgressions

Strategy Description Sport Example

Moral rationalization Evaluating immoral “Athletes can sometimes
actions as less immoral; be excused from their
often involves justifying immoral actions because
the actions or placing they are under a great deal
the blame on others of pressure.”
Moral decoupling Separating the act from “Fans should separate an
the actor; often involves athlete’s off-field behaviors
criticizing the immoral when judging his or her
behavior while performance; rating should
simultaneously praising be based solely on how he
performance or she plays.”
Moral coupling Difficulty in the “Fans should consider an
justification (i.e., moral athlete’s off-field actions
rationalization) or when assessing their value
separation (i.e., moral and performance.”
coupling) of immoral act;
likely results in attitudes
toward transgressor
 CHAPTER 3 ▸ Points of Attachment 63
this person. In a second study, Lee et al. (2015) allowed participants to select
their own moral reasoning strategy. The findings indicated that when an ath-
lete’s transgression was not related to his or her on-field performance, people
tend to choose a decoupling (i.e., separating) moral approach to understanding
the situation. Conversely, when the transgression was relevant to the athlete’s
on-field actions, individuals tended to choose either a moral coupling or ration-
alization strategy.
Lee and his associates further extended our understating of the impact of
one’s moral reasoning strategy in responses to athlete transgressions by examin-
ing the role of athlete identification (Lee et al., 2016). In this investigation, the
authors utilized a real-life scandal involving NFL player Ray Rice (Rice had
physically assaulted his fiancée). Participants completed an assessment of their
estimated identification with Rice prior to the incident and were then exposed
to a videotape of the assault. They then reported their emotional reactions to the
images shown, their moral reasoning strategies, and their attitudes toward the
transgressor. The results indicated that higher levels of identification with Rice
were associated with fewer negative emotions about the event as “sport fans’
identification functions as a suppressor in avoiding the expression of negative
moral emotions” (Lee et al., 2016, p. 186). As a result, highly identified persons
were able to select moral reasoning strategies that separated the athlete from the
action (i.e., decoupling and rationalization). These strategies, in turn, helped
fans with a strong attachment to the player to be more forgiving of the player’s
transgression and maintain a positive evaluation of the athlete.

Some Final Thoughts

One of the important takeaway points from this chapter is that sport fans can
and do connect with a variety of sport objects. Although we are not quite sure
which object may have the most influence on sport fans, if we had to choose,
team identification would get both of our votes. But the truth is, we are still just
learning about fans’ attachment to all things sport, and, as a result, there are
many interesting questions left to answer. For example, what is the impact of
having connections with multiple objects? That is, are there differences between
fans who simply connect with a team and those who feel an attachment to both
a team and a star player on that team? What about connections to multiple
teams in the same league? Or connections to players who perform for a rival
team? Also, does forming a connection with one sport object lead to connec-
tions with other objects? For example, team identification may impact the other
connections fans form. Heere and James (2007) address this idea in their work
on group identification, explaining how attachment with a group such as a sport
team may influence identification with other groups (e.g., university identifica-
tion, city identification). As you can see, researchers should remain quite busy
over the next few decades uncovering the impact of sport connections on fan
affect, behavior, and cognition.
And finally, it warrants mention that forming attachments with a player can
be risky in today’s sport landscape given the large amount of player movement
from team to team. That is, fans who establish a strong connection with a player
for a favorite team may soon find that player on a different team. In fact, it is
64 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
not unheard of for players to sign a new contract with a rival team (e.g., mem-
bers of the Boston Red Sox who have chosen to play for the New York Yankees,
and vice versa). Perhaps fans will eventually tire of identifying with a player only
to have to root against that person in subsequent seasons. Ultimately, as the
classic Jerry Seinfeld joke states, fans may end up cheering for uniforms rather
than players in them. Research on player attachment should continue to inves-
tigate fan connections to athletes and, in particular, examine how player move-
ment impacts the processes of connections and hero worship among fans.
 CHAPTER 4
Motivation and Sport
Fandom How and Why Fans Follow SportsMotivation and Sport Fandom

When thinking about sport fans, an important question we should be asking is

“Why are people interested in sport generally and sport teams more specifi-
cally?” Or, in the context of the PCM, “Why do people form psychological
connections with sport objects?” Trail and James (2015) write about needs,
values, and goals as drivers of sport consumer behavior, providing part of an
answer to these “why” questions. They note that there are a variety of variables
sport researchers have studied that are believed to help explain the connection
people form with sport objects. We typically refer to these variables as motives,
and although they likely could also be characterized as needs, values, or goals,
we will continue to describe them as motives to remain consistent with the
extensive literature on this topic.
In his chapter “The Motives of Sports Fans,” Sloan (1989) described five cate-
gories of theories thought to be related to sport motivation: salubrious effect theo-
ries (those focused on pleasure and well-being), stress and stimulation seeking
approaches (those related to the desire to experience positive stress or “eustress”),
theories of catharsis and aggression (the reduction of stress through aggression),
entertainment theories (approaches involving a desire for aesthetically pleasing
experiences), and achievement seeking (those concerning a desire for prestige
through victory). Although other approaches to sport fan motivation can be
found (e.g., McDonald, Milne, & Hong, 2002; Sack, Singh, & DiPaola, 2009),
Sloan’s writing served as the foundation for the majority of work on fan motiva-
tion (e.g., Funk, Mahony, & Ridinger, 2002; Trail & James, 2001; Wann, 1995).

Common Sport Fan Motives

Trail and James (2015) reported that over 40 different motives have been included
in the study of sport fan motivation. Although this is an impressive figure, it may
be an underestimate. In truth, an entire book could be devoted just to the motives
that influence a person’s interest in sport fandom. However, our goal is not to
provide an exhaustive treatise on all possible fan motives. We have focused instead
on what are likely the eight most commonly investigated factors. Although there
is some variation in labeling among different authors, these motives are commonly
referred to as group affiliation, family, aesthetic, self-esteem, eustress, acquisition

65
66 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
of knowledge, escape, and entertainment (a brief description of each can be found
in Table 4.1). Our selection of these motives was based on their frequent inclusion
in literature, and, as you will read later in this chapter, each of these factors has
been incorporated into standard measures assessing fan motivation.
When reviewing research pertaining to sport fan motivation, it becomes read-
ily apparent that a large volume of work examines this topic. In fact, a simple
Google search for scholarly articles using the phrase “sport fan motives” pro-
duced almost 40,000 hits. Although we do not believe there are 40,000 discrete
scholarly works, it is reasonable to conclude there has been, and still is, substan-
tial interest in the study of sport fan motives. A key factor leading to this large
volume of work is that fans of different sports exhibit differential motivational
profiles (Wann, Grieve, Zapalac, & Pease, 2008). That is, researchers have
examined how different motives can drive the interest of fans of different sports.

TABLE 4.1 The Eight Motives Included in the SFMS, MSSC, and/

or the SII

Motive Description
Group affiliation (social Individual is motivated to consume sport
interaction; socialization) because doing so provides an opportunity
to spend time with others.
Family (bonding with Individual is motivated to consume sport
family) because doing so provides an opportunity
to spend time with family members.
Aesthetic Individual is motivated to consume sport
because doing so provides an opportunity
to enjoy the artistic beauty and grace of
sport movements.
Self-esteem (achievement; Individual is motivated to consume sport
vicarious achievement) because doing so provides an opportunity
to feel better about oneself through
association with the success of others
(e.g., an athlete or sport team).
Eustress (drama) Individual is motivated to consume sport
because doing so provides an opportunity
to enjoy the excitement and arousal felt
while consuming, particularly in relation
to the excitement and uncertainty of
outcome associated with sporting events.
Acquisition of knowledge Individual is motivated to consume sport
(sport knowledge) because doing so provides an opportunity
to satisfy a desire to gain knowledge.
Escape Individual is motivated to consume sport
because doing so provides a diversion
from the rest of his or her life.
Entertainment Individual is motivated to consume sport
because doing so provides an opportunity
to be engaged in an enjoyable pastime.
 CHAPTER 4 ▸ Motivation and Sport Fandom 67
In fact, researchers have investigated the motives of fans of traditional sports
such as football, baseball, basketball, and ice hockey, as well as college-level,
minor league, and women’s sports. Researchers have even investigated the pro-
files for fan involvement in fantasy sports (e.g., Billings & Ruihley, 2013; Lee,
Seo, & Green, 2013; Spinda, Wann, & Sollitto, 2012), use of sport-related
mobile phone applications, (Kang, Ha, & Hambrick, 2015), consumption of
sport online (Seo & Green, 2008), and communication via Facebook (Stavros,
Meng, Westberg, & Farrelly, 2014). To make matters even more complicated,
persons from different demographic groups often report different motivational
profiles (e.g., Armstrong, 2002b; Bilyeu & Wann, 2002; James, Fujimoto,
Ross, & Matsuoka, 2009; Ridinger & Funk, 2006). For example, female fans
are more likely than male fans to be motivated by the opportunity to spend time
with family, while males report higher levels of aesthetic, self-esteem, and eus-
tress motivation (Wann, Schrader, & Wilson, 1999). To describe and explain
the motivational profiles for each sport and demographic group would be a
truly monumental task, one far beyond the scope of this chapter. However, to
give the reader a sense of the breadth of this literature, several examples of
sport-specific studies can be found in Table 4.2. This is by no means an exhaus-
tive list; rather, it simply portrays the vast amount of work done.

TABLE 4.2 A Sample of Sport-Specific Investigations of Sport

Fan Motivation

Focus Reference
Minor league hockey Andrew, Koo, Hardin, and Greenwell (2009)
Mixed martial arts Kim, Greenwell, Andrew, Lee, and Mahony
(2008)
Women’s professional Funk, Ridinger, and Moorman (2003)
basketball
Women’s professional Sack, Singh, and DiPaola (2009)
tennis
Professional baseball Hong, McDonald, Yoon, and Fujimoto (2005)
Professional wrestling Ashley, Dollar, Wigley, Gillentine, and Daughtrey
(2000)
NASCAR racing Roy, Goss, and Jubenville (2010)
Ski jumping Mehus (2005)
College baseball Allen, Drane, and Byon (2010)
College football Pan and Baker (2005)
College basketball Ridinger and Funk (2006)
College hockey Ferreira and Armstrong (2004)
College wheelchair Cottingham, Phillips, Hall, Gearity, and Carroll
basketball (2014)
College wrestling Cooper (2011)
Soccer Correia and Esteves (2007)
68 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
Returning to our discussion of the eight common motives, we can now pro-
vide information about each. Remember, these are not the only motives of sport
fans to consider. We have focused on the eight motives listed in Table 4.1
because they are included in the primary scales used by researchers to assess the
motives of sport fans. After presenting information about these motives, we will
turn our attention to the scales that have been used most often to study the
motives of sport fans.

The Group Affiliation Motive

Sport fandom is a social activity. Whether it occurs at home, a restaurant, a bar,
or the arena, sport tends to be consumed in a group environment. For instance,
Schurr and his colleagues (Schurr et al., 1985, 1988) found that greater than
95 percent of spectators attending college basketball games purchased tickets
next to friends. For some individuals, it is precisely the social nature of sport
fandom they find attractive. Such people are driven by the group affiliation
motive, that is, a desire to spend time with others in a fan environment
(Guttmann, 1986; Kelley & Tian, 2004; Melnick, 1993; Sloan, 1989). Humans
are social beings, a fact reflected in a number of classic theories of motivation
(Alderfer, 1972; Fromm, 1941; Maslow, 1970). As noted in Chapter 1, sport
fandom can help fulfill the basic human need for social interaction by providing
a sense of belonging. The fact that most spectators consume sport as a member
of a social group illustrates that fans do indeed use sport fandom to satisfy social
interaction needs.

The Family Motive

The family motive concerns involvement as a sport fan because it provides an
opportunity to spend time with family members (Evaggelinou & Grekinis,
1998; Gantz & Wenner, 1995; Guttmann, 1986; Weiller & Higgs, 1997). As
one would expect, this motive is particularly common among fans that have
children and/or are married (Wann, Lane, Duncan, & Goodson, 1998). Given
this, it had been suggested that fans with high levels of family motivation may
have a preference for nonaggressive sports, preferring not to expose their chil-
dren or spouse to violent events (Wann et al., 1999). However, a series of stud-
ies failed to confirm a relationship between levels of family motivation and a
desire to avoid aggressive sports (Wann & Ensor, 2001; Wann et al., 1998;
Wann et al., 1999). Thus, it appears that persons motivated by a desire to follow
sport to be with family members are just as likely to enjoy aggressive and com-
bative sports as competitions that are nonviolent in nature.

The Aesthetic Motive

Another factor that can drive an individual’s interest in sport fandom is enjoy-
ment of the beauty and grace of sport movements. This factor is commonly
referred to as the aesthetic motive (Guttmann, 1996; Hemphill, 1995; Rinehart,
 CHAPTER 4 ▸ Motivation and Sport Fandom 69

Many Persons Are Driven to Sport Fandom Because the Activity Provides an
Opportunity to Spend Time With Family

1996; Sloan, 1989). Stylistic sports such as figure skating, diving, and gymnastics
are attractive to many fans because of their inherent beauty and the artistic expres-
sions of athletes. However, it is important to note that the aesthetic motive is not
limited to fans of stylistic sports (Sargent et al., 1998). Rather, persons interested
in all sports may possess a high level of aesthetic motivation.
Similar to work on the family motive, investigators have examined the rela-
tionship between preferences for violent sports and aesthetic motivation. Wann
and his collaborators (1999) suggested that fans with a high level of aesthetic
motivation might prefer nonaggressive sports because the actions found in
aggressive sports may “inhibit the graceful execution of sport movements”
(p. 122) (e.g., hockey “goons” whose sole purpose is to disrupt the graceful flow
of the other team’s swifter and more athletic skaters). Wann and Wilson (1999)
conducted a pair of studies designed to test this possibility. In the first study,
participants completed questionnaires assessing their level of aesthetic motiva-
tion and the degree to which they enjoyed watching seven aggressive sports.
Interestingly, and contrary to expectations, no significant relationships were
found between the level of aesthetic motivation and enjoyment of the aggressive
sports. In the second study, after completing an inventory assessing their aes-
thetic motivation, participants watched five violent football plays, rating their
enjoyment of each. Surprisingly, there was no relationship between aesthetic
motivation and enjoyment of the violent plays. Thus, it appears that sport fans
who are motivated by the beauty and grace of sport enjoy both violent and non-
violent athletic events.
70 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports

The Self-Esteem Motive

A fourth sport fan motive is self-esteem enhancement (Gmelch & San Antonio,
1998; Sloan, 1989; Weiller & Higgs, 1997; Wenner & Gantz, 1989). This
motive concerns an individual’s desire to participate in sport fandom because it
provides a boost to the fans’ self-concept. For instance, when a team is victori-
ous, fans frequently join the players in a celebration of their achievement.
Indeed, fans often increase their association with teams subsequent to successful
performances in order to bask in the team’s accomplishments and boost their
own self-esteem (Cialdini et al., 1976).

The Eustress Motive

Several theorists have suggested that individuals fail to receive a sufficient
amount of stimulation in their everyday lives (e.g., Elias & Dunning, 1970;
Klapp, 1972; McNeil, 1968; Zuckerman, 1984). Consequently, people seek out
other opportunities to gain excitement. One such opportunity can be sport fan-
dom. For example, in one of the earliest observations of sport fans, Brill (1929,
p. 434) stated,

The life of man in America or in any of the industrialized countries

today, laboring on the farm, in the factory, in the office, is not the natu-
ral life of man. He is still an animal formed for battle and conquest, for
blows and strokes and swiftness, for triumph and applause. But let him
join the crowd around the diamond, the gridiron, the tennis court or
the ring. . . . Let him identify himself with his favorite fighter, player or
team. . . . He will achieve exaltation, vicarious but real.

Brill’s statement suggests that even though life often fails to meet our desire
for excitement and stimulation, these needs can be partially fulfilled through
sport fandom. Persons who participate in sport fandom to gain excitement and
stimulation are motivated by eustress (Gantz, 1981; Gantz & Wenner, 1995;
Sloan, 1989; Smith, 1988). Eustress refers to positive forms of arousal and stim-
ulation (i.e., euphoria + stress). Fans motivated by a desire to experience high
levels of eustress become involved with the pastime because they enjoy the
excitement and arousal they experience by following sport.
It is important to note that although fans usually view the suspense of sport
spectating as pleasurable (Bryant, Rockwell, & Owens, 1994; Schreyer,
Schmidt, & Torgler, in press), these stressful reactions are not always positive.
Some fans may not enjoy the anxiety associated with sport spectating and go to
great lengths to avoid this anxious state. For these fans, the stress they experi-
ence watching their favorite team compete should be referred to as distress (i.e.,
negative stress). However, one of the advantages of sport fandom is that it is a
voluntary activity. Fans who become uncomfortably aroused and excited (i.e.,
distressed) while watching a favorite team compete can simply remove them-
selves from the situation (e.g., leave their seat at the arena, turn off the televi-
sion, etc.; cf., Eastman & Riggs, 1994).
 CHAPTER 4 ▸ Motivation and Sport Fandom 71
The Acquisition of Knowledge Motive
Smith (1988) noted that many sport fans find great pleasure in reading box
scores and examining statistics. For these persons, it is likely that much of the
attraction of fandom involves the acquisition of knowledge about sport objects.
This acquisition of knowledge is another sport fan motive. Trail, Anderson, and
Fink (2005) noted that knowledge is acquired through various means, including
social interaction and media consumption. For sport fans, this could include
attending sporting events; reading about a sport, team, or player; or talking with
others and sharing information. Trail and James (2015) explain that fans may
desire sport-related knowledge so they can talk with others in situations where
sport is the topic of conversation. Others may seek out sport knowledge as a
way of taking a break from their daily routine by immersing themselves in the
strategy of a game or becoming an expert in the statistics of a particular athlete
or team. The latter notion is also associated with esteem enhancement; being
perceived as one who is knowledgeable about a sport, team, and/or player can
be a status symbol and perhaps confirm one’s place as a true fan. In fact, as you
will read in Chapter 10, it is important for fans to be accepted into their fan
groups, and they may feel threatened when other fans do not accept them as
supporters of the team.
A particular context for the knowledge motive may be found among fans
participating in fantasy sports. Scholars researching both fantasy and daily fan-
tasy sports have included knowledge as a specific motive (Dwyer & Kim, 2011;
Spinda & Haridakis, 2008). For example, Suh, Lim, Kwak, and Pedersen (2010)
reported that the acquisition of knowledge was one of the more influential
drives of fantasy sport consumption. Kota, Reid, James, and Kim (in press)
tested a scale to measure motives of daily fantasy sport consumers and found
that knowledge was the third-highest-rated motive.

The Escape Motive

The escape motive is another popular reason people follow sport (Gantz &
Wenner, 1995; Krohn, Clarke, Preston, McDonald, & Preston, 1998; Sloan,
1989; Smith, 1988). Sport fans participate in the activity because it provides a
diversion. Individuals who seek a break from their home life, work, college
experience, and so on are able to temporarily forget their troubles through sport
fandom. The escape motive may be particularly prevalent during personally dif-
ficult and/or stressful times such as war or a natural disaster (Wann, 1997). For
instance, President Roosevelt’s decision to allow professional baseball to con-
tinue during World War II was an effort to provide an escape for North
Americans. In explaining his decision, Roosevelt stated that Americans “ought
to have a chance for recreation and for taking their minds off their work” (see
McGuire, 1994, p. 66).
Although it is clear that sport fans use the pastime as an escape, one might
wonder what it is about their lives they are attempting to escape. Sloan (1989)
argued that sport could provide “an escape from work and the other tediums of
life” (p. 183). Smith (1988) concurred, writing that “the search for excitement
72 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
represents one of the most familiar means of escape” (p. 58). These statements
suggest that individuals use fandom to escape from their under-stimulating (i.e.,
boring) lives. However, Heinegg (1985) argued that sport serves as “a flight
from the pain of existence” and “worldly cares and crises” (p. 457). This per-
spective implies that sport fans use the pastime as an escape from their over-
stimulating lives. Thus, it seems that fans can use sport as an escape from both
over-stimulation and under-stimulation. For instance, consider two fans who
meet at a bar each week to watch Monday Night Football. Although both may
view the game as an opportunity to escape their daily routines, the reasons
behind their desire for a diversion may differ. It could be that one individual is
a police officer who considers her life very stressful, and thus she views the game
as an escape from over-stimulation. Meanwhile, the other person works on an
assembly line and finds her job extremely boring. She perceives the game as an
opportunity to escape from under-stimulation.
Wann, Allen, and Rochelle (2004) attempted to determine if fans utilize sport
as an escape from over- or under-stimulation. Participants completed scales
assessing the extent to which they believed their life was stressful and boring as
well as items assessing their level of escape motivation. Wann and his associates
found positive relationships between level of escape motivation and perceptions
of life both as boring and as stressful. That is, those who felt their life was stress-
ful and those who believed their life was boring both reported using sport fan-
dom as an escape. These findings substantiate the notion that fandom can and
is used as a diversion from both over-stimulation and under-stimulation.

The Entertainment Motive

Social scientists (and, in particular, psychologists) have a tendency to overana-
lyze human activity. This can also be the case with the motives of sport fans.
Yes, fans are often motivated by the factors described above. However, if you
ask a fan “Why do you follow sport?”, the most likely responses would be
something along the lines of “I like it” or “It’s fun.” Thus, it is not surprising
that many individuals are driven to sport fandom by the entertainment motive
(Gantz & Wenner, 1995; Sloan, 1989; Smith, 1988). Here, one’s motivation to
engage in sport fandom is similar to other recreational pursuits (e.g., going to
the theater, watching television, listening to music); individuals participate in
the activity because they have fun doing it.

Measuring Sport Fan Motives

One of the takeaway points from the preceding sections is that sport fans are
driven by a variety of motives. Accordingly, researchers usually assess multiple
motives when conducting their research. Although there are now many different
scales that may be used when studying sport fan motivation, this was not always
the case. In fact, when the first edition of this text was published in 2001, there
was only one primary scale, the Sport Fan Motivation Scale (Wann, 1995).
Since the publication of the first edition of this text, other scales have been
developed.
 CHAPTER 4 ▸ Motivation and Sport Fandom 73
There has been a substantial amount of work dealing with the accurate meas-
urement of sport fan (or sport consumer) motives in the last two decades (e.g.,
Funk, Mahony, Nakazawa, & Hirakawa, 2001; Trail & James, 2001; Wann,
1995). The focus of such work has been first to identify particular motives, then
to develop tools (i.e., scales) to measure these motives. An extension of the scale
development work has been the application of the measures to various sport fan
settings. Certainly, a key reason to study motives is to acquire a better under-
standing of why people are interested in sport fandom and how this information
could be useful to sport marketers (e.g., the various motives likely influence
attendance decisions). In the following sections, we address the development of
tools to measure sport fan motives. This examination includes a critical inspec-
tion of the scales and a summary of the current state of assessment of sport fan
motivation. Implications from the study of sport fan motives are presented in
Chapter 5.

Scale Development
Although Sloan (1989) set the stage by identifying and testing theories thought
to impact sport fan motivation, he did not develop or present measures of spe-
cific motives. However, several other scholars have taken the initiative to
develop such scales. It is beyond the scope of this chapter to examine every tool
developed to assess fan motives. Rather, we have chosen to focus on three
instruments that have been utilized extensively in the sport psychology, sport
sociology, and sport marketing/management literatures.
The first measure, the Sport Fan Motivation Scale (SFMS), was developed by
Wann and published in 1995. The next scale developed to measure sport fan
motives was published by Trail and James (2001), an instrument they labeled
the Motivation Scale for Sport Consumption (MSSC). Working at the same
time as Trail and James (2001), Funk and his colleagues (2001) developed the
Sport Interest Inventory (SII). In short order the SII was modified by Funk and
his colleagues (2002) and then again by Funk et al. (2003). The latter effort
resulted in a scale with 18 motives. The SFMS and MSSC assessed eight and
nine motive constructs, respectively. Table 4.3 contains a listing of the motives
from these scales.
It is important to note that the information included in Table 4.3 reflects the
original work reported by Wann (1995) and Trail and James (2001) and the
revised work from Funk et al. (2003). The original version of the SII only
included ten factors (see note in Table 4.3). It should also be recognized that
some motives capture the same idea but were labeled differently. For example,
the notion that a sport fan is motivated by opportunities to spend time with oth-
ers was labeled group affiliation by Wann (1995), social interaction by Trail and
James (2001), and socialization by Funk et al. (2003). This illustrates one of the
challenges within the study of sport fan motives, namely, that different scholars
have used different labels to examine the same construct.
Another challenge to consider is whether one is interested in studying motives
that are applicable across multiple sports or, rather, in determining if there are
motives unique to a particular sport. An example of the latter would be support
74 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports

TABLE 4.3 Comparison of Sport Fan Motivation Scales

Sport Fan Motivation Scale for Sport Interest

Motivation Scale Sport Consumption Inventory
Self-Esteem Achievement Vicarious Achievement
Aesthetics Aesthetics Aesthetics
Escape Escape Escape
Group Affiliation Social Interaction Socialization
Family Family Bonding with Family
Entertainment Entertainment
Eustress Drama Drama
Acquisition of Sport Knowledge
Knowledge

Economic
Physical Attraction
Physical Skill
Interest in Player(s)
Interest in Team
Interest in Sport
Role Model
Bonding with Friends
Excitement
Wholesome Environment
Community Support
Support Women’s
Opportunity
Customer Service

Notes: Italicized subscales were included in the original Sport Interest Inventory (Funk et al.,
2001), along with National Pride and Social Opportunities. Interest in Team was labeled Team
Identification in the original Sport Interest Inventory.

for women’s opportunities as a motive for watching or attending a women’s

sporting event (Funk et al., 2003). Another example is physical attraction, that
is, being motivated to watch particular athletes because of their physical appeal
(Trail & James, 2001). Additionally, researchers may be interested in identify-
ing motives that differentiate groups (e.g., men and women, fans in different age
categories). For example, James (2002) reported that male consumers of college
basketball enjoyed games to a greater extent than females because of their
knowledge of basketball (e.g., the technical aspects and rules of the game). The
point being made here is that when studying sport fan motivation, it is impor-
tant to define the objectives or purpose of such work and to consider which
scale(s) one should use to best meet the research goals.
 CHAPTER 4 ▸ Motivation and Sport Fandom 75
Critiques of Existing Scales
Sport Fan Motivation Scale (SFMS) Trail and James (2001) raised con-
cerns regarding the content validity of the SFMS. First, there were concerns
about the lack of information about how the individual scale items were gener-
ated. A second criticism of the SFMS was the use of labels that may not accu-
rately represent the items comprising a particular factor. For instance, Trail and
James noted the use of “economics” as a label for items pertaining to betting or
wagering on sports. A third and perhaps most pressing concern involving con-
tent validity was the wording of some of the SFMS items. As an example, Trail
and James (2001) refer to the item reading “One of the main reasons that
I watch, read, and/or discuss sports is that I get pumped up when I am watching
my favorite teams.” Note the inclusion of “watch, read, and/or discuss” along
with the phrase “get pumped up when I am watching my favorite teams.” Do
fans watch games because they get “pumped up” when watching? That could
be, but do they read to get “pumped up” when watching? Trail and James
argued that the mixing of the two behaviors is awkward and potentially confus-
ing. As a result, attempts to predict fan behavior might be difficult because it
would be unclear what element was driving a particular action.

Motivation Scale for Sport Consumption (MSSC) The MSSC (Trail &
James, 2001) was presented in an effort to improve on previous measures of
sport fan motivation. In contrast to the concerns noted in their review of the
SFMS (and other scales), Trail and James did report evidence of validity
(construct, convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity).
Although there was reasonable evidence to support the MSSC, there were
concerns with the scale (Trail & James, 2001). For example, some items did not
reach statistical standards (i.e., psychometric cutoffs) for inclusion in a subscale.
However, the individual item loadings did not result in substantive decline in
other indicators. For example, the psychometrics for most subscales exceeded
recommended cutoff levels (e.g., average variance extracted scores and reliabil-
ity estimates). Also, as Trail and James (2001) noted, there appeared to be prob-
lems with the family subscale, as the psychometric indicators were below
recommended levels, raising concerns about the validity and reliability for this
subscale. Although the overall performance of the MSSC in the initial reporting
was promising, Trail and James did indicate there was room for improvement.
A particular concern with the MSSC was the extent to which the items pro-
vide an assessment of motives rather than simply one’s preferences for various
characteristics of sport. For example, consider the items included in the knowl-
edge subscale: “I regularly track the statistics of specific players,” “I usually
know the team’s win/loss record,” and “I read the box scores and team statistics
regularly.” When answering these items, a person is providing a description of
her or his sport consumer behavior (e.g., how often he or she reads box scores),
but not necessarily information about motivation for following a team. Similarly,
examine the items in the achievement subscale: “I feel like I have won when the
team wins,” “I feel a personal sense of achievement when the team does well,”
and “I feel proud when the team plays well.” When responding to these items,
76 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
a person is providing information about a psychological and affective response
based on a team’s performance. Yet the items do not necessarily inform us about
the individual’s motive to follow or consume a sports team. Just because a fan
feels proud when his or her team wins does not mean this experience is why they
follow the team. A related idea was conveyed by Fink, Trail, and Anderson
(2002) regarding the family construct. Spending time with one’s family may be
a reason influencing the decision to attend a sporting event, but it is unlikely that
is the primary motive for sport consumption. In support of their argument, Fink
and her colleagues reported the family motive was not significantly related to
other sport consumer motives and only weakly related to team identification.
Additional concerns with the MSSC were highlighted in the work of James
and Ross (2004) in their study of consumers of three non-revenue collegiate
sports (baseball, softball, and wrestling). They concluded the knowledge sub-
scale pertained to existing knowledge about the team/sport rather than as a
motive to acquire additional knowledge. They also excluded the aesthetics
motive due to its similarity to the physical skill motive and the high correlation
between the two reported by Trail and James (2001).

Sport Interest Inventory (SII) The Sport Interest Inventory (SII; Funk et al.,
2001) was developed at roughly the same time as the MSSC. The SII was initially
developed to measure motivational factors associated with soccer spectators.
The authors noted that although there were existing scales to measure sport fan
motives, “one motivational scale for all sport events may not be possible” (p. 7).
Noting that no existing scale (e.g., SFMS, MSSC) was universally accepted by
sport scholars at that time, Funk and his colleagues tested ten motives purported
to explain interest in attending the 1999 FIFA Women’s World Cup. Although
the authors argued that there may not be one motivational scale applicable to all
sport situations, nine of the factors they tested were consistent with previous
studies of sport fan motivation. The one unique factor they included was support
for women’s opportunities in sport.
The original project testing the SII included a comments section for respond-
ents. After reviewing the comments, Funk et al. (2001) concluded that four
additional motives should be considered: players as role models, entertainment
value, bonding with family, and wholesome environment. Subsequently, Funk
et al. (2002) “attempted to confirm and extend the Sport Interest Inventory by
examining the level of continued interest in the U.S. Women’s team subsequent
to 1999 Women’s World Cup” (p. 35). Their work included the original ten SII
motives and the four additional factors derived from the participants’ open-
ended comments.
Reporting on the performance of the revised SII, Funk et al. (2002) noted low
internal consistency for the socialization factor (also referred to as social oppor-
tunities). Overall, however, Funk and his associates reported satisfactory evi-
dence of reliability and validity for the new 14-factor SII. However, there were
still some potential concerns with the second generation of the SII. When report-
ing on how well a scale may “work,” evidence of validity is critical; scale devel-
opers must demonstrate that items believed to assess a specific construct do
 CHAPTER 4 ▸ Motivation and Sport Fandom 77
actually measure said construct. For example, Funk et al. (2002) have items
purported to measure national pride. Evidence of validity would include infor-
mation that the items fit together and collectively do in fact assess national pride
as a sport fan motive. Scholars typically provide evidence of validity for each
specific motive. Curiously, Funk et al. provided information about all 14 factors
as a group rather than reporting evidence of validity for each specific motive.
Given that each motive is supposedly discrete, each should be evaluated on its
own merit.
Perhaps as an acknowledgement of concerns with the second generation of
the SII, a third effort was undertaken by Funk et al. (2003) to further develop
the SII. A key point noted by Funk and his colleagues (2003) was that previous
scales had been developed as comprehensive instruments for use across sports.
They suggested that more attention was needed for contextual motives, that is,
motives specific to particular sports. Funk and his fellow investigators sought to
extend the SII by adding yet another four factors, bringing the total to 18. That
is, in addition to testing the 14 factors from the second version of the SII (Funk
et al., 2002), Funk et al. (2003) included four new factors based on responses
from focus groups. The additional factors were: bonding with friends, knowl-
edge of the sport, escape, and customer service. It is interesting to note that
bonding with friends, knowledge, and escape are motives (or variations of such)
that are included in the SFMS and/or the MSSC.
Funk and his coauthors (2003) tested the newest iteration of the SII with sea-
son ticket holders and those attending single games in the Women’s National
Basketball Association. The internal consistency measures for the third genera-
tion of the SII were all above recommended levels, providing evidence of relia-
bility. There was also evidence of validity for each motive factor. Considering
the information reported, there was reasonable evidence of reliability and valid-
ity for the third generation of the SII.

Summarizing the SFMS, MSSC, and SII At this point, someone interested
in assessing sport fan motives may be wondering, “So which scale should I use?”
Ultimately, what we have at our disposal are three different measures of sport
fan motives, each with strengths and weaknesses. There is a great deal of overlap
in the motives included in each scale, as well as motives that are unique to each
instrument. Although certainly not an exhaustive list, the entries included in
Table 4.4 demonstrate that each scale has been used in numerous studies of
sport fan motives. They have been used in multiple settings, with student and
sport consumer samples, and within the United States and in other countries. In
some instances, the original scales have been used to develop other specialty
scales. For example, Cottingham et al. (2014) modified the MSSC to form the
Motivation Scale for Disability Sport Consumption.
Given the convoluted state of the measurement of sport fan motivation, one
might wonder if the study of sport fan motivation could be simplified. As it
turns out, the authors of the scales critiqued above (along with some additional
colleagues) thought this might be possible. In the next section, we present our
efforts to simplify the assessment of sport fan motivation.
TABLE 4.4 Examples of Research Utilizing the SFMS, MSSC, and the SII

Sport Fan Motivation Scale (SFMS) Motivation Scale for Sport Sport Interest Inventory (SII)
Consumption (MSSC)
Author(s) Title Author(s) Title Author(s) Title
Wann et al. Using Sex and Gender James and Ross Comparing Sport Funk, Exploring Origins of
(2004) Role Orientation to (2004) Consumer Motivations Ridinger, and Involvement:
Predict Level of Fandom Across Multiple Sports Moorman Understanding the
(2003) Relationship Between
Consumer Motives and
Involvement with
Professional Sport Teams
Madrigal (2006) Measuring the Multi- Ozer and Argan Licensed Team Neal and Investigating Motivation,
Dimensional Nature of (2006) Merchandise Buying Funk (2006) Attitudinal Loyalty, and
Sporting Event Behavior: A Study on Attendance Behavior
Performance Turkish Fans with Fans of Australian
Consumption Football
Wann et al. Motivational Profiles of Lee,Trail, and Differences in Motives Wang, Examining Fan Motives
(2008) Sport Fans of Different Anderson (2008) and Points of Zhang, and and Loyalty for the
Sports Attachment by Season Tsuji (2011) Chinese Professional
Ticket Status: A Case Baseball League of
Study of ACHA Taiwan
Theodorakis, Translation and Initial James et al. Motives of United Wang and Motives of Sport
Wann, Carvalho, Validation of the (2009) States and Japanese Matsuoka Spectators in China:
and Sarmento Portuguese Version of Professional Baseball (2014) A Case Study of the
(2010) the Sport Spectator Consumers and Level Chinese Super League
Identification Scale of Team Identification
Lee, Shin, and Identifying Sociological Uhlman and Trail An Analysis of the Kang, Lee, Comparative Analysis of
Shinchi (2010) Motivation of Hispanic/ (2012) Motivators of Seattle and Bennett Sport Consumer
Latino Consumers Sounders FC Season (2014) Motivation Affecting
Attending Sporting Ticket Holders: A Case Sport Consumption
Events Study Behavior Between
American and Asian
International Students
Wiid and Cant Sport Fan Motivation: Are Cottingham et al. Development and Gargone A Study of the Fan
(2015) You Going to the Game? (2014) Validation of the (2016) Motives for Varying
Motivation Scale for Levels of Team Identity
Disability Sport and Team Loyalty of
Consumption College Football Fans
Cohen (2017) Fans’ Identification with Monfarde, Tojari, Constraints and
Teams: A Field Study of and Nikbakhsh Motivators of Sport
Israeli Soccer Fans (2014) Consumption Behavior
80 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports

The Big 5
James, Trail, Wann, Zhang, and Funk (2006) reported on a project to determine
whether the vast array of sport fan motives could be narrowed down to a more
manageable number. Specifically, these authors sought to identify a core set of
motives that would be small enough as to not require hours to complete when
included in a questionnaire. It would be a daunting task to complete a scale that
assessed 40 different motives. As Trail and James (2015, p. 194) noted:

If we were very conservative and used three separate items (or ques-
tions) to represent each motive (trust us, we should have at least 3
questions per motive), the number of questions just testing the motives
would be 120. That is before we add any other questions about demo-
graphic characteristics, attitudes, behavioral intentions, or whatever
other topics in which we are interested.

People, particularly those in applied settings, are often reluctant to complete

even the shortest of surveys. Given this, imagine how difficult it would be to
convince them to answer a questionnaire that had hundreds of questions.
James et al. (2006) explained there was a need to bring parsimony to the
study of sport fan motives. They highlighted three particular concerns inherent
in having different sport fan motivation scales: the need for consistent wording
of items; the need for consistent labels for the motives; and the ability to estab-
lish a core set of motive factors to recommend for use across multiple sports. In
short, their project was an effort to offer “best practices” advice for the assess-
ment and study of sport fan motivation.
In their work, James and his colleagues (2006) utilized the primary sport fan
motive scales highlighted above (i.e., SFMS, MSSC, SII) as well as one addi-
tional instrument, the Spectator Motivation Scale (SMS; Pease & Zhang, 2001).
They included motives that were assessed in two or more scales (some had dif-
ferent labels but represented the same construct). The researchers did not include
factors that were end states (e.g., “I am a fan of the entire team”) or interest
variables (e.g., “I am a huge fan of soccer in general”). Furthermore, they omit-
ted motives that were not applicable across a broad range of sports or sport
consumers (e.g., economics/sport wagering, support women’s opportunities). As
a result, the researchers tested 34 sport fan motives (yes, the protocol packet
was quite lengthy).
Questionnaires were administered to a sample of over 900 people. Through a
series of psychometric tests and data analysis procedures (e.g., exploratory fac-
tor analysis to determine which items best fit together), five sport fan motives
emerged: achievement seeking, aesthetics, drama, escape, and social interaction.
The factors were referred to as The Big 5. The group completed two additional
projects to provide evidence of the reliability and validity of The Big 5. The
number of items for each factor was reduced to three, resulting in five motives
represented by three items for each factor. Table 4.5 shows the wording of the
individual items (all taken from the final project).
A concern with the wording of items in previous scales was a source of diffi-
culty in assessing the relationship between motives and sport fan behaviors,
 CHAPTER 4 ▸ Motivation and Sport Fandom 81

TABLE 4.5 The “Big 5” Sport Fan Motives

Please rate the extent to which you Disagree or Agree with each
item below.
Think of each statement beginning, “I would be motivated to watch
a New England Patriots’ game because . . .”
Escape
. . . of the distraction that a game provided from my everyday activities.
. . . it provides me with a distraction from my daily life for a while.
. . . I could get away from the tension in my life.
Vicarious Achievement
. . . their successes are my successes and their losses are my losses.
. . . I feel like I have won when the team wins.
. . . I feel a personal sense of victory when the team wins.
Social Interaction
. . . of the opportunity to interact with other people.
. . . of the possibility of talking with other people.
. . . of the chance to socialize with others.
Aesthetics
. . . of the natural elegance of the game.
. . . of the gracefulness associated with the game.
. . . of the beauty and grace of sports.
Drama
. . . of the uncertainty of a close game.
. . . I like games where the outcome is uncertain.
. . . a close game between two teams is more enjoyable than a blowout.

psychological conditions, and other outcomes. As a solution to this problem,

James et al. (2006) incorporated general wording in The Big 5 items. Such a
strategy would allow The Big 5 to be used with multiple sports and settings and
should avoid problems with assessing motives and their relationship to other
constructs. As a second approach to solving this issue, the authors included a
leading statement as part of the instructions so the wording of items could be
more general (see Table 4.5). An additional advantage of using the leading state-
ment is that researchers can specify that the items are assessing motives that
pertain to a specific behavior or outcome, for example motives for attending a
sporting event. As shown in Table 4.5, respondents were asked to think about
the leading statement “I would be motivated to watch a New England Patriots’
game because . . .” A different leading statement could be used to assess other
behaviors such as attending games, talking about games, or wearing team mer-
chandise. For researchers, such an approach aids their efforts to more accurately
assess sport fan motives but does require a priori planning as to the type of
behavior (or other outcome) that is of interest. Using this type of approach,
82 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
researchers and sport marketers can simply insert other team names or sport
objects as the focal target.
Funk, Filo, Beaton, and Pritchard (2009) completed a project using The Big 5
sport fan motives. Echoing the thoughts of James and his colleagues (2006),
Funk and his colleagues stated that a primary reason for the project was to test
a parsimonious set of motives in a survey that could be quickly and easily com-
pleted. They tested The Big 5 motives, along with a measure of past attendance
(the focal behavior) and commitment to the focal team. It warrants mention that
they only used two items for each sport fan motive, and they chose to use differ-
ent labels for the motive factors. There was good evidence of reliability and
validity, providing support for the approach for assessing sport fan motives
initiated by James and his associates.

Some Final Thoughts

There has been and continues to be considerable interest in the study of sport
fan motivation among sport scholars. Although a variety of scales have been
developed to measure fan motives, most have their origins in the SFMS, MSSC,
and/or SII. There have been concerns noted with each of the three main scales,
and those working with the scales have contributed to improving each, provid-
ing us with reasonable tools to measure a vast array of fan motives. Even with
the concerns noted throughout this chapter, the work completed to date has
clearly advanced our understanding of sport fan motivation.
Thinking about future efforts to study sport fan motivation, the research by
James and his colleagues (2006) illustrates the type of work needed. Although
simply assessing five motives will be insufficient in some research settings, it is
clear that inclusion of The Big 5 is warranted. Researchers can then determine
additional motives that may be germane to particular sport or team settings that
are relevant to their particular investigation. Researchers should also carefully
examine the wording of items to avoid confounds with assessing relationships
between motives and behavioral outcomes and psychological conditions.
And finally, for readers with a specific interest in sport marketing and sport
consumer behavior, sport fan motives are of particular relevance given the vol-
ume of research indicating that motives may impact fan intentions and, ulti-
mately, behaviors. In fact, these relationships are explored in more detail in the
next chapter.
 CHAPTER 5
The Impact of Sport
Fandom on Sport
Consumption Behavior How and Why Fans Follow SportsFandom and Sport Consumption Behavior

In previous chapters, we have discussed a variety of characteristics of sport fans

and the responses they exhibit. For instance, people talk about sport, watch
sport in person and through media sources, and use sport metaphors, and sport-
ing events greatly impact our lives. We plan activities around watching March
Madness, the College Football National Championship, the Super Bowl, and
other major sporting events. Furthermore, during periods of crisis, people use
sporting events as a means of coming together to experience a sense of “healing”
after tragic events. For example, following the events of September 11, 2001,
sport was a platform that brought people together, both to share their difficul-
ties and to demonstrate their resolve to move forward. Additionally, the endur-
ing interest people have in sports and teams can help them satisfy their needs for
belonging and distinctiveness, and fandom can add meaning to their lives. In
other words, an interest in and connections to sport influences what a person
does, how they feel, and what they think (about sport, themselves, and the
world around them).
At this point you may be thinking, “This is all well and good, but is there
anything practical we can do with information about sport fans?” In fact, there
is! We are referring here to sport consumer behavior, a growing sub-discipline
and industry, and the focus of the current chapter. Sport marketers are profes-
sionals and academicians focused on factors that influence sport consumers to
select and use particular products. They utilize research and theory to better
understand how fans think and act and then put this information to practical
use to predict and influence a wide variety of behaviors. A commonly utilized
definition of consumer behavior is, “The study of individuals, groups, or organi-
zations and the processes they use to select, secure, use, and dispose of products,
services, experiences, or ideas to satisfy needs and the impacts that these pro-
cesses have on the consumer and society” (Hawkins, Best, & Coney, 2004,
p. 7). Extending this definition to sport fandom, those studying sport consumer
behavior investigate sport-based products, services, experiences, and ideas.
Sport consumer behavior involves the examination of the types of actions

83
84 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
exhibited by fans as well as the frequency (or intensity) of these behaviors.
Examples of sport consumption behavior include watching a sporting event in
person (i.e., direct consumption); watching an event through some form of
media broadcast (i.e., indirect consumption); reading about a sport, team, or
athlete; and wearing team apparel.

Decisions, Decisions: An Introduction to

Sport Consumer Behavior
Similar to most social scientific topics, sport consumer behavior is complex, and
the decision making and consumption processes can be challenging to under-
stand (Guttmann, 1986; Trail & James, 2015). For instance, consider what is
typically involved in a sport consumption event, such as your decision to attend
a baseball game. To begin with, there has to be an awareness that the baseball
game will occur, and a wide variety of factors can impact this awareness (e.g.,
media outlets, pocket schedules, phone reminders, texts from friends). Once you
are cognizant of the game, there needs to be one or more reasons for wanting to
attend. Perhaps you like baseball or one of the teams playing. Or maybe there is
some form of incentive (e.g., there is a promotional event at the game) or other
influence impacting your attendance decision (e.g., your best friend wants you
to attend with her). Assuming you do have an interest in attending, you still
have many decisions to consider. How do you get tickets? How much do the

Sport Marketers Investigate Factors That Influence Sport Consumption Behavior to

Help Teams and Leagues Increase Attendance and Avoid Empty Seats
 CHAPTER 5 ▸ Fandom and Sport Consumption Behavior 85
tickets cost, and is the price worth it? When is the game being played, and do
you have other commitments at that time? How will you get there, and where
will you park? Should you eat at the ballpark? Can you stay for the entire game?

Personal Investment Theory

Are you starting to get the point? Sport consumer behavior involves a great
many decisions. In the first edition of this text, we used Personal Investment
Theory (PIT; Maehr & Braskamp, 1986) to frame our understanding of the
seemingly countless number of decisions influencing sport consumption behav-
ior. This theoretical approach allows us to critically examine factors underlying
an individual’s decision to invest time, energy, and personal resources to attend
sporting events, observe games through the media, purchase merchandise, and
engage in other sport consumer actions. PIT includes three dimensions that
influence sport consumption decisions: (1) perceived options, (2) personal incen-
tives, and (3) sense of self (see Figure 5.1).

Perceived Options The first dimension, perceived options, refers to one’s

recognition of the behavioral alternatives available in a specific situation. On
any given weekend, a consumer has a number of recreational options. For
instance, he or she could attend a sporting event, go to a movie, play a round
golf or a set of tennis, have dinner out, see a nightclub show, and so on. If one
chooses the sporting event, he or she is still faced with an important decision,
namely, this person must choose between attending an event in person (direct
consumption) or consuming sport via an indirect option. Given the number of
direct consumption possibilities (e.g., Little League contests, junior and senior
high school sports, collegiate and professional events) and the vast array of
sport one can consume via television, radio, and the Internet, there can literally
be hundreds of choices.
Once a consumer has identified his or her options, the next task is to deter-
mine the viability of each (Maehr & Braskamp, 1986). For example, although
one may want to attend the Super Bowl, ticket availability and cost, travel

Perceived Personal Sense of

Opons Incenves Self

Sport Consumpon Decisions

FIGURE 5.1 Personal Investment Theory Applied to Sport Consumer Decisions

86 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
requirements, and time away from one’s family or job may make it an unrealis-
tic option. The formula for estimating the viability of a sporting event option is
V = B – C. In this formula, B refers to the benefits gained from the consumption
(e.g., fun, time with friends), C refers to the costs associated with consumption
(financial, time, etc.), and V refers to the viability of the option. If the benefits of
consumption outweigh the costs, the individual will likely view the option as
viable. If, on the other hand, the costs outweigh the benefits, the option will
probably be perceived as nonviable.
A number of factors impact perceptions of the viability of a sport consump-
tion option. These include driving distance to the event (Schurr et al., 1988),
stadium/arena access and parking (Hay & Rao, 1982), and weather (Pan et al.,
1997). One particularly critical factor involves the financial cost of attending a
sporting event (Hansen & Gauthier, 1989; Schofield, 1983). Costs can range
from no financial outlay (e.g., attending children’s Little League competitions),
to moderate costs for pay-per-view events and premier sport channels, to the
exorbitant costs of attending professional sporting events. Of course, tickets are
not the only expense associated with sport consumption. Additional costs that
must be considered include food, beverages, parking, memorabilia, and travel.
And what might such an excursion cost a family of four? The Fan Cost Index
(FCI) provides an average financial outlay for attending professional sporting
events. The FCI is based on the cost of four average-priced tickets (two adult
and two child), two small beers, four sodas, four hot dogs, parking for one car,
two game programs, and two caps. In 2015, the average cost of such as outing
was over $500 for NFL games, greater than $300 for NBA and NHL contests,
and in excess of $200 for MLB games (Scibetti, 2017). Unfortunately, a weekly
trip to the ballpark or arena for a professional sporting event may no longer be
a viable option for many fans, at least not as a family outing.
A second particularly important factor impacting viability concerns the avail-
ability of an event and tickets to an event (Maehr & Braskamp, 1986). Event
availability can have both positive and negative influences on attendance deci-
sions. For example, attending an Olympic event may be a once-in-a-lifetime
opportunity (i.e., low future availability), thereby increasing the attractiveness
of attendance. However, in some instances, the lack of future options may actu-
ally decrease the likelihood of attendance. An example of this occurred when the
Houston Oilers NFL team announced a year in advance that they were moving
the franchise to Nashville, Tennessee. During their last year in Houston, attend-
ance at Oilers’ games dropped by approximately 50 percent. Those who chose
not to attend may have reasoned that, because future attendance was not a
viable option (i.e., it would take a great deal of time and expense to see the team
play in Nashville), it made little sense to continue rooting for the team. In addi-
tion, the Nashville stadium was still under construction during the following
season. Consequently, the team was forced to play its home games in Memphis,
Tennessee, a three-hour drive from Nashville. As was the case with attendance
in Houston the previous season, attendance in Memphis was well under expec-
tations. Many persons likely reasoned that, because the team would not be com-
peting in Memphis next season, why support the team by purchasing tickets?
As for the availability of tickets, Wann et al. (2004) studied the influence of
ticket scarcity on interest in attending a sporting event. College students read
 CHAPTER 5 ▸ Fandom and Sport Consumption Behavior 87
one of two scenarios describing their opportunity to attend an NCAA men’s
basketball tournament game in a city two hours away. The two scenarios were
identical except in one condition participants learned that there were only 25
tickets remaining (the scarcity condition), while others read that there were still
2,000 tickets available (the not scarce condition). The respondents then answered
items assessing their desire to attend the contest. Wann and his colleagues found
that those in the scarcity condition had a greater desire to attend the game, were
more likely to miss work to attend, and were willing to spend more for a ticket,
relative to those in the not scarce condition. Thus, fans may be more likely to
consume sport when they believe that tickets will be hard to acquire.

Personal Incentives A second dimension incorporated into PIT involves

personal incentives (Maehr & Braskamp, 1986). There are four different types
of personal incentives: task, ego, social, and extrinsic. Task incentives involve
the activity itself, that is, the individual engages in the activity simply because of
the enjoyment derived from it. Applied to sport consumption behavior, task
incentives refer to an individual’s desire to consume a specific sport because he
or she enjoys one or more components of that sport.
Ego incentives involve competition with others and demonstrating one’s
superiority at a task. Thus, with respect to sport fandom and the consumption
of sport, ego incentives refer to the desire to watch a favorite team succeed.
Several studies have documented the positive relationship between team success
and attendance (e.g., Baade & Tiehen, 1990; Brooks, 1994; Hay & Rao, 1982;
Laverie & Arnett, 2000; Pinnuck & Potter, 2006), leading some to suggest that
team performance is the most important factor in attendance decisions
(Guttmann, 1986; Zhang et al., 1996).
Social incentives refer to interpersonal relationships that result from partici-
pation in an activity. This incentive is related to the pleasure received from
spending time with and/or gaining the approval of others (Pan & Baker, 1999;
Pan et al., 1997; Wakefield, 1995). For instance, for some people the opportu-
nity to spend time with family members serves as sufficient incentive for attend-
ing a sporting event. For others, the social setting may be used for business
purposes or to gain social status by being seen in public.
Finally, extrinsic rewards involve direct benefits gained from participating in
an activity. To attract fans, team marketing strategists dole out extrinsic rewards
in the form of giveaways (e.g., autograph balls, hats, T-shirts—we just love
those T-shirts!), free entertainment (e.g., fireworks shows, postgame concerts),
and opportunities to interact with the players (e.g., autograph and photo oppor-
tunity days).

Sense of Self Although marketing ploys can increase consumption (at least
temporarily), there is likely a point at which fans will no longer be motivated to
attend games simply because of special promotions and/or giveaways. For
example, an individual may attend a game or two because the ticket prices have
been lowered or to see a fireworks display, but these and similar strategies are
not likely to result in enduring sport consumption behavior. Rather, repeat
consumption will be driven by the personal meaning a fan attaches to a sport,
team, or event. As the sport object becomes more meaningful, takes on greater
88 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
intrinsic importance, and is incorporated into one’s self-concept, consumption
should increase.
Within Personal Investment Theory, the relevance of consumption decisions
for one’s identity concerns the sense of self. According to Maehr and Braskamp
(1986), sense of self involves a “more or less organized collection of perceptions,
beliefs, and feelings about who one is” and how an “individual perceives himself
or herself as associated with certain groups and holds selected others to be sig-
nificant” (p. 59). In previous chapters, we have discussed three areas of research
that involve fans’ sense of self: the Psychological Continuum Model, fan motives,
and team identification. Each of these critically important topics concerns one’s
perception of why he or she is a fan as well as his or her connection to and iden-
tification with sport objects.
In the following sections, we examine the impact of these three areas. You
will likely notice that the coverage of these topics is more detailed than that for
perceived options and personal incentives. This unbalanced coverage did not
happen by accident. Rather, your authors believe that although options and
incentives influence sport consumption decisions, the impact of connections,
motives, and identification (i.e., one’s sense of self) plays a much more signifi-
cant role. And as you will read, research substantiates our position.

The Psychological Continuum Model and

Sport Consumer Behavior
Recalling the stages of the PCM (Awareness, Attraction, Attachment, and
Allegiance), it is important to consider the forms and levels of consumption that
one would expect from fans operating at the different stages. Those character-
ized by awareness are not likely to engage in sport consumption behaviors. The
logic here is that at the Awareness stage, although an individual has knowledge
of a sport object, this does not necessarily equate to interest in that object.
Consequently, it is unlikely those merely at an awareness level would engage in
sport consumption activities (Funk & James, 2016). Granted, there may be situ-
ations in which persons at the Awareness stage consume sport, but it is likely at
low frequencies and may simply be exploratory in nature (Funk, Beaton, &
Pritchard, 2011; Funk & James, 2016). For example, when a child is taken to
his or her first game by a parent, although they are technically a sport consumer,
they are still functioning at the Awareness stage.
As a fan progresses through the PCM stages and the connections to sport
objects intensify, increases in consumption are likely (Funk et al., 2011; Funk &
James, 2016). This pattern of effects should not be surprising. As a strong, posi-
tive attitude toward a sport object forms and connections increase, there should
be greater interest in consuming that object. For example, if the sport object in
question was a team, the increased connection should result in a greater desire
to discuss the team, watch them on television and in person, and purchase team
apparel. These behaviors convey a person’s interest in the team, and, as the con-
nection strengthens, the team becomes personally meaningful and associated
with the self-concept. Consequently, sport consumer behaviors such as
 CHAPTER 5 ▸ Fandom and Sport Consumption Behavior 89
attending and/or watching games, talking about a team, and wearing team
apparel become important outlets of self-expression and identification.
Having read the previous paragraph, you may be tempted to view fandom
and sport consumption as a form of escalating commitment. Indeed, if you have
read a sport marketing textbook, you likely have been exposed to a Model of
Escalating Commitment. This approach is a simplistic representation of move-
ment from lower to higher levels of consumption. For example, sport marketers
begin with someone that has purchased a single game ticket, work to “move”
that consumer to purchasing a partial season ticket plan, then further “move”
the individual to purchase a full-season ticket package. Although there is an
expectation of intensification in consumer behavior from Awareness to
Allegiance, simply perceiving consumption as a consequence of escalating com-
mitment is an oversimplification of the process. That is, to focus solely on
encouraging sport consumers to buy more does not consider the complexity of
consumer decision making.
One concern with the escalation framework is that those writing from this
approach may not explain the rationale for such behavior (Mullin, Hardy, &
Sutton, 2014). That is, authors writing about escalating commitment and con-
sumer behavior frequently use game attendance as evidence; there is a progres-
sion from not attending, to attending a single game, to attending a few contests,
to purchasing a partial season ticket package, to purchasing full-season tickets.
But is such a progression an escalation in commitment? Maybe, but examples of
escalating commitment are typically just illustrations of consumer segments and
not empirical evidence of increasing commitment (Irwin, Southall, & Sutton,
2007; Pritchard & Stinson, 2014). Additionally, examples of escalating commit-
ment are frequently based on cross-sectional research (the academician’s version
of “one and done”). For example, Mullin and his colleagues (2014) write, “fans
who currently attend three games per year typically include their intention to
attend five or six games the next year” (p. 43). A single cross-sectional study of
purchase intentions provides some information but is not evidence of an escalat-
ing commitment. Rather, longitudinal designs are required to provide support
for a process of escalation.
An additional concern with escalating commitment is that such an approach
fails to address what happens at the top of the escalator. There are a finite num-
ber of games to attend and a finite amount of merchandise to purchase. For
example, consider ticket sales to a sporting event. If a goal of escalating commit-
ment is to “move people up” and get them to purchase more tickets, at some
point all the seats in a venue will be sold out as season tickets. Granted, this
seems like a desirable outcome from a sport marketing perspective. And it would
be, as long as all our consumers are alive. But in such a scenario, are we waiting
for consumers to “die off” to attract new consumers? If all the seats in an arena
are sold as season tickets, how would a marketer attract new consumers? Where
would the new consumers come from to begin their trek up the escalator?
The point we are emphasizing is that fandom and sport consumer behavior
involve much more than just getting sport consumers to increasingly buy more
(e.g., tickets, merchandise, memorabilia). It is important to understand not just
what sport consumers are doing (e.g., how much they consume) but also to
90 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
understand why individuals consume (e.g., what influences sport consumption).
We contend the impact of fandom on sport consumer behavior should be stud-
ied with a comprehensive theoretical framework such as the PCM, allowing for
an understanding of the interaction between attitudes and behaviors (Funk
et al., 2011).

Using the PCM to Study Sport

Consumer Behavior
A limitation in the early development of the PCM was the lack of a mechanism
or tool to place an individual into one of the stages (Funk & James, 2016). To
help fill this research void, Beaton, Funk, and Alexandris (2009) developed and
tested a PCM staging tool utilizing a three-step procedure. The first step involves
measuring three facets of involvement (pleasure, centrality, and sign) and calcu-
lating mean scores for each facet (Funk & James, 2016; see Table 5.1 for defini-
tions of the three involvement facets). The second step concerns the application
of predetermined cutoff points to characterize an individual as having high,
medium, or low levels for each involvement facet. In the final step, one applies
a staging algorithm to select one of 27 unique profiles to slot an individual
within a particular stage of the PCM.
The unique profiles represent the different combinations of the three facets of
involvement, and there are unique profiles for each stage. For example, if a per-
son’s level for pleasure was “high,” and the levels for sign and centrality were
“medium” and “medium” respectively, the unique profile would be “Attachment:
H-M-M.” If a person’s level for pleasure, centrality, and sign are each “low,”
the unique profile would be “Awareness: L-L-L.” One more example: if a per-
son’s level for pleasure, centrality, and sign are each “high,” the unique profile
would be “Allegiance: H-H-H” (see Beaton et al., 2009, for a complete descrip-
tion of each profile). Investigators have successfully utilized the staging tool to
position individuals along the PCM (e.g., Beaton, Funk, Ridinger, & Jordan,
2011; Funk et al., 2011; Kunkel, Doyle, & Funk, 2014; Nyadzayo, Leckie, &
McDonald, 2016) and to examine differences in attitudes and behaviors based
on strength of psychological connection.
Surprisingly, though, there is limited information about the utility of the
PCM in furthering our understanding of consumer behavior among fans. This

TABLE 5.1 Defining the Facets of Involvement

Facet Definition
Pleasure The hedonic value derived from a sport object.
Centrality The primary role a sport object has in an individual’s life.
Sign The symbolic value of the sport object.

Note: Adapted from Doyle et al. (2013).

 CHAPTER 5 ▸ Fandom and Sport Consumption Behavior 91
model has been successfully used to frame results from a variety of other sport-
related domains. For instance, researchers have utilized the PCM to better com-
prehend active leisure (Alexandris, Du, Funk, & Theodorakis, 2017;
Brandon-Lai, Funk, & Jordan, 2015), brand development and trust (Filo,
Funk, & Alexandris, 2008; Kunkel et al., 2014), website content and attitude
change (Filo, Funk, & Hornby, 2009), and involvement with a destination (Filo,
Chen, King, & Funk, 2013). But research that includes testing the PCM within
the confines of sport fandom remains rare. Two notable exceptions can be
found.
Doyle et al. (2013) used the PCM and staging tool in their examination of
consumers of particular leagues and teams. Because the staging tool constructed
by Beaton and his colleagues (2009) was developed for sport participants (the
PCM applies to both participants and fans), Doyle et al. (2013) modified the
wording of items to assess involvement with spectator sport. They found that
“attitudes become increasingly strengthened across the awareness, attraction,
attachment and allegiant stages” (p. 105). Consumption behaviors such as
watching games played by teams in a favorite league and watching a favorite
team play on television became more frequent as the strength of the psychologi-
cal connection increased.
In a study testing the PCM within fan environments, de Groot and Robinson
(2008) studied the attitude formation of a fan of the Australian Football League.
The researchers conducted this case study to better understand “the turning
points and underlying psychological factors that made this particular subject an
attached and devoted fan” (p. 120). The investigation included multiple in-
depth interviews with the fan, as well as discussions with the fan’s family mem-
bers and friends. The authors used the information to document the process of
becoming a fan across the stages of the PCM. De Groot and Robinson estab-
lished the influence of socializing agents (particularly family), dispositional
influences (self-esteem enhancement), the personal importance of the team man-
ifested through identification, and the persistent and consistent behaviors (get-
ting a tattoo, attending games) and attitudes toward the team. The authors
concluded (pp. 135–136):

The PCM provides a useful tool to examine fandom through the inte-
gration of stage based connections. Within the stages processes can
confine the complexity and non-linear element of human emotion. It
has been helpful to structure the qualitative interviews along the PCM
in order to determine the process of attachment and identify the critical
turning points that mark the different stages. The framework helped to
structure the data and identify the transitions in the process.

As researchers, we recognize the value of the PCM as a comprehensive under-

standing of the formation and continuation of fandom. However, the PCM can
also be used to help us understand behaviors associated with and expected at the
different stages. This would include actions associated with sport consumption.
What does this mean for sport marketers? If we gain a better understanding of
the factors influencing how and why people become fans, promotional strategies
92 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
can be developed to augment these factors. Furthermore, as our understanding
of the process through which one becomes a fan is advanced, such as the factors
that influence movement among the PCM stages, sport marketers should be able
to develop successful strategies to foster connections with a team (e.g., cam-
paigns such as MLB’s “Our Team, Our Town”).
Early work applying the PCM to the study of sport consumer behavior (e.g.,
Doyle et al., 2013) is promising, but clearly more should be done. As Funk and
James (2016) explain, the PCM is entering a “Contextual Period of examina-
tion.” Specifically, these authors write (p. 258):

The Contextual Period will embrace an exploration of the nuances of

the consumer context. The Contextual Period will primarily focus on
the environmental experience in order to better understand what influ-
ences stage placement as well as transitions between stages. This should
be driven by a service experience design approach in which the con-
sumer experience is considered a journey through which many interac-
tions occur between an individual and a sport organization . . . This
will require researching the experience as it happens, as the use of pose-
event surveys or online panels about an experience can suffer from
memory decay. Efforts will be needed to map out a behavioral system
or sequencing of behaviors and testing prototypes of simulated behav-
ior. Without this approach, it will be difficult for researchers to create
a comprehensive and customized blueprint of consumption points to
measure and capture the complexities of the experiential journey,
which includes the service design.

Sport Fan Motives and Consumer Behavior

Specific fan motives are a second sense-of-self factor. Sport fandom can satisfy
many different motives, several of which were covered in the previous chapter.
Specifically, we examined fulfillment of the need for belonging (i.e., group affili-
ation), a desire to spend time with family, enjoying the beauty and grace of sport
(i.e., aesthetics), enhancement of self-esteem, searching for excitement and stim-
ulation (i.e., eustress), the acquisition of knowledge, fulfilling a need to escape,
and a desire to be entertained. Sport marketers recognize (or they should) that
promotional strategies could be developed to focus on one or more motives in
an effort to stimulate sport consumer behavior. For example, consider the group
affiliation/belongingness motive. Fans new to an area could be targeted in mar-
keting campaigns designed to reach new residents, such as offering periodic
“meet and greet” promotions. Similarly, promoting the opportunity to spend
time with family (e.g., “Family Night at the Ballpark!”) is a fairly common sport
marketing tactic. Additionally, consider television commercials that promote
and hype the excitement of a sport (e.g., basketball ads depicting images of play-
ers flying through the air and dunking). Through these advertisements, sport
marketers convey the excitement and beauty of sporting events in an attempt to
stimulate attendance or viewership by targeting the entertainment and aesthetic
motives.
 CHAPTER 5 ▸ Fandom and Sport Consumption Behavior 93
However, just because people notice and remember marketing campaigns
touching on fan motives does not necessarily mean the advertisements influence
behavior and increase sport consumption. Thus, it is critical to investigate the
extent to which such tactics are successful. Do strategies focused on connecting
to sport consumer motives result in or lead to sport consumer behavior?
Referring back to the examples above, do new residents attend meet and greet
parties at a sporting event? Are families attending baseball games together? Do
people watch basketball games specifically to see dunks and highly skilled play?
In the following section, we investigate research designed to answer these ques-
tions by determining the relationship between sport fan motives and consump-
tion behavior.

The Relationship Between Motivation and

Sport Consumption
In this section, we review a handful of studies to determine what has been
learned about the influence of sport fan motives on consumer behavior. Of
course, this is not an exhaustive coverage of the literature—such an analysis
could require several volumes. Rather, our goal is to provide a representative
overview of this work. We follow this with a discussion of how sport marketers
might use this research to inform their marketing campaigns, as well as chal-
lenges to such applications.
Let us start at the beginning with Wann’s (1995) early work. In his initial
development of the Sport Fan Motivation Scale (SFMS), Wann reported correla-
tions between motives (i.e., SFMS subscales) and interest in 13 different sports.
Overall, the motives were significantly correlated with ten of the 13 sports.
Particular motives were correlated with interest in some but not all sports. For
example, escape was significantly correlated with interest in baseball, basket-
ball, football, golf, and fishing. Thus, it can be concluded that people were inter-
ested in following these sports in part to experience some degree of escape from
their day-to-day routine.
If sport marketers would like to better understand reasons why people may
be interested in a particular sport, the work of Wann, Grieve, Zapalac, and
Pease (2008) can be informative. These authors examined the motives included
in the SFMS in relation to different sport types (i.e., stylistic/non-stylistic, aggres-
sive/nonaggressive, and individuals/team). The results provide information
about which motives are more or less associated with various sport types.
Several motivational differences were reported. For example, consider the group
affiliation and aesthetic motives. Figure 5.2 depicts levels of these motives for
interest in stylistic (e.g., figure skating, gymnastics) and non-stylistic sports (e.g.,
hockey, baseball). As noted in the figure, higher scores for group affiliation
motivation were found for non-stylistic relative to stylistic sports. The opposite
pattern of effects was revealed for aesthetic motivation; this motive was particu-
larly high for stylistic sports.
Moving beyond correlations between sport interest and sport motives, it can
also be useful to examine relationships among motives and sport consumption
94 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports

High
Level of Movaon

Stylisc
Non-Stylisc
Low

Group Affiliaon Aesthec

FIGURE 5.2 Group Affiliation and Aesthetic Motivation for Stylistic and Non-Stylistic
Sports. Adapted From Wann et al. (2008)

behaviors. For example, in their work developing the Motivation Scale for Sport
Consumption (MSSC), Trail and James (2001) examined behaviors associated
with sport consumer motives. They found that various motives (although not
always the same ones) were correlated with attendance, merchandise purchases,
and media consumption. Thus, combining the work of Wann (1995) and Trail
and James (2001), there is evidence that particular sport fan motives are corre-
lated with interest in sport, as well as consumption behaviors such as attendance
at contests, media consumption of games, and merchandise purchases.

Applying Information on the Relationship Between Motivation and

Sport Consumption The studies outlined above reveal that fan motives are
frequently correlated with sport interest and consumption. This pattern of effects
has been documented in several additional studies (e.g., Fink & Parker, 2009;
Funk, Beaton, & Alexandris, 2012; Funk et al., 2003; James, 2002; Kwon &
Trail, 2001). However, simply acknowledging the relationship is of little use to
sport marketing professionals. Rather, they must develop practical applications
of this research and incorporate this information into their marketing and
promotional campaigns. There are several ways marketers can use data on the
relationship between sport fan motivation and consumption habits. One
possibility is to utilize the information to develop motivation profiles of fans
favoring certain types of sports (cf., McDonald, Milne, & Hong, 2002). For
example, referring back to the work of Wann and his colleagues (2008) and the
information presented in Figure 5.2, we would expect that marketing strategies
incorporating aesthetic motivation to be particularly effective for stylistic sports.
 CHAPTER 5 ▸ Fandom and Sport Consumption Behavior 95
Additionally, sport marketers could utilize the literature on fan motives and
consumption to construct strategies for use in different settings. For example,
Fink and Parker (2009) compared motivation patterns when individuals
watched a televised contest involving a favorite team and when they viewed a
game in which a favorite team was not competing. They reported significant
differences for three motives: achievement, acquisition of knowledge, and physi-
cal skill. Each of these motives had higher ratings when watching a contest
involving a favorite team. What might a sport marketer do with such informa-
tion? Knowing that fans watching their team compete are particularly high in
achievement motivation could lead to the development of marketing tactics
highlighting this motive for these fans. That is, marketing campaigns for home-
town fans (e.g., televising Philadelphia Eagles games in Philadelphia) could
include statements highlighting the achievements and accomplishments of the
team. Conversely, these statements could be replaced with content targeting dif-
ferent fan motives for campaigns presented to audiences outside the Philadelphia
viewing area.
A third potential use of the data involves the development of strategies that
resonate with particular groups of fans (Won & Kitamura, 2007). An example
of this approach can be found in the work of Kwon and Trail (2001). They
investigated differences in motives influencing the sport consumption of interna-
tional and domestic university students. Kwon and Trail found one motive to be
significantly different between the two groups; international students had higher
scores for aesthetic motivation. Eustress was the highest-rated motive for both
groups. Knowing this, sport marketers could develop campaigns that resonate
with specific fan groups. Utilizing the results from Kwon and Trail as an exam-
ple, marketing strategies emphasizing eustress could be developed and directed
at both groups. Additionally, international students could be specifically tar-
geted with promotions and slogans highlighting aesthetics.

Challenges With Applying Fan Motivation Results to Sport

Consumption Although sport marketers may be able to use information on
the relationship between motivation and consumption to structure and
improve the effectiveness of their marketing tactics, this is a much more
complicated process than most believe. In actuality, there are a number of
issues that hamper the effectiveness of these endeavors.
One problem is that investigators often use motives to predict interest in
sport, but interest may or may not translate into consumption (e.g., James,
2002). For example, as noted above, Wann (1995) found that a number of
motives were significantly related to interest in certain sports. For the sport
marketer, the challenge is that, although this helps us understand why people
are interested in a sport product, it does not provide definitive answers as to
whether such interests drive consumption behavior (Trail & James, 2015).
A second challenge in the applied use of research on sport fan motives is that
much of this work assessed intentions rather than behavior (e.g., Byon,
Cottingham, & Carroll, 2010; Kim, James, & Kim, 2013; Kim, Trail, &
Magnusen, 2013; Koo & Hardin, 2008). That is, researchers have used motives
to predict what fans say they would do, not their actual behavior. Granted,
96 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
there are precedents for studying intentions based on the premise that intentions
influence behaviors (Ajzen, 1985; Al-Suqri & Al-Kuarusi, 1980). Thus, we
would expect that fans’ intentions would correlate with their actions. However,
there will be times when they fail to act on their desires. Thus, drawing conclu-
sions based on intentions rather than actions can be problematic and lead to
misguided assumptions (Sniehotta, Presseau, & Araujo-Soares, 2014; Zaharia,
Biscaia, Gray, & Stotlar, 2016). For sport marketers, developing strategic cam-
paigns based on intentions may not have the effectiveness they desire.
A third challenge concerns the fact that although researchers may provide
evidence that motives are correlated with interest, intentions, and/or behaviors,
there is not always conclusive information on cause and effect relationships. As
professors remind their students on a daily basis (if they do not, they should),
correlation does not equal causation. Definitive answers to cause and effect
require experimental methods (e.g., random assignment), but these procedures
are often difficult in applied disciplines such as the study of sport fandom.
When two variables are correlated, there are three possible causal patterns that
could be at play. These possibilities are shown in Figure 5.3. For example,

A B
Self-esteem Sport
Movaon Consumpon

B A
Sport Self-esteem
Consumpon Movaon

A
Sport
Consumpon

C
Team
Success
B
Self-esteem
Movaon

FIGURE 5.3 Potential Causal Patterns Involving Self-Esteem Motivation and Sport
Consumption
 CHAPTER 5 ▸ Fandom and Sport Consumption Behavior 97
consider if a researcher found that the self-esteem motive was positively corre-
lated with sport consumption. With respect to causal relationships, one possibil-
ity is that a fan’s motivation to enhance her self-esteem will lead (i.e., cause) her
to consume sport (written generically as AB). This causal pattern could be valu-
able to sport marketers; if they could devise strategies that tap into the self-esteem
motive, they may be able to enhance consumption for a fan base. However, this
is only one of three possible patterns. A second would reverse the variables.
Written generically as BA, for our example this would be that consumption
causes changes in self-esteem. This pattern is also likely and, as you will read in
later chapters, supported by research (Bizman & Yinon, 2002; Cialdini et al.,
1976). And adding to the confusion, there may be one or more additional varia-
bles (i.e., “C”) that are actually the cause of both A and B. For instance, perhaps
a team’s success drives both the fan’s sport consumption and her self-esteem
motivation. The existence of these additional variables can be problematic for
sport marketers. Indeed, Trail and James (2015) note that one of the primary dif-
ficulties in studying sport consumer behavior in association with specific motives
is that motives may be impacted by other factors (e.g., pricing, timing of sporting
events, other life events). In fact, Trail and James write that “the influence of
motives directly on sport consumption behavior is not very large” (p. 199).

Team Identification and Sport

Consumer Behavior
Team identification is a third factor related to the sense-of-self component of
Personal Investment Theory. As noted in Chapter 3, many scholars have exam-
ined the impact of team identification on the affective, behavioral, and cognitive
reactions of fan. Historically, however, there seems to have been more work on
identification in relation to attitudes and emotions than on sport consumer
behavior, although this literature has begun to flourish in recent years. Overall,
this growing body of work provides evidence that identification is a powerful
predictor of a wide variety of sport consumption behaviors. This includes direct
consumption via attendance (James & Trail, 2008; Matsuoka, Chelladurai, &
Harada, 2003; Wakefield, 1995; Wann, Roberts, & Tindall, 1999), indirect
consumption via the media (Bernache-Assollant, Bouchet, & Lacassagne, 2007;
Suh, Ahn, & Eagleman, 2013), purchases of merchandise and apparel (Kwon &
Armstrong, 2002; Kwon et al., 2007; Lee & Ferreira, 2011), and consumption
of sponsor’s products (Madrigal, 2004; Nassis, Theodorakis, Alexandris,
Tsellou, & Afthinos, 2012).

Using Identification to Increase Sport

Consumption: More Challenges
for Sport Marketers
Team identification could have a greater impact on consumption than any other
variable. Given this, the reader may conclude that to increase consumption, all
marketers need to do is increase the identification of a fan base, and people will
98 PART I ▸ How and Why Fans Follow Sports
flock to the stadium; turn on their televisions, radios, and computers; and head
to the team merchandise store. Although increasing identification to facilitate
consumption seems like a simple task, in reality it is quite difficult. Some of the
difficulty involves the same challenges found with sport fan motivation. For
instance, as with research on fan motivation, work on team identification and
consumption has often examined intentions rather than actual behavior (e.g.,
James & Trail, 2008; Matsuoka et al., 2003; Theodorakis, Kousetelios,
Robinson, & Barlas, 2009). In addition, because the vast majority of research is
correlational, we are left without definitive answers to causal patterns. Does
identification lead to greater consumption, does consumption lead to increased
levels of identification, or is there a third variable responsible for higher levels of
both identification and consumption? Answers to questions regarding causal
relationships are still largely unknown.
Additionally, sport scholars and marketing professionals need to think criti-
cally about how they assess team identification. As noted in Chapter 3, research-
ers have often misinterpreted their measurement of team identification by
including persons not identifying with a team among those having low levels of
identification (James et al., in press). This misinterpretation is problematic to
sport marketers, given that those with no identification and those with low lev-
els will almost certainly have dissimilar consumption patterns and respond dif-
ferently to marketing campaigns. For instance, imagine an advertisement
promoting an upcoming jersey giveaway. Those with a small connection to a
team (i.e., those with low levels of identification) may at least notice the adver-
tisement and have some interest in acquiring the jersey. However, persons with
no connection to the team might completely dismiss the advertisement given
that owning the jersey has no personal meaning to these individuals.
Consequently, those examining the impact of team identification on consump-
tion behaviors and the success of marketing tactics should use the revised SSIS
(James et al., in press) or modify other measures of team identification to avoid
the error of misinterpretation.
But perhaps the greatest challenge facing marketers hoping to impact con-
sumption via team identification involves the difficulty in developing strategies
to increase identification. For instance, consider the following antecedents to
team identification: team success, living close to a team, and the socialization
process. In addition to being important causes of team identification, these
three factors share another thing in common: they are all difficult if not impos-
sible to directly manipulate from a marketing perspective. That is, sport mar-
keters are not able to influence how well a team performs, where someone
lives, or how someone was raised. To illustrate this point, imagine that a sport
marketer interviewed the authors of this text to gain information on how we
became fans of the Murray State (Dan) or Florida State (Jeff) athletic teams.
The marketer’s plan is to use information gleaned from the interviews to
develop strategies to enhance the identification of fans (or potential fans) of
these schools. The interviews would likely be very short, and our answers
would be quite similar. That is, when asked why we are identified with these
teams, we would simply reply, “Because that’s where I work.” What could the
sport marketers do with this information? Not much, really. Essentially, they
 CHAPTER 5 ▸ Fandom and Sport Consumption Behavior 99
would need to be able to dictate where someone gained employment, some-
thing they obviously cannot do.
So, does this mean we should abandon the notion of increasing sport con-
sumption behavior via marketing strategies targeting team identification?
Absolutely not! It simply means that one typically does not have the ability to
reproduce the same set of environmental or psychological circumstances that
served as antecedents to identification. But what marketers might be able to do
is develop campaigns that highlight these antecedents. Using the example above,
although marketers cannot choose who works where, they can develop tactics
that focus on supporting teams that represent an employer. Similarly, although
marketing professionals cannot impact the socialization process, they can high-
light parents and children consuming sport together. By making these anteced-
ents salient, marketers likely draw attention to the factors driving one’s
identification, which in turn may facilitate sport consumption (Laverie & Arnett,
2000). These strategies may also influence persons who are not yet identified
with a team by highlighting positive aspects of identification. For example, sta-
diums have been implicated as an antecedent to team identification (Uhrich &
Benkenstein, 2010; Underwood et al., 2001). Although sport marketers cannot
decide what a stadium contains, they can focus on the stadium in their cam-
paigns. This likely will impact those already identified with the team (i.e., remind
them that they enjoy the stadium) as well as those not yet connected with the
team (i.e., provide information on the positive attributes of the stadium to per-
sons who have not yet attended a game there).

Post-Consumption: Still More

Decisions to Be Made
By now it should be apparent that sport consumer behavior is influenced by a
lot of variables, and fans are faced with many decisions when making consump-
tion choices. In an attempt to apply structure to the complexity of this process,
Trail and James (2015) proposed a comprehensive Model of Sport Consumer
Behavior (see Figure 5.4). This approach incorporates many of the issues dis-
cussed in the preceding sections, such as cultural influences, awareness, person
variables (e.g., motivation and identification), and behavioral intentions.
However, looking closer at the final stage of the model, it becomes apparent that
decisions do not end with consumption behavior. Rather, fans evaluate their
experience and makes additional decisions based on those evaluations.
The Trail and James (2015) model incorporates three facets of an individual’s
sport consumption evaluation that impact his or her repatronage decisions: con-
firmation (or disconfirmation) of expectancies, affective responses, and self-
esteem responses. (Dis)Confirmation of expectations refers to the extent that the
game met the fan’s expectations for the event. Perhaps the event was as exciting
and enjoyable as expected. Or maybe the contest failed to meet expectations
because the arena was in disarray and a star player did not play. Affective
responses concern the consumer’s emotional reactions to the event. As will be
detailed in the next chapter, fans’ emotional reactions to sporting events impact
 Culture

Internal Motivation External Activation

Awareness of
Personal Needs Personality
Product

Personal Values Interest in Product

Evaluation of
Personal Goals
Product

Attitude toward
Product

External Intentions for Initial

Constraints Consumption of Product

Initial Consumption of
Product

Post-consumption
Reactions/Evaluation

(Dis)confirmation
of Expectancies

Affective Response

Self-esteem
Response

Repatronage
Intentions

FIGURE 5.4 Model of Sport Consumer Behavior (Trail & James, 2015).
 CHAPTER 5 ▸ Fandom and Sport Consumption Behavior 101
decisions for future consumption (Biscaia, Correia, Rosado, Maroco, & Ross,
2012; Jang, Ko, Wann, & Chang, in press; Yoshida & James, 2010). Fans who
had a positive emotional experience are likely to choose to be repeat consumers.
The third facet, the fan’s self-esteem response, involves the extent to which an
individual’s consumption experience impacts her or his self-concept. One such
response might be an increase in self-esteem (feeling good or confident about
oneself) because a favorite team won a game. The psychological responses a fan
experiences, including impact on self-esteem, are examined in more detail in
Chapter 10.

Some Final Thoughts

We have learned a great deal about sport consumption behavior in the last few
decades, and what has become quite clear is that there are a number of variables
influencing a fan’s consumption decisions. Moving forward, however, there are
two important ways research on sport consumption could be improved. First,
investigators need to conduct more field research, engaging with fans prior to,
during, and after their consumption experience. Although valuable information
can be acquired in the lab, acquiring data as fans live their experience will result
in a more accurate picture of sport consumption. Admittedly, work has been
done that involves sport consumers in live or “real” settings (e.g., Funk et al.,
2012; James et al., 2002), but much more of this type of work is needed.
Second, although we presented the three PIT sense-of-self components sepa-
rately, in reality, connections with sport objects, sport fan motives, and team
identification interact in their impact on sport consumption behavior. For exam-
ple, James and his colleagues (2002) studied reasons for purchasing season tick-
ets for a MLB team, testing for differences in the motives underlying ticket
purchases based on a fan’s strength of psychological connection. James and his
colleagues found that the number of motives influencing participants seemed to
escalate with increases in psychological connection. Individuals with low levels
of psychological connection were influenced by only one or two motives, while
those with a moderate or strong connection were impacted by four or more
motives. Thus, the sport consumer motivational profiles were different for indi-
viduals with varying degrees of psychological connection. Future endeavors
should take into account the interrelationships among the three sense-of-self
variables and incorporate them into assessments and analyses. Of course, this
will add to the complexity of the process of sport consumption behavior and
make life even more difficult for sport marketers hoping to develop theoretically
and empirically sound marketing strategies. Thus, like the sport consumers they
study, marketing professionals will face a lot of decisions when choosing the
most effective plans.
 PART TWO
The Emotional and
Aggressive Reactions of
Sport Fans
 CHAPTER 6
The Emotional Reactions
of Sport Fans Emotional and Aggressive ReactionsThe Emotional Reactions of Sport Fans

In the 2017 NCAA Men’s Basketball Tournament, the Elite Eight contest
between the University of Kentucky Wildcats and the University of North
Carolina Tar Heels was March Madness at its best. A late surge by North
Carolina gave them a seemingly insurmountable lead with under a minute left in
the game, but a furious run by Kentucky found them with the ball and down by
only three. The Kentucky comeback was complete when Malik Monk hit a
game tying three-point basket with less than ten seconds remaining. However,
much to the dismay of the Kentucky faithful, the Tar Heels raced back down the
court and secured the victory when Luke Maye sank a game-winning jumper,
sending North Carolina to the Final Four and Kentucky home for the season.
Shortly after the conclusion of the game, video surfaced of Kentucky fans watch-
ing the last moments of the contest. The video depicted the wide range of emo-
tions these fans experienced in only a few seconds. The Kentucky supporters,
clearly anxious just prior to Monk’s shot, erupted in euphoria when he tied the
game. They were on cloud nine—happy, relieved, hopeful, ecstatic, and proud.
And then it all came crashing down. The smiles, laughter, high-fives, and cheers
changed, in an instant, to tears, screams, and faces in hands. Once on top of the
world, they were now sad, disappointed, angry, depressed, and in disbelief.
The event described above is but one of a countless number of incidents high-
lighting the powerful impact sport has on the affective reactions of fans and
spectators. Although fans do not always experience such a wide range of emo-
tions in response to a single event, they likely can recall times when they felt
almost every emotion imaginable. In fact, it would be difficult to describe one’s
fandom without incorporating the emotions that accompany the consumption
of sport. The emotions fans experience as a consequence of their strong psycho-
logical connection to sports, teams, and players are an integral part of the pas-
time. Essentially, to be a sport fan is to be emotional.
In the current chapter, we examine the affective reactions of fans. What will
become apparent is that the emotions of fans are intense and wide-ranging and
impact many different aspects of their lives. In the first section, we examine
research on the general positive and negative affective states of fans. Next, we
review work on what may well be the most basic fan emotions: the happiness
and sadness fans experience in response to their team’s performance. After this,

104
 CHAPTER 6 ▸ The Emotional Reactions of Sport Fans 105

Sport Fans Experience a Wide Range of Emotions When Watching Their Team Compete

we review other positive and negative emotions frequently reported by fans.

And finally, we discuss a number of additional issues related to the affective
experiences of fans, such as emotions stemming from non-performance events,
behavioral and attitudinal consequences of fan emotions, and the impact of fan
motivation on emotional responses.

General Positive and Negative

Affective Experiences
Wann et al. (1994) conducted one of the first studies to target the general posi-
tive and negative affective responses of fans. These authors examined specta-
tors’ affective responses to an easy victory, a difficult victory, and a loss. Prior
to the contest, the authors assessed participants’ pregame positive and negative
affective states as well as their level of identification with the home team.
Participants also completed an assessment of their emotional state immediately
following the contest. The results revealed that spectators experienced a small
increase in positive affect after the easy win, a large increase in response to the
difficult win, and a sharp reduction in positive affect following the loss.
Responses for negative affect generally mirrored those for positive emotions as
the respondents indicated a slight drop in negative affect following the easy win,
a bit larger drop after the difficult win, and a sizeable increase in negative affect
subsequent to the loss. Affect was also impacted by the spectators’ level of iden-
tification with the home team. Specifically, the pattern of effects detailed above
106 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
was magnified among those higher in team identification. A number of studies
have replicated these effects, finding that fans experience positive affect after
team success and negative affect after the team’s failures and that these reactions
are strongest for persons with stronger connections to the team (e.g., Bernache-
Assollant, Laurin, Bouchet, Bodet, & Lacassagne, 2010; Bizman & Yinon,
2002; Gan, Tuggle, Mitrook, Coussement, & Zillmann, 1997; Jensen et al.,
2016). As St. John (2004) writes of his journey into the world of college football
tailgating, “One simple truth I’ve come upon is that the more you immerse your-
self and identify with the team, the higher the payoff of a win, and the greater
the cost of a loss” (p. 269). Interestingly, fans’ positive and negative responses
to wins and losses are detected by their relationship partners. That is, individu-
als report that their significant others are in negative moods after losses and
positive moods after wins (End, Worthman, Foster, & Vandemark, 2009). This
finding has implications for the impact of fandom on interpersonal relation-
ships, an issue examined in Chapter 10.
The work detailed above reveals that to fully understand the emotional
responses of fans, individuals need to consider the fans’ psychological connec-
tion to the team (as well as the outcome of the contest). The impact of team
identification on the affective response of fans will be a consistent theme running
throughout this chapter, as identification plays a vital role in a number of differ-
ent emotional responses. The Disposition Theory of Sport Spectatorship pro-
vides a theoretical framework for understanding the interrelationships among
game outcome, team identification, and emotional reactions (Bryant, 1989; Izod,
1996; Sapolsky, 1980; Zillmann, Bryant, & Sapolsky, 1989; Zillmann & Paulas,
1993). This approach predicts that a spectator’s affective response to watching a
sporting event is a function of his or her disposition with the favored team, his
or her dislike of the team’s opponent, and the outcome of the competition (use
of the term “disposition” in this theory is generally equivalent to team identifica-
tion, see Bryant & Raney, 2000; Madrigal, 1995). Enjoyment of watching a
team succeed is expected to increase with positive sentiments toward the team
(i.e., identification) and decrease with negative sentiments. Enjoyment gained
from watching a team lose is expected to increase with negative sentiments and
decrease with positive sentiments. Therefore, spectators are predicted to be hap-
piest (and experience lower negative affect) when their favorite teams succeed
and when their least favorite teams fail. They should be least happy (and report
more negative affect) when their favorite teams fail and when their least favorite
teams succeed. In fact, some fans prefer rival failure over the success of a favorite
team (Lehr, Ferreira, & Banaji, in press). Given these predictions, it follows that
the greatest amount of positive affect should occur when a favored team defeats
a rival while the greatest amount of negative affect would be experienced when
a favored team loses to a rival. These patterns are depicted in Figure 6.1.

Specific Affective Experiences

of Sport Fans
Although research on the general positive and negative affective reactions of
fans is informative, a greater understanding can be achieved by investigating
 Posive Affect
Negave Affect

Favored Team Win Favored Team Loss Favored Team Win Favored Team Loss
OR OR AND AND
Rival Team Loss Rival Team Win Rival Team Loss Rival Team Win

High High High High

Level of Level of Level of Level of

Affect Affect Affect Affect

Low Low Low Low

Low Idenficaon High Low High Low High

Idenficaon Idenficaon Low Idenficaon High
(Disposion) (Disposion) (Disposion) (Disposion)

FIGURE 6.1 Disposition Theory of Sport Spectatorship and the Positive and Negative Affective Reactions to Favored and Rival Team Wins and
Losses
108 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
specific emotions. For instance, consider the aforementioned study by Wann
and his colleagues (1994). The negative affect index utilized in their research
assessed a number of states, including frustration, anger, and sadness. Although
these emotional reactions are correlated, and, thus, it is psychometrically appro-
priate to combine them into a single index, they are different. For instance, there
are times when fans feel angry but not sad, and vice versa. In fact, this is pre-
cisely what Crisp, Heuston, Farr, and Turner (2007) found in their examination
of the affective reactions of soccer fans. Their results revealed that, in response
to poor team performance, low identified fans tended to respond with sadness
while persons higher in identification reported greater levels of anger.
Thus, knowing the particular emotional responses to a team’s performance
sheds additional light onto our understanding of sport fandom. Thankfully, a
number of studies have targeted specific affective responses. In the sections that
follow, we examine this literature, beginning with what may be the most fre-
quently studied fan emotions: happiness and sadness.

Happiness and Sadness of Sport Fans

Sometimes you’re crazy and you wonder why
I’m such a baby ‘cause the Dolphins make me cry

The lyrics above are from the 1990s hit song “Only Wanna Be with You” by
Hootie and the Blowfish. The song references lead singer Darius Rucker’s pas-
sion for the Miami Dolphins and, more particularly, the sadness he felt in
response to their losing. Rucker’s sorrow from following a struggling team is a
plight shared by many fans (who can forget the video of the disgruntled fan
referring to the Cleveland Browns’ stadium as a “factory of sadness”). Of
course, fan reactions to successful team performances bring about a vastly dif-
ferent affective response. When a team wins, the sky is bluer, the sun is brighter,
and all is right with the world. These distinct responses underscore the powerful
impact team performance can have on the happiness and sadness of sport fans.
A number of researchers have focused their attention on the happiness and sad-
ness of fans. This research reveals that, just as physical activity is associated with
greater levels of happiness (Wang et al., 2012), so too is involvement with sport as
a fan and spectator (Wang & Wong, 2014). As one would expect, fans report hap-
piness after successful team performance and sadness after poor performance
(Gantz & Wenner, 1995; Sloan, 1989; Sloan & Van Camp, 2008), a finding that
has been replicated at a variety of competition levels including collegiate (Jensen
et al., 2016), professional (Koenigstorfer, Groeppel-Klein, & Schmitt, 2010),
World Cup (Jones, Coffee, Sheffield, Yanguez, & Barker, 2012), and Olympic
(Hallmann, Breuer, & Kuhnreich, 2013). Furthermore, consistent with the
Disposition Theory of Sport Spectatorship detailed above, the experience of happi-
ness and sadness is most intense among persons high in team identification (Jang,
Ko, Wann, & Kim, in press; Keaton & Gearhart, 2014; Kwon, Lee, & Lee, 2008).
A series of studies conducted by Jang and his colleagues shed light on the
processes through which sport consumption leads to happiness. Jang, Wann,
and Ko (in press) investigated the impact of game process (i.e., a boring versus
 CHAPTER 6 ▸ The Emotional Reactions of Sport Fans 109
exciting contest) on fans’ happiness. Participants were asked to either recall
(Study 1) or imagine (Study 2) an exciting game that a preferred team had lost
or a boring contest that their team had won. Subjects’ identification with the
preferred team was also assessed, as was their happiness in response to the
game. The results indicated that highly identified fans were significantly happier
after the boring but winning game relative to the exciting loss game. Low identi-
fied persons reported similar levels of happiness for both contests. Thus, it
appears the combination of game process and outcome have differential impacts
on fans high and low in identification (see Figure 6.2). Those with greater psy-
chological connections to a team will be happiest after a win even if the game
was boring. For these fans, the outcome was of greater value than the suspense
and excitement of the game. Essentially, their happiness reflects former Oakland
Raiders’ owner Al Davis’ famous line: “Just win baby!”
A second investigation conducted by Jang and his associates (in press) targeted
the influence of vitality on fans’ happiness. Vitality involves “one’s conscious
experience of possessing energy and aliveness” (Ryan & Frederick, 1997, p. 530).
Given that vitality is related to positive psychological states (McNair, Lorr, &
Droppleman, 1971; Stewart, Hayes, & Ware, 1992), Jang and his coauthors felt
it may play a role in the happiness of sport fans as well. Research indicating that
team identification and vitality are positivity correlated (Wann & Craven, 2014)
provides additional evidence that vitality could be critical for understanding fans’
experiences of happiness. In the Jang et al. study, participants watched a high-
light video of a victory by the United States Men’s National Soccer team.
Subsequent to viewing the highlight video, participants completed a question-
naire packet assessing their happiness, vitality, and identification with the team.
The results indicated that vitality mediated the relationship between identifica-
tion and happiness. Thus, when watching one’s team perform well, team identi-
fication influences vitality (i.e., energy) which, in turn, influences happiness.
Level of Postgame Happiness
High

Excing Loss
Boring Win
Low

Low Idenficaon High Idenficaon

FIGURE 6.2 Postgame Happiness After an Exciting Loss and a Boring Win for Fans
High and Low in Team Identification
110 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions

Enjoyment and Satisfaction

Enjoyment and satisfaction are positive emotional responses that have gained
the attention of sport scientists interested in fan affect (Gan et al., 1997). With
respect to enjoyment, Tobar (2006) investigated the relationship between gen-
eral sport fandom and enjoyment of watching the Super Bowl. Enjoyment of a
number of different facets of the game was assessed, including athletic perfor-
mance, the halftime show, and the broadcasters. These were summed to form an
index of overall enjoyment. Persons with greater interest in sport reported more
enjoyment from their viewing experience. Taking a somewhat different
approach, rather than focusing on interest in sport, Wann and Schrader (1997)
investigated the relationship between team identification and enjoyment of an
athletic contest. Following two college basketball games (a win and a loss by the
local team), spectators completed measures assessing their identification with
the home team and their enjoyment of the contest. The greatest levels of enjoy-
ment were reported by highly identified fans who had witnessed a victory by
their team. Lower levels of enjoyment were found among highly identified fans
watching a defeat and low identified persons watching either contest.
As for satisfaction, a pair of interesting studies included examination of fans’
satisfaction with specific games. One of these investigations was conducted by
Sloan (1989), who investigated affective reactions to three different athletic
events: a loss, an easy victory, and a difficult victory. There was little pregame
to postgame change in satisfaction following the easy win. However, the diffi-
cult win and loss conditions revealed drastic changes. Significant increases in
satisfaction occurred after the difficult win, and large decreases were noted after
the loss.
Madrigal (2003) conducted a second examination of satisfaction with specific
sporting events. In this work, participants watched a live televised broadcast of
one of six contests involving their university’s men’s basketball team (the home
team’s record was 1–5 in the contests). Following the conclusion of the games,
participants completed a scale assessing their satisfaction with the event.
Consistent with the findings of Sloan (1989), satisfaction levels were tied to the
outcome of the games, with greater satisfaction reported after a win relative to
a loss. However, a deeper look into the data reveals an interesting pattern of
effects: satisfaction levels following defeat appear to be related to the magnitude
of the loss. For instance, the lowest level of satisfaction was reported after the
largest defeat (a 22-point loss) and the second-lowest level was found after the
second-worst loss (11-point spread). Furthermore, the second-highest levels of
satisfaction were reported subsequent to the team’s overtime loss. Taken
together, we can conclude from these two studies that satisfaction is not simply
a function of wins and losses but, rather, is also impacted by the magnitude of
the outcome.
A different approach to examining fan satisfaction was undertaken by
Koenigstorfer and his colleagues (2010; see also Koenigstorfer & Uhrich, 2009).
These researchers were interested in soccer fans’ responses to the threat of their
team being relegated to a lower division. Participants were supporters of one of
four teams in danger of having their team relegated. At the conclusion of the
season, two of the teams were indeed relegated, while the other two remained in
 CHAPTER 6 ▸ The Emotional Reactions of Sport Fans 111
the first division. Participants were asked to describe their feelings about the just
completed season. The results revealed differences in satisfaction levels as a
function of relegation. Specifically, a content analysis revealed a greater ten-
dency for persons supporting a non-relegated team to mention feeling satisfied
compared to persons whose team had been sent to a lower division. In fact, none
of the persons whose team had been relegated reported satisfaction with the
season.
A final investigation of fan satisfaction was conducted by Jang et al. (in press).
In a pair of studies, these authors examined the impact of game characteristics
and the spectating environment on fan satisfaction. The experiments employed
methods similar to those utilized in the previously discussed work by Jang et al.
(in press). That is, respondents recalled either an exciting game that their team
had lost or a boring contest that they had won and reported their satisfaction
with the game. In Study 1, the fans were more satisfied with the contest when
their team won a boring game than if it was an exciting game but their team had
been defeated. The second study extended these results by incorporating the
viewing environment into the model. That is, in addition to recalling either a
boring win or an exciting loss, participants targeted games they watched alone
and those they watched with others. Consistent with Study 1, participants
reported greater satisfaction after boring wins, and, for these games, the viewing
environment did not influence satisfaction levels (i.e., they were equally high).
However, an interesting pattern emerged for persons recalling an exciting loss.
For these contests, game satisfaction was higher when they watched with others.
Satisfaction was particularly low when persons watched exciting losses alone.
Evidently, when individuals watch an exciting contest that is eventually lost by
a favorite team, the ability to share in the excitement with others adds to their
satisfaction of the event (although not to the levels felt when the team is
victorious).

Tired and Fatigued

Researchers have also investigated the extent to which spectators feel tired and
fatigued in response to watching sporting events. A consistent finding from such
work is that fans watching their team lose report higher levels of fatigue/tired-
ness than those watching their team perform well. The previously reviewed
study by Sloan was perhaps the first to examine the impact of competition out-
come on the fatigue of fans. He found that spectators reported pre- to postgame
increases in tiredness after a loss, while no such change was found following
either an easy or difficult win. Wann and his colleagues (1994) replicated Sloan’s
work, but included an assessment of the participants’ level of identification with
the home team as well. Similar to Sloan’s data, their findings indicated that feel-
ings of tiredness increased from pre- to postgame for persons watching the team
lose. However, highly identified fans tended to be especially tired following the
team’s defeat.
A final study on fatigue to consider was conducted by Jones and his associates
(2012). These researchers investigated English and Spanish soccer fans’ reactions
to their team’s performance during the 2010 Soccer World Cup. The English and
112 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
Spanish teams (and consequently, their fans) had drastically different experiences
in this tournament. The English team failed to meet pre-tournament expecta-
tions, winning only one of the four matches they played. Conversely, despite an
early loss, the Spanish team went on a six-game winning streak and won their
first World Cup championship. For fans of both teams, post-match fatigue was
tied to their team’s performance. English fans expressed their lowest level of post-
game fatigue following their team’s lone win; Spanish fans expressed their high-
est level of post-match fatigue subsequent to their team’s only loss. Furthermore,
across all games, fatigue scores were higher among English fans than Spanish
fans, a consequence of more losses by the English team.

Disappointment
Every sport fan likely experiences disappointment at one time or another. Thus,
it is perhaps not surprising that a number of scholars have completed studies
targeting this affective response, detailing those aspects of the fan experience
that most frequently lead to feelings of disappointment. In particular, Rainey
and his colleagues conducted a program of research using Disappointment
Theory to guide their work (Bell, 1985; Loomes & Sugden, 1986). The argu-
ment is that individuals will be most disappointed in a losing outcome when
success was particularly likely. For example, people express greater levels of
disappointment when failing to win a “sure-thing” lottery (e.g., 90 percent like-
lihood of success) relative to situations in which winning is improbable (van
Dijk & van der Pligt, 1997). A further prediction with this framework is that
negative outcomes will be more disappointing for persons with higher levels of
investment. As it relates to sport fandom, Disappointment Theory implies that
fans should be particularly disappointed in a loss if they are highly identified
(i.e., invested) with the team and if their team is expected to win (i.e., a win is
viewed as a sure thing).
In their first study, Rainey et al. (2009; see also Yost & Rainey, 2014) inves-
tigated the experiences of Cleveland Indians fans following the team’s loss in
Game 7 of the 2007 American League Championship Series. This loss ended the
Indians season and left them just one victory shy of the World Series. Participants
completed a questionnaire assessing their disappointment in the team’s loss,
their dedication to the Indians (i.e., identification with the team), and the degree
to which they had expected the team to win the series. Higher levels of disap-
pointment were reported by persons with higher expectations and those with
higher levels of dedication. However, dedication appeared to be especially
important, leading the authors to conclude, “The most powerful predictor of
fan disappointment was the self-reported measure of dedication” (p. 351). It
warrants mention that the participants in this study likely had particularly high
levels of disappointment, given that their team was so close to reaching the ulti-
mate goal of winning the World Series. Research suggests that “near misses”
(coming close to, but failing to reach a goal) lead to greater disappointment than
losses that are farther removed from a goal (Clark, Lawrence, Astley-Jones, &
Gray, 2009). For example, Olympic bronze medalists tend to be happier than
 CHAPTER 6 ▸ The Emotional Reactions of Sport Fans 113

Disappointment Is a Common Reaction Among Sport Fans Whose Team Has Performed
Poorly

silver medalists when appearing on the medal stand (Medvec, Madley, &
Gilovich, 1995). For fans, this suggests that reaching the playoffs but exiting
early may be particularly disappointing (Wann et al., 2017).
A second examination of fan disappointment by Rainey and his associates
extended their previous work in several important ways (Rainey, Yost, &
Larsen, 2011). First, they targeted fans of a different sport (NFL football).
Second, rather than rely on retrospective beliefs about expectations, they
assessed expectations prior to a season. And third, given the importance of dedi-
cation in their first study, the authors attempted to improve on the single-item
measure of dedication they had previously employed by assessing team identifi-
cation via the SSIS. Participants were fans of the Cleveland Browns, an NFL
team who had experienced several years of losing. However, the previous (2007)
season had been better than expected, as the team won 10 of 16 games and
almost qualified for the playoffs. As a result, optimism for the 2008 season was
quite high. Unfortunately, the team reverted to its former ways, ending the sea-
son with a 4–12 record. Just prior to the 2008 season, respondents completed a
preseason measure assessing identification with the Browns and their expecta-
tions for the coming year. Following the season, they completed a questionnaire
measuring their disappointment in the season. The findings replicated the data
on Cleveland Indians fans, as both expectations and identification positively
predicted greater levels of disappointment. Thus, Rainey and his associates
found that for both baseball fans (Rainey et al., 2009) and football fans (Rainey
et al., 2011), patterns of disappointment are consistent with the tenets of
114 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
Disappointment Theory. Specifically, higher levels of disappointment are found
among those with greater levels of team identification and when expectations
for success are highest.

Anger
Similar to disappointment, research indicates that fans often feel angry follow-
ing their team’s poor performance (Koenigstorfer et al., 2010; Sloan, 1989). For
example, consider the aforementioned work by Jones and his colleagues (2012)
on soccer fans’ responses to their team’s World Cup performance. The data
revealed that post-match anger levels were a function of the team’s performance.
For supporters of both teams, the highest levels of anger followed losses, while
the lowest levels were reported after wins. Interestingly, when fans were asked
to report their anger after a tie (England’s first and second games), levels of
anger fell between those recorded after a win and those subsequent to a loss. In
their investigation of sport fans’ anger, Jensen and colleagues (2016) asked par-
ticipants to watch a highlight video of a recent win or loss by a favored team.
After viewing the video, the respondents wrote about the game and the team.
The results indicated that not only did persons watching the losing video include
more responses indicative of anger, they were also more likely to incorporate
swear words into their writing.
Although the studies reported above provide valuable information on fans’
postgame anger, they do not expose fluctuations that might occur during the
contest. Sloan’s (1989) work can be used to highlight this point. He found that
people reported significant increases in pre- to postgame anger following a
team’s loss, but no such changes were found for those watching the team win.
In fact, an examination of Sloan’s data suggests that fans watching the winning
game maintained a very low level of anger from the start of the game to the fin-
ish. However, this may lead to an overly simplistic perception of fan anger
because those watching a winning contest may not have maintained low levels
of anger throughout the course of the event. In fact, research suggests that this
is indeed the case (Madrigal, 2003). For example, Kerr, Wilson, Nakamura, and
Sudo (2005) assessed the affective reactions of fans attending either a winning
or losing match involving a Japanese professional soccer team. Participants
completed the affect scales before, during (halftime), and after the contests.
Although fans watching the winning and losing contests had similar pregame
anger levels, postgame anger was higher for those watching their team lose.
Pregame and postgame anger scores differed very little for those watching the
team win. However, these fans did report moderate increases in anger at half-
time. Thus, fans supporting a winning team may show little change in anger
from pre- to postgame, but this does not guarantee that their anger stayed con-
sistently low throughout the contest. Rather, there are likely fluctuations in
anger as a game is played.
The finding that fans feel greater levels of anger when their team performs
poorly is consistent with the Disposition Theory of Sport Spectatorship
(Zillmann et al., 1989; Zillmann & Paulas, 1993). However, this theory would
predict that fans should also be angry when a rival team performs well.
 CHAPTER 6 ▸ The Emotional Reactions of Sport Fans 115
Interestingly, this is precisely the pattern of effects found by Cikara, Botvinick,
and Fiske (2011). In this research, diehard New York Yankees and Boston Red
Sox fans viewed computer-generated plays in which their team either succeeded
or failed. Participants then reported their level of anger in response to viewing
the plays. As one would expect, they reported low levels of anger when the
favored team succeeded and high levels of anger when this team failed.
Furthermore, consistent with Disposition Theory, high levels of anger were also
expressed after watching the rival team succeed, while low levels were reported
after rival failure.
Fans appear to be most angry when their team fails and when a rival succeeds,
a pattern consistent with the Disposition Theory of Spectatorship. However,
recall that this framework also predicts that the greatest affective changes will
be experienced by persons with high levels of team identification (i.e., a strong
disposition toward the team). Research has consistently confirmed this effect as
well. That is, similar to many of the previously discussed emotions, anger seems
to be most intensely felt by those with higher levels of identification (Crisp et al.,
2007; Keaton & Gearhart, 2014; Sumino & Harada, 2004).

Shame
Shame is yet another negative emotion experienced by sport fans (Lewis, 2007;
Nathanson, 1992). Shame is a self-directed emotion that occurs when one feels
his or her value has been diminished in a social setting (Elison, 2005; Tangney,
Miller, Flicker, & Barlow, 1996). Although less frequently studied than other
negative fan emotions, a handful of interesting studies have targeted this affec-
tive response. For example, Sloan and Van Camp (2008) examined the impact
of game outcome on levels of pre- and postgame shame felt by fans at college
athletic events. They found that, although fans witnessing an eventual win or
loss reported similar levels of shame prior to the contest, shame increased for
those watching the team lose but decreased for those viewing a win.
Partridge and her colleagues (Partridge & Wann, 2015; Partridge, Wann, &
Elison, 2010) have taken a different angle in their work on sport fan shame.
Rather than investigating levels of shame, these authors examined the maladap-
tive manner in which fans cope with shame. There are several maladaptive cop-
ing strategies fans could utilize to help them deal with their team-related shame
(Nathanson, 1992; Partridge et al., 2010). Some fans cope by attacking others,
choosing to direct their shame-generated anger toward other fans, coaches,
players, or officials. Others may opt for attacking self in which they accept the
shame as valid and, consequently, attack their allegiance to the team. Avoidance
is a third option. Here, fans use denial to reject the shaming message or event,
perhaps using humor to derogate the team. And finally, fans may choose with-
drawal, preferring to avoid coverage of or discussions about the team.
Partridge and her associates were interested in determining which of the four
maladaptive shame coping strategies were most common among sport fans. In
their first study, Partridge et al. (2010) assessed the preferred coping strategy
among college sport fans in response to their favorite team’s actions. In a second
project, they examined the shame coping styles of supporters of youth sport
116 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions

High
Degree of Preference of Use

General Sport Fans

Youth Sport Fans
Low

s
er
th
kO
ac
A

FIGURE 6.3 Degree of Preference for Use of the Four Maladaptive Shame Coping
Strategies Among General Sport Fans and Youth Sport Fans

teams (Partridge & Wann, 2015). The results appear in Figure 6.3; patterns of
preference were quite similar for the two groups. The most frequently utilized
strategy was avoidance, while the least common was withdrawal. Thus, sport
fans seemed to respond to team-focused shame via distraction or by denying the
importance of the event (i.e., avoidance). They were less likely to seek solitude
from others (i.e., withdrawal). This pattern of effects likely reflects the social
nature of fandom, coupled with a desire to at least temporarily put the team’s
shameful actions out of mind.

Anxiety
Given that sport fans pour their heart and soul into their teams, it seems reason-
able that many experience high levels of anxiety (e.g., worry, tension) before,
during, and after games. Fans exhibit behaviors, such as pacing the floor, that
are common among persons experiencing life’s most anxious moments (Gantz &
Wenner, 1995). Corbin (1973) conducted one of the earliest studies examining
spectator anxiety. This investigator was interested in the impact of sport view-
ing on the physiological responses (heart rate) of persons varying in trait anxi-
ety. Although the results did not provide evidence of differential response
patterns for persons higher or lower in anxiety, sport viewing was associated
with large increases in heart rate, suggesting that spectating could most certainly
induce anxiety.
A number of more complex studies of fan anxiety followed Corbin’s (1973)
work. This literature indicates that fans often experience anxiety, worry, and
tension when watching their team compete (Sumino & Harada, 2004). For
instance, fans have been found to experience higher levels of anxiety after their
team loses than after the team wins (Kerr et al., 2005). In his seminal work on
sport fan affect, Sloan (1989) found several significant pre- to postgame changes
in tension. Persons watching their team lose reported higher postgame tension
 CHAPTER 6 ▸ The Emotional Reactions of Sport Fans 117
while those watching the team win a challenging contest reported a reduction in
tension. Spectators witnessing an easy win reported no change in tension from
the beginning to the conclusion of the contest. Wann and his colleagues (1994)
also found that witnessing a loss increased fans’ tension. However, the effect
was more pronounced among highly identified fans. Those low in identification
indicated only minor increases in tension. This pattern of effects, which has been
replicated elsewhere (Chien & Ross, 2012; Wann, Schrader, & Adamson,
1998), would be expected given that low identified persons have less interest in
the outcome of the contest, and their sense of well-being is less likely to be
impacted by team performance.
Other investigators have examined patterns of fan anxiety leading up to a
sporting event. This work reveals that the anxiety experienced by fans is highly
similar to that felt by athletes (Kelley & Tian, 2004). Players typically report
steady increases in anxiety as a competition approaches, peaking just prior to
the start of the event (Fenz, 1988; Wann, 1997). Wann et al. (1998) found
roughly the same pattern of effects for highly identified college basketball fans.
Participants completed an assessment of their anxiety for two games involving
their college’s men’s basketball team. One game was against a highly inferior
opponent, while the other was against a highly successful conference rival.
Anxiety was measured at five points in time: three days before the game,
12 hours before, three hours before, immediately before, and at halftime. Two
forms of anxiety were assessed: cognitive anxiety (mental anxiety involving
worry and apprehension) and somatic anxiety (physical anxiety such as butter-
flies and jitters). For the difficult contest, both forms of anxiety slowly increased
as the competition neared, spiking during the halftime assessment. Anxiety
scores were lower for the contest against the inferior opponent relative to the
difficult game. For the easier contest, increases in cognitive anxiety were not
apparent as the game approached or at halftime. However, fans reported a
slight increase in somatic anxiety as the game approached and a significant esca-
lation at halftime. Thus, highly identified fans experienced increases in both
cognitive and somatic anxiety as a challenging game drew near, but, for an
easier contest, only somatic anxiety increased. For the nonthreatening game,
highly identified persons became increasingly aroused, but not more apprehen-
sive and concerned.
The anxiety experienced by sport fans and spectators should not be taken
lightly, as a growing body of work suggests that their anxiety can be high enough
to present serious health risks. In fact, several studies have found that viewing
stressful sport contests is associated with stroke and myocardial infarction.
Increased risk for these life-threatening, stress-induced events has been found
among spectators watching soccer (Carroll, Ebrahim, Tilling, Macleod, &
Smith, 2002; Kirkup & Merrick, 2003; Witte, Bots, Hoes, & Grobbee, 2000)
and American football (Kloner, McDonald, Leeka, & Poole, 2009). For instance,
consider the work by Wilbert-Lampen and colleagues (2008). These researchers
examined emergency room (ER) visits to a German hospital involving cardiovas-
cular issues (e.g., chest pain due to myocardial infarction and cardiac arrhyth-
mia) on the seven days in which the German national team played in the 2006
World Cup. ER visits were markedly higher on game days relative to control
days (i.e., other days during 2006, the same date in previous years). Based on
118 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
their findings, the authors concluded that “it is clear that watching an important
soccer match, which can be associated with intense emotional stress, triggers the
acute coronary syndrome and symptomatic cardiac arrhythmia” (p. 477).

Additional Affective Reactions

Although the variety of affective reactions of fans described in the preceding
paragraphs is impressive, it is far from a complete list. Rather, a number of
additional emotions have also been investigated, although less frequently.
Table 6.1 contains a sample of these additional emotions. This is not meant to

TABLE 6.1 A Sample of Additional Sport Fan Affective Reactions

Targeted in Research

Emotion Reference(s)
Admiration Madrigal (2003)
Benevolence Sloan (1989)
Boredom Kerr et al. (2005)
Confidence Sloan (1989)
Wann and Wiggins (1999)
Curiosity Park, Mahony, and Kim (2011)
Park, Mahony, and Greenwell (2010)
Depression Hirt, Zillmann, Erickson, and Kennedy (1992)
Jones et al. (2012)
Sloan and Van Camp (2008)
Discouragement Sloan (1989)
Disgust Keaton and Gearhart (2014)
Excitement Sumino and Harada (2004)
Fear Koenigstorfer et al. (2010)
Frustration Madrigal (2003)
Sloan (1989)
Gratitude Kerr et al. (2005)
Humiliation Kerr et al. (2005)
Love Sumino and Harada (2004)
Placidity Kerr et al. (2005)
Pride Koenigstorfer et al. (2010)
Madrigal (2003)
Sloan and Van Camp (2008)
Provocativeness Kerr et al. (2005)
Relaxation Kerr et al. (2005)
Relief Koenigstorfer et al. (2010)
Respect Madrigal (2003)
Sullenness Kerr et al. (2005)
 CHAPTER 6 ▸ The Emotional Reactions of Sport Fans 119
be an exhaustive list but, instead, designed to provide the reader with informa-
tion on a subset of other emotions that have been studied.

Additional Topics on the Affective

Reactions of Sport Fans
The sections above detail research targeting what might be the most obvious
issue for sport fan emotions, namely, their affective reactions to game outcome.
But there is much more to fan affect than simply responding to team success and
failure. In the following sections, we examine several additional topics related to
the emotional reactions of sport fans.

Affective Reactions to
Non-Performance-Related Events
Although fans become emotional in response to team performance, competition
outcome is not required to elicit their affective reactions. In fact, fans can receive
a positive emotional boost simply via their association with a team (Dwyer
et al., 2015). Furthermore, fans’ emotional responses are not limited to competi-
tive environments. The list of non-performance events and situations that pro-
duce affective reactions from fans is quite impressive (Cottingham, 2012). For
example, fans have been found to respond emotionally to reading about a dis-
loyal fan (Wann & Branscombe, 1992), the potential loss of the team’s name
and mascot (Wohl, Branscombe, & Reysen, 2010), exposure to team-related
photos (Hillmann, Cuthbert, Bradley, & Lang, 2004; Hillmann et al., 2000),
stadium features such as the appearance of and the atmosphere within the arena
(Uhrich & Benkenstein, 2010, 2012), player strikes/lockouts (Grieve, Shoenfelt,
Wann, & Zapalac, 2009), changes in team coaching (Potter & Keene, 2012),
and halftime shows (Tobar, 2006).
One emotional event that deserves elaboration concerns fans’ reactions to
player injuries. Although it seems reasonable that fans would respond with sad-
ness, disbelief, and other negative emotions when their favorite players are hurt,
research suggests that they also report positive affective responses to the injuries
of rival players. Their reaction to the injuries to rival players involves schaden-
freude, that is, joy in the suffering of others (schadenfreude is a German-based
term combining “schaden” or harm, and “freude” or joy). Thus, the misfortune
of rivals may lead fans to react with positive affect (Cikara et al., 2011;
Dalakas & Melancon, 2012; Leach, Spears, Branscombe, & Doosje, 2003).
In fact, highly identified fans can even revel in the death of a rival (Dalakas,
Melancon, & Sreboth, 2015). For example, consider the work by Wann and
Waddill (2007) on fans’ affective reactions to the crash and death of auto racing
legend Dale Earnhardt. Earnhardt’s fatal accident occurred on the last lap of the
2001 Daytona 500. A few months later, the researchers had participants com-
plete a questionnaire assessing their responses to and memory of the incident.
Participants also indicated if they had a favorite NASCAR driver and, if so, who
that person was. Based on their responses to this item, participants were
120 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
80
70

Percentage of Response
60
50 Earnhardt Fans
40
Fans of Other
30 Drivers
20
10
Painful Responses Unsympathec
Responses

FIGURE 6.4 Reactions to the Crash and Death of NASCAR Legend Dale Earnhardt

classified as either Earnhardt fans or fans of a rival driver. Wann and Waddill
conducted a content analysis of participants’ responses to the crash, coding for
answers reflecting painful emotional reactions (e.g., shock, loss) as well as those
expressing indifference to Earnhardt’s crash and death (e.g., “it’s a dangerous
sport and Earnhardt knew the risks”). The results, which are depicted in
Figure 6.4, revealed that the majority of Earnhardt fans included painful remarks
in their recollections of and reactions to the crash. Fewer fans of other drivers
included painful responses. Rather, in line with schadenfreude, these persons
were more likely to express a lack of sympathy and dismiss the event.
Unfortunately, if sport fans feeling gleeful (or at least less than sorry) about a
fallen rival was not disturbing enough, research by Hoogland and his colleagues
(2015) provides evidence that the negative affect continues when the rival ath-
lete begins to recover. These investigators examined the process of gluckschmerz,
a German term for feeling bad when a rival group member experiences a posi-
tive outcome. In their study, college students read an article describing an injury
to a rival team’s player and then answered questioned assessing their reactions
to his injury. Participants then read a second article describing the injured play-
er’s quick recovery and answered items assessing their reactions to this report.
As expected, fans higher in team identification reacted with schadenfreude when
hearing of the player’s injury, indicating pleasure in his (and his team’s) misfor-
tune. Furthermore, upon learning of his recovery, these fans reported displeas-
ure and disappointment, a pattern consistent with gluckschmerz.

The Impact of Affective Reactions on

Attitudes and Behaviors
Back in Chapter 1, we noted that sport fandom impacts the ABCs of Psychology,
that is, affect, behavior, and cognition. This chapter has been dedicated to the
affective responses of fans, documenting the variety of ways in which sport
 CHAPTER 6 ▸ The Emotional Reactions of Sport Fans 121
impacts the emotional states of fans. However, the ABCs do not operate in iso-
lation. Rather, they frequently interact with one another. This is most certainly
the case with sport fan affect. Not only does sport influence the emotions of
fans, but these emotions, in turn, influence subsequent thoughts and actions.

Sport Outcomes Sport fan emotional responses may influence other sport-
related outcomes, including thoughts and behaviors (or intended behaviors).
With respect to cognition, researchers have found that fan emotions can
influence both team loyalty and identification. In terms of loyalty, both positive
(e.g., joy, excitement) and negative (e.g., worry, sadness) emotions have been
shown to play a role in one’s faithfulness to a team (Sumino & Harada, 2004;
Trail, Anderson, & Fink, 2005). As for identification, although this tends to be
stable (see Chapter 1), Yost and Rainey (2014) found that the disappointment
of a poor season was associated with a decrease in identification, particularly for
fans originally lower in their psychological connection with the team. Highly
identified fans were “more resilient to the consequences of disappointment”
(p. 415).
As for behaviors, research indicates that fans’ emotional experiences can
impact intentions for future attendance and positive word of mouth (Biscaia
et al., 2012; Chen, Lin, & Chiu, 2013; Uhrich & Benkenstein, 2012; Yoshida &
James, 2010). The list of emotions tied to increased future consumption and
positive word of mouth includes satisfaction, pleasure, relief, and curiosity (Jang
et al., in press; Kuenzel & Yassim, 2007; Lee & Kang, 2015; Park, Mahony,
Kim, & Kim, 2015; Sarstedt, Ringle, Raithel, & Gudergan, 2014; Taute,
Sierra, & Heiser, 2010).

Non-sport Outcomes Several interesting studies highlight the powerful effect

fan-based affect can have on the lives of fans beyond sport. The negative affect
accompanying the loss of a favorite team can lead fans to adopt a more
pessimistic outlook (Schwarz, Strack, Kommer, & Wagner, 1987). Schweitzer,
Zillmann, Weaver, and Luttrell (1992) found that supporters of a losing team
were more likely to believe that the Gulf War was imminent, and these fans
predicted a greater number of American casualties than did fans of a winning
team. Fans supporting a winning team also report increased social interaction
after the team’s success (Jones et al., 2012). Additionally, the negative affect
associated with supporting a losing team can spillover into the workplace.
Researchers found that fans’ dissatisfaction with their team’s losses can lead to
lower levels of job engagement and, as a result, poorer work performance
(Gkorezis, Bellou, Xanthopolou, Bakker, & Tsiftsis, 2016).
Emotions stemming from sport viewing can also impact one’s confidence in
his or her abilities. Hirt et al. (1992) asked college students to report the extent
to which they felt “depressed” or “elated” after watching a live broadcast of one
of their university’s men’s basketball games. They were then asked to give esti-
mates of their success on a pair of unrelated tasks. First, respondents were
shown an example of a five-letter anagram in both the scrambled and unscram-
bled form. They then estimated the number of similar anagrams they could solve
in five minutes (this was the “mental skills task”). Next, respondents were
122 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
presented with a series of slides depicting members of the opposite sex.
Subsequent to viewing each slide, participants estimated the likelihood that the
individual depicted would accept the participant’s invitation to attend a concert
(the “social skills task”). The results revealed that team performance had a pro-
found effect on the mental state of the participants. Spectators who watched the
team lose were higher in depression (and, consequently, lower in elation) than
those who watched the team win. These persons also reported significantly
lower estimates of their mental and social skills (i.e., they estimated completing
fewer anagrams and were less likely to believe their invitation to the concert
would be accepted). These outcome-based differences in depression/elation and
skill estimates were only found among participants with a high level of team
identification.
The non-sport impact of fan emotions should not be taken lightly as research
suggests they may even influence voting decisions and, hence, political elections.
Noting that “people often transfer emotions in one domain toward evaluation
and judgment in a completely separate domain” (p. 12804), Healy, Malhotra,
and Mo (2010) investigated the link between the affective responses of fans and
politics. They concluded that politicians may want to funnel money into improv-
ing the performance of local teams because the positive affect generated by local
team success carries over into positive evaluations of currently elected officials.
They examined election results spanning three decades and found that a win by
the local college football team led to greater vote totals for the incumbent can-
didate. This was particularly true for high profile teams (e.g., a win by a
championship-caliber team was associated with an increase of almost 2.5 per-
centage points for the incumbent). In a separate study of college basketball fans,
greater success in the NCAA men’s tournament was associated with more posi-
tive approval ratings for President Obama (Healy et al., 2010).

Economic Outcomes Economic outcomes are a final manner in which fans

are influenced by their sport-generated emotions. Research indicates that
happier consumers tend to spend more (Sherman, Mathur, & Smith, 1997;
Spies, Hesse, & Loesch, 1997), and this pattern of effects has been documented
among sport fans as well (Jones et al., 2012). For example, fans gaining a
positive affective experience from their association with a team are more likely
to purchase team-related apparel (Taute et al., 2010), spend more money at the
sporting event (Uhrich & Benkenstein, 2012), and indicate a greater interest in
purchasing sponsors’ products (Wang & Kaplanidou, 2013). Additionally,
pride from supporting a successful college team may lead to increased donations
to the university (Daughtrey & Stotlar, 2000; Rhoads & Gerking, 2000).
Furthermore, not only does positive affect facilitate spending, it also appears to
positively impact the acquisition of money. For example, multiple studies have
found that team success is associated with higher per capita personal income
(Coates & Humphreys, 2002; Davis & End, 2010). Apparently, although
disappointed fans exhibit lower job performance (Gkorezis et al., 2016), fans
experiencing positive emotions are more productive and, as a result, earn greater
amounts of money.
The economic consequences of sport fan affect are far from trivial, and the
effect is not simply limited to “happy fans spend more money.” Rather, the
 CHAPTER 6 ▸ The Emotional Reactions of Sport Fans 123
economic consequences of fan emotions are far-reaching. For example, Edmans,
Garcia, and Norli (2007) investigated the affective consequences of performing
poorly in national athletic competitions on a country’s stock market. In an
examination of almost 40 countries, they found “a strong negative stock market
reaction to losses by national soccer teams” (p. 1991). The authors argued that
poor stock market performance was a consequence of investors’ negative mood
stemming from their team’s poor performance.

The Impact of Sustained Success

In 1991, the Atlanta Braves began an impressive string of success in which they
made the postseason 14 times in 15 seasons, including 11 straight from 1995 to
2005. During the last several years of this successful run, the Braves fan base
drew heavy criticism for low attendance at the team’s home playoff contests. It
was commonly argued that one factor leading to the poor attendance was the
sustained success of the team. That is, fans had grown accustomed to the team’s
winning and, as a result, were not as excited about the team and their victories
as one might have expected. Their emotional reactions to the team were becom-
ing less intense with each passing successful season, which, in turn, resulted in
less desire to attend games (as noted above, emotional reactions are frequently
tied to attendance decisions).
Contrast the postseason attendance figures for the Braves with what was
found in the fall of 2016 when, after over 100 years of futility, the Chicago Cubs
finally won a World Series. Excitement for the Cubs and their newly found suc-
cess was at an all-time high. Not only were the team’s home playoff games sold
out, but tickets were going for outrageous prices on the secondary market (some
were sold for over $20,000). The joy and excitement continued after the World
Series championship was secured, as evidenced by an estimated crowd of 5 mil-
lion at the team’s victory parade (believed to be one of the top ten largest gather-
ings in human history, Sadlock, 2016).
It appears that the sustained success and failure of a sport team can impact
the emotional reactions of fans. Indeed, research on fans and work in general
psychology lead us to conclude that it should. First, as we noted in Chapter 1,
fans desperate for a championship respond differently from those whose team
had recently been crowned (Wann et al., 2011). Additionally, based on
Solomon’s Opponent Process Theory (Solomon, 1980; Solomon & Corbit,
1974), repeated exposure to the same affective event can decrease the intensity
of one’s emotional response to that event. Thus, having one’s team experience a
sustained period of success may result in less extreme emotional responses rela-
tive to when success was new (Chang, Wann, & Inoue, in press).

Duration of the Affective State

In the Cubs example described above, Cubs Nation was on cloud nine after
watching their beloved team’s World Series victory over the Cleveland Indians.
Given how the Series ended and their team’s history of failure, it is likely Indians
fans felt just as terrible as Cubs fans felt euphoric (in fact, their negative affect
may have been more intense, see “Some Final Thoughts” below). But were Cubs
124 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
fans still euphoric days or weeks later? Were Indians fans doomed to a winter of
sadness because their team had lost in the fall? These questions point to an addi-
tional question concerning the affective reactions of fans, namely, the duration
of their emotional response. The preceding sections of this chapter highlight the
intensity in which fans feel emotional, but thus far we have yet to discuss the
length of time fans remain in a positive or negative state. Although only a few
scholars have examined the duration of fan emotions, their research does pro-
vide some valuable information.
Wann et al. (2003) examined the duration of fans’ positive and negative affec-
tive reactions to sporting events, asking how long it took to “recover from a
major loss” and “come down from game excitement” (p. 932). Almost half of
the participants required a full day or longer to recover from a loss or calm
down from game excitement. And almost 10 percent required more than a week
to recover or calm down. In another study, Jones and his associates (2012) com-
pared the postgame duration of positive and negative affect for fans of winning
and losing teams. Interestingly, they found that the positive affect following
team success persisted longer than the negative affect experiences in response to
a team’s defeat.

Motivation as a Predictor
of Spectator Affect
In Chapter 4, we discussed a number of different motives that drive fans’ desire
to follow sport. Wann, Brewer, and Royalty (1999) reasoned that a fan’s moti-
vational profile may have implications for his or her emotional reaction to a
sporting event. For instance, persons who are motivated by eustress may experi-
ence positive affect when watching an exciting contest, while those with higher
levels of group affiliation motivation may become bored when watching a game
alone.
To examine the link between fan motivation and affect, Wann et al. (1999)
examined basketball spectators, assessing several fan motives prior to a contest
and general positive affect after the game (positive affect was assessed because
the home team won). The results revealed that two motives had a significant
impact on postgame positive affect: entertainment was positively related, while
family was a negative predictor. Given the parameters of the game, this pattern
of affects is quite reasonable. First, the teams were evenly matched, and the
game was a close and exciting contest. Thus, persons with high levels of enter-
tainment motivation should have been pleased with the game’s quality and been
in a positive affective state after the event. However, because the teams were
conference rivals and the game was of high importance, it was a standing-
room-only crowd. In fact, the announced attendance was 511 spectators over
arena capacity. Consequently, it was uncomfortably hot and crowded in the
arena, the noise level made it almost impossible to converse with others, and
almost all spectators stood throughout the contest. This combination of factors
resulted in the environment being less than ideal for families. Thus, it seems logi-
cal that persons who attended this game to spend some quality time with his or
her family would have been displeased after the event. Thus, Wann et al. (1999)
 CHAPTER 6 ▸ The Emotional Reactions of Sport Fans 125
were able to confirm that fans’ motivational profiles play an important role in
their emotional experience when watching a sporting event, a finding that has
been replicated elsewhere (Sloan & Van Camp, 2008; Wann, Royalty, &
Rochelle, 2002). When the details of a contest match the motives driving a fan’s
interest in the game and sport, he or she is more likely to have a positive con-
sumption experience.

Affective Forecasting
Affective forecasting concerns an individual’s ability to predict the type and
intensity of his or her emotional reaction to a future event. For fans, this involves
their ability to accurately estimate their emotional responses to events such as a
long-awaited championship, the retirement of a favorite player, or the opening
of a new stadium. Research on affective forecasting reveals that, although indi-
viduals are quite successful in predicting which emotion they will experience
(e.g., happy, sad, angry), they are generally poor at foretelling the intensity and
duration with which they will experience the emotion (Gilbert, Driver-Linn, &
Wilson, 2002). People tend to overestimate the impact of the emotive event, a
phenomenon referred to as impact bias (Kermer, Driver-Linn, Wilson, &
Gilbert, 2006; Wilson & Gilbert, 2005). This bias has also been found in sport
settings (e.g., Van Dijk, 2009), including the affective predictions of football
fans who, after a victory, were not as happy as they expected to be (Wilson,
Wheatley, Meyers, Gilbert, & Axsom, 2000).
Researchers have identified some critical features leading to the impact bias
outside of sport, such as focalism, or the tendency to focus specifically on the
target event while ignoring other life events (Lam, Buehler, McFarland, Ross, &
Cheung, 2005). However, investigators have yet to fully investigate factors that
might impact the accuracy of emotional predictions among fans. Given the
importance of team identification in the affective responses of sport fans,
researchers should investigate how this variable impacts the degree to which
fans exhibit the impact bias. Similarly, they should determine if long-suffering
fans (i.e., those following teams who have not won a championship in many
years) are more or less likely to exhibit the impact bias. By investigating these
and other variables relevant to the affective responses of sport fans, researchers
will extend our understanding of the unique emotional experiences of sport
followers.

The Impact of Outcome Expectancy

A final topic that warrants mention involves the impact of outcome expectancy
on sport fans’ emotional responses. Research has found that people typically
exhibit more intense affective responses to unexpected outcomes (Shepperd &
McNulty, 2002). As applied to sport fans, unexpected wins and losses should
result in greater levels of positive and negative affect, respectively (Simons,
2013). This pattern of effects is reasonable given that as unexpected sport out-
comes unfold, this may lead to increased suspense, and suspenseful sporting
events are associated with intense affective reactions (Knobloch-Westerwick,
126 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
David, Eastin, Tamborini, & Greenwood, 2009). However, similar to affective
forecasting, little is known about factors that impact fans’ perceptions of expec-
tancy and how these perceptions influence their affective responses to sport
competitions. Consequently, more research is needed in this area.

Some Final Thoughts

In the current chapter, we reviewed several common affective reactions of sport
fans and ways that these emotions impact thought and behavior. This work
illustrates that fandom serves as an emotional force in the lives of fans, and these
emotions impact non-sport outcomes. The research reviewed in this chapter is
further evidence of the powerful influence that sport has on the lives of fans.
Looking back on the emotions examined in this chapter, it is clear that con-
siderably more time has been devoted to the negative emotional responses of
fans compared to positive emotions (indeed, roughly twice as many pages in the
current chapter are devoted to negative affective states). Two explanations
could account for the differential coverage. First, perhaps researchers are suc-
cumbing to negativity bias, that is, the tendency for negative stimuli to be par-
ticularly salient and likely to gain our attention (Skowronski & Carlston, 1989;
Vaish, Grossmann, & Woodward, 2008). It may be that the negative emotions
of fans seem more common to researchers who, in turn, choose to study these
reactions more often than less salient positive responses. However, another pos-
sibility is that fans do, in fact, experience negative emotions to a greater degree
of intensity (and, perhaps frequency) than positive emotions. Interestingly, there
is data confirming this explanation. Specifically, Sloan (1989) and Wann et al.
(1994) found that pre- to postgame negative affective responses to poor team
performance were of greater intensity than positive emotional responses to team
success. Thus, perhaps Ian Fleming’s James Bond is right; the British secret agent
often remarked that the gain to the winner is typically less than the loss to the
loser. That is, the positive affect we experience with successes does not match
our negative reactions to failures. Regardless of the reasons underlying the over-
emphasis on negative emotional reactions, we would encourage researchers to
expand their efforts in furthering our understanding of the positive affective
consequences of sport fandom and spectating. Such an endeavor would likely
paint a more accurate picture of the affective lives of fans.
And finally, this chapter was limited to a focus on micro-level fan emotions
such as personal happiness and disappointment. However, research indicates
that the outcomes of sporting events also impact fans’ macro-level emotions.
For example, the success and failures of national teams may enhance national
pride, a well-replicated effect that has been found in several countries, including
the Netherlands (Elling et al., 2014; van Hilvoorde et al., 2010), Hungary
(Doczi, 2011), Germany (Hallmann et al., 2013), and the United States (Denham,
2010). Interestingly, feelings of national pride emanating from sport may be
particularly common among residents of smaller nations (Evans & Kelley,
2002).
 CHAPTER 7
An Introduction to Fan
Aggression Emotional and Aggressive ReactionsAn Introduction to Fan Aggression

I was surrounded by pimps, rapists, and murderers.

It was like being in the stands of an L.A. Raiders game.
Lieutenant Frank Drebin,
Naked Gun 33 1/3: The Final Insult

Although the Naked Gun line quoted above comes from a comedic film, there is
sadly a lot of truth to it. Indeed, instances of fan and spectator aggression seem
to be found everywhere one finds sport. This includes sporting events from the
highest levels of competition, such as professional, international, and Olympic
sports (Sivarajasingam, Corcoran, Jones, Ware, & Shepherd, 2004), to college
sports (Rees & Schnepel, 2009), down to youth recreational sport contests
(Wann, Weaver, Belva, Ladd, & Armstrong, 2015). Furthermore, acts of fan
aggression are not confined to one country or continent. In fact, although North
American sports often are viewed as immune to fan aggression, in reality exam-
ples of such behaviors are easily found (Young, 2002).
Although the overwhelming majority of sport fans are well-behaved and
simply wish to observe an entertaining, well-played contest, a very small
minority have a different agenda. It is this latter group that draws our atten-
tion because they can turn a day at the ballpark into a nightmare. The actions
of this far-from-silent minority mandate the scientific investigation of sport fan
aggression. Indeed, their actions have been an ongoing concern for academics,
sport and civil authorities, and the general public for many years. Psychologists
and sociologists alike have spent countless hours developing theories and con-
ducting investigations with the goal of understanding acts of violence among
those who follow sport. In the next three chapters, we take a critical look at
this literature. In this short opening chapter, we introduce the topic of sport
fan aggression. This includes discussions of basic topics such as operational
definitions and various forms of aggression. The next chapter (Chapter 8) pro-
vides an examination of factors involved in the manifestation of sport fan
violence. Then, in Chapter 9, we address large-scale fan aggression, focusing
on fan riots and the characteristics of those participating in these aggressive
encounters.

127
128 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions

Definitions and Distinctions

As is often the case with social scientific phenomena, a number of different
definitions of aggression have been adopted. When attempting to define a
multifaceted construct such as aggression, it quickly becomes apparent that
the task of crafting a suitable definition is difficult and fraught with com-
plexities (see Baron & Richardson, 1994; Tedeschi & Felson, 1994, for an
extended discussion of this issue). In this text, we have chosen to utilize
Wann’s (1997) definition stating that aggression is “the intent to physically,
verbally, or psychologically harm someone who is motivated to avoid such
treatment and/or the destruction of property when motivated by anger”
(p. 257). Wann’s definition extended a classic perspective offered by Baron
and Richardson (1994) by including acts of destruction perpetrated against
property. As Wann noted, the inclusion of the destruction of property is
needed to fully account for acts of aggression found in sporting environ-
ments, including the violence displayed by sport fans. Examples of fan
aggression include taunting opposing players, coaches, and fans; harassing
officials; using profanity; throwing things on the field of play; vandalizing
property; purposefully spilling a beverage on another fan; refusing to move
out of someone’s line of sight; obscene gestures; and pushing, shoving, or
striking another person. Each of these acts fits Wann’s conceptualization of
aggression.

Sport Fan Aggression Is a Darker Side of Fan Behavior

 CHAPTER 7 ▸ An Introduction to Fan Aggression 129
Hostile Versus Instrumental Aggression
An important distinction should be made between hostile aggression and instru-
mental aggression (Buss, 1961; Wann, 1997). Hostile aggression refers to
actions intended to harm another person who has annoyed or otherwise pro-
voked an individual. With this form of aggression, the goal is simply the pain
and suffering of the victim. By contrast, instrumental aggression involves acts
that serve as a means to achieving some goal other than the victim’s suffering
(i.e., the violence is a means to an end). Although this dichotomy may be a bit
overly simplistic and fail to reflect the multifaceted nature of aggression
(Bushman & Anderson, 2001; Russell, 2008), it is a useful framework for dif-
ferentiating fans’ underlying motivation for exhibiting various acts of aggres-
sion. For example, consider a group of basketball fans heaping scorn on a rival
player. Clearly, the abusive and obscene shouts would be consistent with our
operational definition of aggression and should be classified as such. If the fans
were responding to the player’s poor sportsmanship and they wanted to inflict
psychological pain on her, they would be displaying hostile aggression. However,
if the rival player was standing at the free throw line and the intent was to
impair her performance, their taunts would be considered an act of instrumental
aggression.
When comparing the commonality of hostile and instrumental aggression
among fans, most researchers have found the two forms of aggression are
equally common when collapsed across other factors such as the aggressor’s
target (Wann, Carlson, & Schrader, 1999; Wann, Waddill, Bono, Scheuchner, &
Ruga, 2017). However, fans are more likely to engage in instrumental fan
aggression if they believe the actions will be successful. For example, Hennessy
and Schwartz (2012) assessed respondents’ beliefs in the utility of instrumental
sport fan aggression (e.g., “yelling at others can sometimes help your child suc-
ceed in a game”) and their tendencies to engage in these acts while watching
youth baseball games. According to their results, belief in the success of instru-
mental fan aggression positively predicted the number of aggressive acts dis-
played by fans.

Forms of Fan Aggression

Using Wann’s (1997) definition of aggression, there are many different aggres-
sive acts exhibited by sport fans. However, most of these can be classified into
one of five forms: verbal assaults, disrupting play, throwing missiles, fighting,
and vandalism (Lewis, 1980; Young, 2002). In the following sections, we exam-
ine each of these forms of aggression.

Verbal Assaults
Perhaps the most common form of sport fan aggression, verbal assaults refer to
the use of obscenities, vulgarities, and threatening words directed by fans at the
targets of their derision (e.g., other spectators, players, coaches, and officials).
130 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
Common sense tells us that profanity and vulgarity have no place at the ball-
park. Fans are obligated to exercise self-control, and when such is not the case,
event managers should impose strong, negative sanctions upon those who are
unwilling or unable to control their mouths. However, a visit to nearly any
sporting event leaves one with the impression that an alarmingly large portion
of fans left their verbal filters at home.
Opponents (i.e., players and coaches) and officials are two common targets of
verbal assaults (Rudd & Gordon, 2010). Researchers have investigated which
target is most likely to feel the wrath of fans. From studies conducted at youth
baseball games (Hennessy & Schwartz, 2007, 2012; Wann et al., 2015) and at
college basketball contests (Wann et al., 1999; Wann, Schrader, & Carlson,
2000), we find that officials are more likely to be targeted than are members of
the opposing team. This finding substantiates work indicating that fans often
possess negative impressions of sport officials, perceptions that could facilitate
the verbal abuse officials frequently receive (Balch & Scott, 2007). Interestingly,
the aforementioned work with college fans also found an interaction between
aggression type (i.e., hostile versus instrumental) and aggression target (i.e.,
opponents versus officials). Specifically, officials were more likely to be the target
of hostile aggression than instrumental aggression, while opponents appeared to
be somewhat more likely to receive verbal taunts that were instrumental in
nature. When fans yell at officials, they tend to be venting their anger rather than
attempting to get the officials to favor their team in some manner. On the other
hand, there is some indication that verbal aggression directed toward the opposi-
tion is designed to assist the fan’s team and facilitate the players’ performance.
This pattern of effects is depicted in Figure 7.1. Finally, it warrants mention that
the amount of verbal aggression found in these studies was rather low. Although
Moderate
Level of Verbal Aggression

Hosle
Aggression
Instrumental
Aggression
Low

Officials Opponents
Aggression Target

FIGURE 7.1 Spectator Aggression as a Function of Aggression Type and Aggression

Target (a Combination of Results From Wann et al., 1999; Wann et al., 2000; Wann
et al., in press)
 CHAPTER 7 ▸ An Introduction to Fan Aggression 131
some persons engaged in these behaviors, most did not. Indeed, it is important
to remember that most fans are not aggressive in their vocalizations; rather, they
yell positive comments in support of their team (Rudd & Gordon, 2010).

Throwing Missiles
Consider the following list of items: a softball, a shot glass, a Walkman, a golf
ball, a plastic bottle, a beer can, a sanitary napkin dispenser, and a fortune in
small change. Although this may read like the typical items found at a garbage
dump, in actuality it is a list of objects New York Yankee fans hurled at the
Seattle Mariners during the first two games of the American League Division
Series in 1995. It seems as though garbage time has taken on a new meaning.
Often used to refer to the final minutes of a basketball blowout when players
seek to pad their scoring averages, garbage time has also come to mean the
unseemly practice of fans throwing anything and everything at players, coaches,
officials, and each other.
The danger of throwing missiles goes without saying. In fact, objects as seem-
ingly harmless as snowballs can be quite dangerous when hurled from the
stands. A particularly ugly incident occurred following an NFL game between
the Oakland Raiders and Denver Broncos in which Broncos fans pelted Raiders
players and coaches with snowballs, some of which were loaded with batteries
(Gloster, 1999). The fight was so intense that players began throwing snowballs
and punches back at the fans. Instances such as this in which the players return
fire, so to speak, are rare, but they do happen. One such occasion involved
Texas Rangers pitcher Frank Francisco and fans of the Oakland Athletics
(Antonen, 2004). Upset over the abuse they had taken from fans seated near
their bullpen, Rangers players began to argue with Athletics fans. The scuffle
continued to escalate, culminating when Francisco hurled a chair into the stands,
breaking one fan’s nose. Francisco was charged with aggravated battery and the
injured fan filed a lawsuit against the Rangers, which was eventually settled out
of court (Lee, 2007).
Ice hockey fans are perhaps the most creative missile throwers. At Hamilton
College in Clinton, New York, a game was delayed for several minutes because
a traditional ritual had gotten out of hand. It had been custom at this school for
fans to throw things at the opposing goalie after the home team’s first goal of
the season. But consider the articles attendants gathered up before play could
resume: tennis balls, oranges, apples, melons, two live mice, a dead squid, and a
life-sized, anatomically correct, inflatable doll. The school president did not find
anything humorous about the incident and banned all attendees (except players’
family members) from the next home game, stating “Extreme antisocial acts
warrant censure” (Wolff & O’Brien, 1994, p. 19). Nashville Predators NHL
fans also have a strange tradition involving throwing missiles, launching catfish
onto the ice during home games. However, Pittsburgh Penguin officials were not
amused when a Predators fan tried to extend the ritual to a road contest at
Pittsburgh during the Stanley Cup Finals. In fact, the fan was identified, escorted
out of the arena, and ultimately charged with “disorderly conduct, disrupting a
meeting and possession of an instrument of a crime” (Jhaveri, 2017).
132 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions

Disrupting Play
Although not frequently observed, fans occasionally decide to become “a part
of the action” and run onto the field, thereby disrupting play. Usually without
malevolence, they attempt to shake hands with a favorite player, request an
autograph, demonstrate a sport skill (e.g., slide into second base), or simply seek
attention. We see less and less of this behavior because it is now policy for
broadcasters to refrain from showing those involved. When such disruptions
occur, viewers are simply told that someone has run onto the field and security
is trying to apprehend them. The applause viewers hear signifies that the indi-
vidual has been caught and escorted out of the stadium. Stadium security offi-
cials treat this behavior very seriously. For instance, in 2010 a Philadelphia
Phillies MLB fan was Tasered as he ran around the outfield trying to avoid
security (Siemaszco, 2010). The players seemed to appreciate the conclusion to
this event, as they appeared to be using their gloves to hide their smiles at the
intruder’s misfortune.

Fighting
Fighting among fans is an ugly, dangerous affair. Not only do the combatants
risk serious injury, but oftentimes innocent spectators are injured as well. At the
very least, these incidents are frightening and likely to ruin the game for those
involved as well as those unfortunate enough to have witnessed the fight. It is
not surprising that when these incidents are sorted out, drunkenness is often
found to be a contributing factor. The surliness, belligerence, and bravado that
oftentimes accompany excessive drinking can easily turn into fisticuffs following
an unintentional push or shove (we will have more to say about the influence of
alcohol in the next chapter). Frustration over a heartbreaking loss or a perceived
mistake by an official can also cause opposing fans seated in close quarters to
begin fighting.
Instances of fan fighting can also be found on the field of play where both
players and officials can be targeted. With respect to players, although these
events are rare, they do occur (Kessler & Brady, 2004), such as when two spec-
tators ran onto the field at a Kansas City Royals MLB game and attacked Tom
Gamboa, the Royals first base coach (Armour, 2002). Thankfully, attacks on
officials are also not the norm, but they have been known to happen. Rainey and
Duggan (1998) asked several hundred certified basketball referees, “Have you
ever been physically assaulted while refereeing (including before or after the
game)?” Approximately 14 percent of the sample reported at least one assault.
Fans were the assailants in 15 percent of the cases.
Of course, fighting is not limited to incidents occurring inside a stadium.
Rather, incidents involving serious (and even near-fatal) fan violence have been
noted in other locales such as in a bar (Texas Football Fan, 2007), in a barber
shop (Packers Fan, 1997), in the street (Schoetz, 2008), and in people’s homes
in the form of domestic violence (e.g., Gantz, Wang, & Bradley, 2006). Stadium
parking lots, where a number of highly publicized and violent incidents have
occurred, can be particularly dangerous (e.g., Galanis, 2015; Simon, 2016).
 CHAPTER 7 ▸ An Introduction to Fan Aggression 133
Vandalism
The willful or malicious destruction of public or private property is, on occa-
sion, observed at sporting events. One of the most infamous instances of vandal-
ism occurred on the campus at Auburn University. Toomer’s Corner was the
home of two large old-growth oak trees and a gathering place for Auburn fans
for many decades. In November of 2010, an Alabama University fan named
Harvey Updike poisoned the trees (Tomlinson, 2011). As a highly identified
Alabama fan (he named his children Crimson Tyde and Bear Bryant), Updike
was distraught over the recent success of Auburn, Alabama’s greatest rival.
Updike, who was tracked down after calling a popular sports talk radio show to
brag about his actions, eventually pled guilty to a charge of unlawful damage to
agriculture (Auburn Tree Poisoning, 2013). Both trees died, and Auburn offi-
cials have had difficulty in successfully planting new trees at the same locale due
to the highly toxic soil.

Some Final Thoughts

Sport has a strong connection to violence, and, as scholars have noted, this con-
nection is evident in the language of fandom (Segrave, 1997). For example,
authors have noted that war terminology (e.g., “bomb” and “blitz” in football)
is quite common in sport (Russell, 2008). Fans view the use of aggressive war
terminology to describe sport as both acceptable and appropriate, and they feel
that sport and war are quite similar (End, Kretschmar, Campbell, Mueller, &
Dietz-Uhler, 2003; Wann & Goeke, 2017). Beyond the language of fandom, the
very nature of many sporting activities involves violent, aggressive action.
Contact sports involve players hitting one another in some way. As such, a link
between fandom and aggression should not come as a surprise.
The reader may be curious about the prevalence of sport fan violence. That is,
are fans more violent now, or were they more violent in past decades? We won-
der about this as well. Unfortunately, comparisons of fan aggression across dif-
ferent time periods are extremely difficult. Several methodological issues render
such comparisons problematic. First, more likely than not, researchers are
forced to rely on secondary data sources. Use of archival data (e.g., encyclope-
dia, yearbooks, police reports, daily newspapers, popular magazines, sport news
telecasts, etc.) raises questions about data availability, comprehensiveness, and
media distortion. Second, investigators must select the appropriate time period
for their research. For instance, they must decide if data should be gathered over
the course of several weeks, months, or years. Similarly, researchers face a third
dilemma, deciding on which sport or sports to include in their work. Should
they monitor all popular sports, just those that are combative in nature, or a
single sport? A further difficulty lies in the selection of a geographical area. The
researcher could choose to focus on all of North America or limit the work to
the United States, a specific region, a few states, or even a single state or town.
Finally, researchers must choose their operational definition of fan violence. For
example, they must determine the number of individuals that must be involved
for an incident to qualify as a “riot,” as well as the behaviors considered to be
134 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
“violent.” Given these formidable methodological barriers, it is difficult to say
if fan violence has increased or decreased throughout the decades (Young,
2002). However, as you will read in the next two chapters, there are several data
sets and theoretical frameworks to suggest that fan violence may be more com-
mon now than it was only a few decades ago.
 CHAPTER 8
Understanding the
Causes of Fan
Aggression Emotional and Aggressive ReactionsUnderstanding the Causes of Fan Aggression

In the fall of 2016, the Washington Post published the findings of an investiga-
tive study of spectator violence at NFL games (Babb & Rich, 2016). Upon read-
ing this report, one thing becomes abundantly clear: fan violence has a wide
variety of causes. For example, some of the many factors the report listed as
playing a role in aggression included time of the game (e.g., day versus night),
the opponent (e.g., rivalry games), and the score/outcome of the contest (e.g.,
losing a close game). And this barely scratches the surface; the list of factors
impacting aggression (and sport fan aggression) is long and complicated. The
complex nature of aggression is reflected in the history of social scientific work
on the topic. In a word, it has been disjointed. Seemingly countless studies have
been conducted and applied to a dizzying myriad of theories.
In an attempt to unify work on aggression into one comprehensive frame-
work, Anderson and his colleagues developed the General Aggression Model, or
GAM (Allen & Anderson, in press; Anderson & Bushman, 2002; Anderson &
Carnagey, 2004; Anderson, Deuser, & DeNeve, 1995). The GAM has received
widespread empirical support (although like most theories, it has been chal-
lenged, Ferguson & Dyck, 2012). One advantage of the GAM is the ability to
explain real-world violence, such as relationship violence and the impact of
global warming on aggression (DeWall, Anderson, & Bushman, 2011). Thus, it
is perhaps not surprising that this theoretical approach has been successfully
used to further our understanding of sport fan aggression (Anderson &
Carnagey, 2009; Wann, 2006a; Wann, Haynes, McLean, & Pullen, 2003;
Wann, Waddill, Bono, Scheuchner, & Ruga, 2017).
Although the exact composition of the GAM has changed a bit over the years
(again, almost all theories do), a basic graphic presentation of key components
appears in Figure 8.1. To reiterate, this diagram is not fully inclusive of all
aspects of the current iteration of the model. However, the factors included here
are sufficient to serve as a guide to unify the fragmented work on fan violence
and incorporate key variables impacting the display of these problem
behaviors.

135
136 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions

Internal States
Input Variables Outcomes Acons
Arousal
Personal Appraisal Thoughul
Affect
Situaonal Decisions Impulsive
Cognion

FIGURE 8.1 The General Aggression Model

The first stage of the model contains two types of input variables: personal
and situational. Personal input variables involve “characteristics the person
brings to the situation, such as personality traits, attitudes, and genetic predis-
positions” (Anderson & Bushman, 2002, p. 35). These variables would include
gender, likes and dislikes, and individual tendencies. Situational input variables
focus on the environment, such as a frustrating situation or the presence of oth-
ers who are acting aggressively. The input variables are predicted to influence
three key internal states, namely, arousal, affect, and cognition. That is, they
may facilitate a heightened state of arousal, a negative affective state, and/or
activate negatively associated cognitions. Next, the internal states impact the
individual’s appraisal decisions. This step, which includes both controlled and
automatic processes, essentially involves a person’s interpretation of a situation
(e.g., did the other fan bump me intentionally) as well as an awareness of vari-
ous features in the current environment (e.g., the presence of police). Finally, as
a result of the earlier factors, the individual may respond in an aggressive fash-
ion (which may be either thoughtful/controlled or impulsive/automatic).

Personal Input Variables

There are a number of personal input variables that play a role in sport fan
aggression. In the sections that follow, we examine several of these individual
difference variables.

Team Identification
Given our discussion of the impact of team identification in other chapters, it
should come as no surprise that this variable is a powerful predictor of fan
aggression (Amiot, Sansfacon, & Louis, 2014; Dietz-Uhler & Lanter, 2008;
Fernquist, 2000; Wann, 2006a). Persons with higher levels of identification are
more likely to engage in both hostile and instrumental aggression than are those
with lower levels of identification. For example, Wann, Carlson, and Schrader
(1999) found that persons higher in identification with a university basketball
team were particularly likely to verbally assault others for both instrumental
and hostile motives. This pattern of effects was found for aggression targeting
both the officials and the opposition.
Team identification is also a strong predictor of verbal and physical aggres-
sion displayed by individuals attending youth sporting events (Wann et al.,
2015). Unfortunately, these instances are all too common. Indeed, Pallerino
(2003) found that over 80 percent of parents had witnessed a violent action
 CHAPTER 8 ▸ Understanding the Causes of Fan Aggression 137
from other individuals at youth sports contests. The high levels of identification
family members feel for child athletes (it really is their flesh and blood compet-
ing), coupled with an overemphasis on winning (a situational input variable),
lead to the perfect recipe for adult outbursts at youth sports (Wann, 2001).

The Self-Esteem Maintenance Model Wann (1993) developed the Self-

Esteem Maintenance Model to shed light on the processes through which team
identification facilitates fan aggression. According to this approach, those with
strong team identification are predicted to respond differently to team losses
than those with weak ties to a team. Wins by a favorite team tend to enhance
one’s social identity and self-esteem, both in the case of those with high and low
levels of identification (i.e., basking in the reflected glory of the team’s success,
or BIRGing, Cialdini et al., 1976). However, team losses lead to quite different
behaviors. Following poor team performance, some fans choose to engage in
cutting off reflected failure, or CORFing (Snyder, Lassegard, & Ford, 1986).
CORFing involves decreasing one’s association with an unsuccessful team to
protect one’s psychological well-being. In essence, fans distance themselves from
a losing team, thereby preserving a positive self-image and maintaining
self-esteem.
Research suggests that CORFing is less available to highly identified fans
(Hunt et al., 1999; Kwon et al., 2008; Spinda, 2011). From the perspective of
the Psychological Continuum Model (Funk & James, 2001), fans that have
reached the Allegiance stage may find it very difficult to dissociate from a team.
The role of team follower has become central to their social identity, and simply
turning off their affection for the team is not a viable option. As a result, their
self-esteem suffers as a consequence of their team’s poor performance. Because
they are unable to cope with the team’s failure via distancing (i.e., they do not
CORF), they must choose and adopt a different strategy. Highly identified fans
in this predicament often choose to engage in outgroup blasting (or derogation)
as a means of repairing damage to their identity (Branscombe & Wann, 1992b;
Foster, Hyatt, & Julien, 2012). Highly identified fans can derogate both threat-
relevant and threat-irrelevant targets (Branscombe & Wann, 1992b, 1994).
Threat-relevant targets would be those persons responsible for the team’s loss,
namely, the opposition. Threat-irrelevant targets would be other parties viewed
as outgroups. This would include officials, such as the abuse Kentucky fans
directed toward referee John Higgins after the Wildcats 2016 NCAA tourna-
ment loss to North Carolina (the game detailed at the start of Chapter 6, see
Investigators, 2017). Importantly, identity restoration is only achieved via
threat-relevant derogation; blasting threat-irrelevant outgroups is not successful
in regaining lost esteem (Branscombe & Wann, 1994).

Dysfunctional Fandom
On occasion, an individual’s level of identification with an organization or
group can become obsessive (i.e., over-identified). At this point, the individual
may become dysfunctional, exhibiting a number of problematic behaviors
(Mael & Ashforth, 2001). Unfortunately, sport fandom is not immune from this
138 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
process. The result is a second personal input variable with relevance for sport
fan aggression, the extent to which one is a dysfunctional fan (Hunt et al., 1999;
Wakefield & Wann, 2006). Dysfunctional fans are persons who chronically
complain about team-related issues and who are highly confrontational with
others (such as rival fans).
Recent work has made it possible to form an initial profile of these fans, and
the picture being painted is not pretty. Dysfunctional fans are highly assertive
(Wann & Ostrander, 2017), frequently commenting on sport talk radio and
Internet discussion boards, voicing their “informed” opinions to anyone willing
to listen (Foster et al., 2012; Wakefield & Wann, 2006). Furthermore, they were
likely to have been a bully as a child (Courtney & Wann, 2010). But perhaps
most illuminating is that highly dysfunctional fans are likely to believe that fan
aggression is acceptable (Donahue & Wann, 2009). If you have ever sat near a
loud-mouthed, vulgar, and rude fan that seems hell-bent on ruining your trip to
the ballpark, the chances are good that he or she (but mostly he) was high in fan
dysfunction. These individuals are obnoxious even before the beer begins to
flow, but eventually it will flow as they drink more than their fair share
(Wakefield & Wann, 2006).
Given the aforementioned description of dysfunctional fans, it should come
as no surprise that they are particularly likely to act in an aggressive fashion. For
example, Wakefield and Wann found that dysfunctional fans were more likely
to verbally harass game officials than were persons with low levels of dysfunc-
tion. The difference in aggression between the groups was quite striking, as the
highly dysfunction fans had an aggression rating nearly three times greater than
the low dysfunction group.
Partridge and her colleagues (Partridge & Wann, 2015; Partridge. Wann, &
Elison, 2010) examined the impact of fan dysfunction on fans’ maladaptive
strategies for coping with vicarious shame. Recall from our discussion in
Chapter 6 that fans have several approaches they may utilize to deal with team-
related shame. One of these options, attacking others, is aggressive in nature.
Partridge and her colleagues found that fan dysfunction was a key ingredient in
aggressive coping. For fans of college/professional teams and spectators at youth
sporting events, fan dysfunction was a significant predictor of attacking others
(Partridge & Wann, 2015; Partridge et al., 2010). From their work on youth
sports, Partridge and Wann (2015) believed that there may be an additional
maladaptive coping strategy used by fans. Specifically, they assessed the degree
to which fans verbally attacked their child, a strategy that is also aggressive in
nature. The researchers found use of this strategy was also positively correlated
with fan dysfunction.
It is important to note that team identification was also a significant predictor
of attacking others within the youth sport setting (Partridge & Wann, 2015).
Thus, those higher in fan dysfunction as well as those with higher levels of iden-
tification were prone to coping via this aggressive response. This finding sub-
stantiates the inclusion of both identification and dysfunction as critical personal
input variables in research pertaining to fan aggression. Such was the case in
work conducted by Wann et al. (2017). These investigators examined the
actions of those attending a college basketball game to determine the impacts of
 CHAPTER 8 ▸ Understanding the Causes of Fan Aggression 139
identification and dysfunction on their level of hostile and instrumental verbal
aggression. An interesting pattern of effects was found. Higher levels of fan
dysfunction were associated with higher levels of both hostile and instrumental
aggression. On the other hand, although higher levels of identification predicted
greater likelihood to be instrumentally aggressive, identification was not related
to displays of hostile aggression. Wann and his associates concluded that “highly
dysfunctional fans aggress both to help their team (instrumental aggression) and
to inflict harm (hostile aggression),” while “highly identified fans reserve their
aggressive actions for situations they believe will assist their team’s perfor-
mance” (p. 436).

Alcohol Consumption
What do the Colorado Rockies, Milwaukee Brewers, and Saint Louis Cardinals
all have in common? Yes, the immediate response of “They are all Major
League Baseball teams” would be correct. However, another common factor is
they all play in home parks named after beer companies: Coors Field, Miller
Park, and Busch Stadium, respectively. These stadium names reflect the long-
standing relationship between sport fandom and alcohol. Although researchers
have failed to establish a relationship between degree of alcohol consumption
and level of sport fandom (End et al., 2009; Koss & Gaines, 1993; Wann,
1998), it is more than obvious that many fans consume alcohol while watching
sporting events. Thus, by nature sport fans are not necessarily more likely to
drink than nonfans. However, many fans drink when watching sporting events,
and some drink heavily. In fact, one group of researchers found that 8 percent
of individuals leaving a professional sporting event were legally intoxicated
(Erickson, Toomey, Lenk, Kilian, & Fabian, 2011). Given a modest Saturday
afternoon crowd of 25,000 spectators, this means that approximately 2,000
intoxicated individuals are roaming about the ballpark and parking lot. And
perhaps most frightening is the realization that a substantial number of these
individuals are climbing into the driver’s seat. In a novel study, Wood, McInnes,
and Norton (2011) examined the impact of game location and outcome on
traffic fatalities following college and professional sporting events (football and
basketball). The researchers found that close final score differentials were asso-
ciated with greater frequencies of traffic fatalities. Interestingly, this effect was
only found after close home wins. One suggestion for this pattern of effects was
that fans supporting a team winning a hotly contested game will both increase
their alcohol consumption and experience a raise in testosterone (we will have
more to say about the impact of testosterone in a later section). The combina-
tion of elevated testosterone and intoxication may lead to unusually aggressive
driving.
The preceding paragraphs (and our own experiences) indicate that alcohol
flows freely at sporting events, parking lots surrounding stadiums, sports bars,
and fans’ homes during games. Many people consume alcohol when watching
sport; there is nothing earthshattering in that revelation. Rather, the question is
whether or not this consumption and the intoxication that may follow lead to
greater levels of violence. Empirical work from a wide variety of disciplines
140 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions

Alcohol Consumption and Sport Fandom Often Go Hand-in-Hand. Unfortunately,

Research Indicates That Alcohol and Intoxication May Be a Key Contributor to Sport
Fan Aggression

reveals that it does. Reviews using comprehensive meta-analytic methodologies

highlight the causal role of alcohol consumption and intoxication in aggression
(Bushman & Cooper, 1990; Foran & O’Leary, 2008; Ito, Miller, & Pollock,
1996; Russell, 2008).
Sport fans are not immune from these effects, and social scientific research
implicates alcohol consumption as a key factor in fan violence (Ostrowsky,
2014). In fact, when teams stop selling alcohol, problematic behaviors decrease
dramatically. Such was the case in 1996 when the University of Colorado ended
beer sales at football games. In the seasons following the ban on beer sales,
sharp declines were found in spectator ejections, arrests, assaults, and student
referrals to the university’s judicial affairs board (Bormann & Stone, 2001).
Similarly, when the New England Patriots began to sell only low-alcohol beer at
their concession stands, violence diminished noticeably. When the sale of regu-
lar beer was reinstated later in the season, the violence returned (Sullivan, 1986).
Of course, many college and professional teams rely on the revenue generated
through alcohol sales, and given the gusto with which some fans drink, this
revenue can be substantial (of course, the revenue is substantial in part because
of the “captive audience pricing” used in most sport stadiums). Interestingly, it
has been argued that this revenue may not outweigh the negative consequences
of providing alcohol, at least at the collegiate level (Huang & Dixon, 2013). For
example, although alcohol sales most certainly generate revenue, the total
 CHAPTER 8 ▸ Understanding the Causes of Fan Aggression 141
financial gain is likely an extremely small portion of an athletic department’s
overall budget, and thus selling alcohol may not be worth the hassles it brings.
Although our discussion thus far reveals that alcohol facilitates aggression,
we have yet to examine why this occurs. As is the case with most psychological
processes, there are multiple factors influencing the alcohol-aggression relation-
ship (Berkowitz, 1993; Branscombe & Baron, 2017). There is far more involved
than simply a lowering of inhibitions, and many people, sport fans included,
consume alcohol without becoming aggressive. Whether or not alcohol increases
aggression is in large measure determined by the social situation in which it is
consumed (Berkowitz, 1993). We have all attended social functions where
drinks flowed freely but tempers were not frayed and the guests did not come to
blows. All in all, it was probably a congenial and nonthreatening environment
in which alcohol acted as a social lubricant rather than a trigger for aggression.
But other situations involving alcohol may be less friendly. Indeed, it is often the
combination of intoxication and threat to one’s personal or social identity that
leads to aggressive responses (Baron & Richardson, 1994; Taylor, Gammon, &
Capasso, 1976; Taylor & Leonard, 1983). The implications for fan violence are
clear. Sport conducted in an atmosphere that is perceived as personally threaten-
ing (e.g., taunting from rival fans) is especially likely to invite hostile outbursts
from intoxicated viewers.
An additional key factor implicated by a number of studies involves the
reduced cognitive functioning that typically accompanies intoxication
(Bartholow, Pearson, Gratton, & Fabiani, 2003; Leonard, 1989). With their
cognitive abilities diminished, the social perception skills of inebriated persons
are impaired, a state Steele and Josephs (1990) referred to as “alcohol myopia”
(p. 921). An example of this process can been found in a study conducted by
Begue, Bushman, Giancola, Subra, and Rosset (2010). These authors investi-
gated the impact of intoxication on the intentionality bias, that is, the tendency
to believe that others have acted deliberately (Rosset, 2008). For example, when
we are bumped in a crowded room, we tend to believe that the act was purpose-
ful, rather than accidental. Given that we are more likely to aggress when we
have been provoked (Baron & Richardson, 1994), this bias has important con-
sequences for how people respond in social situations. Importantly, Begue and
his colleagues found that alcohol magnified the intentionality bias; inebriated
individuals were especially likely to perceive the actions of others as intentional.
Thus, for intoxicated sport fans, when they are accidently bumped while watch-
ing a game, they will be especially likely to perceive of the act as purposeful and,
as a result, be more willing to respond in an aggressive fashion.

Additional Personal Input Variables

A few additional personal input variables warrant discussion. One such varia-
ble, which was mentioned briefly above, is testosterone. Testosterone can play a
critical (albeit complicated) role in aggression, with higher levels of this hor-
mone corresponding to higher levels of aggression (Baron & Richardson, 1994;
Olweus, 1987; Russell, 2008). The relationship between testosterone and
aggression has important implications for sport fandom because spectators
142 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
often experience a rise in testosterone levels when watching sport (Bernhardt,
Dabbs, Fielden, & Lutter, 1998; van der Meij, 2012). Highly identified fans feel
vicariously challenged as they watch their team compete, and this challenge
results in a rise in testosterone (Simons, 2013). Consequently, the increased tes-
tosterone could increase the likelihood of an aggressive response.
Another important personal input variable is gender. Researchers have con-
sistently found that men are more likely than women to engage in physically
aggressive acts (Baron & Richardson, 1994; Eagly & Steffen, 1986; Geen, 1990).
If you watch a few YouTube clips of sport fan violence (there are, unfortunately,
hundreds to choose from), it will appear that this sex difference extends to the
realm of sport fandom. Indeed, researchers studying fan aggression frequently
find male sport fans are more aggressive than their female counterparts (Russell,
2008; Wann & Waddill, 2014). For example, Lewis (2007) reports multiple data
sets revealing that men are more likely to participate in a sport riot.
A third additional personal input variable is the extent to which a fan has a
desire to watch violence. In Chapter 4, we examined a wide variety of motives
that underlie fan interest in sport (e.g., entertainment, escape, group affiliation).
Andrew et al. (2009) believe that a desire to watch aggressive and violent play
should be added as another key motive, and their findings on minor league
hockey fans suggest they are correct. They found that attraction to violence was
the third-highest-rated motive, greater than more commonly tested motives such
as group affiliation (social motivation) and escape. Males reported particularly
high levels of the attraction-to-violence motive. Although researchers have yet
to examine the relationship between this motive and levels of fan aggression, it
stands to reason that those influenced to a greater extent by this motive would
be more prone to violence.
We close this section by briefly noting a handful of other personal input vari-
ables found to facilitate fan aggression. First, Rudd and Gordon (2010) make a
compelling argument that fans’ lack of sportsmanship impacts the manifestation
of aggression. That is, fans who have not internalized norms for sportsmanship
have not learned what behaviors are acceptable. This lack of knowledge may
lead to aggressive outbursts. Knecht and Zenger (1985) looked at a different
aspect of knowledge, namely, knowledge of a sport. We have all heard specta-
tors screaming at officials about a ruling the referees actually had correct, but
the uninformed fan thought otherwise. Interestingly, Knecht and Zenger found
that basketball fans with some knowledge were more likely to respond nega-
tively to on-court events (i.e., plays favoring the opponent) than those with
exceptionally low or high levels of knowledge. This illustrates the premise that
a little knowledge can be a dangerous thing. And finally, Hennessy and Schwartz
(2007) identified several personality traits that were associated with aggressive
behavior at youth games. Specifically, they found that fans higher in vengeance,
hostility, and trait anger were more likely to engage in verbal aggression.

Situational Input Variables

Although individual characteristics are important, the GAM includes the propo-
sition that aggression is not simply a function of who someone is but also where
 CHAPTER 8 ▸ Understanding the Causes of Fan Aggression 143
someone is (Anderson & Bushman, 2002; Anderson & Carnagey, 2004). As the
authors of this book so frequently tell their students: “The situation matters!”
In the paragraphs below, we discuss a number of critical psychological and
sociological situational factors and their impact on the violent behaviors of
sport fans.

Observational Learning (Modeling)

One important situational input variable impacting fan aggression concerns the
type of contest being witnessed. Several researchers have reported that fan
aggression was more likely to occur when persons watched violent contests than
when they viewed sporting events of a nonviolent nature (Arms, Russell, &
Sandilands, 1979; Braun & Vliegenthart, 2008; Goldstein & Arms, 1971;
Russell, 1981; Wann et al., 2000). The relationship between the consumption of
violent sporting events and fan aggression is important because fans are fre-
quently drawn to aggressive sporting events (Jewell, 2012; von Allmen & Solow,
2012), and they report particularly high levels of enjoyment for unscripted vio-
lence (Raney & Depalma, 2006; Westerman & Tamborini, 2010). Of course,
the enjoyment of aggressive sports is not a recent trend. Rather, the earliest
human competitions were characterized by high levels of violence, such as char-
iot races and gladiator tournaments (Jewell, Moti, & Coates, 2012). Some indi-
viduals are particularly likely to prefer aggressive and combative sports. This
includes male fans, fans with a propensity toward violent behavior, and those
with high levels of sensation seeking (Bryant, 1989; Bryant, Comisky, &
Zillmann, 1981; Bryant & Zillmann, 1983; McDaniel, 2003). Advertising agen-
cies often incorporate violence into their marketing campaigns to capitalize on
fans’ fascination with aggressive sports (Jackson & Andrews, 2004).
The facilitation of aggression as a function of viewing violent sports is best
understood within the context of Bandura’s Social Learning Theory (SLT; 1973,
1986). According to the social learning perspective, aggression is similar to
other social behaviors in its acquisition and maintenance in that it is often
learned through observation. SLT also considers the means by which aggression
is regulated. Certainly, externally administered rewards and punishments influ-
ence one’s aggressive behavior, as do self-regulatory mechanisms such as guilt.
But equally important is the influence of reinforcements and punishments. The
attentive observer takes note of whether a model is rewarded in some fashion
for their aggression, such as with praise and wealth, or if the model is punished,
for instance, with social disapproval. What does this mean for students of sport
fan violence? It means that when a football fan sees his favorite player deliver an
especially vicious hit and receive praise from his teammates for doing so, the
spectator might be inclined, given sufficient provocation, to model the same
behavior on the opposing team’s fan seated a few feet away.
It is important to note that the research supporting SLT directly refutes
catharsis, that is, the belief that one’s aggressive impulses are released through
the observation of or participation in violent activities (see Wann, 1997, for a
detailed discussion of catharsis within sport). One of the major benefits believed
to be gained from observing combat sports is that it allows spectators to
144 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
discharge their pent-up aggressive impulses. Among U.S. college students,
39 percent believed that a cathartic purge of aggression results from watching
violent sports in person, while 13 percent felt that similar benefits result from
observing aggressive sports on television (Wann et al., 1999). Students who
were most involved with violent sports expressed the strongest belief in cathar-
sis. However, as popular as the notion of a catharsis may be (Alfred Hitchcock
once stated that “Seeing a murder on television can be good therapy”), the con-
struct simply does not stand up under careful scrutiny. Study after study has
found that viewing aggression either does not affect the viewer’s aggressive state
or, even more likely, leads to an increase in aggression (Gilbert & Twyman,
1984; Goranson, 1980; Russell, 1993). It is pure fiction that individuals watch-
ing combat sports are miraculously drained of their aggressive impulses.
Thus, viewing of violent sports often facilitates the aggressive tendencies of
those witnessing the events. However, the behavioral consequences of witness-
ing an aggressive sport can occur regardless of venue; it matters not whether
sport fans view violence on television or from their seats in the stadium or arena
(Gunter, 2006). Rather, the observation of violent sports has the capacity to
serve as a trigger for violence among fans in all locales. In the paragraphs that
follow, we examine evidence that watching violent sports enhances aggressive
tendencies both at the arena and at home.

The View from the Stands Archival investigations provide evidence that
violence among sport spectators is frequently tied to the actions of athletes. For
instance, in one study 74 percent of instances of fan aggression were determined
to have been “ignited by player violence” (Smith, 1976, p. 127). Equally
suggestive is a finding by Semyonov and Farbstein (1989) that Israeli soccer
teams whose rosters included the most violent players tended to have the most
violent fans.
Goldstein and Arms (1971) provided evidence that the relationship between
player violence and fan hostility is causal. Their classic field study was con-
ducted on the occasion of the Army-Navy football game held annually in
Philadelphia. Participants were approached on a random basis before and after
the contest. Serving as a control, the same procedure was followed at an equally
competitive but nonviolent sporting event (an intercollegiate gymnastics meet).
Participants completed a hostility inventory and answered biographical and
background questions (e.g., were they rooting for Army or Navy). The results
were clear. Regardless of team allegiances, those witnessing the football game
experienced an increase in hostility from before to after the game, whereas there
were no changes at the gymnastics event. These findings are strong support for
SLT and in direct opposition of any cathartic experience.
A few years later, Arms et al. (1979) replicated the earlier work by Goldstein
and Arms (1971). In this project, university students were randomly assigned to
view one of three events: ice hockey, professional wrestling, and a control
event—a provincial swim meet. Pro wrestling was chosen as a violent sport
because it represents a category of fictional (i.e., scripted) aggression. Once
again, the results were straightforward. Participants showed increases in aggres-
sion at both the hockey game and the wrestling event with no changes reported
at the swimming competition.
 CHAPTER 8 ▸ Understanding the Causes of Fan Aggression 145
The View From the Couch Although fans often fill the stands at sporting
events, greater numbers watch sport in public lounges, bars, and at home. Public
health authorities and others have speculated that some individuals may be
harmed as a result of televised images of violence. In fact, it has been claimed by
some that domestic violence and even homicides can be traced to television
programming featuring combat sports. As we will shortly see, there is merit in
these speculations.
The possibility that televised aggressive sports may be associated with domes-
tic violence has been a hotly debated topic for several decades (Adubato, 2016).
However, a sufficient body of research has now been accumulated, with several
studies linking the viewing of aggressive/combative sports with relationship vio-
lence (Brown, Sumner, & Nocera, 2002; Card & Dahl, 2011; White, Katz, &
Scarborough, 1992). For example, Gantz et al. (2006) reviewed police records
for multiple NFL cities spanning several years. The authors recorded the num-
ber of domestic violence incidents and examined predictors of their frequency.
They found a small but statistically significant increase in domestic violence
police dispatches on NFL game days, leading the authors to conclude that “the
presence of an NFL game does slightly increase the number of domestic violence
reports” (p. 374). Interestingly, domestic violence rates were highest when the
game in question held greater significance, such as when a team was still in con-
tention and there were only a handful of games left in the season (i.e., must-win
games). Increases were also found on Super Bowl Sundays, suggesting that the
impact was not limited to watching one’s own team.
With respect to homicide, media coverage of combat sports can have lethal
consequences for those in the viewing area. White (1989) tested the hypothesis
that important football games are followed by an increase in local homicide
rates. All NFL playoff games from 1973 to 1979 were examined, as were the
homicide rates for the metropolitan areas in which the franchises were based.
An increase in homicides was found, but the increase occurred six days after the
playoff game and only in those cities whose teams were eliminated from the
playoffs. The reason offered for the jump in homicides is intriguing. The sixth
day following a playoff game falls on the eve of the next round of the playoffs.
For fans of last week’s winner, their team is still in contention. By contrast, fans
of losing teams are forced to confront the realization that their season is over—
there will be no game tomorrow. The investigators speculated that disputes aris-
ing from gambling losses might also have contributed to the increase in
homicides.
Other evidence demonstrates that being physically distanced from the sport
site fails to buffer the dangerous effects of witnessing violence. For instance,
Phillips (1986) tested the possibility that heavyweight championship boxing
matches are followed by a rise in national homicide rates. His assessment of
lethal aggression was derived from the registry of U.S. national death certificates
containing several key bits of information (e.g., age, sex, race, cause of death).
Homicide rates were examined for ten days following all title bouts from 1973
to 1978. As predicted, homicides rose 12.5 percent on the third day following
the fights and 6.6 percent on the fourth day. The impact of the media was evi-
dent, as the steepest increases occurred following the most heavily publicized
fights.
146 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
It should be noted that the research conducted by White (1989) and Phillips
(1986) are now several decades old. At the time this work was conducted, the
Internet, cell phones, and other advances in communication and media con-
sumption had yet to become a reality. Furthermore, interest in boxing appears
to have been on the decline in recent decades, while consumption of Mixed
Martial Arts events (perhaps even more violent than boxing) has increased in
popularity. Given these factors, it would be wise for researchers to replicate this
body of work to determine if the findings from the 1980s translate to today.

Frustration, Aggression, and Competition

Outcome
As we discussed in Chapter 6, fans often become upset and angry when their
team’s performance falls short of expectations. Ultimately, frustration from a
team’s poor play has the propensity to lead to increased aggression. Thus, team
performance (i.e., losing) is another critical situational input variable.
Understanding the process through which game outcome impacts fan vio-
lence is best understood within the framework of the Frustration-Aggression
Hypothesis (FAH). Formulated in 1939 by a group of Yale psychologists, the
authors of this framework originally proposed that when people are blocked or
in some way thwarted in their efforts to attain a goal, aggression will inevitably
result. Similarly, when we observe an act of aggression, the existence of a prior
state of frustration is assumed (Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer, & Sears, 1939).
However, this sweeping view of frustration as the cause of aggression was not
without its shortcomings. For instance, consider the hockey enforcer who obeys
the orders of his coach to attack an opposing player. There is no clear sense that
the goon’s act of aggression originated with his being frustrated. Critics also
observed that people do not always respond with aggression when they are frus-
trated. For example, some increase their efforts to attain their goals, others pur-
sue alternate goals, and still others regress to behaviors that are typical of an
earlier stage of their development (e.g., sulking and pouting). Miller (1941) sub-
sequently proposed a less rigid formulation of the FAH. It allowed that “frustra-
tion produces instigations to a number of different types of response, one of
which is an instigation to some form of aggression” (p. 338). This revised posi-
tion accommodated many of the criticisms by providing for a number of nonag-
gressive responses to frustration. However, the dominant and most likely
response to frustration remained aggression.
Applied to the realm of sport fandom, the FAH leads to the straightforward
prediction that fans will be more violent after losses than following wins.
However, when it comes to frustration and aggression, all losses are not the
same. For instance, consider the fan bases of two college football teams, the
Murray State Racers and the Florida State Seminoles (an example that hits home
for both authors). The Racers play in college football’s FCS Division (formerly
I-AA), and no one would mistake them for a successful program. On the other
hand, the Seminoles are an FBS team (i.e., I-A) and have a long tradition as a
national power in football. If the Racers played at the Seminoles’ home in
Tallahassee, as they did early in the 2012 season, no one with any knowledge of
 CHAPTER 8 ▸ Understanding the Causes of Fan Aggression 147
college football would have expected the Racers to win. And they would have
been correct; FSU won the contest in a 69–3 drubbing. After the game, were
Racer fans frustrated by the loss? Nope, and quite to the contrary, most were
happy that their team actually scored. Their team lost, but because the loss was
expected there was no frustration and, hence, no enhanced likelihood of aggres-
sion. However, imagine a scenario in which the greatly out-manned Racers
pulled of the upset of a lifetime. How would the Seminole fans have responded?
It seems likely that, because the loss was unexpected (highly unexpected), they
would have experienced a great deal of frustration and acted aggressively as a
consequence.
The scenario above is precisely what is found in research. It is not simply a
loss that drives frustration and, ultimately, aggression; rather, it is an unex-
pected loss. For instance, Rees and Schnepel (2009) examined data from the
National Incident-Based Reporting System for over two dozen college commu-
nities. The data indicated that host communities experienced an increase in vio-
lent offenses on game days (e.g., assaults, vandalism, disorderly conduct arrests).
However, a closer inspection revealed that violent incidents were especially
common when the home team had been upset (i.e., an unranked visiting team
defeated a home team ranked in the top 25). The unmet expectation of victory
led to greater levels of frustration and, in turn, violent outbursts. In fact, Rees
and Schnepel concluded that “our results clearly indicate that expectations, and
what happens to fans’ behavior when they are not met, should be explicitly built
into future attempts to model the relationship between aggression and sporting
events” (p. 80). Card and Dahl (2011) found a similar effect for family violence,
as interpersonal violence directed toward women was most likely when the
home team was defeated in a contest they were expected to win.

Aggressive Cues
A third important situational input variable involves the presence of aggressive
cues, that is, people, events, objects, and so forth that have longstanding asso-
ciations with aggression (Benjamin, Kepes, & Bushman, in press; Berkowitz,
1989). The presence of an aggressive cue can prime an individual to interpret
their environment in aggressive terms, thus increasing the likelihood of a hostile
reaction. Several studies have documented the impact of aggressive cues in sport
(Frank & Gilovich, 1988; Wann, 1997). For example, Havard, Wann, and
Grieve (in press) found that aggressively titled rivalry games (e.g., “Border
War”) may be priming the aggression of fans; aggressively named rivalry con-
tests elicited more negative perceptions of rivals than did neutral names. Further,
Wann and Branscombe (1990) found that fans watching an aggressive or com-
bative sport (e.g., boxing, hockey) may be cued to behave aggressively simply by
the name of the sport!
In recent years, investigators have documented that alcohol can also function
as a powerful aggressive cue. Because alcohol consumption and intoxication are
so frequently paired with violence, simply being in the presence of alcohol may
facilitate aggression (Bartholow & Heinz, 2006). Their findings on the power of
alcohol to function as an aggressive cue led Subra, Muller, Begue, Bushman, and
148 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
Delmas (2010) to the sobering (pun intended) conclusion that “People do not
need to drink a drop of alcohol to become aggressive; exposure to alcohol cues
is enough to automatically increase aggression” (p. 1052). Given the strong con-
nection between sport viewing and alcohol consumption noted above, it is likely
that alcohol serves as a particularly powerful aggressive cue for fans.

Environmental Factors: Heat and Noise

In the summer of 1998, Mark McGwire of the St. Louis Cardinals and Sammy
Sosa of the Chicago Cubs embarked on a race to break the MLB home run mark
of 61, set in 1961 by Roger Maris. In an attempt to see history broken, the first
author and his family traveled to St. Louis to watch McGwire’s assault on the
record. We were there for an afternoon game on September 5th, and we were
lucky enough to witness McGwire’s 60th home run, a blast that landed less than
five rows behind us in the left field stands. However, monumental (and, as we
now know, tainted) as that moment was, that is not what I remember about that
day. Rather, my recollection centers on how incomprehensibly uncomfortable
I was. The stadium was packed, and there were many questionable odors ema-
nating from the attendees. Furthermore, it was loud. And when McGwire came
to the plate, it was deafening. And further still, it was hot. As in surface of the
sun hot. My family still remarks about how it was the most uncomfortable any
of them had even been. As I look back on that day, knowing what I do about
precipitators of fan violence, I cannot help but wonder what would have hap-
pened if McGwire would not have homered. The crowd was not in a happy
place, physiologically speaking, and it seemed as though the stage was set for
violent outbursts in the stands.
The above experience highlights the potential for environmental factors to
influence aggression. These factors constitute another set of situational input
variables that can facilitate spectator violence. The viewing conditions such as
those endured by spectators at the Cardinals game that day (e.g., noise, oppres-
sive heat, crowding, uncomfortable seating, and noxious odors) are not uncom-
mon in the experiences of many who attend sporting events. Importantly,
research both from general psychology as well as work specifically testing sport
spectators indicates that these aversive incidents can serve as a catalyst for
aggressive actions (Russell, 2008). Below, we examine two environmental fac-
tors: noise and temperature (heat).

Noise An integral part of the spectator experience is extreme noise levels;

capacity crowds in domed stadiums, arena sound systems, and the roar of
engines at racing events create conditions that would be unwelcome in most
non-sport contexts. Researchers have demonstrated that noise can contribute to
aggressive behaviors (e.g., Geen & McCown, 1984) because it leads to
heightened physiological arousal, a state shown to facilitate aggression (Baron &
Richardson, 1994). Noise occurring at irregular intervals and noise over which
the individual has no control produce the strongest effects. Further, the effects
of aversive noise levels are more pronounced when the individual is already
angered. For example, fans in the midst of a noisy environment and enraged by
 CHAPTER 8 ▸ Understanding the Causes of Fan Aggression 149
an official’s controversial call would be especially likely to give violent expression
to their feelings.

Temperature A wealth of archival and experimental evidence points to a

positive relationship between temperature and interpersonal aggression
(Baron & Richardson, 1994). For instance, researchers found that soaring
temperatures in Texas are accompanied by an increasing incidence of rape and
homicide (Anderson & DeNeve, 1992). Texas also provided the setting for a
sport-related test of a heat-aggression hypothesis. Researchers examined MLB
data on the number of batters hit by errant pitches over three seasons of play.
As the temperatures recorded at game time rose, so too did the number of batters
hit by pitchers (Reifman, Larrick, & Fein, 1991). Skeptical that hit batters can
effectively be utilized as a measure of aggression? In actuality, it appears to be a
valid reflection of a pitcher’s aggression, as the researchers went to considerable
lengths to statistically rule out rival explanations, such as fatigue or sweaty
palms. Regarding those in the stands, there is every reason to believe that fans
also become increasingly hostile as temperatures rise. Indeed, Dewar (1979)
noted in his investigation of fan behavior at baseball games that violent outbursts
were most likely to erupt during warmer weather.

Daily Hassles
Imagine a fan with tickets to an evening NCAA basketball game involving her
favorite team and a conference rival. Likely, this fan would be excited about the
contest, perhaps having had the date circled on her calendar for weeks. However,
the day of the game was anything but smooth for her. In fact, it was one of those
“nothing goes right” days. The alarm did not sound and she was late to work;
a local bank refused to cash her check; her son came home from school with a
less than stellar report card; and to top it all off, she got a flat tire on the way to
the game. Clearly, as she enters the arena, she is not a happy camper.
Research suggests that the cumulative effect of the daily hassles in the exam-
ple above may increase the likelihood that the fan will act aggressively at the
basketball game, and, as a result, they can be considered as another situational
input variable. Hennessy and Schwartz (2012) conducted an investigation of the
impact of daily hassles on the aggressive responses of youth baseball fans and
found that these negative life experiences were an important predictor.
Specifically, parents with greater levels of daily hassles were more likely to
exhibit verbal aggression toward their own child, the umpires, and other specta-
tors. Thus, situational forces outside the sporting environment have the capabil-
ity to facilitate aggression. That is, it is not only the game itself, the sport crowd,
or other sport-related variables that influence fan violence. Rather, environmen-
tal forces beyond the realm of sport can also be impactful.

Game Opponents: The Influence of Rivals

Another situational input variable meriting discussion concerns the opposing
team and, more specifically, if the competition involves a rival (Lewis, 2007). Just
150 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions

TABLE 8.1 Understanding Perceptions of Rivalry: Subscales for

the Sport Rivalry Fan Perception Scale (SRFPS)

Subscale Description
Outgroup Competition Desire to support a rival team when that team is
against Others in competition against someone other than the
favored team
Outgroup Academic Fan impressions of a rival school’s academic
Prestige image
Outgroup Sportsmanship Perceptions of the behaviors of rival fans (e.g.,
the extent to which these fans are
well-behaved)
Sense of Satisfaction The extent to which fans feel a sense of pride
and accomplishment when a favored team
defeats a rival

as fans often learn which teams to love via socialization (see Chapter 2), they are
also frequently taught which teams to hate (Havard, 2014). A number of factors
can facilitate rivalry between fans, including geographical proximity (closer fan
bases often develop stronger rivalries) and a history of competitiveness, such as
when two teams are equally matched (Kilduff, Elfenbein, & Staw, 2010;
Wertheim & Sommers, 2016). Fans view rival teams (and perhaps their fan bases)
as a threat to their status as the superior team (Tyler & Cobbs, 2015). Consequently,
fans’ dislike for rival teams runs very deep, particularly among highly identified
fans (Wenger & Brown, 2014; Wann et al., 2016). In fact, the dislike can even be
transferred to organizations related to the team. Bergkvist (2012) found that
European soccer fans not only disliked their team’s rivals, they also held negative
attitudes about a beer company who was a major sponsor for the rival team.
Havard, Gray, Gould, Sharp, and Schaffer (2013) developed a psychometrically
sound instrument to assess perceptions of rival teams. This scale, called the Sport
Rivalry Fan Perception Scale (SRFPS), can be used to examine several different
perceptions sport fans have for rival teams. These can be found in Table 8.1.
Given that rival teams and fans are viewed as a threat and fans often have a
strong dislike for rivals, it should come as little surprise that violence can be
exacerbated by competitions against rival teams (Cikara et al., 2011). For exam-
ple, as fans’ perceptions of rivals become more negative, their consideration of
acting aggressively toward them increases (Havard, Wann, & Ryan, 2013,
2017, 2018). Because fans are particularly likely to attend games involving their
team and a rival (Havard, Shapiro, & Ridinger, 2016), opportunities for fan
violence involving rival fans and players is certainly available.

Deindividuation
Although different theoretical models have been offered over the years (Vilanova,
Beria, Costa, & Koller, 2017), generally speaking deindividuation is a mental
 CHAPTER 8 ▸ Understanding the Causes of Fan Aggression 151
state characterized by membership in a group and feelings of anonymity (Diener,
1980; Festinger, Pepitone, & Newcomb, 1952; Mann, Newton, & Innes, 1982).
When individuals are in a deindividualized capacity, they focus their attention
on the group, the result of which is diminished self-awareness. This loss of self-
awareness, coupled with anonymity, allows some crowd members to give free
reign to their otherwise inhibited aggressive inclinations.
Anonymity is a particularly critical component of the deindividuation pro-
cess. Large crowds enhance a person’s perception that he or she is anonymous
by serving as a “human fog.” Because the individual fan is just one among many
at a sporting event, he or she is nameless, unknown, and less likely to accept
ownership of his or her own aggressive actions. Anonymity also plays a key role
in one’s fear of retaliation. For instance, if a fan does engage in some type of
antisocial behavior, there is often little reason for him or her to fear retribution
given the difficulty of affixing individual blame (Gordon & Arney, 2017). For
example, Dewar (1979) monitored fights at regular season MLB games and
found that about 70 percent of the fights occurred during night games, when
anonymity would be greater and fear of retaliation less.
Several researchers have examined how sport fans believe they would behave
if their actions could remain completely unknown to others (i.e., they would be
anonymous) and, as a result, there was no concern over retaliation from others
(Havard et al., 2013, 2017; Wann et al., 2005; Wann et al., 2003; Wann,
Peterson, Cothran, & Dykes, 1999; Wann & Waddill, 2014). The results of this
work, which are presented in Figure 8.2, are a bit startling. As depicted, a size-
able minority of individuals admitted a willingness to consider engaging in a
variety of aggressive acts if they could be guaranteed to not be caught and

40
Percent Willing to Consider

35
30
Acts of Aggression

25
20
15
10
5
0
Trip Opposing Injure Opposing Break Leg of
Player or Coach Player or Coach Opposing Player or
Coach
Aggressive Act

FIGURE 8.2 Sport Fans’ Willingness to Engage in Various Forms of Anonymous

Aggression (a Combination of Results From Havard et al., 2013, 2017; Wann et al.,
2005; Wann et al., 2003; Wann et al., 1999; Wann & Waddill, 2014)
152 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
receive no punishment in return. In fact, a small number of persons (roughly
4 percent) indicated that they would consider murdering an opposing player or
coach! Various factors did impact how likely the fans were to consider these
acts. For instance, they were more likely to consider the hostile action following
their favorite team’s loss than after a win (Wann et al., 2005). Additionally, fans
higher in team identification were more likely to consider the aggressive acts
(e.g., Wann et al., 2003; Wann et al., 1999), as were those higher in fan dysfunc-
tion (Wann & Waddill, 2014).

Cultural Influences
Cultural influences play an important role in fan behavior and thus constitute
another important situational factor for consideration in sport fan violence.
Cultural changes across years and decades influence many forms of behavior
within a given culture, and sport fans are not immune from this influence. Many
societies (including the United States) are simultaneously becoming more violent
and less civil. As a result, we should find that the institutions found in those
societies are, likewise, becoming more violent and less civil. With respect to our
violent society, the point being made here is that if we lived in a less hostile
society, then we should see less violence at sporting events. Increases in disor-
derly behavior at sport venues simply reflect the fact that our society has become
more violent. Sipes (1996) argues this point by observing

We learn our individual patterns of behavior, and that our culture sup-
plies us with these patterns . . . We can decrease unwanted violence and
other aggressive behavior by reducing the aggressive component of cul-
ture patterns wherever this component is found.
(p. 155)

As for incivility, it can be reasoned that the boorish behavior observed in

some social settings, such as sporting events, is not so much a disregard for nor-
mative structures but, rather, stems from a general lack of concern for the well-
being of others. Is civil society on the decline (Etzioni, 1993; Walzer, 1991)?
Research suggests that it is. For example, researchers have found that empathy
has waned in recent decades, while insecure attachment styles have increased
(Konrath, Chopik, Hsing, & O’Brien, 2014; Konrath, O’Brien, & Hsing, 2011).
Harris (1998) suggests that moral codes of conduct centered around individual
self-interest have penetrated our social institutions, including the family, com-
munity, and education. For many fans, it would be appropriate to add sport
fandom to the list. For example, one can see evidence at the ballpark of an indi-
vidual ethos sometimes out of control. Some fans appear to deliberately seek
their own personal pleasure and entertainment at the expense of others. They
worry not that their cheering is too loud, their handmade sign is blocking the
view of the person behind them, their sloppy drinking is objectionable, or their
foul language is offensive to the ears.
 CHAPTER 8 ▸ Understanding the Causes of Fan Aggression 153
Key Internal States: Arousal,
Affect, and Cognition
According to the General Aggression Model, personal and situational input
variables influence three key internal states: arousal, affect, and cognition. These
states then impact the likelihood of violent action. For example, consider heat,
an important situational variable discussed above (Anderson et al., 1995). When
people find themselves in an uncomfortably hot environment (which is often the
case when watching sporting events), the temperature can influence their level of
physiological arousal, how they feel (e.g., negative affect), and what they are
thinking (i.e., cognition). These psychophysiological processes then have the
capacity to facilitate aggression.

Physiological Arousal
A number of studies have found that individuals are more likely to act aggres-
sively when in a heightened state of physiological arousal (Baron & Richardson,
1994; Wann, 1997). And as fans can attest, watching sporting events can be
intense and lead to high levels of excitation. This heightened state of excitation
can have important consequences for fan aggression (Wertheim & Sommers,
2016). Branscombe and Wann (1992b) noted that both situational and personal
factors can enhance fan arousal and, ultimately, fan aggression. As for situa-
tional variables, they point to factors such as noise, crowding, and heat (see also
Russell, 2008). With respect to personal variables, they suggest that highly iden-
tified fans will be especially likely to become aroused due to their strong psycho-
logical connection to the team and the importance they place on team success.
Indeed, researchers have found this exact pattern of effects (Harrison et al.,
2000; Hillmann et al., 2000; Newell, Henderson, & Wu, 2001; Potter & Keene,
2012). For example, Branscombe and Wann (1992a) monitored the blood pres-
sure of persons watching a boxing match involving a U.S. competitor. Highly
identified fans exhibited increases in pre- to post-match arousal, a pattern not
seen among those with low levels of identification.

Affect
With the GAM, Anderson predicts that situational and personal input variables
have the potential to result in negative emotions, a second key internal state.
Negative affect then facilitates aggressive responding. Research on sport fans
has substantiated the link between input variables, negative affect, and aggres-
sion. For example, Bernache-Assollant and his associates (2010) asked French
students to view a taped recording of the French national rugby team losing an
important match (a rivalry game with England). The video clip was edited to
highlight the success of the rival team and the euphoria of the rival fans. After
watching the video, participants completed questions assessing their negative
mood as well as items measuring outgroup derogation (e.g., blasting persons
154 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
from England). As one would expect, team identification was positively corre-
lated with both negative mood and amount of outgroup derogation. Interestingly,
in a pattern wholly consistent with the GAM, negative affect mediated the rela-
tionship between identification and derogation.

Cognition
A third internal state incorporated into Anderson’s General Aggression Model
is cognition (Benjamin et al., in press). As it relates to sport fan aggression, this
suggests that even before an aggressive sporting event takes place, the media
have often unwittingly set the stage for interpersonal conflict (Russell, 2008).
Pregame hyperbole intended to stimulate viewer interest in an event may prime
stored memories and/or negative schema. References to “upcoming battles,”
“revenge,” “taking no prisoners,” and, as noted above, even aggressive sport
names (Wann & Branscombe, 1990) can prime negative schema in some view-
ers. These, in turn, cause fans to judge others unfavorably and see them as per-
sonally threatening.

Appraisal of the Environment

The final stage in Anderson’s General Affect Model involves one’s appraisal of his
or her environment (Anderson & Bushman, 2002; Anderson & Carnagey, 2004).
As noted earlier, this concerns interpretations of the environment and features of
the current situation. For example, consider a highly identified fan who has just
watched his favorite NFL team lose a playoff game to a longtime rival. The loss
occurred on the final play in which the outcome was decided by a referee’s con-
troversial call. Given the importance of the game and the fan’s level of identifica-
tion, there are several situational and personal input variables in play that would
lead to a heightened level of arousal, negative affect, and aggression-based cogni-
tions. The stage is clearly set for the fan to act aggressively. In fact, one might be
willing to wager that this person would, at the very least, exhibit high levels of
verbal aggression, yelling obscenities at the referee in question.
However, imagine further that the fan was seated next to a security guard or
police officer. Would the fan be as likely to act violently? Likely, he would not,
assuming that he had appraised his environment and realized the potential con-
sequences of his actions. Such appraisals (if they occur) have the ability to act as
a deterrent to aggression (Lewis, 2007). For example, Cleland and Cashmore
(2016) found that increased policing was believed to be partially responsible for
the decline in fan violence surrounding British soccer. Similarly, consider the
novel approach adopted by the NFL Philadelphia Eagles management in an
attempt to reduce the violence occurring at the team’s home games. The city of
Philadelphia, in cooperation with the Eagles, arranged for a court to be set up in
the basement of the stadium to “mete out instant justice to the drunk, the disor-
derly and the vulgar” (McCallum & Hersch, 1997). The strategy seemed to
have had some early success as arrests went from 20 persons the first game
down to five in the second (NFL Notebook, 1997).
 CHAPTER 8 ▸ Understanding the Causes of Fan Aggression 155

Police and Other Security Personnel May Reduce the Likelihood of Sport Fan Aggression

As an additional real-life example, consider the scary scene that occurred at

a New Jersey youth hockey practice in the summer of 2000 (Hockey Dad
Found Guilty, 2002). Two fathers attending a practice session began to argue
about the overly physical play. The men came to blows, and, ultimately, the
fight ended in the death of one of the fathers. The first author of this text was
at a conference in which the chief of police in charge of the case was speaking
about this incident. One of the more interesting comments made by Chief Silva
was that the violence between the two parents may never have occurred had
one of the other parents not left the practice a few minutes earlier. This third
parent happened to be a police officer. It was Chief Silva’s contention that the
combative parents would likely not have come to blows had they been stand-
ing near a member of the police force. Essentially, Chief Silva was arguing that
the angry parents would have noticed the off-duty policeman (i.e., they would
have appraised the environment), and the dispute would not have escalated to
the point of death.
A point for future researchers to consider is the extent to which technology
may extend and impact environmental appraisals. With the likelihood that
(seemingly) all actions are recorded on someone’s phone or mobile device, are
people less likely to engage in violent behavior? With the prevalence of Wi-Fi
and digital signaling, might the presence of security cameras deter violence? The
latter of course depends on sport venue managers making sure people are aware
“big brother” is watching. Of course, it is also possible that persons may “show
off” for the camera, and thus the presence of video recording devices may
156 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
actually facilitate aggression. In this case, an appraisal of the environment would
lead to higher levels of violence.

Some Final Thoughts

The ecological setting of a sporting event, while similar in many respects to
other large gatherings, is also very different. These differences help us under-
stand why individual misbehavior is more likely to occur at sporting events than
at other large social gatherings. Today sporting events are presented and pack-
aged as entertainment events. Management spares no expense to ensure that the
spectator’s arousal level is maximized. The “Cheer Meter,” the wave, mascots
of all kinds and descriptions, scantily clad cheerleaders, exhortations on the
message board, fireworks, and loud rock music are all designed to excite and
entertain the crowd. Management typically invites the fan to become an extra
player—the 12th man (or woman) in football—and join the action. This strat-
egy is not without problems because, if support for the home team is encouraged
too strongly, it can engender very negative, potentially dangerous, feelings
toward the opposing team and its supporters (Wann, 1993). Given sufficient
provocation, what was an innocent rivalry between opposing teams and fans
can give way to serious intergroup conflict (Lee, 1985).
 CHAPTER 9
Sport Fan Riots Emotional and Aggressive ReactionsSport Fan Riots

Moscow, Russia. Torino and Rome, Italy. Johannesburg, South Africa. Den
Bosch, Netherlands. Zagreb, Croatia. Stockholm, Sweden. What do these loca-
tions have in common? Each was the site of a fan riot occurring during a five-
year span from 1999 to 2003. And before readers from the United States begin
to mock fans from other countries, during this same time period there were
numerous sport riots in the U.S., including those taking place in Tucson,
Arizona; Statesboro, Georgia; Durham, North Carolina; Huntington, West
Virginia; Columbus, Ohio; West Lafayette, Indiana; and East Lansing, Michigan.
And those are just riots occurring at college games! Indeed, the lists presented
here are but a very small sampling of all sports riots. In fact, a Google News
search of the phrase “sport fan riot” conducted during the writing of the book
produced an astonishing 480,000 hits.
Although not the norm, sport fan riots do occur, and they result in tremen-
dous physical, psychological, and economic costs. In this chapter, we take a
critical look at the occurrence and form of these crowd disturbances. Our exam-
ination includes a look at collective behavior and a typology for classifying sport
riots, a discussion of persons most likely to become involved in a riot, a look at
those most likely to intervene, and a review of soccer hooliganism.

Definitions of Riotous Behavior

Similar to the construct of aggression, there is considerable diversity among defi-
nitions of riots. To illustrate, Darrow and Lewinger (1968) define riots simply
as “aimless behavior involving disturbances or turmoil” (p. 2). Riots have also
been described as “relatively spontaneous group violence contrary to traditional
norms” (Marx, 1972, p. 50). Other scholars have attempted to define riots as
they occur in the context of sport. For instance, Simons and Taylor (1992)
define sport riots as “purposive destructive or injurious behavior by partisan
spectators of a sporting event that may be caused by personal, social, economic,
or competitive factors” (p. 213). But perhaps the most accurate and comprehen-
sive definition of sport rioting was offered by Lewis (2007), a leading scholar in
this area who has researched and written extensively on the topic. According to
Lewis:

A sports riot is defined as violence—vandalism, throwing missiles, rush-

ing the field or court, committing arson, and or fighting—committed by

157
158 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions

Although Not the Norm, Large-Scale Fan Violence in the Form of Rioting Does
Occur, Frequently Resulting in Large Amounts of Property Damage, Injuries, and
Even Fatalities

five or more individuals in a crowd of at least one hundred people asso-

ciated with a formally organized sporting event.
(p. 7)

Theories of Collective Behavior and a

Typology of Sport Riots
In the paragraphs that follow, we first examine several macro approaches to
collective behavior that shed valuable light on sport riots. This discussion is fol-
lowed by a review of a useful typology for classifying sport riots.

Theories of Collective Behavior

Several classic sociological viewpoints help to further our understanding of
crowd misbehavior. These theories identify the dynamics of collective action,
that is, how normally mild-mannered, non-demonstrative fans become
involved in episodes of rioting. Although these approaches have their limita-
tions, they provide a valuable introduction to concepts that underscore the
importance of the larger social environment in explaining sport fan rioting
(Jaffe & Yinon, 1983).
 CHAPTER 9 ▸ Sport Fan Riots 159
Contagion Theory Originating from the work of Le Bon (1946), Contagion
Theory puts forth the notion that ideas, moods, attitudes, and behaviors can
become rapidly communicated and uncritically accepted by crowd members
(Polansky, Lippitt, & Redl, 1950). According to the theory, one aroused person
in the crowd, by word or deed, arouses another who, in turn, arouses another,
and so on. This circular action has the effect of stimulating the first person to an
even greater extent, as well as other members in the circle of influence. Because
the arousal has no specific focus or outlet, the collectivity is very suggestible and
especially vulnerable to a leader’s cues. Contagion Theory assists in our
understanding of how both social (e.g., the wave, rhythmic clapping, organized
cheering) and antisocial behaviors (e.g., booing, throwing missiles, invading the
pitch) can take hold within a large crowd.

Convergence Theory Similar to contagion theory, Convergence Theory

forwards the premise that “crowd behavior stems from the convergence of
likeminded persons who are already predisposed to act in certain ways”
(Simons & Taylor, 1992, p. 210; Wright, 1978). Increases in crowd homogeneity
(i.e., similarity in values, norms, motives, and interests) lead to higher levels of
arousal and lowered inhibitions. These states are expected to increase the
likelihood of collective behavior.

Emergent-Norms Theory A third approach, Emergent-Norms Theory,

involves group conformity, the process by which crowd membership influences
individuals to conform to new norms developed within the group (Turner &
Killian, 1972). Deviant behaviors such as spectator aggression become
increasingly likely when crowds adopt antisocial standards of behavior they
consider appropriate for a particular situation. Soon, members of the crowd are
behaving in a particular way, leading others to join in as they assume that it is
proper and acceptable. For example, if everyone in a crowd feels that an umpire
missed a call, it takes only a few fans to express their displeasure by shouting
obscenities before others are joining in the hostile behavior. In this situation, a
norm has emerged encouraging abusive behavior.
Work on sport fans finds that those believing in a group norm encouraging
derogatory actions are more likely to engage in the hostile acts themselves
(Amiot, Sansfacon, & Louis, 2014), a pattern consistent with the emergent-
norms approach. Interestingly, the authors found that the effect was strongest
among those with higher levels of team identification. It was the combination of
identification and internalization of the group norm for aggressive behavior that
predicted hostile actions. This finding is important evidence that personal input
variables (e.g., team identification) and situational input variables (e.g., norms
for violence) may interact to produce particularly powerful effects.

Value-Added Theory No theoretical discussion of fan violence would be

complete without mention of Smelser’s (1968) Value-Added Theory, viewed as
a “comprehensive approach to collective violence, particularly fan violence”
(Lewis, 2007, pp. 8–9). In explaining an episode of collective behavior, Smelser
160 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
identifies several determinants, each of which is viewed as a necessary but not
sufficient condition for an episode to occur. However, when all are present, the
probability of collective action occurring is far more likely. What follows is a
brief discussion of each determinant, accompanied by appropriate examples.
The reader is encouraged to consult Lewis (1989, 2007) for an informative real-
world application of Smelser’s theory to the Heysel Stadium riot that occurred
on May 29, 1985, in Brussels, Belgium.
One important determinant, structural conduciveness, refers to the ecological
setting in which the potential behavior may occur. Smelser’s (1968) point here is
that some structural factors facilitate aggressive responses (e.g., hot temperatures,
noisy arenas). A second determinant—structural strain—refers to a generalized
sense of deprivation or conflict. Structural strain may also involve hostile feelings
provoked by an antagonistic group (e.g., rival fan base) or a particular situation
(e.g., a general dislike for authority). The growth of a generalized belief is a third
determinant. This factor refers to a perceived threat that has been exaggerated or is
seen as being imminent. A sport-related example would include spectators’ percep-
tions that the referee is biased toward the home team. A fourth determinant
involves the mobilization of participants for action. This stage of the process typi-
cally involves the emergence of a leader who is able to incite others into action. For
instance, in our previous example of the umpire’s poor call, an individual may
mobilize others by yelling “Kill the umpire!” while encouraging them to express
their displeasure by throwing objects at the official. The operation of social con-
trols (or the lack thereof) serves as the final determinant. This factor refers to strong
threats of force discouraging the display of hostile actions. Thus, social controls
function as a counter determinant. Staying with the previous example, this deter-
minant is represented by stadium security/staff members who confront the loud fan
and escort him or her out of the stadium before a collective action takes place.

Mann’s FORCE Typology

Although the aforementioned sociological approaches to rioting are of value, it
can also be useful to classify sport riots by type. Typologies assist in the recogni-
tion and categorization of particular kinds of collective behavior. A typology is
also important because it has implications for understanding (1) the causes of
hostile outbursts, (2) when they are most likely to occur (e.g., before, during, or
after a game), (3) the types of individuals most likely to participate, and (4)
those most likely to be targeted (Mann, 1979).
Mann (1979, 1989) developed a typology for classifying sport riots based on
an analysis of case materials and archival records. Assigned the acronym
FORCE, this typology identifies five types of riots, each based on the dominant
characteristics of the rioters. A brief description of the riot categories included
in this model is presented in Table 9.1. It should be noted that although other
typologies have been constructed (e.g., Smith, 1983), we have limited our pres-
entation to Mann’s framework because it is highly comprehensive, and other
models tend to contain a large amount of overlap with Mann’s system.

Frustration Riots The frustration riot is caused by bitterly disappointed fans

who wish to retaliate for what they regard as an illegitimate or unacceptable
 CHAPTER 9 ▸ Sport Fan Riots 161

TABLE 9.1 Mann’s (1979) FORCE Typology of Sport Riots

Frustration riots Riots caused by disappointed fans who wish to

retaliate against the perceived source of
frustration.
Outlawry riots Riots caused by delinquent groups who
assemble at sporting events for the purpose of
engaging in threatening and destructive behavior.
Remonstrance riots Riots that represent protests from groups who
wish to use the sport stadium to express their
political or ideological grievances.
Confrontational riots Riots involving opposing fan groups with a history
of hostility and resentment.
Expressive riots Riots directly related to the euphoria or anger and
depression spectators feel in response to the
outcome of a sporting event.

action. The frustration riot can be precipitated when fans are deprived of a
service (e.g., access to a sporting event) or when they perceive a gross injustice
(e.g., a referee’s bad call). For example, consider the dangerous situation that
arose during the 1996 Summer Olympics held in and around Atlanta, Georgia
(Wine, 1996). When a match involving fan favorite tennis star Andre Agassi was
rescheduled, hundreds of frustrated fans become extremely hostile, forcing
officials to call in almost two dozen additional police vehicles. Eventually, match
officials reversed the schedule change as they “feared they (fans) would storm
the gates” (Wine, 1996, p. 2B).

Outlawry Riots When the game becomes an opportunity for delinquent groups
to assemble and engage in threatening or destructive acts, we have an outlawry
riot. According to Mann (1979, 1989), the game and outcome are inconsequential
to the violence, as the participants have neither an emotional nor a social
attachment to the contesting teams or the sport itself. Rather, the event merely
provides them with an opportunity to act out and cause others grief. Judged
within the North American sport context, it is rare for youth gangs to seek out
high school, college, or professional sporting events to engage in destructive
behavior. But there are exceptions. For example, the principal of a suburban Los
Angeles high school forfeited a football game to an urban school because he
feared gang violence made the game too dangerous to play or watch (High
School Team Opts to Take Forfeit, 1991).

Remonstrance Riots The remonstrance riot is essentially an ideological

protest in which a group uses a sporting event to express a political grievance or
advance a particular ideology. Hartmann (1996) notes that the popularity and
availability of cultural settings like sport are especially appealing to powerless
racial and ethnic minorities who wish to draw attention to a particular cause.
For example, Aboriginal leaders in Australia warned Olympic officials that they
162 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
were planning to wage violent protests during the 2000 summer games in
Sydney to draw international attention to social injustices involving their people
(Corder, 2000). In North America, Native American groups have frequently
protested against teams (e.g., the NFL Washington Redskins, the MLB Atlanta
Braves) whose symbols (e.g., the Tomahawk Chop, Chief Wahoo) are thought
of as demeaning to their culture.

Confrontational Riots Confrontational riots involve opposing fan groups

with a history of hostility and resentment toward each other. On this point,
King (1995) observed that although a negative “historical background between
two factions does not automatically cause disorder, this background
nevertheless has a degree of determination over the actualization and
interactional levels since it limits the horizon of possible practices, in which
fans can engage” (p. 649). Basically, King is suggesting that, all things being
equal, intergroup violence is more likely to occur between supporters of rival
teams than between fan groups who have no history of confrontation. As our
earlier discussion of rivalry suggests (see Chapter 8), King’s point has merit.
For example, an NFL game between the Chicago Bears and the Green Bay
Packers is likely to place security on greater alert than a game between the
Bears and the San Diego Chargers, a nonconference game involving two teams
that seldom meet. The same can be said about a baseball game between the
New York Yankees and the Boston Red Sox as opposed to a game between the
Yankees and the Seattle Mariners. In the former instance, both teams are in
the same division, play each other several times, and have a long history of an
intense rivalry.

Expressive Riots The final type of riot found in Mann’s typology is an

expressive riot. These crowd disturbances are directly related to expressions of
extreme euphoria or intense anger. Often referred to as victory riots and sore
loser riots, respectively, these crowd disturbances are typically postgame
phenomena. It is hypothesized that the emotional arousal engendered by the
outcome of a game, be it joy and ecstasy or grief and anger, leads to a loss of
normal restraint, or disinhibition. Disinhibition involves the expression of
behavior “which is usually restrained by fear of adverse consequences mediated
externally (punishment) or internally (guilt)” (Jaffe & Yinon, 1983, p. 267).
The probability of expressive riots occurring at sporting events is more likely
because of the emotionally charged atmosphere in which they are conducted,
the fact that there are winners and losers, and the anonymity spectators enjoy in
a large crowd.
Although there are certainly exceptions, fans of the losing team often respond
with cold silence and a hasty retreat from the venue. Thus, victory or celebra-
tory riots may be more common, at least in North America (Lewis, 2007). In
fact, these crowd disturbances are often anticipated following a championship
victory by the home team. In anticipation of a sixth NBA title, the city of
Chicago used a computer mapping system that allowed police to identify trou-
ble spots and quickly dispatch officers (Howlett, 1998). This was the same type
of system used by the CIA, Scotland Yard, and U.S. Border Patrol. In addition,
the police department’s 13,500 officers were placed on alert, some freeway
 CHAPTER 9 ▸ Sport Fan Riots 163
ramps were closed, traffic was rerouted away from trouble spots, and bar own-
ers were asked to close early if they saw patrons getting rowdy.
Two Distinct Forms of Victory Riots • Mann’s victory (i.e., celebratory) riot
category should be subdivided because there appear to be two different forms of
victory riots. The first typically takes place in the host city immediately after the
game, usually under nightfall, and has little to do with sport fandom. The cele-
bration merely provides a cover for individuals to loot, rob, and maim. The
motive behind their actions is straightforward: destroy what’s not valuable and
steal what is. Celebratory riots also become an opportunity for the socially and
economically disadvantaged to take out their frustration on a social system that
they perceived as inequitable. For example, the riots associated with Chicago
Bulls NBA championships may well have constituted a form of economic pro-
test by socially and economically marginalized groups (Rosenfeld, 1997).
The second form of victory riot is closer to what Mann (1979) describes.
These riots result from the sense of euphoria fans feel when their team has won
a championship. For example, on October 30, 1993, seven people were criti-
cally hurt and dozens more were injured when thousands of celebrating fans
poured onto the football field following Wisconsin’s 13–10 victory over
Michigan. Approximately 12,000 spectators among the sellout crowd of 77,745
scrambled out of five student sections in an attempt to reach the field. The
injured fans were trampled in the rush (Telander, 1993). The euphoria of the
surging crowd was understandable given the fact that it was the first Badger vic-
tory over Michigan in 12 years. More importantly, the victory raised Wisconsin’s
record to 7–1, giving the school an excellent chance to win its first Big Ten
Conference championship in over 30 years and a trip to the Rose Bowl. Combine
the crowd’s excitement with weak, ineffective physical barriers separating the
students from the end zone, a grossly undermanned security force, and
Halloween weekend, and you have a potentially deadly situation.
Based on his own research (e.g., examinations of celebratory riots following
victories by the Ohio State University football team and the Boston Red Sox),
and the work of others, Lewis (2007) developed a framework that offers several
predictions about when these disturbances are most likely to occur. These
hypotheses, listed in Table 9.2, are consistent with research discussed in several
sections in the current text. The model presented by Lewis is of great value to
sport management and marketing professionals because it sheds light on the
types of games and circumstances in which celebratory riots are most likely. As
a result, team, league, and university officials should be able to better prepare.

Those Who Would Participate in and

Escalate a Sport Riot
You may be surprised to learn that we know a great deal about those individuals
who are at the center of a riot, trading punches, destroying property, and/or
throwing missiles of one sort or another. Specifically, we know something about
their demographics, the impact of group processes on their behavior, ways in
which they process information, and personality profiles. Each of these topics is
discussed in this section.
164 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions

TABLE 9.2 Lewis’s (2007) Theory of Celebratory Sports Riots

Hypothesis 1: A celebration riot (e.g., rioting by fans of a winning team)

is more likely than a sore loser riot (e.g., rioting by fans of
a losing team).
Hypothesis 2: A celebration riot is more likely to occur after a
championship contest.
Hypothesis 3: A celebration riot is more likely to occur if the winning
team has not had a championship season within five
years.
Hypothesis 4: A celebration riot is more likely to occur as a
championship playoff series continues (e.g., MLB World
Series, NBA Finals).
Hypothesis 5: A celebration riot is more likely to occur if the final game
is close.
Hypothesis 6: A celebration riot is more likely to occur if fans have easy
access to urban gathering areas.
Hypothesis 7: If a celebration riot has occurred, most individuals
involved will be young, white, and male.

Demographic Characteristics of Rioters

Several decades of research present us with a picture of the typical rioter as a
young, single male, a demographic profile fitting most rioters in North America
and Europe (Kerr, 1994; Lewis, 2007; Pilz, 1989; Reiss & Roth, 1993; Russell &
Arms, 1998; Zani & Kirchler, 1991). This work also suggests that rioters at
European sporting events tend to be marginalized, poorly educated, unem-
ployed, and alienated from the mainstream of society. These traits are less likely
to be found among rioters at North American sporting events, given that many
of these riots center around college sport and are populated by university
students.

Group Processes and Riotous Behavior

Those bent on trouble run in packs. An official inquiry by Harrington into
British hooliganism observed that “most misbehavior at soccer matches involves
small or large groups; rarely does it involve a single spectator” (cited in Mann &
Pearce, 1978). Evidence pointing to higher levels of aggression on the part of
group members is seen in several studies. For example, Mann found that groups
of spectators attending Australian football matches scored higher on a hostility
measure than those attending alone (cited in Mann & Pearce, 1978). Also, not
only do groups of young male hockey spectators score higher on anger and
physical aggression scales, they also have a history of repeated and recent fight-
ing (e.g., Russell & Arms, 1998). More to the point, men attending in the com-
pany of other men rate the likelihood of their escalating a riot higher than do
solitary spectators.
 CHAPTER 9 ▸ Sport Fan Riots 165
Social Cognition and Riotous Behavior:
The False Consensus Effect
Turning now to studies of cognitive processes, we are able to get a glimpse of
how would-be rioters perceive events inside the arena or stadium. An important
cognitive bias, the false consensus effect, may play a key role in the hostile out-
bursts of some spectators (Russell, 2008). This phenomenon involves the ten-
dency of people “to see their own behavioral choices and judgments as relatively
common and appropriate to existing circumstances while viewing alternate
responses as uncommon, deviant, or inappropriate” (Ross, Greene, & House,
1977, p. 280). That is, persons believe their thoughts, choices, and actions are
the norm and, therefore, acceptable. This perceptual bias is evident among
hockey spectators. For example, those expressing a strong likelihood of joining
a fight that erupts in the stands estimate that a higher percentage of others would
do likewise compared to those who would not get involved. Similarly, spectators
attending because they like to watch player fights often believe that a dispropor-
tionately larger number of other spectators attend for the same reason (Russell &
Arms, 1995). These perceptions may set the stage for some spectators to engage
in violence. That is, those wavering in their decision to join in a fight may be
emboldened by their belief that an inflated number of other spectators would
tacitly approve of their aggression and are poised to follow them into battle.

A Personality Profile of Rioters

In the 1990s, a series of field studies were undertaken in Canada, Finland, and
the Netherlands using spectators attending ice hockey and, in the Dutch case, a
football match (e.g., Mustonen, Arms, & Russell, 1996; Russell, 1995; Russell &
Goldstein, 1995; see Russell, 2004, for a review of this research). An extensive
battery of personality measures was administered to spectators over the course
of nine studies. Participants were asked to indicate the likelihood they would
join in a fight if one would break out near them. The results indicated that, to
no one’s surprise, men who were angry and physically aggressive were more
likely than others to become involved in a riot.
However, the researchers found that other less obvious traits also character-
ized the potential rioters. Individuals apt to involve themselves in crowd disor-
ders exhibit strong sensation seeking tendencies (Mustonen et al., 1996). For
example, given choices between exciting activities (e.g., surfing and sky diving)
and less exciting pastimes (e.g., chess or reading a book), they choose the for-
mer. Sensation seekers express a “need for varied, novel, and complex sensa-
tions and experiences and the willingness to take physical and social risks for the
sake of such experience” (Zuckerman, 1979, p. 10). A crowd disturbance, con-
taining as it does an element of risk, would understandably act like a magnet for
these people.
Another interesting facet of the personality of would-be rioters was their ten-
dency to act impulsively (Arms & Russell, 1997). Faced with a social situation
that calls for action, they jump in without reflecting on the consequences. In the
case of a nearby disturbance, they may well join in, giving little thought to the
166 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
physical harm and legal consequences that might await them. The means by
which impulsive individuals become involved in crowd violence was shown in
an early experiment (Wheeler & Caggiula, 1966). Impulsive individuals were
found to exhibit more aggression following exposure to aggressive models than
were individuals lacking impulsive tendencies. Seemingly, they had fewer inhibi-
tions against violating social norms and as a consequence were more easily influ-
enced by peers to act on their deviant inclinations.
A final characteristic that appears related to riotous behavior is psychopathol-
ogy, or antisocial tendencies (e.g., Russell, 1995). This syndrome involves a
lengthy list of symptoms and is not adequately diagnosed by personality inven-
tories alone (Hare, 1993). However, inventories do provide a rough approxima-
tion, capturing an individual’s tendency to be manipulative, unremorseful, and
deceitful. The motivation underlying the antisocial behaviors of these individu-
als is glimpsed in the inventory item “I often do things just for the hell of it”
(Levenson, 1990).
The information provided above was an important step in furthering our
understanding of the personality profile of sport rioters. However, it warrants
reiteration that the aforementioned studies sampled would-be rioters, not per-
sons who had necessarily participated in a riot. In a more recent investigation,
Lanter (2011) surveyed individuals who had actually participated in a celebra-
tory riot. Lanter conducted his investigation surrounding fan violence that
occurred on the University of Maryland campus following their road victory
over Duke University in a hotly contested men’s basketball game. The victory
was particularly empowering for the Maryland faithful because it snapped a
number of winning streaks for the Duke team. For two days following the riots,
the investigator interviewed persons who acknowledged participation in the dis-
turbance. Lanter assessed their level of identification with the basketball team,
if they had consumed alcohol, their reactions to the celebratory riot, and the
various riotous activities in which they had engaged (e.g., vandalism, throwing
items into a bonfire). The results were quite illuminating. First, highly identified
persons reported participating in a greater number of riotous activities than
those lower in identification. The highly identified fans also indicated having
had more fun during the event and were more likely to desire participation in a
future riot. As for alcohol, the findings revealed that persons who consumed
alcohol during the game or riot were more destructive than those who had not
consumed an intoxicating beverage. Thus, consistent with research detailed in
Chapter 8, both team identification and alcohol consumption were key predic-
tors of their aggressive actions.

Those Who Would Quell a Sport Riot:

The Peacemakers
If you look closely at scenes of sport riots, you will see that only a handful of
people are actually involved in the rioting. Most are milling around watching,
apparently not centrally involved in the violence. Others seem not to be engag-
ing in aggressive acts themselves but, rather, are encouraging the rioters to con-
tinue their destructive ways. And still others, upon seeing the riot, appear
 CHAPTER 9 ▸ Sport Fan Riots 167
motivated to flee the scene as quickly as possible. Thus, there are several options
open to spectators when a disturbance breaks out. They can join the fight,
applaud and incite the combatants, leave the facility, or hang back and merely
observe the proceedings. But those who exercise a final option are in many ways
the most interesting of all. They are the peacemakers, the ones who intervene in
a disturbance with the intention of verbally and/or physically dissuading those
involved in the fight.

A Profile of Peacemakers
As with rioters, researchers have attempted to construct a profile of peacemak-
ers. As one might guess, they are of greater stature than rioters, being generally
taller and heavier. Regarding their personality traits, peacemakers are less angry,
aggressive, and impulsive than those they try to restrain (Russell & Mustonen,
1998). Also in contrast to rioters, peacemakers are low on measures of sensation
seeking. Their motives appear to stem from a high regard for the rule of law and
the importance of orderliness in a civil society (Russell & Arms, 1999; Russell,
Arms, & Mustonen, 1999).
Additionally, it is something of a truism that what people will do in the future
is frequently indicated by what they have done in the past (social scientists often
state that “the best predictor of future behavior is past behavior”). This pattern
is also found among peacemakers. Those who have tried to stop fights in the
past, especially those who see their efforts as having been in some ways success-
ful, are foremost among those most likely to intervene in the future (Russell &
Arms, 1999; Russell et al., 1999).
Peacemakers and rioters do share one commonality, though. They both dis-
play the false consensus effect (Russell & Arms, 1999; Russell et al., 1999). That
is, similar to rioters, peacemakers also believe that a disproportionately large
number of other spectators would act as they (i.e., as peacemaker) would when
a disturbance erupts. Their interventions, although taken precipitously, are bol-
stered by the belief that others are poised to follow their lead.

Peacemakers as a Source of Crowd Control

If peacemakers are plentiful among the spectators at a sporting event, they rep-
resent a large, untapped force for crowd control. As noted elsewhere (Russell &
Mustonen, 1998), they are already on the scene, often know the instigators, and
are familiar with the events leading up to the hostile outburst. As a result, peace-
makers are ideally positioned to assist in the control of a disturbance before it
escalates. The potential for other spectators to play a role in crowd control dur-
ing (or prior to) violent episodes presents a unique challenge to sport manage-
ment professionals.
It is unfortunate that spectators with the most honorable of motives and act-
ing on the best of intentions find themselves in physical and legal jeopardy.
When security personnel and police eventually arrive on the scene, arrests are
likely. And who gets arrested? Sadly, for peacemakers, they and the rioters will
likely be sharing accommodations in the local jail, and there is little hope that
168 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions
the judge will be sympathetic to their explanation. Understandably, police are
hard pressed to distinguish peacemakers from rioters in the dangerous and con-
fusing turmoil that surrounds a riot. Indeed, Stott and Reicher (1998) noted that
experienced and highly trained British police officers typically “perceive crowd
members as homogeneous in terms of the danger that they represent to public
order and to the officer’s well-being” (p. 522). That is, police seemingly do not
distinguish the various actors and the roles they play in a crowd disturbance.
From the officers’ perspective “it is impossible to distinguish crowd members
from each other behaviourally or physically” (p. 522). A worthy challenge for
crowd control specialists then is to devise means of mobilizing peacemakers in a
preemptive capacity as an effective complement to existing security
arrangements.

Soccer Hooliganism
Much has been written in recent decades about the exploits and violent behav-
iors of soccer hooligans. Consequently, no discussion of spectator riots would
be complete without a brief discussion of these persons. The word hooligan
traces back more than 100 years to London, home to a hoodlum named Patrick
Hooligan. Sometimes referred to as “the English disease,” hooliganism has
come to be most closely identified with soccer-crazed English lads and their
propensity for antisocial behavior, like lewd chants and songs, pitch invasions,
and no-holds-barred battles with opposing fans and security personnel. There
appear to be no temporal or spatial constraints on hooligan behavior; it can
occur before (e.g., at a rest stop along a motorway), during (e.g., at a stadium
concession stand), or after a game (e.g., when opposing fans are boarding their
buses to return home). At the very least, hooligan behavior is distasteful, disrup-
tive, and dispiriting for those who care about the game and civil order.
Although soccer hooliganism is commonly viewed as a predominately British
phenomenon, the behavior can be found all over the world. For example, at the
1996 Soccer World Cup, French officials had to contend not only with overly
rabid English fans but also with German neo-Nazi and French-Tunisian die-
hards. Scattered outbreaks of fan violence were everywhere. Riot troops fought
pitched battles in Marseille, and newspaper headlines proclaimed “Hooligans
Sour World Cup” (1998).

Where Are the North American Hooligans?

An interesting question regarding hooliganism concerns the apparent lack of
such behavior among North American sport spectators. A quick scan of the
North American sport scene reveals nothing even remotely resembling soccer
hooliganism, European style. One of the best answers to the question “Where
are the American hooligans?” can be found in the work of Roadburg (1980).
Roadburg identified a number of precipitating factors associated with fan vio-
lence, noting their presence or absence at professional soccer games in Britain
and the United States. Table 9.3 provides an adaptation of his findings applied
to professional team sport in general. Although Roadburg’s analysis is now
TABLE 9.3 Comparison of English Soccer and U.S. Sports

English soccer U.S. sports (NBA, NFL, NHL

MLB)
1. Most British stadiums were built 1. The vast majority of all
at the end of the nineteenth stadiums and arenas were
century; amenities are very built since 1960; they are
limited. modern, clean, and
comfortable.
2. Thousands of fans walk to the 2. Spectators drive to games in
soccer grounds because they are small groups; they generally
centrally located and many fans do not come into contact
lack their own transportation; with one another until they
there are many opportunities to are at the facility.
engage opposing fans on the way
to the game.
3. Strong feelings of solidarity, 3. Lead-up activities to the
excitement, and anticipation build game are not as conducive
on the way to the game. for generating arousal,
excitement, and solidarity.
4. A large proportion of spectators 4. All spectators are seated
stand on the terraces located at with the exception of a few
both ends of the pitch; more who purchase standing-
conducive to developing room-only tickets.
camaraderie and unity.
5. Considerable amount of 5. Fixed seats mean fans have
movement among standing fans; no control over their space,
changing positions to get a better hence, little movement
view of the action. among spectators.
6. The game is the culmination of an 6. The game is typically the
entire day of preparation, a single only event of the day; when
event in a sequence of events; the game is over, the day is
anticipation level is very high. over.
7. Because of the relatively short 7. Few fans follow their favorite
distances between home grounds, team to away games
large numbers of fans follow their because of the great
favorite teams to rival grounds. distance involved; presence
of rival fans is unlikely.
8. Absence of women and small 8. Although middle-class males
children in the crowd. are usually in the majority,
many women and children
are present.
9. Team identification runs deep 9. Team identifications not as
because it is often based on strong because they are
religion and/or class; fans are based on proximity;
much less likely to change affiliations susceptible to
affiliations because they are less change because of greater
geographically mobile. geographical mobility.

(Continued )
170 PART 2 ▸ Emotional and Aggressive Reactions

TABLE 9.3 (Continued)

English soccer U.S. sports (NBA, NFL, NHL

MLB)
10. Fans have fewer sports and teams 10. The sport fan has well over a
with which to identify. hundred professional teams
from which to choose;
interest in favorite team not
likely to be as intense and
passionate.
11. Fan loyalty confined to a single 11. Loyalty diffused among
professional soccer team—the several favorite teams within
local side. a single geographical region
(e.g., the New York Knicks,
Rangers, Islanders, Mets,
and Yankees).
12. Sectarianism often plays a major 12. No evidence of sectarianism
role in team affiliation; games in selection of favorite
frequently pit teams representing teams.
different religions against one
another.

several decades old, its value has been retained because it provides an explana-
tion of the continuing lack of North American hooliganism.
Based on the information presented in Table 9.3, it becomes evident that the
typical British soccer fan’s relationship to his (or her) favorite team and his
actual experience at the sporting event are very different from those of his North
American counterpart. Personal and psychosocial issues related to territoriality,
possession, loyalty, and sectarianism, as well as class and cultural conflict, set
the British soccer fan apart from the American baseball, hockey, football, or
basketball fan. Why no American hooligans? Roadburg’s (1980) answer almost
four decades ago is still appropriate today:

Due to differences in the historical development and present day physi-

cal and social conditions within which the game is played, soccer in
Britain lends itself to crowd violence whereas soccer (as well as basket-
ball, football, hockey, baseball) in North American does not.
(p. 265)

Some Final Thoughts

Riots are perhaps the most unfortunate consequence of sport spectating. Almost
anyone who has survived such a chaotic and terrifying experience is sure to be
haunted by it for quite some time and may think twice before venturing into
another sport stadium or arena. Most certainly, riots give sport fandom a black
eye, tarnishing this leisure pursuit. Consequently, a firm understanding of the
 CHAPTER 9 ▸ Sport Fan Riots 171
factors that precipitate these crowd disturbances is warranted. However, it is
not enough to simply describe and explain sport spectating riots. Although these
are valuable research goals, in the name of safety and civility, those interested in
the sanctity of sport must also strive for the final goal, namely, control. Sport
administrators and managers must begin to utilize the information generated by
social scientists to reduce the occurrence of riotous behaviors among fans.
Thankfully, some organizations have done just that. For example, in 2003 both
The Ohio State University and the University of New Hampshire sponsored
conferences on fan violence in response to riots that had recently occurred on
their campuses. These summits led to working documents containing suggested
policies and procedures for proactively reducing the likelihood of future distur-
bances (National Conference, 2003; Student Summit, 2003).
Another attempt to better prepare for sport rioting was initiated by coordina-
tors of the 2000 European Soccer Championships, preparations that ended in a
bizarre twist. Organizers staged a mock riot in Rotterdam in preparation for the
upcoming matches involving teams followed by fans with a history of hooligan-
ism and violence (Security Check, 2001). Alas, their efforts were thwarted, and
they had to end the exercise when real hooligans arrived, armed with stones! It
seems that this incident serves notice that the ultimate control of sport spectator
riots will require a great deal of effort, patience, and persistence.
 PART THREE
The Consequences of
Sport Fandom for
Individuals and Society
 CHAPTER 10
The Psychological
Consequences of
Sport Fandom The Consequences of Sport FandomPsychological Consequences of Sport Fandom

Social scientists have debated the virtue of sport fandom for a very long time.
For instance, consider the thoughts of Howard, who as early as 1912 stated that
sport fandom was

A singular example of mental perversion, an absurd and immoral cus-

tom tenaciously held fast in mob-mind, has its genesis in the partisan
zeal of athletic spectator-crowds. I refer to the practice of organized
cheering, known in college argot as ‘rooting.’ From every aspect it is
bad.
(p. 46)

Granted, this negative perception of fandom is over a century old. However,

several more contemporary social scientists held similarly negative views of the
pastime (e.g., Beisser, 1967; Lazarsfeld & Merton, 1948; Meier, 1989), includ-
ing Reese (1994), who argued that “no human being on this Earth either has to
or needs to attend any professional sports events” (p. 12A). In fact, Zillmann
et al. (1989) wrote that there is “nearly a universal condemnation of sport spec-
tatorship” on the part of social scientists (p. 246). Hughes (1987) agreed with
this viewpoint and argued that everyone seems to like and enjoy sport except the
social scientists who comment on it.
In contrast to the detractors, some earlier authors had a favorable view of
sport fandom. And we mean early! In fact, around 500 BC the mathematician
and philosopher Pythagoras argued that of all those who attended the Olympics
(e.g., athletes and merchants), the spectators were the best because of their
desire to simply observe and learn (Lenk, 1982). Expressing a similarly positive
view of sport fans, almost a century ago Brill (1929, pp. 430, 434) stated:

The average man, for perfectly simple psychological reasons, just will
not muster much enthusiasm for the idea of getting out and playing
instead of watching the game. On the other hand, through the

174
 CHAPTER 10 ▸ Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom 175
operation of the psychological laws of identification and catharsis, the
thorough-going fan is distinctly benefited mentally, physically, and
morally by spectator-participation in his favorite sport. . . . I conclude
that the national habit of watching rather than playing games, despite
all of the head-shaking of physical culturists and economists, sociolo-
gists, and intellectuals, is a salutary habit.

More recent authors have also viewed sport fandom as a positive pastime
(Guttmann, 1980, 1986; Hemphill, 1995; Lasch, 1989; Melnick, 1993; Smith,
1988, 1989).
So, which of these contrasting views is correct? Are sport fans violent beings
engaged in a useless activity that has negative consequences for society and its
members? Or are sport fans similar to nonfans in most respects, with the excep-
tion that they have an abiding interest in a worthwhile, socially acceptable pas-
time? In the next two chapters, we attempt to answer these questions by
ascertaining the potential costs and benefits of sport fandom. Our analysis
examines the debate from both psychological and sociological perspectives; that
is, we review the positive and negative consequences of sport fandom for both
the individual fan and for society as a whole. The current chapter focuses on the
psychological consequences of fandom, while Chapter 11 analyzes its societal
consequences.
We begin the current chapter with an examination of several psychologically
based criticisms of sport fans and their pastime (i.e., positions arguing that fan-
dom is harmful to individuals in some way). Each criticism will be critiqued
within a framework of existing data when possible. We then examine the mental
health of sport fans and the methods they employ to maintain their psychologi-
cal well-being.

Psychologically Based Criticisms of

Sport Fandom
Although a number of different psychologically based (i.e., individual level)
criticisms of sport fandom have been raised, four arguments appear to be most
common: (1) fans are lazy, (2) fans are aggressive, (3) sport encourages fans to
adopt negative values and maladaptive behaviors, and (4) fans have poor inter-
personal relationships. The merit of each of these alleged psychological costs of
fandom are addressed in this section.

Are Sport Fans Lazy?

One of the most common criticisms involves the perception that sport fans are
lazy (Lasch, 1989; Meier, 1989; Smith, 1988). Individuals who hold this belief
view fans as little more than overweight couch potatoes. However, several dec-
ades back Guttmann (1980) offered an insightful challenge to this criticism. He
suggested that “Although it is unusual to denounce museum-goers for not paint-
ing still-lifes and bad form to fault concert audiences for not playing the violin,
176 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom

One Common Criticism of Sport Fandom Is That Fans Are Little More Than Lazy Couch
Potatoes

it is quite common . . . to criticize spectators for athletic inactivity” (p. 275).

Likewise, Hemphill (1995) noted that

it would be absurd to insist that all spectators become players, just as it

would be absurd to insist that everyone should stop reading books and
start writing them, that ballet audiences should take up dancing, that
movie goers should make their own films.
(p. 52)

The criticism that sport fans are lazy has also not held up well to empirical
investigation. This conclusion is drawn from three lines of research: the rela-
tionships between fandom and (1) athletic participation, (2) other pursuits,
and (3) success/involvement in higher education. With respect to the relation-
ship between fandom and athletic participation, recall from Chapter 1 that
fans are particularly likely to participate in sport as athletes (e.g., Appelbaum
et al., 2012; Inoue et al., 2015). If sport fans are lazy, one should find a nega-
tive correlation between sport and athletic participation. Clearly, this is not
the case.
A second line of evidence standing in contrast to the notion that fans are lazy
concerns the extent to which these individuals are involved in other pursuits
(leisure, political, etc.). Rather than being single-minded people wrapped up
solely in sport, research suggests that fans are involved in other life domains as
well (Appelbaum et al., 2012; Clotfelter, 2015; Lieberman, 1991). For example,
 CHAPTER 10 ▸ Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom 177
Montgomery and Robinson (2006) found that rather than competing for audi-
ences, fandom for sport and the arts were complementary activities. They con-
cluded that “individuals who attend sporting events are likely to attend arts
events as well” (p. 36). Additionally, Sun, Youn, and Wells (2004) found that
sport consumers exceeded nonfans’ interest in politics, world events, and work-
ing on a community project. These findings extend to non-North American cul-
tures as well. For instance, Theodorakis, Wann, Akindes, and Chadwick (2017)
found positive relationships between attendance at football (i.e., soccer) matches
and visitations to museums among persons residing in the Middle East.
With respect to higher education, if sport fans are lazy, one would expect
them to exhibit poorer academic performances and lower levels of involvement
than nonfans. However, once again the data contradict this notion. Instead,
research indicates that sport fans often outperform nonfans and are more
involved with their university. For example, consider the work of Schurr, Wittig,
Ruble, and Henriksen (1993), who compared the graduation rates and grade
point averages (GPAs) of college student fans and nonfans. Using students’ high
school performance and college entrance scores, they found that although the
two groups were similar in their predicted college performance, analyses of
actual performance revealed that the fan group had a higher six-year graduation
rate and higher GPAs. A second relevant project was completed by Wann and
Robinson (2002), who examined the relationship between team identification
and integration into one’s university. They found significant correlations
between identification with the school’s teams and both graduation intentions
and involvement with the university. That is, participants higher in identifica-
tion reported greater levels of involvement with the school and were more likely
to believe that they would graduate from that university. Katz and Heere (2016)
noted a similar pattern of effects with the establishment of a new college foot-
ball team. Specifically, they found that a “newly added football team appeared
to be a powerful instrument to increase people’s behavioral involvement with
the university” (p. 143).

Are Sport Fans Aggressive?

Another common argument against sport fandom is that fans are overly aggres-
sive. When examining the relationship between fandom and aggression, it is
important to distinguish between violent actions and violent personalities, that
is, the difference between state and trait aggression. State aggression involves
temporary shifts in one’s aggression. Trait aggression, on the other hand,
involves an individual’s dispositional level of aggression over a long period of
time. Thus, trait aggression is similar to a personality variable. The finding that
sport fans occasionally report high levels of state aggression and sporadically
exhibit violent behaviors does not insure that these individuals also possess high
levels of trait aggression (i.e., that fans have an inherently violent disposition).
To accurately critique the argument that sport fans are aggressive, one must
conduct two separate analyses: one each for fans’ state aggression and trait
aggression. With respect to state aggression, on rare occasions sport fans do
become violent (see Chapters 7, 8, and 9). But the fact that sport fans
178 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
occasionally exhibit aggressive behaviors does not make them aggressive indi-
viduals per se. Rather, additional research assessing trait aggression is needed to
justify this claim. In the past couple of decades, a number of such studies have
been completed. This body of work has included attempts to operationalize
fandom in a variety of ways including attendance at sporting events (Russell &
Goldstein, 1995), level of team identification (Wann, 1994b; Wann, Peterson,
Cothran, & Dykes, 1999), and level of fandom (Wann, Fahl, Erdmann, &
Littleton, 1999). Although a few exceptions can be found (Wann, Shelton,
Smith, & Walker, 2002), in the majority of these studies researchers failed to
find a significant relationship between fandom and trait aggression. For exam-
ple, Koss and Gaines (1993) examined predictors of sexual aggression among
male college students, including the extent to which they followed sport news
and watched televised sport. Although some predictor variables were positively
related to self-reported sexual aggression (including membership in a fraternity,
participation in a varsity sport, and alcohol consumption), there was no rela-
tionship between sport fandom and sexual aggression.
Thus, based on the research conducted to date, it is safe to conclude that
although a handful of fans sometimes exhibit heightened levels of state aggres-
sion, there is little evidence suggesting they have unusually high levels of trait
aggression. That is, most fans do not walk into a sport arena as aggressive crea-
tures bent on wreaking havoc and destruction. Rather, the competitive environ-
ment fuels their state aggression. This conclusion is consistent with an interesting
set of findings reported by Dimmock and Grove (2005). These researchers
examined the attitudes of Australian sport fans as a function of their level of
team identification. They found that high, moderate, and low identified fans did
not differ in their acceptance of physical and verbal aggression, with each group
reporting that such behaviors were not appropriate. However, the identification
groups did indicate differential levels of behavioral control (i.e., their ability to
manage their own actions). Highly identified fans felt significantly less control
over their own behaviors than did persons low or moderate in identification.
Thus, the highly identified participants were not more aggressive per se; rather,
they were more likely to be influenced by the circumstances of the game and, as
a result, lose control over their behavioral responses.

Does Sport Lead to the Adoption of

Negative Values and Behaviors?
Another common criticism of sport fandom is that following sport leads to the
adoption of negative values and behaviors. This criticism is based on the logic
that sport fans may internalize the questionable values and actions sometimes
displayed by athletes and sport administrators. For instance, it has been argued
that sport fandom facilitates belief in winning at all costs, in strict authoritarian-
ism, and that violence, corruption, cheating, sexism, and racism are acceptable
(Brohm, 1978; Cullen, 1974; Hoch, 1972; Schwartz, 1973).
Does this criticism have merit? Does following sport promote the adoption of
negative values and behaviors? Certainly, it is not difficult to find instances
when athletes, coaches, and administrators have exhibited questionable
 CHAPTER 10 ▸ Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom 179
behaviors (watching any episode of ESPN’s SportsCenter typically results in
multiple cases). To scientifically examine the possibility that sport encourages
the adoption of negative values and behaviors, we must once again consult the
available research. Unfortunately, this criticism is difficult to evaluate empiri-
cally because of a scarcity of relevant research. However, the results from two
studies provide evidence that this criticism has merit. First consider the work of
Wann, Hunter, Ryan, and Wright (2001). Adopting methods often used to
examine fan aggression, these researchers asked college students to indicate
their willingness to consider anonymously cheating to assist a team. The results
indicated that a large minority of fans would consider engaging in the duplici-
tous acts, a sample of which can be found in Table 10.1. However, even more
damaging evidence was the significant positive correlation between level of iden-
tification with a team and willingness to consider the dishonest actions. The
more an individual supported a team, the more likely they were to consider
cheating to assist that team. Among the participants in the Wann et al. (2001)
study, following a team seemed to lead to the adoption of a win-at-all-costs
attitude and the belief that cheating is acceptable.
A second study seemingly in support of this criticism was conducted by Vildiz
(2016). This author examined Turkish soccer fans’ beliefs that their team was
involved in unethical behavior (e.g., match fixing) and the extent to which they
would want the team penalized for the transgression. The results indicated that
team identification and desires for penalization were negatively correlated;
highly identified fans were least likely to want the team to be sanctioned if found
guilty of wrongdoings. Vildiz concluded that unethical team actions can be
acceptable to highly identified fans provided that the actions assist the team in
meeting performance goals. These results parallel those reported by Wann and
his colleagues (2001) and suggest that as fans become more attached to a team,
they are more accepting of unscrupulous behaviors by the team and players.

TABLE 10.1 Percentage of College Student Fans Willing to

Consider Anonymously Cheating to Assist a Team

Let a player cheat off you in class 41%

Write a paper for a player 27%
Steal an opposing team’s playbook 18%
Steal a test for a player 14%
Take a test for a player 13%
Bribe game referees 13%
Contribute illegal funding for recruitment 13%
Falsify a player’s drug test 8%
Help a player acquire illegal steroids 7%
Drug an opposing team’s water 7%
Lie in court to protect a player 6%

Notes: From Wann et al. (2001).

180 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
However, if sport teaches negative values and behaviors, logic dictates that it
must teach positive ones as well and assist in character building, such as the
importance of fair play and adhering to the rules and the value of perseverance
(Bain-Selbo, 2012; Kelley & Tian, 2004; Smith, 1988; Zillmann et al., 1989).
For instance, consider the pattern of effects found by Brown, Basil, and Bocarnea
(2003). These authors examined the impact of two public behaviors by MLB
player Mark McGwire. Subsequent to his assault on the MLB home run record,
the public became aware of his use of the muscle-building supplement
Androstenedione. Although this drug was legal in MLB, many viewed his use as
a form of cheating. However, McGwire was also well-known as an advocate for
child abuse prevention programs, placing his image in a positive light that was
contrary to his image as a cheater. Brown and his colleagues examined the
extent to which knowledge of McGwire’s behaviors influenced others. What
they found was quite interesting, suggesting that sport and athletes can have an
impact on both positive and negative attitudes and behaviors. Specifically, expo-
sure to McGwire was associated with both a desire to take Androstenedione and
a desire to speak out against child abuse.

Do Sport Fans Have Poor Interpersonal

Relationships?
In an issue of Reader’s Digest (Game Plans, 1997), a wife recounted a conversa-
tion she had had with her husband as he sat watching Sunday afternoon foot-
ball. When she asked him what he intended to do the following evening, he said
he would be watching Monday Night Football. When she reminded him that it
was their anniversary, he simply said “Okay, we’ll hold hands while we watch
the game” (p. 91).
This story speaks to another common criticism of sport fans; their interest in
sport has disruptive consequences for interpersonal relationships. The logic here
is that fans devote so much time and energy following sport there is none left for
meaningful relationships with family and friends. A number of studies have
investigated this condemnation of fans to determine, empirically, the impact of
sport fandom on relationship quality. For instance, Roloff and Solomon (1989)
asked college students to list sports they enjoyed following that their partner did
not, sports their partner enjoyed that they did not, and sports they enjoyed
together. Participants also completed items assessing their relationship satisfac-
tion. The authors found greater similarity than conflict in sport interest, as
63 percent of participants listed at least one sport they and their partner enjoyed
watching together on television, and 72 percent listed at least one sport they
enjoyed attending together. There was no correlation between the number of
sports listed that only one partner enjoyed and relationship satisfaction. Roloff
and Solomon concluded that there was “no support for the notion that conflict
over sports adversely affects relational quality” (p. 308).
Gantz, Wenner, Carrico, and Knorr (1995a) also completed an investiga-
tion of the impact of sport fandom on interpersonal relationships (see also
Gantz, Wenner, Carrico, & Knorr, 1995b). Participants in this study reported
their perceptions of how their partner felt about the participants’ sport
 CHAPTER 10 ▸ Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom 181
television viewing. Only 2 percent of the participants believed that their part-
ner was angry or frustrated by their viewing behavior. Similar figures were
found when the individuals were asked to evaluate their partner’s televised
sport viewing as 93 percent reported that consumption of televised sport had
either a positive (54 percent) or neutral effect (39 percent). Consistent with the
conclusions drawn by Roloff and Solomon (1989), Gantz and his colleagues
summarized their findings by stating that “televised sport viewing appears to
be a minor and nondisruptive activity in most ongoing relationships” and that
“our data appear to refute . . . the much publicized football widow phenom-
enon” (p. 371).
Based on the research detailed above, which has been replicated elsewhere
(e.g., Russell & Arms, 2002; Wenner & Gantz, 1998), claims of sport fandom
disrupting interpersonal relationships have been largely overstated. Instead, fan-
dom tends to have either a positive or neutral impact. At this point, based on
available empirical evidence, the most accurate conclusion to be drawn is that
the vast majority of relationships are not adversely affected by a partner’s inter-
est in sport fandom. However, this does not mean relationships are never nega-
tively affected by one (or both) partner’s fandom. For example, End et al. (2009)
investigated the impact of game outcome on romantic relationships and found
that individuals perceived their partners to be more irritable after a loss. They
also enjoyed being with their partner less after his or her team had been defeated.
One conclusion from this work is that fandom may have a short-lived negative
effect on some relationships, at least following a favorite team’s poor
performance.

Psychological Well-Being and

Sport Fandom
In the previous sections, we examined a number of individually based criticisms
of sport fandom. Although complaints about sport fans and their pastime are
common, some social scientists have taken the opposite stance, arguing there
may be psychological benefits associated with fandom (Giamatti, 1989; Iso-
Ahola & Hatfield, 1986; Smith, 1989; Smith et al., 1981). For instance, almost
a century ago Brill (1929) asked his readers, “Are you a fan? It is altogether to
be hoped, for your psychic health and well-being, that you are” (p. 429). In the
sections that follow, we examine theoretical and empirical support for the belief
that fandom can have positive consequences for one’s psychological health.

The Psychological Health of Sport Fans:

Two Routes to Well-Being
There are two methods through which persons can improve their psychological
health via sport fandom (Wann, 2006c). The first route involves the pride and
happiness fans experience when a favorite team performs well. That is, when a
fan’s team succeeds, he or she gains a vicarious sense of accomplishment, boost-
ing self-worth (Stieger, Gotz, & Gehrig, 2015).
182 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
The second route is not reliant on team performance (Wann, 2006c). Rather,
this process involves a boost in well-being simply as a consequence of following
a team, regardless of that team’s success or failure. Psychological research has
frequently found that group identification is positively associated with well-
being (Compton, 2005; Crocker & Major, 1989; Ketturat et al., 2016). The
argument here is that similar benefits should be available via sport fandom and
team identification. Through their involvement with sport, fans gain valuable
connections to those around them. These connections may prove beneficial to
one’s psychological health by serving as a buffer against depression and aliena-
tion while increasing self-esteem and self-worth (Aden & Titsworth, 2012;
Smith, 1988, 1989; Wang & Wong, 2014). Furthermore, because sport fandom
may be replacing traditional but declining social ties such as religion and the
family (e.g., Bain-Selbo & Sapp, 2016; Branscombe & Wann, 1991; Melnick,
1993; Putnam, 1995), fandom may be a particularly important vehicle for gain-
ing well-being via group memberships. In the following sections, we examine
research investigating the relationships among team identification, sport fan-
dom, and psychological health.

Team Identification and Psychological Health Perhaps the first work to

investigate the relationship between fandom and psychological health was
conducted by Branscombe and Wann (1991). In their first study, they found a
positive correlation between level of identification with the local college’s men’s
basketball team and self-esteem, as well as a negative correlation between
identification and frequency of depression. In a second study, Branscombe and
Wann found that higher levels of identification were positively correlated with
experiencing positive emotions and negatively correlated with the frequency of
negative emotions. In the years that followed, researchers were able to replicate
the relationships documented by Branscombe and Wann (1991) using a wide
variety of measures of psychological health (Wann et al., 2004; Wann et al.,
1999). Table 10.2 provides a sample of this research. As revealed in the table,
the positive relationship between team identification and psychological well-
being is robust and the generalizability of this effect is quite impressive. For
instance, the relationship holds in multiple cultures (Inoue, Funk, Wann,
Yoshida, & Nakazawa, 2015; Wann, Dimmock, & Grove, 2003), in and out of
a sport season (Wann, Keenan, & Page, 2009), for less popular teams (Wann
et al., 2009), in a variety of settings (Wann, Walker, Cygan, Kawase, & Ryan,
2005), and with multiple age groups including adolescents (Wann et al., 2015)
and the elderly (Wann, Rogers, Dooley, & Foley, 2011).
At this point, we need to pause to note that the studies cited above and those
listed in Table 10.2 were correlational in design. As discussed in Chapter 5 (and
in most likely every social science course), correlation does not equal causation.
Although the argument is that fandom (in particular, team identification) leads
to psychological well-being, correlational methodologies render it inappropriate
to use this work to discuss specifics about causal patterns. However, it is impor-
tant to note that research in social psychology has consistently found that mem-
bership in groups does indeed foster (i.e., cause) improved mental health (e.g.,
Baumeister, Twenge, & Nuss, 2002; Berkman & Syme, 1979; Jetten, Haslam, &
 CHAPTER 10 ▸ Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom 183

TABLE 10.2 Various Forms of Well-Being Correlated With Sport

Team Identification

Forms of Well-Being Reference

Personal self-esteem Branscombe and Wann (1991)
Wann, Inman, Ensor, Gates, and Caldwell (1999)
Collective (i.e., social) Lanter and Blackburn (2015)
self-esteem Wann (1994b)
Reding, Grieve, Derryberry, and Paquin (2011)
Wann and Pierce (2005)
Meaning in life Wann et al. (in press)
Social integration Wann and Weaver (2009)
Social coherence Wann and Weaver (2009)
Trust in others Wann and Polk (2007)
Community cohesion Inoue et al. (2015)
Energy (i.e., vigor, vitality) Wann et al. (1999)
Wann and Craven (2014)
Extraversion Reding, Grieve, Derryberry, and Paquin (2011)
Personal and social life Phua (2012)
satisfaction Inoue, Sato, Filo, Du, and Funk (in press)
Wann, Waddill, Brasher, and Ladd (2015)
Collective happiness Reysen and Branscombe (2010)
College student adjustment Clopton (2012)
Social avoidance and Wann and Craven (2014)
distress*
Social isolation* Wann et al. (2015)
Wann et al. (2011)
Loneliness* Wann, Polk, and Franz (2011)
Wann, Rogers, Dooley, and Foley (2011)

Note: * indicates a negative relationship.

Haslam, 2012). In fact, his review of this literature led Sani (2012) to conclude
that “Results such as these leave little room for doubt. Social integration has
causal effects on mental and physical health outcomes” (p. 24).
Do these causal patterns extend to memberships formed through identifica-
tion with sport teams? One empirical study provides evidence that they do
(Wann, 2006b). This project utilized a cross-lagged panel design, a longitudinal
approach in which participants are tested at multiple points. College students
completed a questionnaire assessing their identification with their university’s
men’s basketball team as well as their social psychological health (e.g., collective
self-esteem, loneliness). The questionnaire was completed at two points in time:
at the beginning of the college basketball season, and again three months later
toward the end of the season. By comparing the Time 1 identification–Time 2
184 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
well-being correlation with that from Time 1 well-being–Time 2 identification
(i.e., the cross-lagged relationships), there is an indication of the casual pattern.
The results revealed that although the Time 1 identification–Time 2 well-being
correlation was statistically significant (and positive), the Time 1 well-being–
Time 2 identification relationship was not. This pattern of effects lends support
to the notion that sport team identification leads to psychological health.

Understanding Relationships Among

Fandom, Identification, and Psychological
Well-Being
The previous discussion makes one thing quite clear: Sport fandom is positively
associated with psychological well-being, and the association is likely causal.
However, although research confirms the relationship, it does not describe how
or why the relationship exists. Such an explanation can be found in the Team
Identification–Social Psychological Health Model (TI-SPHM; Wann, 2006c).
Depicted in Figure 10.1, this theoretical approach illustrates the processes
through which fandom, and more specifically team identification, fosters well-
being. Identifying with a sport team leads to social connections and relation-
ships with other fans. Thus, as discussed in Chapter 1, identification assists
individuals in their attempt to meet their innate need to belong (Baumeister,
2012; Pickett et al., 2004). The model also predicts that it is team identification,
and not sport fandom per se, that results in connections with others. The logic
employed here is that fans are for more likely to bond around their shared love
for a team than for a sport.
Team identification is believed to result in two types of social connections:
enduring and temporary. Enduring social connections occur when a fan resides
where the team is located, such as a fan of The Ohio State Buckeyes who lives
in Columbus, Ohio. In these instances, follow supporters of the team are easy
to find, and they are highly salient. A Buckeyes fan living in Columbus would
find herself constantly surrounded by other OSU supporters. Temporary social

Strategies for
Coping
With Threat

Social Psychological
Social Connecons
Sport Team Health
Enduring
Idenficaon Trait
Temporary
State

FIGURE 10.1 The Team Identification–Social Psychological Health Model

 CHAPTER 10 ▸ Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom 185
connections occur when a fan does not reside near the team but occasionally
finds his or herself in the company of other like-minded fans. For instance, an
Ohio State fan living in Tallahassee, Florida, would not have easy access to
other fans. Walking the streets of this city, she might never see another OSU
fan. However, if she meets with other similarly distant Ohio State alumni to
watch the football team on television, she will gain temporary connections dur-
ing those events. Although occasions such as this may seem rare, there are
actually many opportunities to establish and maintain these short-term rela-
tionships, particularly for persons living in larger metropolitan areas. These
encounters allow fans to congregate with fellow supporters of their team and
rekindle memories of life back home (Thompson, 2011). For example, although
it is located well over 600 miles from Green Bay, there are multiple “Packer
Bars” in Nashville where hundreds of displaced Packer fans congregate each
week to watch their team and socialize with fellow “Cheeseheads.” A number
of teams even have online directories providing information on watch sites in
distant locales.
In the next phase of the model, the enduring and temporary social connec-
tions are expected to result in social psychological health. Both trait well-being
(i.e., chronic, long-term) and state well-being (i.e., transient, short-term) should
be impacted. Trait well-being is predicted to be the result of enduring connec-
tions, while boosts in state well-being are believed to occur when one gains
temporary connections. Based on the TI-SPHM, one would predict that social
psychological health is more likely to be impacted than personal well-being.
Social psychological health involves those components of well-being that are
group based, such as loneliness, isolation, and collective self-esteem.

Research Testing the Team

Identification–Social Psychological
Health Model
The Team Identification–Social Psychological Health Model (Wann, 2006c) has
several components and leads to numerous predictions. In the sections that fol-
low, we examine empirical support for the model, including a handful of recent
studies that have attempted to simultaneously test several of the framework’s
“moving parts.”

Team Identification, Rather Than Sport Fandom, Leads to Well-being

As noted above, one of the first predictions contained in the TI-SPHM is that
team identification rather than sport fandom results in social connections and
psychological well-being. Wann’s (2006c) analogy here was that “Simply being
an ‘animal lover’ is not likely to lead to valuable connections with other such
persons. However, numerous groups have been established with the intent of
bringing together fans of specific animals (cats, various breeds of dogs, horses,
etc.)” (p. 276). A number of studies have tested the relationships among fandom,
identification, and well-being, and many of these support Wann’s logic
(Theodorakis et al., 2012; Wann et al., 2015). For example, studies using both
186 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
fandom and team identification as predictors of well-being found that although
identification was a significant predictor, mere fandom was not (Wann et al.,
2003; Wann & Runyon, 2010; Wann & Weaver, 2009).
However, contrary to expectations, a few studies have found that sport fan-
dom was positively associated with well-being (Wann & Craven, 2014; Wann &
Martin, 2008). For instance, Wann et al. (in press) found that sport fandom (as
well as team identification) was a significant predictor of both a sense of belong-
ing and meaning in life. Additionally, consider work by Schlegel, Pfitzner, and
Koenigstorfer (2017) on the subjective well-being of inhabitants of Rio de
Janeiro. The authors had one sample of residents complete a questionnaire
assessing their subjective well-being a week before the 2014 World Cup (held in
Rio), while a second sample answered the same questions in the middle of the
tournament. Interestingly, those tested during the event reported higher subjec-
tive well-being. For instance, they believed they were more cheerful and active
and that life was interesting. These benefits were not tied to any particular team
but, rather, were a consequence of the festive nature of the event. Thus, modifi-
cations to the TI-SPHM may be needed to account for the possibility that, under
certain circumstances, sport fandom may also play a role in facilitating social
psychological health.

Team Identification Leads to Social Connections Social connections and

relationships with others are strongly associated with psychological well-being
(Lee & Robbins, 1998; Townsend & McWhirter, 2005). The Team
Identification–Social Psychological Health Model (Wann, 2006c) includes the
prediction that one of the greatest benefits of identifying with sport teams is that
it has the capacity to facilitate these connections, and research confirms this
pattern of effects (Inoue & Havard, 2014; Katz & Heere, 2016; Skinner,
Zakus, & Cowell, 2008). For example, a pair of studies conducted by Wann
and his colleagues found that team identification was associated with multiple
assessments of social connectedness, including the percentage and number of
friends who were fans of the team and beliefs that following the team helped
establish and maintain friendships (Wann, Waddill, Brasher, & Ladd, 2015;
Wann et al., 2011).
Although the work above supports the proposition that team identification
can lead to social connections, the reader may be wondering about the level of
relationship intimacy required for this effect to occur. For instance, returning to
the Ohio State fan described earlier, imagine that she is shopping at a mall in
Columbus, Ohio, while wearing her Buckeyes sweatshirt. She will encounter
many other OSU supporters, also easily identifiable by their team apparel. As
they pass, these persons may exchange a smile, a “Go Bucks!”, or even a high-
five. They may even strike-up a short conversation about the team. Can these
brief, weak connections promote well-being? Research suggests they can. For
example, Sandstrom and Dunn (2014a, 2014b) found that short social encoun-
ters with a barista (someone who prepares coffee) or college classmates led to
increases in sense of belonging and positive affect. Thus, the social connections
fans develop do not have to be intimate to have well-being benefits. Rather, the
casual encounters that are so common among local fans are sufficient.
 CHAPTER 10 ▸ Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom 187
A final point concerns the notion of what comprises a local versus a distant
fan. That is, should a fan living 50 miles from a university be considered a local
or distant? Unfortunately, precise operational definitions of these terms have
not been established. Yet this distinction is critical to the model, given that local
fans are expected to gain enduring connections while distant fans are forced to
seek out temporary ones. However, Pu and James (2017) found that distant fans
can have very strong psychological connections to the favorite teams. This is in
spite of the fact that they never lived in proximity to a favorite team and have
never attended a game in person (they literally live in another country). The
original formulation of the TI-SPHM began around 2000. At that time, social
networking for fans was not available. Today, however, fans from across the
globe can connect and “watch” a sporting event together, while not actually
being together in a physical sense. This form of consumption could have impor-
tant implications for the TI-SPHM (Phua, 2012). That is, perhaps one can gain
enduring connections by connecting with other fans via social networking sites.

Team-Based Threats to Identity Thus far, we have provided ample evidence

that higher levels of team identification are associated with psychological well-
being and that this relationship is likely causal. However, if the reader were to
turn back to Chapter 6, it is also clear that highly identified fans experience
strong negative reactions to outcomes involving their team (e.g., Bernhardt,
Dabbs, Fielden, & Lutter, 1998; Eastman & Riggs, 1994; Lisjak, Lee, &
Gardner, 2012). Because the role of team follower is a central component of the
social identity of highly identified fans, the performances and actions of the
team and players have implications for the fans’ self-worth. When the players
and/or team perform poorly or engage in questionable behaviors, these actions
serve as an identity threat to highly allegiant fans. Branscombe, Ellemers, Spears,
and Doosje (1999) developed a typology of threats to identity, each of which
has implications for sport fans. This typology is found in Table 10.3. As shown
in the table, fans can feel threatened by far more than poor team performance.
A series of interesting studies by Xiao and Van Bavel (2012) suggest that
threats to the identity of fans can be far-reaching, even powerful enough to alter
perceptions of the physical world. Based on research finding that people view
personal threats (e.g., spiders, cliffs) as closer than they actually are (Riskind,
Moore, & Bowley, 1995), Xiao and Van Bavel predicted that similar distortions
of physical distance could occur as a result of threats to social identity.
Specifically, they expected that individuals would perceive a shorter distance
between themselves and a rival outgroup. Several studies confirmed their expec-
tations, including one testing the MLB rivalry between the New York Yankees
and Boston Red Sox. Fans outside of Yankees Stadium completed a question-
naire assessing their favorite MLB team and their identification for this team.
Additionally, the participants estimated the distances from Yankees Stadium to
Fenway Park, home of the rival Red Sox, and Camden Yards, home of the
Baltimore Orioles (Camden Yards is actually closer to Yankee Stadium by about
20 miles). The results were quite intriguing. Non-Yankees fans correctly esti-
mated that Fenway Park was further away from Yankee Stadium than Camden
Yards. However, Yankees fans incorrectly believed that the home of the rival
188 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom

TABLE 10.3 A Typology of Threats to Social Identify

Threat Description Examples from Sport

Fandom
Value- Desire to view one’s group as When a team loses a
competence more successful than a rival competition; when a team
is faced with relegation to
a lower division
Value-morality Desire to view one’s group as When a player is accused
morally superior to a rival of using performance-
enhancing drugs; when a
player is arrested for a DUI
Distinctiveness Desire to view one’s group as When one learns that an
unique from rival groups ingroup fan base is not
unique from a rival’s; when
one is informed that sport
fans are “all alike”
Acceptance Desire to be viewed by When one is accused of
ingroup persons as a member lacking team-related
of the group knowledge; when one is
accused of supporting a
rival team

Note: From Branscombe et al., (1999).

Red Sox was closer than the home park for the non-rival Orioles. Thus, the
threat provided by the rival team led to an altered perception of physical dis-
tance. The saying “Keep your friends close and your enemies closer” appears to
encompass our impressions of rival fans as well.

Coping With Team-Based Threats So we have an interesting paradox

involving the behaviors and attributes of sport fans. On the one hand, there is
evidence from research that highly identified fans (at least those identified with
a local team) have a particularly healthy psychological profile. On the other
hand, there is also evidence that these fans often experience negative affect, a
poor outlook on life, and depression in response to team-relevant threats (e.g.,
subsequent to watching their team lose). To resolve this contradiction, one must
consider the methods highly identified fans use to cope with the threats. Coping
strategies involve “those responses that are effective in reducing an undesirable
load (i.e., the psychological burden)” (Snyder, 1999, p. 5). Research indicates
that these strategies are successful in alleviating the psychological distress caused
by team-based identity threats (Bizman & Yinon, 2002; Delia, 2017; Diener,
Suh, Lucas, & Smith, 1999; Wilson & Gilbert, 2005). In the following sections,
we examine a wide variety of these tactics.
Strategically Manipulating Associations With the Team • One of the most
common set of tactics used by fans to maintain their psychological health is to
 CHAPTER 10 ▸ Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom 189
strategically adjust their associations with their team (Delia, Bass, & Wann,
2017). These strategies, some of which were mentioned in Chapter 8, are self-
presentational in nature because they involve conscious attempts to alter one’s
public association with a team (Leary, 1992, 1995). Two of these strategies are
found in response to successful team performance, while two are used in
response to unsuccessful performance. These strategies are briefly described in
Table 10.4.
The first strategy utilized after team success is basking in reflected glory
(BIRGing; Cialdini et al., 1976). The BIRGing phenomenon was first identified
in a series of studies conducted by Cialdini and his colleagues (1976). In one
study, the experimenters recorded the proportion of college students who wore
clothing that identified their university. As predicted by BIRGing, the propor-
tion of students wearing university-identifying apparel increased following a
win by the university’s football team. In a second study, Cialdini and his associ-
ates telephoned respondents and asked them to describe a recent contest involv-
ing their university’s football team. Again, consistent with the BIRGing
phenomenon, participants were more likely to use the pronoun “we” to describe
a recent win and “they” to describe a defeat. A number of authors have repli-
cated Cialdini’s work (Cialdini & De Nicholas, 1989; Delia, 2015; Jensen et al.,
2016; Kimble & Cooper, 1992; McHoul, 1997).
Thus, one method fans use to maintain their psychological health is to increase
their relationship with successful teams via BIRGing. However, given that the
team was victorious, an astute reader may wonder how the fan was threatened.
That is, if the team won, where is the threat and how is BIRGing used to cope?
The answer lies in the fact that fans maintain multiple group identities (Delia,

TABLE 10.4 Self-Presentational Strategies Used by Sport Fans

to Enhance or Protect Their Psychological
Well-Being

Strategy Description
Strategies following team success
Basking in reflected glory Increasing one’s association with a
(BIRGing) successful team to enhance
psychological health.
Cutting off future failure Decreasing one’s association with a
(COFFing) currently successful team to protect
one’s future psychological health should
the team perform poorly at a later date.
Strategies following team failure
Cutting off reflected failure Decreasing one’s association with an
(CORFing) unsuccessful team to protect one’s
psychological health.
Basking in spite of reflected Maintaining an association with a
failure (BIRFing) team despite the team’s failures.
190 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
2015), and they typically support many different teams (Grieve et al., 2009).
What BIRGing allows fans to do is increase their association with teams that are
successful to lessen the threat of teams they support that are not living up to
expectations (Delia, 2017).
In some situations, supporters may be reluctant to bask in their team’s vic-
tory. For instance, consider a fan that is highly identified with his university’s
men’s basketball team. Imagine that this team has a history of poor performance
and typically finishes last in its conference. However, this team somehow man-
ages to gain a home court victory over the conference powerhouse. Research on
BIRGing suggests that the fan would increase his association with his team,
thereby enhancing his psychological well-being. However, what might happen if
the two teams were scheduled to meet a second time at the rival school’s home
court? Would the fan be as willing to boast about his team’s surprising victory?
The is evidence that he may not. Rather, he may employ cutting off future fail-
ure (COFFing), a second strategy used following team success (Bernache-
Assollant & Chantal, 2011; Wann, Hamlet, Wilson, & Hodges, 1995). This
occurs when individuals resist the urge to bask in a team’s success and, instead,
distance themselves from the team out of concern that the team will be unsuc-
cessful in the future (i.e., the team’s future performance serves as the threat).
Although individuals may maintain a private connection to the team, publicly
they downplay their association. Thus, COFFing helps one maintain a positive
psychological state by avoiding association with a potential loser, even though
that team is currently experiencing success.
There are also two important self-presentational strategies fans use when
faced with poor team performance (see Table 10.4). The first is cutting off
reflected failure (CORFing; Snyder et al., 1986). You may recall that CORFing
involves decreasing one’s association with an unsuccessful team to protect one’s
identity. However, this option is far more common among persons with lower
levels of identification with a team (Kwon et al., 2008; Spinda, 2011). For per-
sons with high levels of identification (i.e., those reaching the Allegiance stage of
the Psychological Continuum Model, see Funk & James, 2001), the centrality of
the role of team supporter makes it difficult for them to renounce the team.
Wertheim and Sommers (2016) argue that one cause of the tendency for highly
identified fans to stick with their team is cognitive dissonance (Festinger &
Carlsmith, 1959). Classic research on dissonance by Aronson and Mills (1959)
found that the more individuals put time and effort into an act, the more they
believed the act was worthwhile. Wertheim and Sommers contend that this pro-
cess explains why so many fans are willing to remain associated with losers (i.e.,
not CORF). The effort and time they have put into following the team (e.g.,
ticket costs, years supporting the team) would result in cognitive dissonance
should they abandon the team. As a result, they remain loyal. As a side note, it
is interesting that Aronson was a diehard Boston Red Sox fan beginning in the
1940s. Thus, he should know a thing or two about both cognitive dissonance
and how it drives persons to remain loyal to a chronically underperforming
team.
The tendency for highly identified fans to remain loyal in the face of team
failure is a second strategy following team loss. Referred to as basking in spite
 CHAPTER 10 ▸ Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom 191
of reflected failure (BIRFing), in this situation fans celebrate a team’s ineptness
(Aden & Titsworth, 2012). In describing this process, Campbell, Aiken, and
Kent (2004) wrote “While the team may be losing, fans in this case are reveling
in the loyalty, camaraderie, rebelliousness, and other alternative reasons for fan-
dom” (p. 153). These fans are trying to avoid being perceived as disloyal (i.e.,
they are faced with acceptance threat). In fact, a team’s losing ways may even
become one of the team characteristics with which fans identify. For example,
when the Chicago Cubs were close to ending their century-old championship
drought, roughly 25 percent of Cubs fans reported that they would miss the
Cubs losing ways (Hart, 2016). Furthermore, over 80 percent of respondents
indicated that part of the camaraderie they felt with other fans was tied to the
team’s history of failure.
Cognitive and Perceptual Biases Related to Team Performance • A second set
of coping strategies employed by sport fans involves cognitive and perceptual
biases. With this strategy “identification predisposes sport consumers to engage
in biased cognitive processes, enabling them to resist negative information about
their favorite player and team” (Lee et al., 2016, p. 179). Viewed from the
Psychological Continuum Model (Funk & James, 2001), fans who have reached
the Allegiance stage have a strong desire to evaluate their team in a positive
light. Cognitive and perceptual biases assist in this endeavor and allow fans to
view their team in a favorable fashion, even when faced with evidence to the
contrary.
One cognitive/perceptual bias involves use of ingroup favoritism (Brewer,
1979; Howard & Rothbart, 1980), that is, viewing favorite teams, players, and
fans as superior to rivals. With respect to biased perceptions of teams and play-
ers, athletes are viewed in a more positive manner when believed to be on a
supported team than on a rival team. For instance, Wann et al. (2006) asked
fans to watch a videotape of a potential player for either their team or a rival
team. They found that highly identified fans rated the player more favorably
when he was described as a recruit for their team than for a rival school, even
though all subjects watched the same video. As for biased perceptions of fans, a
similar pattern holds true (Franco & Maass, 1996; Sabo, Jansen, Tate,
Duncan, & Leggett, 1996). Fans may be able to deflect some of the negative
impact of their team’s losses by believing that “our team may have lost the
game, but our fans are better than your fans.” As one would expect, research
suggests that highly identified fans are especially likely to possess a positively
biased perception of fellow fans (Wann & Branscombe, 1995; Wann & Dolan,
1994c; Wann & Grieve, 2005; Wann et al., 2012).
Fans also protect themselves from threat via biased attributions. Attributions
are causes individuals assign to behaviors. For example, a fan of a winning team
may conclude that the team won because they possessed a high level of skill or
exerted a high level of effort. Meanwhile, fans of the losing team may believe
that their team lost because of bad luck or biased officiating. In these instances,
the fans can improve their well-being after team success and protect it after team
failure. Research for a number of decades has found that these self-serving attri-
butions are common among fans as a method for handling threat (Hastorf &
Cantril, 1954; Lau, 1984; Tanner, Sev’er, & Ungar, 1989). However, the
192 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
self-serving bias is not found among all spectators. Rather, only those with a
high degree of team identification utilize this strategy (Grove, Hanrahan, &
McInman, 1991; Lanter, 2013; Sweeney & Nguyen, 2012; Wann & Dolan,
1994a; Wann & Schrader, 2000). Because the psychological well-being of highly
identified fans is related to their team’s performances, these fans have the most
to gain through biased beliefs about the causes of an outcome.
A third perceptual bias fans exhibit involves predictions and recollections of
team performance (Murrell & Dietz, 1992; Wann, 1996). Sometimes referred to
as the allegiance bias (Markman & Hirt, 2002), fans can protect and enhance
their psychological health by believing that their team performed well in the past
and will continue this success in the future. Essentially, they remember the glory
years as more glorious than they actually were, while the future is viewed as
brighter than reality suggests it will be. Once again, these biases are more com-
mon among highly identified fans than those low in team identification (Dietz-
Uhler & Murrell, 1999; Hirt et al., 1992). As Wann and his coauthors (2017)
stated, “it is evident that as fans’ identification with a team increases, so too
does the rose-colored hue of the lens through which they perceive and evaluate
their team” (p. 155). For instance, consider the research by Wann and Dolan
(1994b; see also Wann, 1994a). College students completed a questionnaire
assessing their identification with the university’s men’s basketball team as well
as their estimates of the number of games the team had won during the previous
year and the number they would win in the current season. As expected, highly
identified fans were more biased in their estimates than were low identified per-
sons. Those high in identification estimated that the team had won 20.4 games
during the previous season and that they would win 19.1 games during the cur-
rent season (both estimates were higher than the actual number of wins, as the
team had won 17 games during the previous season and would win 18 during
the current year). Those low in identification estimated the wins to be only 18.7
and 17.6 for the past and current seasons, respectively.
Outgroup Derogation (Blasting) • Another strategy highly identified fans
employ to cope with threat involves outgroup derogation (i.e., blasting). Threats
to social identity often lead to increases in deviant behavior (Belmi, Barragan,
Neale, & Cohen, 2015), and for some sport fans this involves violent outbursts
directed toward others (Wann, 1993). That is, as discussed in Chapter 8, because
highly identified fans tend not to CORF, they may resort to hostility as a means
of repairing their identity (Branscombe & Wann, 1994).
Pessimism • Sport fans also cope with threat via pessimistic appraisals of their
team (Delia, 2017). Two forms of pessimism can be used by fans: proactive pes-
simism and retroactive pessimism. Proactive pessimism involves the adoption of
an increasingly more negative outlook as an event draws near (Shepperd,
Quellette, & Fernandez, 1996). By lowering expectations, individuals can pro-
actively reduce the sting of poor performance. For fans, this could involve low-
ering expectations as a season approaches in an attempt to proactively decrease
the threat of the team underperforming (Sloan, 1989). For example, Wann and
Grieve (2007) asked individuals to indicate their favorite MLB team and their
expectations for the upcoming season (e.g., the likelihood the team play in the
World Series). Participants were tested four weeks prior to and immediately
 CHAPTER 10 ▸ Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom 193
before the start of the season. As expected, highly identified fans became more
pessimistic at Time 2 (i.e., reported lower expectations) relative to Time 1.
A second form of pessimism that can be used to cope with identity threat is
retroactive pessimism. In this instance, individuals become more negative about
their chances for success after the disappointing outcome has occurred
(Tykocinski, Pick, & Kedmi, 2002). Essentially, they reevaluate their likelihood
of success now knowing that they failed (e.g., “Now that I think about it, we
never really had a chance”). Wann, Grieve, Waddill, and Martin (2008) found
evidence of retroactive pessimism among college fans. Supporters of two college
basketball teams completed questionnaires a few days prior to and again a few
days after a men’s game between the two schools. The pregame protocol
included an assessment of their identification with their university’s team as well
as estimates of the game’s outcome. The postgame questionnaire asked partici-
pants to retroactively estimate their team’s chance of victory in the game. The
results indicated that highly identified supporters of the losing team reported
significant changes in their pre- to postgame evaluations, and the pattern of
effects reflected retroactive pessimism. That is, strong supporters of the losing
team reported more negative evaluations of their team’s chances of victory sub-
sequent to the team’s loss.
Magical and Mystical Strategies • Another interesting set of coping tactics
involves magical and mystical strategies, such as beliefs in curses and the use of
superstition (Jones, Cox, & Navarro-Rivera, 2014). A number of sport curses
have been propagated, particularly in baseball. One of the most often discussed
is the Curse of the Bambino and the accursed Boston Red Sox (until 2004 when
they won the World Series, hence “breaking the curse”). Wann and Zaichkowsky
(2009) examined predictors of beliefs in the Red Sox curse, finding that level of
identification with the Red Sox was a positive predictor of belief in the curse.
Such beliefs function as a coping mechanism for highly identified Red Sox fans.
That is, it’s easier on their social identity to believe that the Red Sox lost because
of a curse than due to poor pitching, hitting, and poor managerial decisions.
With respect to sport fan superstitions, the findings from several studies pro-
vide confirmation that highly identified fans are particularly likely to engage in
superstitious acts (Wann & Goeke, in press; Wilson, Grieve, Ostrowski,
Mienaltowski, & Cyr, 2013). Perhaps the most comprehensive examination of
sport fan superstition was conducted by Wann and his colleagues (2013), who
assessed the superstitions of over 600 fans. Several intriguing findings emerged,
such as the most prominent types of superstitions (e.g., those involving apparel
and vocalizations). Furthermore, many fans truly believed that their supersti-
tious acts influenced the outcome of games involving their team, and because of
this they expected to feel guilty if they stopped the superstitious behavior.
Schadenfreude and Glory Out of Reflected Failure • Another method sport
fans use to deal with threats to their social identity is schadenfreude, a topic we
briefly discussed in Chapter 6. Recall that schadenfreude is a German term
meaning joy in the misfortune of others (Cikara et al., 2011; Dalakas &
Melancon, 2012). Researchers have suggested that schadenfreude may be a
popular coping mechanism among highly identified fans seeking relief from the
distress of their team’s poor performance (Dalakas et al., 2015). Essentially,
194 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
fans may feel better about their team’s struggles if they focus on the disappoint-
ments of rival teams, a process Havard (2014) refers to as glory out of reflected
failure (GORFing; Havard et al., 2018). By focusing on a rival’s failures, the
poor play of one’s own team may become less salient and less threatening.
Consumption of food • A final coping method involves the consumption of
food. Given that some people deal with stress through unhealthy eating (Fischer,
Anderson, & Smith, 2004; Lambird & Man, 2006), and watching a team com-
pete can be quite stressful (see Chapter 6), it seems reasonable to expect sport
fans to cope through consumption of food as well. Indeed, research does find
this pattern of effects (Gantz & Wenner, 1995). For instance, consider the work
of Cormil and Chandon (2013), who investigated the unhealthy eating habits of
NFL fans. The authors used national survey data on consumption habits and
found that on Mondays following games, saturated fat and caloric intake
increased after a loss but decreased after a win. The increased saturated fat and
caloric consumption was greatest after games involving evenly matched teams
and those with a close final score. These results suggest that fans cope via
unhealthy eating when they are most stressed, such as when the game in ques-
tion is closely contested.

Trait and State Well-Being According to the Team Identification–Social

Psychological Health Model (Wann, 2006c), connections generated via sport
team identification impact both trait and state well-being. Trait well-being is
thought to be associated with enduring connections, while state psychological
health is expected to be impacted by temporary connections. Although multiple
studies have included examination of trait well-being and found the expected
relationships (e.g., Wann et al., 2004; Wann et al., 1999), empirical work
examining state well-being is quite rare. However, work that has been done
indicates that identification can be correlated with state well-being as well
(Wann, Martin, Grieve, & Gardner, 2008). For instance, Wann et al. (2011)
asked highly identified supporters of a distant university’s men’s basketball team
to watch a basketball video either alone or in the presence of other fans.
Participants viewed either a highlight video depicting the target team or a control
video. After watching the video, participants completed an assessment of their
state loneliness. As expected, and consistent with the TI-SPHM, persons
watching the team highlight video in the presence of other fans of the team
reported a significant decrease in loneliness, while no such effect was found for
persons watching the control video or those watching either video alone.

Social Well-Being, Rather Than Personal, Is Impacted by Identification

A final important component of Wann’s (2006c) model is the prediction that the
social connections accrued via sport team identification will be more likely to
result in social (i.e., group) well-being than personal (i.e., individual) well-being.
The logic employed here is that because identification with a team and the
corresponding connections are group-level phenomena, the benefits should be
social in nature. Research has consistently supported this proposition (Wann
et al., 2015; Wann et al., 2003). For example, team identification appears to be
more strongly associated with collective (i.e., social) self-esteem than personal
self-esteem (Branscombe & Wann, 1991; Wann, 1994a). In fact, an examination
 CHAPTER 10 ▸ Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom 195
of Table 10.2 reveals that the majority of psychological health benefits found to
be associated with team identification are social in nature (e.g., social integration,
community cohesion).

Testing the Paths From Identification to Connections to Social Well-

Being As detailed in the previous sections, many of the individual components
contained in the TI-SPHM (Wann, 2006c) have empirical support, and in some
cases, the support is quite substantial. However, although it is useful to examine
a theory piece-by-piece, a more appropriate method of analysis involves testing
a model in its entirety by examining the various links and patterns of relationships
predicted by the framework. Although there are several such relationships that
could be tested, the critical pattern predicted by the TI-SPHM concerns the
paths from team identificationsocial connectionssocial psychological health.
A handful of studies have tested the predicted causal paths among identifica-
tion, connections, and well-being. These studies have had mixed results. Some
work has found results that are consistent with the patterns predicted by the
model (interestingly, this includes work on fans identifying with non-sport enti-
ties, see Reysen, Plante, Roberts, & Gerbasi, 2017). For example, Wann and his
colleagues (in press) examined the interrelationships among identification with
a local college basketball team, sense of belonging, and meaning in life. The
results were consistent with the TI-SPHM, as sense of belonging mediated the
relationship between team identification and meaning in life.
Other research, however, has failed to find the hypothesized links from team
identification to social connections to well-being (Clopton, 2012). For example,
consider a pair of studies conducted by Wann and his associates. In these inves-
tigations, high school (Wann et al., 2015) or college students (Wann et al.,
2011) completed questionnaires assessing identification with one of their
school’s sport teams, connections gained via their support of team, and social
well-being. As expected, team identification was correlated with well-being and
social connectedness. However, social connections failed to mediate the rela-
tionship between identification and psychological health. Essentially, identifica-
tion was found to have a direct effect on both social connections and social
well-being.
To muddy the waters even further, other work supports the hypothesized pat-
tern of effects predicted by the TI-SPHM, but with a different mediating varia-
ble. Specifically, recent work suggests that it is perceived emotional support from
other fans, not social connections per se, that mediates the team identification—
social psychological health relationship (Inoue, Sato, Filo, Du, & Funk, in press).
For example, Inoue and his associates examined post-disaster responses to the
Great East Japan Earthquake occurring in 2011. They found that identification
with a hometown soccer team was positively correlated with post-disaster com-
munity cohesion (a measure of social well-being). Furthermore, this relationship
was mediated by the degree of emotional support provided by the team.

Summarizing Work on the Team Identification–Social Psychological

Health Model Based on work conducted to date, the following conclusions
can be drawn about the Team Identification–Social Psychological Health Model
(Wann, 2006c). First, it is clear that team identification and social psychological
196 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
health are positively associated and that the relationship is likely causal. The
amount of evidence amassed makes this proclamation essentially irrefutable.
However, although identification and well-being are related, the exact processes
through which identification aids psychological health remain somewhat of a
mystery. Clearly, additional work is needed in this area.
There are several areas of the model that need further clarification and or
refinement. One such area is the role played by sport fandom in the psychologi-
cal health of fans. As noted above, although the TI-SPHM does not expect fan-
dom to be related to well-being, a growing list of studies have found that these
variables are related. A second area in need of further explanation concerns
what is meant by a “local” versus a “displaced” fan and how consumption of
sport via social media impacts the process. Clark, Loxton, and Tobin (2015)
found evidence that loneliness is declining among American high school and
college students, a result they believe is partially due to increased use of social
networking. If the advancement of social networking opportunities has impacted
loneliness in the general population, and sport fans frequently use social net-
working while consuming sport, then it is plausible that this form of consump-
tion impacts the relationship between team identification and well-being. And
third, as noted earlier, it is common for fans to identify with more than one team
(Grieve et al., 2009). Given that possessing multiple identities can have impor-
tant implications for psychological well-being (Brook, Garcia, & Fleming,
2008), future work should investigate the impact of following multiple teams on
the well-being of fans. To date, only one such study has been conducted (Wann
et al., 2009). This work found that fans who were highly identified with multi-
ple teams reported particularly high levels of social psychological health.
However, given that this was just a single study, more research in this area is
needed.

Some Final Thoughts

In this chapter, we examined the psychological consequences of sport fandom.
We began by critiquing four micro-level condemnations of fans. Using empirical
analyses to evaluate the merits of these complaints, the following conclusions
appear warranted. First, each criticism of sport fandom can be supported anec-
dotally. For instance, high levels of sport involvement have led to marital prob-
lems for a few fans, and a handful of fans do become violent when watching
their favorite team compete. However, the existing data indicate that these
problems are the exception rather than the rule—most fans do not have marital
strife or violent tendencies. Thus, it appears that for the vast majority of fans,
the pastime is a harmless leisure activity.
We also investigated the possibility that, rather than having a detrimental
effect on a fan’s psychological health, sport fandom (or, more specifically, team
identification) actually facilitates one’s psychological well-being. Indeed, there is
evidence that strong attachments to a geographically close team is positively
(albeit modestly) related to a number of forms of psychological health, including
personal and collective self-esteem, affective expression, alienation, and vigor.
 CHAPTER 10 ▸ Psychological Consequences of Sport Fandom 197
In light of the fact that sport fans are often disappointed by their favorite team’s
poor performance, the finding that highly allegiant fans generally possess a
sound psychological makeup may well be the most compelling paradox in sport
fandom. It would seem more logical for these persons to possess an unhealthy
and perhaps fragile psychological profile. Clearly then, highly identified fans
must find ways to protect and even enhance their psychological health in the
face of constant threats to a highly valued and central component of their self
and their social identity. Although we addressed a number of possible methods
employed to maintain psychological well-being, more research is needed before
we arrive at a complete understanding of the mechanisms through which highly
identified sport fans ensure that their spectating activity is personally
beneficial.
 CHAPTER 11
The Societal
Consequences of Sport
Fandom The Consequences of Sport FandomThe Societal Consequences of Sport Fandom

In the previous chapter, our examination of the utility of sport fandom focused
on the personal level. That is, our concern was with the impact and meaning of
sport fandom for the psychological well-being and mental health of fans—the
extent to which this is a harmful or beneficial activity for the participant. In the
current chapter, our focus shifts from the individual to society at large. For stu-
dents of sport fandom, there is perhaps no more compelling or challenging ques-
tion than “How does sport fandom impact society?”
Similar to issues surrounding the psychological impact of fandom, differences
abound with respect to thoughts about the societal value of the pastime. Some
critics are perfectly comfortable assigning sport fandom to the toy department
of human affairs. Others see sport fandom as a valuable activity contributing to
society in a multitude of ways. In attempting to address this debate, there are a
number of theoretical perspectives available to help guide the way, each with its
own particular strengths, weaknesses, and biases. In this chapter, we examine
several of these theories to better understand the impact of sport on society at
large. As with the previous chapter on the psychological impact of fandom, we
will begin our analysis with several arguments suggesting that fandom has an
overall negative influence on society. This will be followed by a discussion of the
structural-functionalist viewpoint and the stance that sport serves society well.

Societally Based Criticisms of Sport

Fandom
Similar to work on the psychological impact of fandom, some scholars have
criticized fandom for its potentially negative impact on society. In the para-
graphs that follow, we will examine four such criticisms, each of which is briefly
summarized in Table 11.1.

198
 CHAPTER 11 ▸ The Societal Consequences of Sport Fandom 199

TABLE 11.1 Critiques of Sport Fandom

Critique Description
Conflict Views sport fandom as maintaining and
consolidating the interests of society’s
power elite.
Feminist Views institutions such as sport fandom
as supporting the gender order and
masculine hegemony.
Cultural elitist Views sport fandom as a superficial,
inferior, brutal, lowbrow form of mass
entertainment.
Moralist Suggests that the moral fiber of society is
in decline as evidenced by current
television programming, movies, popular
music, and spectator sports.

The Conflict Critique

According to the conflict critique, sport fandom is seen as maintaining the inter-
ests of society’s power elite (Bain-Selbo, 2012; Danielson, 1997; Hoch, 1972).
Shaped by the needs of capitalist systems, fandom serves vested interests as a
type of opiate that distracts, diverts, and deflects attention from the pressing
social problems and issues of the day (Howard, 1912; Lazarsfeld & Merton,
1948; Meier, 1989; Walker, 2012). This perspective argues that by exploiting
spectator sports, members of the ruling elite are better able to consolidate their
power and privilege. Literature enthusiasts may recall that this viewpoint is
expressed in the novel 1984, in which Orwell writes that the Proles were easily
controlled by keeping their focus on mundane activities such as football.
The sport fandom as opiate thesis was strongly articulated by Harris (1981),
who wrote:

If Karl Marx, who died 100 years ago, were still alive today, he might
be sorely tempted to revise his famous slur, “Religion is the opium of
the people.” It is no longer true, if it ever was, for something else has
taken its place, at least in our country. Today, sport has become the
opium of the people. . . . While it may be true that religion, in the past,
narcotized many, it also awakened many others to their social and
moral responsibilities. Sport has no such redeeming aspects in our soci-
ety. . . . It has turned into a passion, a mania, a drug far more potent
and widespread than any mere chemical substance.
(p. 3B)

Those who agree with this line of reasoning can certainly find instances where
sport appeared to be more important to members of the society than other civic
200 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
responsibilities. For instance, consider the media coverage of Michael Jordan’s
(second) retirement, which occurred during the same time period as the impeach-
ment trial of President Clinton. The television ratings for CNN’s coverage of
Jordan’s retirement press conference received a rating of 1.6. The next day, dur-
ing the same time slot, CNN’s rating for the impeachment hearings was only 1.3
(Walters, 1999). Similarly, when the Chicago Sun-Times asked local residents to
name the greatest Chicagoans of the twentieth century, Jordan placed number
one on the list, ahead of several mayors, three governors, and five Nobel Prize
winners (Cook & Mravic, 1999).
If, as the conflict critique purports, fandom functions as an opiate, fans
should be generally apathetic and less involved in the business of society.
However, quite to the contrary, research shows that fans often have broader
general interests and more active lifestyles than nonfans. For instance, recall
from Chapter 10 that, far from being lazy, sport fans are often involved in a
variety of cultural and political activities (Appelbaum et al., 2012; Lieberman,
1991; Sun et al., 2004). Additional evidence is provided by the positive cor-
relation between sport fandom and athletic participation (see Chapters 1 and
10). In his critique of the neo-Marxist indictment of sport, Guttmann (1980)
concluded that there is no evidence to support the notion that sport fans are
apolitical; to the contrary, sport fandom may actually heighten class
consciousness.

The Feminist Critique

Shuster (1994) made an interesting observation when she noted that “it is fas-
cinatingly coincidental how football has overtaken baseball as the preeminent
TV sport for men at the same time women have begun asserting their rights in
the arena of sports” (p. 3C). The suggestion that sporting events provide male
viewers with something more than diversion and entertainment is worth seri-
ous consideration (Nelson, 1994). Judged from a feminist critique, it is through
institutions like sport fandom that male hegemony is constructed and retained
(Bryson, 1987; Esmonde, 2015; Mean, 2012). Far from an innocent and innoc-
uous pastime, sport fandom is viewed as reproducing traditional ideas about
masculinity and femininity, thereby helping maintain patriarchal rule in soci-
ety at large. The net effect is to view females and their activities as inferior.
Implicit in the feminist analysis is the notion that the celebration of hyper-
masculinity perpetuates gender inequality, reinforces sexual stereotypes,
ensures patriarchal control, and ultimately acts as an agent of women’s oppres-
sion (Theberge, 1985).
Empirical and theoretical examinations of the feminist critique suggest that
these arguments have merit and that sexism, gender inequity, and the like are
still problematic in sport today (Fink, 2016). For example, sexist attitudes still
exist within many sports, including golf (McGinnis, McQuillan, & Chapple,
2005; Nylund, 2003), soccer (Jones, 2008), and hockey (Crawford & Gosling,
2004). Problematic portrayals of women may be particularly common in sport-
focused social media where “the anonymity of the Internet permit hegemonic
masculinity to flourish in specific locations, without contestation” (Kian, Clavio,
Vincent, & Shaw, 2011, p. 680).
 CHAPTER 11 ▸ The Societal Consequences of Sport Fandom 201
The Cultural Elitist Critique
Higgs (1982) noted “it is difficult to imagine Socrates, Jesus, Augustine,
Leonardo, Newton, Beethoven, Tolstoy or Einstein in the stands cheering a
team, which may tell us something about the phenomenon of mass spectacle”
(p. 150). The stance implicit in this quote is consistent with the cultural elitist
critique of fandom. As Smith (1988) noted, sport fandom has been traditionally
viewed as an inferior, brutal, and lowbrow pastime because

it is for the masses and therefore lacking in refinement. It follows then,

that watching a sporting event is several notches below so-called more
discriminatory leisure pursuits like visiting an art gallery, attending an
opera, or listening to a symphonic concert.
(p. 63)

Thus, the cultural elitist critique argues that the masses lack taste and refine-
ment. If their tastes are to be satisfied, everything has to be reduced to the lowest
common denominator (Strinati, 1995). Judged from this perspective, sport fan-
dom is viewed as a standardized, repetitive, and superficial activity that celebrates
the trivial. Because they lack intellectual challenge and stimulation, spectator
sports are forced to cater to fantasy and escapism and the denial of thinking.
Elitists can certainly be challenged on their holier than thou attitude. However,
more telling is the fact that, upon closer inspection, sport fandom is not the
trivial, infantile, and superficial activity its critics claim. Rather, sport fans often
turn out to be more knowing, active, and discriminating than people expect.
Many fans take special pride in their knowledge of individual and team statistics
and their ability to strategize. Far from being cultural dolts, the typical sport fan
is cognitively engaged in the activity—analyzing individual performances, shar-
ing sport nostalgia and history with others, mulling over game strategies, and
critiquing coaching decisions. The intricacies and complexities of the game
action allow fans to give expression to their creative and critical thinking skills.

The Moralist Critique

Those identifying with the moralist critique warn that the moral alarm clock is
ticking away in the United States (and many other countries) and that the nation
better pay attention before we are all plunged into a moral abyss. While televi-
sion programming, movies, and popular music are frequently singled out for
specific criticism, sport fandom has not escaped the moralist’s critical eye.
Boxing, football, ice hockey, and ultimate fighting are viewed as especially bar-
baric. For example, many decades ago Mumford (1937) observed:

Sport, in the sense of a mass spectacle, with death to add to the under-
lying excitement, comes into existence when a population has been
drilled and regimented and depressed to such an extent that it needs at
least a vicarious participation in difficult feats of skill or heroism to
sustain its waning life-sense.
(p. 80)
202 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
Although moralists have been predicting the end of Western civilization for
some time, American society continues to defy the predictions of gloom and
doom. However, it would be irresponsible to make light of the moralist critique
insofar as it is directed at blood sports such as boxing and mixed martial arts,
sports that can have lifelong debilitating effects for some combatants (e.g.,
Muhammad Ali) and, on occasion, can even be deadly. Although it may be
extreme to argue that spectacles such as the Super Bowl, Kentucky Derby, March
Madness, and the World Series are debased and immoral, some sports are diffi-
cult to defend given their violence and total disregard of basic human values.

The Structural-Functionalist Perspective

The structural-functionalist perspective takes the position that for any social
institution to exist, it must contribute to the maintenance or survival of society.
If we accept, for argument’s sake, that sport fandom satisfies the definition of an
institution (Goodger & Goodger, 1989; Zurcher & Meadow, 1967), then the
challenge is to discover which specific societal objectives are served by sport.
This can be accomplished by examining various societal imperatives that are
aided via sport fandom. That is, typical of structural-functionalist thinking is
the specifying of several prerequisites (i.e., imperatives) that every society must
successfully address if it wishes to remain a viable entity (Aberle, Cohen, Davis,
Levy, & Sutton, 1950; Parsons, 1951; Stevenson, 1974). If sport fandom assists
in the meeting of these imperatives, then one can reasonably conclude that the
pastime has a positive impact on society as a whole (Delaney, 2015; Lewis,
2007; Shin, 2007).
In the sections that follow, several functions of sport fandom are identified,
discussed, and critiqued (a brief description of each function can be found in
Table 11.2). As you will read, the evidence for the societal benefits of fandom is
quite strong. In fact, authors have even begun to develop psychometrically
sound instruments to assess the positive social impact of fandom (e.g., Lee,
Cornwell, & Babiak, 2013).

TABLE 11.2 Potential Functional Imperatives Associated With

Sport Fandom

Sport fandom may:

1. Allow for affective expression.
2. Enhance communication.
3. Facilitate national identity.
4. Produce social capital.
5. Contribute to the socialization process.
6. Serve as a form of religion.
7. Enhance integration at all levels.
 CHAPTER 11 ▸ The Societal Consequences of Sport Fandom 203
Sport Fandom and Affective Expression
Affective expression is part and parcel of being human. To smile, to laugh, to
experience euphoria, and to be joyful is to be alive. Although society must guard
against the unrestricted expression of some forms of affect, lest the social order
be seriously disrupted, other emotional responses need to be encouraged and
produced. For the structural-functionalist, society must provide its members
with opportunities that produce positive affect to survive. Perhaps the ancient
Roman satirist Juvenal said it best when he observed “Duas tantum res anxius
optat, panem et circenses,” meaning “Two things only the people anxiously
desire—bread and circuses” (cited in Preston, 1978, p. 207). In sport fandom,
we have an institutional structure with a Barnumesque quality, where marching
bands, exploding scoreboards, inspirational music, cheerleaders, mascots, and
colorful pageantry overwhelm the senses (e.g., think of the opening and closing
ceremonies of the Olympics).
Sporting events provide an opportunity for fans to experience a wide range of
both positive and negative emotions (Cottingham, 2012; Ferguson, 1981).
Indeed, the affective experience of fans is rich and varied enough to warrant
coverage in a full chapter in this text. By serving as a catalyst for the expression
of affect, sport helps combat the pernicious effects of apathy and the cessation
of motivation, a condition that can prove fatal to any social system. The impor-
tance of affect in the experiences of sport fans was captured by Bain-Selbo
(2012), who noted that “When asked to rank a number of aspects of their lives
(family, friends, church, work, hobbies, et cetera), fans ranked football immedi-
ately behind church as the place where they have ‘the deepest and most positive
emotional experiences’ ” (p. 71).

Sport Fandom and Communication

No society, however simple, can exist without shared, learned, symbolic modes
of communication (Aberle et al., 1950). Communication is absolutely essential
because it provides the basis for social interaction, helps maintain a society’s
common value structure, and is indispensable to the socialization and role dif-
ferentiation processes. That sport impacts communication is not debatable. In
fact, the discipline of sport communication studies has flourished in recent years
with the publication of numerous texts and the establishment of several schol-
arly journals. In fact, many universities now offer a Sport Communication
degree.
Sport fandom contributes to the communication process in two important
ways. First, the language of sport, or “Sportugese” as it has been termed, finds
its way into almost every aspect of life, be it the military, business, politics,
advertising, or even sexual relations (Hardaway, 1976; Segrave, 1994;
Tannenbaum & Noah, 1959; Wann et al., 1997). In fact, Palmatier and Ray’s
(1989) Sports Talk: A Dictionary of Sports Metaphors listed a total of 1,700
popular American English words and expressions derived from terms directly
associated with sport, games, and recreation. Given that this list is now several
decades old, the number of these metaphors is now likely much greater. Baseball,
204 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
in particular, provides many popular metaphors, several of which are listed in
Table 11.3. Thus, the lexicon of sport fandom makes an important contribution
to the communication process. Through the sport metaphor we are able to share
our ideas, desires, meanings, and experiences using words and phrases easily
understood by others. When a friend asks, “Can you pinch hit for me tonight?”,
or when your boss instructs you to “Take the ball and run with it” we know
precisely what these individuals mean.
A second manner in which sport fandom contributes to the communication
process is by providing a topic of conversation. Although much of everyday
conversation focuses on people, sport is also a popular topic, especially
among those who follow sport on a regular basis. Because sport talk func-
tions so well as small talk, it has become a very important vehicle for com-
munication in modern society. Sport talk as small talk is more important than
people think. Not only does it make individuals feel more comfortable in
social situations, it also helps them establish new relationships as well as
maintain old ones.

TABLE 11.3 Metaphors in Contemporary Language Directly

Traceable to Baseball

1. He was born with two strikes against him.

2. He couldn’t get to first base with that girl.
3. He sure threw me a curve that time.
4. I’ll take a rain check on it.
5. He went to bat for me.
6. I liked him right off the bat.
7. He was way out in left field on that one.
8. He’s a foul ball.
9. I think you’re way off base on that.
10. It was a smash hit.
11. Let’s take a seventh-inning stretch.
12. I hope you touch all the bases on this report.
13. Could you pinch hit for me?
14. He doesn’t even know who’s on first base.
15. I just call ’em like I see ’em.
16. He’s only a bush-leaguer.
17. Major league all the way.
18. He was safe by a mile.
19. He has a lot on the ball.
20. No game’s over until the last man’s out.

Note: Adapted from Spink (1978).

 CHAPTER 11 ▸ The Societal Consequences of Sport Fandom 205
Sport Fandom and National Identity
Because sport allows people to represent themselves or their social groups to
others, national sports carry particular psychological and societal significance,
even where there is considerable social and cultural heterogeneity (Goodger &
Goodger, 1989). Hence, sport fandom can potentially be used to instill a sense
of national identity (Bain-Selbo & Sapp, 2016; Bairner, 2001; Chalip, 2006;
Doczi, 2011; Heere & James, 2007; Hong, 2011). For example, the following
sports and their affiliated countries immediately come to mind: baseball in the
Dominican Republic, rugby in New Zealand, bullfighting in Mexico, ice hockey
in Canada, basketball in the Philippines, skiing in Norway, golf in Scotland, ice
skating in the Netherlands, and sumo wrestling in Japan. Such is also the case
with the NCAA men’s college basketball championships, otherwise known as
March Madness. In trying to account for the extraordinary attention and excite-
ment this tournament engenders, Price (1991) suggested that the competition
appeals to the American Dream—it’s democratic (e.g., all teams start on equal
footing), it appeals to the underdog mentality, it’s monotheistic (i.e., the idea of
a single champion is attractive), and it celebrates capitalist competition (i.e.,
survival of the fittest).
Although a strong case can be made for the close link between national sports
and collective representation, Bairner (1996) made a very important point when
he observed that this association is by no means straightforward. Rather, the
exact nature of the relationship depends on the role of nationalism in each societal
context. For example, in Scotland and the Republic of Ireland, because of the poli-
tics of nationalism, it has proved difficult to “construct a cohesive sportive nation-
alism” (p. 33). On the other hand, “in Sweden, where national identity is less of a
political issue, the development of an inclusive sportive nationalism has been rela-
tively smooth” (p. 332). Although some national sports contribute to collective
representation and nationalism, others accentuate group differences, making it
difficult to construct coherent and unified national identities (Bairner, 1996).

Sport Fandom and Social Capital

Social capital (or social currency, see Magdol & Bessel, 2003) involves features
of social organization such as networks, norms, and social trust that facilitate
coordination and cooperation within a culture. One of the more controversial
and hotly debated social scientific essays published in recent decades was
Putnam’s (1995) Bowling Alone: America’s Declining Social Capital, in which
he offers the provocative thesis that social capital has declined over the past
several decades. To bolster his argument, Putnam points to the fact that the
average number of associational memberships (e.g., church-related groups,
labor unions, fraternal-veteran organizations, and school-service groups) has
fallen substantially over the last 25 years. Putnam also notes that, to make mat-
ters worse, the two most fundamental forms of social capital—the family and
the neighborhood—no longer provide the rich social interaction and bonding
opportunities they once did.
206 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom

Sport Fandom Can Help Foster a Sense of National Identity

These disturbing trends in social connectedness and civic engagement, and

their subsequent toll on social trust, cooperation, and communication, are
blamed on several factors, including geographical mobility and technology.
Putnam suggests the latter has been responsible for privatizing or individualiz-
ing our use of leisure time and thus disrupting many opportunities for the devel-
opment of social capital. Although Putnam dismisses secondary and tertiary
networks and associations (e.g., sport fandom) as effective venues for social
capital formation, closer inspection of these “social worlds” (Unruh, 1983),
“public scenes” (Irwin, 1977), and “third places” (Oldenburg & Brissett, 1982)
reveals perhaps a hasty judgment on his part.
Although Putnam (1995) concedes that two fans may root for the same team,
he argues that “they are unaware of each other’s existence. Their ties, in short,
are to common symbols, common leaders, and perhaps common ideals, but not
to one another” (p. 71). But the fact is, traditional forms of sociability in
American life have been changing for some time “from primary associations to
secondary ones, from the more intimate to the less intimate, from the realm of
stronger affect to weaker affect, and from less monetized forms of social interac-
tion to more monetized ones” (Melnick, 1993, p. 48). Empirically, a number of
researchers have found that leisure activities can and often do lead to an increase
in social capital (Glover, Parry, & Shinew, 2005; Perks, 2007; Warde,
Tampubolon, & Savage, 2005), and this includes work on sport fandom
(Palmer & Thompson, 2007; Phua, 2012; Swyers, 2005). For instance, as dis-
cussed in Chapter 10, team identification is associated with increased social
 CHAPTER 11 ▸ The Societal Consequences of Sport Fandom 207
connectedness (Inoue & Havard, 2014; Wann et al., 2015, 2011). In fact, the
volume of this literature is now so extensive it warranted publication of a sepa-
rate text titled Sport and Social Capital (Nicholson & Hoye, 2008).
Thus, it appears that what we may well be witnessing is a gradual shift in
locale for the satisfaction of social needs. No longer do traditional institutions
such as the family, workplace, and neighborhood fully satisfy our need for
social interaction and engagement. Instead, people now turn to less intimate,
more public locales for association and to connect with one another (e.g., singles
bars, personal columns in newspapers and magazines, dating services, and
cruises). The list of such places likely includes those at which sport fans congre-
gate and commune.

Socialization Through Sport Fandom

In Chapter 2, we detailed the extensive process through which people are social-
ized into fandom and to follow specific teams. However, there is an equally (if
not more) important relationship between fandom and socialization processes.
Specifically, not only can individuals be socialized into sport fandom, they may
also be socialized through sport fandom (Delaney, 2015; Lewis, 2007). It may
well be that no functional imperative is more important to a society’s survival
than successfully teaching its structure of action to each generation of new mem-
bers. Each individual must be taught the appropriate modes for dealing with
everyday life circumstances and situations. This socialization involves teaching
each of the following: (1) shared cognitive orientations, (2) articulated sets of
goals, and (3) the prescription of means for attaining those socially formulated
goals (Aberle et al., 1950). It is essential for members of any society to become
effectively integrated into its core belief system and acquire the appropriate
behavioral patterns (Stevenson, 1974).
For the current discussion, we are interested in what role, if any, sport fan-
dom plays in teaching members of a society information that can assist their
ability to successfully navigate their way through the vicissitudes of everyday
living. That is, we are concerned here with the extent to which sport fandom
contributes to the adoption of shared cognitions, articulated goals, and oppor-
tunities for obtaining those goals. Although the extent to which an individual is
directly socialized via fandom is difficult to assess empirically, Edwards (1973)
was certainly of the opinion that sport effectively performs this socializing func-
tion. He observed that “sport is a social institution which has primary functions
in disseminating and reinforcing the values regulating behavior and goal attain-
ment and determining acceptable solutions to problems in the secular spheres of
life” (p. 90).
Directing his attention specifically to sport fans, Edwards (1973) also noted,
“As an institution having primarily socialization and value maintenance func-
tions, sport affords the fan an opportunity to reaffirm the established values and
beliefs defining acceptable means and solutions to central problems in the secu-
lar realm of everyday societal life” (p. 243). Consistent with Edwards’ remarks,
recall that we previously noted how sport has the potential to influence the
value systems of fans, in both positive and negative ways (see Chapter 10).
208 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
Thus, however imperfect, sport typically offers fans demonstrable evidence of
the ideological elements that constitute the dominant value structure in society
(Loy, 1978). In fact, even those watching sport on television can access the
important value lessons sport teaches. For instance, Bailey and Sage (1988)
conducted a content analysis of sportscasters’ commentary during a Super Bowl
contest and found that the dominant values communicated were the prototypi-
cal American values of individualism and achievement. They concluded that
“the salience of the sportscasters’ specific comments provides a vehicle for value
transmission” (p. 126).

Sport Fandom and Religiosity

When considering the intersection between sport fandom and religiosity, the
notion that following sport can be sacred and share the same societal functions
provided by religious institutions is likely to border on blasphemy for some. In
fandom, we have mass entertainment that sometimes appears crude, vulgar, and
profane. And yet, at least by analogy, the similarities between sport fandom and
organized religion are striking (Bain-Selbo, 2008; Bain-Selbo & Sapp, 2016;
Groeneman, 2017). For instance, consider the vocabulary associated with both:
faith, devotion, worship, ritual, dedication, sacrifice, commitment, spirit, prayer,
suffering, festival, and celebration. Given the linguistic commonality between
sport and religion, further investigation of the potential relationship between
the two is warranted.
A number of works have been published that can help inform our under-
standing of the intersection between religion and sport (e.g., Hoffman, 1992;
Novak, 1976; Prebish, 1993; Price, 2004). For example, Bain-Selbo (2012) con-
ducted an extensive review of the literature and found a great number of com-
monalities between sport and religion. A partial list of these appears in
Table 11.4. McGee (1975) noted that one of the key societal functions of reli-
gious institutions is to assist in defining, rationalizing, and coping with the crises
that people experience (e.g., birth, childbearing, death, etc.). These crises repre-
sent organizational problems for society because they threaten to disrupt inter-
personal relationships. Thus, one purpose of religious institutions from a
sociological perspective is to help maintain social cohesion, a critical imperative
facing any society. Put more succinctly, what religious institutions do for society
is bind people together through ritual and belief by offering common values and
goals toward which they may strive. Could a similar case be made for the bind-
ing, integrating, and organizing functions of sport fandom?
Although not everyone accepts the view of sport fandom as religion (e.g.,
Edwards, 1973; Higgs, 1995; Higgs & Braswell, 2004), it is clear that fandom
and religiosity share much in common. Sport has “godlike” figures, such as Paul
“Bear” Bryant, former head coach for the University of Alabama (St. John,
2004). Sport rituals, such as tailgating prior to a game or camping out for tick-
ets, certainly have the fervor and devotion commonly associated with religious
ceremonies. Smith et al. (2012) found that individuals reported a greater sense
of attachment to their favorite sport team than to their religion. In fact, devoted
fans even appear to have a form of brand evangelism (Dwyer, Greenhalgh, &
 CHAPTER 11 ▸ The Societal Consequences of Sport Fandom 209

TABLE 11.4 Similarities Between Sport and Religion

Both sport and religion have:

1. Holy days
2. Temples and sacred places
3. Sacred rituals
4. Myths and legends
5. Symbols and sacred objects
6. Artifacts and relics from the past
7. Sacred music
8. Social components
9. Taboos
10. Active participation by those involved
11. Sharing meals among participants
12. The ability to provide a sense of understanding and meaning to life
13. The ability to provide a sense of belonging
14. Deities, saints, and patriarchs
15. Violent components
16. Sacrifice
17. Affective experience
18. Traditions
19. Socialization at an early age
20. Devotion

Note: Adapted from Bain-Selbo (2012).

LeCrom, 2015). Ultimately, the extent to which sport fandom is a religious

experience may come down to one’s operational definition of religion, of which
there are many (Bain-Selbo, 2012). However, it certainly seems reasonable that
for many fans, sport assists in the satisfaction of this societal imperative.

Sport Fandom and Societal Integration

Commonly referred to as unification, solidarity, or social cohesion, the integra-
tion of the masses presents every society with the formidable challenge of gener-
ating common interests, loyalty, and enthusiasm among its members. Societal
integration is a critically important social imperative because it serves as a coun-
terpoint to the potentially disruptive conflicts, cleavages, and antagonistic fac-
tions that are the inevitable consequences of scarce means, unfulfilled
expectations, and imperfections in the socialization process (Lever, 1983; Lewis,
2007; Shin, 2007). The integrative powers of sport were nicely captured by
Markovits and Albertson (2012), who noted that through “inclusiveness and
210 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
ubiquity, sports have created ties across class, ethnic, regional, cultural, reli-
gious, and age lines that few, if any, other forces could even approximate”
(pp. 2–3). Evidence of this can be found at each of the following levels of social
organization: interpersonal, community/metropolitan (city), state, national, and
global.

Integration at the Interpersonal Level With respect to integration at the

interpersonal level, attending a sporting event can facilitate encounters with
strangers and provide opportunities for casual sociability (Wann et al., in press).
In analyzing interactions between two strangers at a sporting event, we find a
number of potentially positive elements present. For instance, both parties are
likely to know and understand the expectations associated with the role of sport
fan. Also, the temporal boundaries of the encounter are clear-cut and implicitly
understood, thereby guaranteeing the safety of any exchange. Further, both
parties are likely willing to share relevant information about players and home
teams. And finally, the safety, comfort, and ambience of the ecological setting
facilitate attempts at social interaction (Melnick, 1993).

Integration at the Community/Metropolitan Level The Chicago Cubs’

2016 World Series championship celebration was attended by an estimated five
million individuals, which would rank it as the seventh-largest gathering in
human history (Flosi, 2016). This massive congregation of like-minded
individuals stands as perhaps the ultimate example of the ability of sport fandom
to foster integration at the community/metropolitan level. The notion that sport
fandom promotes connections at the community and metropolitan levels has
empirical support (Kim & Walker, 2012; Zhang, Pease, & Hui, 1996). For
example, Wilkerson and Dodder (1987) tested the proposition that “sport holds
the potential to activate collective conscience and group affirmation by linking
the identity of individuals to a common community orientation” (p. 36). They
surveyed public school teachers in nine communities and found a significant
relationship between attendance at high school football games and scores on a
collective conscience scale. Interestingly, the better the team’s winning
percentage, the higher the scores. The researchers concluded that participation
and winning can interact to “provide a basis for shared identity, common focus,
and, consequently, collective conscience” (p. 40).
Governing bodies have taken notice of the possibility that sport can integrate
otherwise diverse members of a community (Hoye & Nicholson, 2008). Indeed,
perhaps Groeneman (2017) said it best when he wrote

Not to sound Pollyannaish, but the way I see it the positive contribu-
tions of fandom in building community and solidarity, especially
among people of diverse backgrounds and differing points of view, far
outweigh its being a source of social conflict and disunity.
(p. 131)

For instance, in an attempt to establish a national policy on sport, researchers

from England concluded that “Sport contributed to strengthening community
 CHAPTER 11 ▸ The Societal Consequences of Sport Fandom 211
cohesion, engagement and capacity building—sport activities and events con-
tribute to the development of stronger social networks and more cohesive com-
munities” (Sport England, 2005, p. 8). Likewise, a similar governmental report
from Australia (Commonwealth of Australia, 1999) concluded that “Sport is an
inclusive social phenomenon and provides opportunities for specific groups to
feel a part of a community” (p. 55). Given that community cohesion is an
important component of social psychological health (Inoue et al., 2015; Keyes,
1998), the ability of sport to facilitate cohesion at this level cannot be
overstated.

Integration at the State Level There are numerous examples of sport

fandom facilitating integration at the state level, including college teams such as
University of Kentucky men’s basketball (Kelley & Tian, 2004) and University
of Nebraska football (Aden, 2008). At the high school level, the Indiana state
boys’ basketball tournament provides an excellent example of how fandom can
unify an entire state. Because high school basketball in Indiana is a central
component in the identities of many persons living in the state (Johnson, 1996),
virtually all Hoosiers turn their attention to basketball at tournament time.
Immortalized in the movie classic Hoosiers, the tournament has, until recently,
been open to every school in the state, regardless of enrollment or record.
However, beginning with the 1997–1998 season, school administrators voted to
do away with the one-class tournament in favor of four boys’ and four girls’
tournaments based on school size. Interestingly, in its first year of operation,
total attendance was down 22 percent from the previous year (Hoosier Rebellion,
1998). Remarked the Indiana University sports information director, “They are
ruining one of the great traditions in the history of Indiana athletics” (cited in
White, 1996).

Integration at the National Level The “Miracle on Ice” U.S. men’s ice
hockey gold medal victory in the 1980 Winter Olympic Games demonstrates the
ability of sport fandom to encourage integration at the national level. Many
Americans can recall what they were doing or where they were on that special
day. The 100 million or more television viewers who tune into the Super Bowl
every year provide us with another example of how a major sporting event can
integrate an entire country.
As with integration at the community/metropolitan level, governing bodies
have addressed the issue of national integration via sport (Hoye & Nicholson,
2008). For example, officials from Australia concluded that “Sport fosters the
social cohesiveness and unity that reinforces our sense of being an Australian”
(Commonwealth of Australia, 1999, p. 55). The government of Canada came to
a similar conclusion, stating that “Sport is considered an essential tool for nation
building and can lead to the promotion of national identity, and enhancing our
sense of community and citizenship” (Government of Canada, 2001, pp. 5–6).

Integration at the Global Level Finally, in terms of integration at the global

level, it’s hard to think of any event, short of a major war, that can capture
the world stage like international sporting events. Competitions such as the
212 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom

Global Sporting Events Such as the Olympics May Lead to Integration and Facilitate
World Peace, Although Some Research Casts Doubt on These Processes

Summer and Winter Olympics and the FIFA World Cup soccer tournament
are expected to assist in the integration of persons from a wide variety of
countries (Allison & Monnington, 2002). Indeed, part of the “Olympic Ideal”
is to use sport to unite otherwise different people (the Olympic rings symbolize
the unity of five continents) and Pierre de Coubertin’s vision for renewing the
Olympics was, in part, to promote peace among nations (The Olympic Rings,
2017). More recently, the notion of sport facilitating peace was promoted
by the United Nations through the establishment of April 6, 2014, as the
first annual International Day of Sport for Development and Peace (United
Nations, 2014).
However, Wertheim and Sommers (2016) challenge the notion that global
sport leads to peace, writing, “Do global events—the World Cup in particular—
truly lead to world peace? In a word: No” (p. 225). Based on research by Bertoli
(in press), Wertheim and Sommers appear to have justification for their skepti-
cism. Bertoli examined the national aggression (i.e., militarized interstate dis-
putes) for countries whose national soccer team either barely qualified for or
missed the World Cup tournament. He reasoned that if participation in interna-
tional sporting events facilitates peace, then those teams qualifying for the Word
Cup should exhibit lower levels of national aggression subsequent to making the
 CHAPTER 11 ▸ The Societal Consequences of Sport Fandom 213
tournament. Interestingly, this is not what Bertoli found. Rather, although qual-
ifiers and non-qualifiers had similar levels of national aggression prior to the
tournament, those countries whose teams qualified exhibited greater levels of
post-qualifying aggression. This pattern of effects is in direct opposition to the
belief that international sporting events facilitate peace among nations.
So, should we lobby to eliminate such events in the name of peace and tran-
quility? Can international sports, at least in some contexts, bring people
together? In all likelihood, they can. In fact, even Wertheim and Sommers (2016)
seem to soften their view of such events, stating that “To be clear: We are not
diminishing the positive role that sports can play in international relations and
peace-making initiatives” (p. 227). Their argument, and they are likely correct,
is simply that getting everyone together at a sporting event will not solve all of
the world’s ills. It might help, but it is just one of many strategies needed to
promote international peace and goodwill.

Sport Fandom, Integration, and Suicide One of the most intriguing lines
of inquiry regarding the integrative possibilities of sport fandom is the potential
relationship between fandom and suicide. Durkheim (1951) was one of the first
social scientists to propose a relationship between participation in ritualized,
ceremonial activities and suicide rates. His thinking is captured in the following
syllogism (a syllogism is a logical formula used to test the validity of reasoning
and consists of a major premise, a minor premise, and a conclusion):

Major Premise: Participation in collective ceremonies is related to a high

degree of integration of the social group.
Minor Premise: A high degree of integration of the social group is related to
lower suicide rates.
Conclusion: Participation in collective ceremonies is related to lower suicide
rates.

This line of deductive reasoning has served as the theoretical basis for much
of the research on sport fandom and suicide. That is, it has been hypothesized
that fandom and the consumption of popular sporting events leads to a sense of
greater connectedness and belonging, which is likely to discourage thoughts of
self-destruction, at least in the short term (a pattern of effects consistent with the
Team Identification–Social Psychological Health Model discussed in Chapter 10).
Andriessen and Krysinska (2011) captured the logic being suggested here by
stating “Being a sports fan creates camaraderie, a sense of belongingness and
being cared for and can result in sports-related ‘pulling together’ which might
protect against suicide” (p. 180).
A number of researchers have examined the relationship between fandom and
suicide rates. Some studies indicate that suicide rates appear to be associated
with fandom (Masterson & Mander, 1990). For example, Fernquist (2001)
found that the relocation of professional sport teams (e.g., when the Brooklyn
Dodgers left for Los Angeles) was associated with increased suicide rates in
those locales. In a separate study, Fernquist (2000) examined suicide rates in 30
metropolitan areas and found that suicide rates dropped in those areas when
214 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
their professional teams made the playoffs. Joiner, Hollar, and Van Orden
(2006) examined a series of data sets and found consistent support for the
hypothesis that fandom is associated with lower suicide rates. Their data
revealed lower suicide rates in college towns housing a successful collegiate foot-
ball team and lower rates in the U.S. on the day of the “Miracle on Ice” 1980
Olympic hockey victory as well as on Super Bowl Sundays.
Other researchers, however, have failed to find that sport fandom was related
to suicide rates (Fernquist, 2002; Trovato, 1998). For instance, Curtis, Loy, and
Karnilowicz (1986) investigated two sport ceremonial days (the last day of the
World Series and the Super Bowl) and two civil holidays (July 4th and
Thanksgiving Day), reviewing suicide incidence rates three days before and after
these days for the years 1972–1978. Although net declines in suicides were
found for the three days leading up to the two sport days, the effect was much
stronger for these two civil holidays. The researchers concluded that the integra-
tive effects of sport ceremonial days were considerably weaker than those of
civil holidays. Lester (1988) replicated the above study but examined a time
period (1972–1984) twice as long as the earlier study. He also found no signifi-
cant deviation in suicide rates from chance expectations for the two sport cere-
monial days.
Thus, although some work appears to substantiate the relationship between
sport fandom and lower rates of suicide, other studies have failed to find such
an effect. Andriessen and Krysinska (2011) conducted a review of this research
and concluded that fandom may indeed have an influence on suicide but that the

impact seems to depend on mediating variables such as characteristics

of the spectator, including gender, age, and marital status, and charac-
teristics of the sport event, such as outcome (victory versus defeat) and
the importance of the game (playoff versus championship).
(p. 182)

Thus, as with most fan behaviors and reactions, the relationship between
fandom and suicide is highly complex and in need of additional research.

Critiquing the Structural-Functionalist

Perspective
Although the structural-functionalist view can help us gain insight into the role
of sport fandom in contemporary society, the perspective is not without limita-
tions. In particular, Coakley (1998) articulated three major problems with the
functionalist approach. First, the functionalist approach can lead to an over-
statement of the positive impact of sport fandom. The fact that an aspect of
culture (e.g., sport) is popular does not guarantee that it is valuable or useful.
Just because fandom has been around for many centuries does not insure that it
is “functional” and satisfies important societal imperatives.
Second, there is the tendency when using functional analysis to “overlook
cases where sports benefit some groups more than others within a community or
 CHAPTER 11 ▸ The Societal Consequences of Sport Fandom 215
society” (Coakley, 1998, pp. 34–35). For example, although the case was previ-
ously made that sport fandom can make important contributions to affective
expression, communication, and integration into society, a class analysis sug-
gests that fandom likely benefits some socioeconomic groups more than others.
For example, the cost of attending professional sporting events in the U.S.
strongly discourages the lower and lower-middle socioeconomic classes from
participating. If sport fandom is an important contributor to small talk, affect
production, and social cohesion, then clearly these positive consequences are
not equally distributed among all strata in society.
And third, because functionalists are not especially concerned with how sport
might be “created and defined by members of society to promote their own
interests and the interests of the groups to which they belong,” advocates are
likely to overlook how sport “might promote the interests of those with power
and wealth, and thereby contribute to disruptive forms of social inequality in
societies” (Coakley, 1998, p. 35). Instead of serving the basic needs of society,
Coakley argues that sport may actually perpetuate social inequalities based on
race/ethnicity, class, and gender, a view that is consistent with the feminist cri-
tique discussed earlier.

Some Final Thoughts

As one can see from the discussions in this chapter, social scientists have very
different views as to the societal impact of sport fandom. On the one hand, the
conflict, feminist, cultural elitist, and moralist critiques argue that fandom has a
net negative impact on society at large. From any of these perspectives, fandom
may be perceived dysfunctional from society’s vantage point. On the other
hand, the structural-functionalist perspective paints a more positive picture of
the societal impacts of sport fandom, viewing the activity as beneficial to soci-
ety. In fact, seven different imperatives were identified for sport fandom, each
addressing a particular societal function.
Although each of the theories and perspectives identified and discussed were
supported with the most relevant research available, the fact remains that the
formal study of sport fandom from institutional and popular-culture perspec-
tives continues to be an understudied phenomenon. Consequently, several of the
observations offered must remain informed speculations until such time as more
qualitative and quantitative data become available. In the absence of a signifi-
cant research literature bearing on the question proposed at the beginning of
this chapter, the reader is challenged to weigh the strengths and weaknesses of
each of the theories and critiques discussed and arrive at his or her own answers
to the question “What is the relationship between sport fandom and society?”
And finally, it seems appropriate to note that there is always the danger of
engaging in over-analysis when attempting to make sense of something com-
monplace, like sport fandom. After all, we are not talking about rocket science!
Maybe the importance of sport fandom to a society is more obvious than
researchers and theorists would have us believe. The growing popularity and
increasing importance of spectator sports throughout the world may simply
reflect a collective need on the part of spectators and fans to add a bit of zest to
216 PART 3 ▸ The Consequences of Sport Fandom
their everyday lives (Shames, 1989). Sporting events provide followers with an
opportunity to take a break from their daily routines and responsibilities,
whether to watch a daughter participate in a youth soccer game, attend a minor
league baseball game, or take up a comfortable position on the living room
couch for a Sunday date with the NFL. Maybe we should view sport fandom as
a nutritional supplement, a tropical spice, a spiritual, emotional substitute. In
the same way that herbs and spices can improve the taste of a bland main dish,
sport fandom can add a dash of excitement, wonder, and meaning to our lives
and society as a whole. Despite all the socio-babble the subject attracts, it would
truly be ironic if we discover, when all is said and done, that the major societal
function of sport fandom is to provide fans with a time-out institution, one that
allows them to temporarily reinvigorate their emotional, spiritual, and social
lives.
PART FOUR
Summary and
Conclusion
 CHAPTER 12
The Future of Sport
Summary and ConclusionThe Future of Sport Fandom

Fandom: Gazing Into

the Crystal Ball
When one reflects back on the content of this text, it becomes clear that a great
deal of work has targeted sport fandom, particularly in the last two decades.
This work has not been confined to a single discipline. Rather, scholars from a
wide variety of fields have added to the literature on sport fans, including per-
sons with a background in psychology, sociology, marketing/management, his-
tory, religious studies, and biology. As a result, we now have a more
comprehensive understanding of the psychological and societal impact of sport
fandom.
However, there is still much work to be done. In this final chapter, we peer
into the future and discuss two related topics. First, we examine a few issues that
we believe will change the landscape of the sport fan experience. We follow this
with our thoughts about several topics that should be targeted by future
investigators.

The Ever-Changing Sport Fan Experience

History tells us that, ironically, one of the greatest constants in life is change.
This is most certainly true for the lives and experiences of sport fans. Past
changes that altered fandom include nighttime sporting events, greater accept-
ance of female sport spectators, racial integration of leagues, televised sport
(and primetime sporting events such as Monday Night Football), cable televi-
sion (in particular ESPN), pay-per-view events, leagues starting (e.g., the United
States Football League, Major League Soccer) and leagues ending (e.g., the
United States Football League, the American Basketball League), and most
recently, the Internet. In the following paragraphs, we speculate about a few
changes that are happening now or we believe will happen in the coming years
that should alter how fans experience sport, what that experience means, and
how sport fandom impacts society.

218
 CHAPTER 12 ▸ The Future of Sport Fandom 219
Changing Technology
In his discussion of the future of sport fandom, Groeneman (2017) writes that
technological advancements may have the greatest impact on changes to the
pastime. He very well may be right. Both changes to existing technology and
technologies yet to be introduced are almost certain to alter what fans do and
how they do it. Researchers have already begun to examine the impact of chang-
ing technology on the sport fan experience (Sanderson, 2011; Seo & Green,
2008). This includes Twitter (Delia et al., 2017; Watanabe, Yan, & Soebbing,
2016; Witkemper, Lim, & Waldburger, 2012), Facebook (Moyer,
Pokrywczynski, & Griffin, 2015; Stavros et al., 2014), blogging (Norman,
2014), message boards (Cleland, 2014), and sport-related mobile phone appli-
cations (Kang et al., 2015).
Technological advancements will likely require changes to current theories of
fan behavior. For example, consider the Psychological Continuum Model
(Funk & James, 2001, 2006, 2016) and the Team Identification–Social
Psychological Health Model (Wann, 2006c). One commonality between these
two approaches is their focus on connections gained via sport fandom. However,
new technologies often have an impact on our relationships (especially social
media). For example, both sport bloggers (Hardin & Whiteside, 2012) and
Twitter users (Norman, 2012) engage in these activities in part to build com-
munities and gain connections with other fans. Consequently, these and similar

Technological Advancements Will Continue to Change the Experiences of Sport Fans

220 PART 4 ▸ Summary and Conclusion
theoretical approaches to sport fandom may need to be adjusted to include new
media through which fans consume sport and interact with other fans.

The Impact of the Increased Legalization of

Sport Wagering
Another potential change in sport fandom involves the increased legalization of
sport wagering. Sport gambling is a popular activity among fans and can be a
critical motivator for some (Wann, 1995; Wann & Ensor, 1999; Wann et al.,
1999). Estimates of the amount of money bet on sport in the U.S. can be stag-
gering; it is thought that over $100 billion is wagered on sporting events each
year (Purdam,2017). In fact, it was estimated that over $4 billion was gambled
just on Super Bowl 50 (American Gaming Association, 2016).
Due to the 1992 Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act, only a
handful of states are legally permitted to accept sport wagers (the vast majority
of this activity occurs in Nevada). Several states have become interested in join-
ing the list of those allowed to offer sport gambling. Led by New Jersey, these
states hope to increase revenue via legalized sport wagering. Initially, profes-
sional sport leagues and the NCAA resisted the increased legalization of sport
gambling, arguing their brand would be damaged by the change. Although they
shared several concerns about increasing access to legalized sport gambling
(e.g., decreased league integrity, greater criminal activity), at the forefront was
the belief that legalized sport wagering would negatively affect the sport fan
experience (Tuohy, 2013). For example, sport leagues argued that fans would
begin to care more about their bets than their favorite teams. Historical team
loyalties would decrease; fans’ loyalty would now reside with whichever team
they had wagered to win. Interestingly, sport leagues (and the commissioners
running them) have softened their stance in recent years. Some have even shown
interest in increasing access to sport gambling in the hopes that it may prove
beneficial for their leagues by generating fan interest (Nuckols, 2017).
In late 2017, the U.S. Supreme Court heard arguments in a case involving the
increased legalization of sport gambling. Many believe they will vote in favor of
allowing all states to offer legalized sport wagering (Waldron, 2017). Thus, fans
may have increased access to this activity. Wann and his colleagues conducted a
pair of studies to determine how the increased availability of legalized sport
gambling might impact the sport fan experience. In the first study, Wann,
Zapalac, Grieve, Partridge, and Lanter (2015) examined the impact of sport
fandom and economic motivation (one’s interest in sport fandom due to the
opportunity to bet on games). Participants completed a questionnaire assessing
their fandom, economic motivation, and expectations for how their fandom
would be impacted by the increased legalization of sport wagering. Wann and
his colleagues found that, should legal sport gambling become more accessible,
persons higher in fandom and economic motivation would be more likely to
gamble on sporting events. These persons also expected to have a greater level
of interest in and consumption of sport.
In the second study, Wann, Zapalac, Grieve, Lanter, and Peetz (2017)
extended the earlier work by investigating the impact of additional motives. As
 CHAPTER 12 ▸ The Future of Sport Fandom 221

TABLE 12.1 The Impact of Motivation on Reactions to the

Increased Legalization of Sport Wagering

Motive Expected Impact of Increased Legalization

of Sport Wagering
Persons with higher levels of . . .
Self-esteem Expect higher amounts of sport wagering
Expect higher levels of interest in sport
Eustress Expect higher amounts of sport wagering
Expect higher levels of sport attendance
Expect higher levels of sport television viewing
Aesthetic Expect lower amounts of sport wagering
Expect lower levels of interest in sport
Expect lower levels of sport attendance
Expect lower levels of sport television viewing
Escape Expect lower amounts of sport wagering
Expect lower levels of sport television viewing

discussed in Chapter 4, there are a number of motivating factors driving involve-

ment in sport fandom. Wann et al. (2017) examined the potential impact of
these additional motives on fan reactions to the increased legalization of sport
wagering. Using items from the previous study, Wann and his associates (2017)
assessed participants’ expectations of the impact of increased availability of
legalized gambling and the extent to which other motives played a role in their
perceptions. Several motives (including economic) were significant predictors of
expected reactions to legalized sport wagering. Table 12.1 summarizes the
impact of these motives. Looking at the table, it appears that, for some persons,
the sport experience would be enhanced by sport gambling (i.e., self-esteem,
eustress), while those high on other motives would be negatively affected (i.e.,
eustress, escape). It will be interesting to see how the increased legalization of
sport wagering plays out and, ultimately, how it impacts the sport landscape
and experiences of fans.

Maintaining the Safety and Security of

Athletes and Fans
A final issue that may lead to changes involves the safety and security of athletes
and fans. With respect to athletes, sport leagues and teams want to provide safe
competitive environments. In some instances, however, the safety of players can
be called into question. A prime example of this is football and the long-term
negative consequences of repeatedly suffering a blow to the head (e.g., concus-
sions). Deubert, Cohen, and Lynch (2016) published a comprehensive report on
the concussion issue in the NFL. Their report examined a number of groups
impacted by the safety (or lack thereof) of NFL players. The list of affected par-
ties included the players themselves, coaches, team medical staff, club
222 PART 4 ▸ Summary and Conclusion
employees, and equipment managers. An additional group discussed by Deubert
and his colleagues were fans of the NFL. The authors discussed a number of
ways fans can be impacted by player safety. For instance, the perception that a
sport is not safe for players may lead some fans to turn their attention elsewhere.
Similarly, parents may not allow their children to participate in football if they
believe that it is too dangerous, preferring instead to steer their children to safer
options. These outcomes could lead to reduced interest in and consumption of
football. In fact, the NFL saw a dramatic drop in television ratings during the
2017 season (Rapaport, 2018). Although there were multiple reasons behind
the decline in viewership (e.g., bickering owners, player protests), the violence
of the game was also a contributing factor (Grossman, 2017). However, as men-
tioned previously in this text, many fans enjoy the violent content of sporting
events. Thus, governing bodies in sport must walk a fine line between being
viewed as “too soft” and “too violent.” How leagues walk that line will impact
the sport fan experience.
As for the safety and security of fans, persons attending sporting events will
also experience changes as teams, leagues, and sporting-event organizers imple-
ment strategies designed to safeguard the attendees. For example, based on rec-
ommendations from a league study and in response to spectator injuries, Major
League Baseball teams have increased the amount of netting separating fans
from the playing field (Bieler, 2017; Hagen, 2015). The netting may serve as a
distraction to some fans and may decrease their enjoyment of the game.
There is also concern with the safety and security of fans from external
threats, particularly from various types of terrorism. Examples include the
attack on the Summer Olympics in 1972 in Munich, Germany; the bombing at
the Atlanta Olympic Games in 1996; and the bombing at the Boston Marathon
in 2013. Terrorist activities are often regarded as the number one security issue
at large sporting events (Taylor & Toohey, 2015). Reviewing the literature
between 1996 and 2016 results in well over 150 articles published on the subject
of terrorism and security at sporting events. These articles focus on topics such
as terrorism and risk management practices at NCAA football stadiums (Baker,
Connaughton, Zhang, & Spengler, 2007), the impact of terror alert levels on
sporting event attendance (Kalist, 2010), the impact of safety and security meas-
ures at major sporting events (Taylor & Toohey, 2005), and security, perceived
safety, and event attendee enjoyment at mega sporting events (Taylor & Toohey,
2006). The examples listed above illustrate there are a variety of issues to
address when considering sport fans’ safety and security. Future researchers
may want to investigate media portrayals of terrorism at sporting events, the
perceptions of terrorism and sense of safety of attendees, and the consequences
of increased security and surveillance.

Advancing Research and Theory

on Sport Fandom
Having discussed some potential changes to the experiences of fans, we now
turn our focus to topics that would benefit from increased consideration from
sport scholars. In the sections that follow, we highlight a handful of areas we
 CHAPTER 12 ▸ The Future of Sport Fandom 223
believe are in need of additional examination. It is our hope that the paragraphs
to follow will stimulate further discussion about sport fandom and that these
conversations lead to additional empirical and theoretical work.

Cross-Cultural Research
Although sport fandom is a global phenomenon (sport fans are everywhere),
this is not the case with research on fandom. Rather, the overwhelming
majority of research has been conducted in only a handful of (usually English-
speaking) countries. However, cultures differ in many ways, and these differ-
ences can have a profound impact on persons within them (Hofstede, 2001).
Given this, it is likely that persons from different cultures have different expe-
riences within sport (Bhalla & Weiss, 2010). Indeed, there is growing evi-
dence that culture plays a role in the lives of fans. For instance, as noted in
Chapter 2, there are cultural differences in the process of socialization into
sport fandom (e.g., Melnick & Wann, 2011; Parry et al., 2014; Theodorakis
et al., 2017).
Research indicates that cross-cultural differences are not limited to the pro-
cess of becoming a fan but, rather, also impact individuals once their fandom
is established (Gau & Kim, 2011). That is, framed within the Psychological
Continuum Model (Funk & James, 2001, 2006, 2016), cross-cultural differ-
ences are not simply found at the Awareness stage. Instead, differences are
found at the later stages of the model as well (e.g., Attachment and Allegiance).
In the future, researchers should expand their work on the impact of culture
on sport fandom and highlight critical cross-cultural differences and
similarities.

Positive Sport Fandom

At the conclusion of Chapter 6, we noted that most of the work examining the
affective reactions of fans has targeted negative emotions such as sadness, anger,
and anxiety. Fewer studies have investigated positive affective reactions. We sug-
gested that researchers should increase their attention on the positive emotional
reactions of fans. However, this call for research on the positive aspects of fan-
dom should go out to all areas of fandom research. Most sport fan experiences
and behaviors are positive rather than negative. For instance, most fans are not
violent. Nor does their interest in sport lead to the loss of friends, loved ones, or
jobs. Most people who gamble on sport do so responsibly and within a budget.
We are suggesting that sport scholars balance their research; we need to
understand both the positive and negative impact sport has on individuals
and society. Essentially, research on the psychology of sport fandom needs to
follow the positive psychology movement (Seligman, 2011; Seligman &
Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). Positive psychology is the belief that social scientists
should not simply study the abnormal (e.g., violence, problematic relationships,
psychological disturbances) but also investigate what makes life worth living
(e.g., well-being, positive affect, healthy relationships with others). There have
been studies conducted that target the more positive aspects of being a sport fan,
224 PART 4 ▸ Summary and Conclusion
or what Wann et al. (in press) termed “positive sport fandom.” It is our conten-
tion that more of this type of research is needed.
One example of emerging research pertaining to positive sport fandom is
work from Kim, Kim, and Kim (2017), who studied the impact of sport media
viewing on sport consumer well-being. Kim et al. measured the well-being of
sport consumers and fandom for a national soccer team prior to the team com-
peting in qualifying matches for the World Cup. Participants then watched the
qualifying match via a media source (e.g., television or Internet broadcast).
Immediately after the match, participants completed a post-event survey. The
researchers reported that, “hedonic, eudaimonic, and social values experienced
in sport event viewing fully or partially led to improved well-being” (p. 317).
They also noted that global well-being was influenced most by hedonic need
fulfillment. In other words, viewing the match of a favorite team satisfied the
participants’ hedonic need, which then contributed to an improvement in gen-
eral well-being. Researchers are encouraged to continue down this path, the
result of which will further our understanding of the beneficial ways in which
fandom impacts individuals and society at large.

Sport Fandom Across the Lifespan

Another area of investigation that should receive increased research attention
involves changes in fandom across the lifespan. The vast majority of research
investigating the emotions, attitudes, and actions of fans is cross-sectional,
simply providing a snapshot of their current state as a sport enthusiast. What
is also needed is longitudinal work that tracks persons over extended periods
of time to determine the impact of life changes in their fandom (Harrington &
Bielby, 2010). For example, how does moving away from home, getting mar-
ried, having children, and/or having an empty nest impact one’s fandom?
These changes impact other aspects of daily living (Feldman, 2018), and
there is no reason to believe that sport fandom would be immune from these
effects.
A handful of studies suggest that we should be increasing our focus on the
impact of life changes on fandom. For instance, Hyatt and Foster (2015) found
that one of the key factors accounting for hockey fans’ decrease in interest were
life changes such as moving to a different city. Grieve, Wann, Zapalac, Cyr, and
Lanter (in press) specifically examined this lifespan change by investigating the
impact of moving away to college. They found that college freshman had higher
levels of identification with their high school football team than those who had
been away longer (e.g., college seniors). A third study on life events included an
investigation of the impact of parenthood on one’s fandom; the researchers
reported that having children often leads to lowered interest in sport fandom
due to the time constraints needed to raise a family (Tinson, Sinclair, &
Kolyperas, 2017). Taken together, these studies suggest that life-changing events
(e.g., moving, having children) can influence one’s fandom. Additional research
(particularly of a longitudinal nature) is needed to shed light on the impact of
other life events.
 CHAPTER 12 ▸ The Future of Sport Fandom 225
Assessment of Previous Ideas and
Advancement of Theory
When updating a work such as this book, an important part of the process is
reviewing previous work and thinking about what has been done well and
where there is room for improvement. As illustrated in Chapter 3, although
there has been a substantial amount of research with team identification, we
are still learning about this important construct. We highlighted the thought-
provoking work by Lock and Heere (2017) challenging those interested in team
identification to further develop our understanding of the theoretical bases of
team identification. We also presented information on the revised Sport Spectator
Identification Scale (SSIS-R; James et al., in press), which came about after the
realization that many scholars (the authors included) had misinterpreted the
extent to which individuals may have a low level of team identification versus
no team identification.
The work with the SSIS-R is a good illustration of the importance of review-
ing research and our understanding of concepts to insure we have a sound basis
from which to work and that the work is accurate and rigorous. In this same
vein, a retrospective review of the research on sport consumer motives merits
attention. We have written in several chapters about sport fan motives, particu-
larly Chapters 4 and 5. Although there has been a substantial amount of research
in this area, much of it has simply focused on the development of scales to meas-
ure motives. Unfortunately, much of the work is disjointed, and a comprehen-
sive study of sport fan motives research is a project that merits attention.
Making the effort to study previous research and striving to improve upon it
contributes to the advancement of theory and our knowledge of sport fandom.
We have written extensively about the use of the PCM in this book and believe
the theory provides an important basis for studying fandom. At the same time,
we should continue to test this framework and consider opportunities for
improvement. One prospective advancement is addressing the misplacement of
individuals into the stages of the PCM. Funk and James (2016) suggest that as
many as 20 percent of participants in empirical studies could be staged incor-
rectly. There are different approaches to consider in trying to improve the stag-
ing of individuals within the PCM. One approach would be to develop a
screening process to identify misplaced individuals by establishing statistical
thresholds at different stages on particular outcome measures such as identifica-
tion or satisfaction. Such an approach would allow for the designation of outli-
ers and provide an opportunity to assess why individuals fall outside the
expected parameters.
Another approach would be to consider revisions to the staging protocol
developed by Beaton et al. (2009) discussed in Chapter 5. For example, Kota,
Du, James, Kennedy, and Funk (2018) presented a rationale for the inclusion of
risk as another facet to assess psychological connection to a sport object. In the
initial presentation of the PCM, Funk and James (2001) discussed risk as a facet
of involvement and provided observations about measuring perceived risk to
differentiate among the stages. This included the assessment of risk probability
226 PART 4 ▸ Summary and Conclusion

TABLE 12.2 Five Dimensions of Risk

Dimension Definition
Financial A consumer’s perception as to whether she or he is
getting her or his “money’s worth” (Selin, 1986).
Performance A consumer’s perception that the product may have
something wrong with it or be unsafe (Stone &
Gronhaug, 1993).
Physical A consumer’s perception of the possibility of physical
danger or bodily harm (Stone & Gronhaug, 1993).
Social A consumer’s perception that consuming a product may
change the views others have of the consumer
(Cheron & Ritchie, 1982).
Time A consumer’s perception that consuming a product will
be a waste of one’s time (Brooker, 1984).

and risk consequence, both of which were originally conceptualized in consumer

behavior scholarship (Havitz & Dimanche, 1997; Laurent & Kapferer, 1985).
Beaton et al. (2009) found problems with and a lack of empirical support for
these two dimensions of risk, resulting in their omission from the staging tool.
Kota et al. have proposed that five dimensions of risk be considered as potential
modifiers of an individual’s involvement level and included in the staging pro-
cess: financial, performance, physical, social, and time. The five dimensions are
presented in Table 12.2.
Operationalizing and including five dimensions of risk would increase the
complexity of the measurement of an individual’s involvement with a sport
object. Adding other factors will necessitate a change to the way individuals are
staged within the PCM. Accordingly, Beaton et al.’s (2009) algorithm and stag-
ing matrix could be modified to include the risk dimensions. Concerns with such
an approach include the increasing complexity associated with staging individu-
als and continuing to limit the PCM’s utility by transforming continuous data
into categorical data.
Another approach to staging individuals along the PCM would involve the
use of latent profile analysis (LPA) rather than the approach pioneered by
Beaton and his associates (2009). LPA is a deductive statistical approach
designed to segment individuals into theoretically sound and distinctive groups.
Analogous to other Structural Equation Modeling analyses, the technique pro-
vides a series of fit indices and tests to determine the optimal number of latent
groups and examination of the quality of membership classification based on
theoretical justification, interpretability, intergroup heterogeneity, intragroup
homogeneity, and statistical parsimony. Instead of using 27 (or more) combina-
tions of involvement profiles based on selected cutoff points, LPA would utilize
an individual’s original scores for the involvement facets to calculate the prob-
abilities associated with an individual being positioned among the PCM stages.
Regardless of whether the existing staging mechanism is altered, other facets of
 CHAPTER 12 ▸ The Future of Sport Fandom 227
involvement are included, or different techniques for staging are introduced, it
is clear we can and should continue to improve the PCM.

Integration of Research Streams

Our next suggested topic for additional research does not target a specific area
of investigation but, rather, concerns how research is conducted on sport fan-
dom. Historically, research has been fragmented. We believe that greater inte-
gration will lead to a more well-rounded understanding of the individual and
societal impacts of fandom. Two areas of increased integration are needed.
First, although work on fandom originates from a variety of areas, in many
instances work conducted in one area remains unknown to researchers working
within a different discipline (Butryn, LaVoi, Kauer, Semerjian, & Waldron,
2014; Thorpe, Ryba, & Denison, 2014). As a result, entire literatures can go
unnoticed and unused (your authors have frequently reviewed papers submitted
for publication in journals in which this was the case). Thus, we need more
integration and collaboration across social scientific disciplines. Such a multidis-
ciplinary approach will result in the sharing of knowledge across areas and a
better understanding of fandom.
Second, researchers studying sport fandom may be able to improve their
work by incorporating research and theory from studies that examine fans of
non-sport domains. Persons investigating different fan groups (e.g., fans of sport
versus fans of other forms of pop culture) are often unaware of research in other
areas (Schimmel, Harrington, & Bielby, 2007). Certainly, fans of sport and non-
sport pastimes are different (Gantz, Wang, Paul, & Potter, 2006). Yet in spite of
these differences, we may be able to learn vital information by comparing the
two. Such comparisons would highlight both similarities and differences
between fans of sport and fans of other forms of pop culture, leading to a better
understanding of both groups. Interestingly, the integration of these domains
appears to have begun. There is even a new journal, the Journal of Fandom
Studies, that welcomes research on both sport and non-sport fans.

Sport Fandom and Evolutionary Processes

A final topic that could use additional interest from scholars is the extent to
which sport fandom can be understood from an evolutionary perspective. Can
the global popularity of sport be understood within an evolutionary frame-
work? A few authors believe it can (Simons, 2013). For example, Apostolou and
Zacharia (2015) suggest that centuries ago men may have been interested in
watching other men compete in athletic arenas to help identify potential spouses
for their daughters. Lombardo (2012) hypothesizes that individuals were inter-
ested in sport fandom to evaluate potential allies and rivals. Taking a somewhat
different perspective, Winegard (2010) argues that, because fandom and spec-
tating are social activities, interest in sport likely assisted in the building of coali-
tions. Each of these processes and outcomes have clear evolutionary advantages
(e.g., persons who were able to build stronger coalitions were more likely to
survive, reproduce, and pass on the genetic makeup for caring about coalitions).
228 PART 4 ▸ Summary and Conclusion
Interestingly, research supports each of these (and other) predictions based on
evolutionary psychology. For example, consistent with the logic developed by
Apostolou and Zacharia (2015), men with daughters are particularly interested
in watching sport. And consistent with the importance of coalitions discussed by
Winegard (2010), team identification is positively correlated with coalitional
activities, such as loyalty and authority. However, research on the evolutionary
significance of sport fandom and spectating is still very new, and the topic has
attracted little attention from researchers (Lombardo, 2012). The truth is we are
just now beginning to understand the precise mechanisms through which evolu-
tionary forces shaped and influenced our interest in following and viewing sport.
Additional work is needed to paint a more complete picture of the relationship
between fandom and evolution.

Some Final, Final Thoughts

We have covered a great deal in this text—who knew there was so much to
being a sport fan! We close this book with an acknowledgement that the sub-
jects we examined may seem to be somewhat fragmented. This often happens
when writing a comprehensive book, particularly when the topic has been
examined by multiple disciplines. However, we feel there is a unifying theme
running throughout the chapters of this book: the importance of connections.
We believe that in many ways connections are at the heart of being a sport fan.
Whether it is connections fans feel with teams and sports, connections they feel
with one another, or connections they feel with society, it seems that being a
sport fan involves gaining and maintaining associations with someone or some-
thing. It is our hope that you found the information in this book interesting and
enlightening and that, just perhaps, you formed a connection with it as well!
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 INDEX
Note: Page numbers in italic indicate figures; those in bold indicate tables.

1984 (Orwell) 199 allegiance bias 192

American League Championship Series
ABCs of Psychology 17, 120 – 121 112
acceptance, threat to social identity 188 American League Division Series
achievement 65 131
acquisition of knowledge 66, 71 Androstenedione 180
aesthetics, sport fan motivation 66, anger of sport fans 114 – 115
68 – 69, 94 antisocial tendencies 166
affect 136, 136; internal state 153 – 154 anxiety of sport fans 116 – 118
affective expression sport fandom and appraisal decisions 136
203 Army-Navy football game 144
affective forecasting 125 arousal 136, 136; internal state 153
affective reactions: affective forecasting athletic involvement, fandom and 11
125; duration of affective state Atlanta Braves 123, 162
123 – 124; impact of outcome attachment: identity 32; Psychological
expectancy 125 – 126; impact of Continuum Model 2001 (PCM) 27;
sustained success 123; impact to sport object 42 – 43; stage of PCM
on attitudes and behaviors 28 – 29; understanding 32 – 33; see
120 – 123; motivation as predictor also points of attachment
of spectator affect 124 – 125; to attacking others, shame of sport fans
non-performance-related events 115, 116
119 – 120; see also emotional attacking self, shame of sport fans 115,
reactions of sport fans 116
affective responses 99, 100 attendance data, sport fandom and 13
Agassi, Andre 161 attraction: factor comprising
age, fandom and 9 – 10 involvement 40; hedonic need
aggression 128; criticism of sport fans fulfillment 31; Psychological
177 – 178; definition 128; General Continuum Model 2001 (PCM)
Aggression Model 135, 136; see also 27; social-situational aspects of
fan aggression; fan aggression causes sport 31 – 32; stage of PCM 28;
aggressive cues 147 – 148 understanding 30 – 32
agreeableness 12 attraction to violence, fan aggression
alcohol consumption: aggressive 142
cue 147 – 148; fan aggression and Auburn University 133
139 – 141, 140 Australia, sport fan socialization in 38,
Ali, Muhammad 202 38
allegiance: Psychological Continuum Australian Football League 20, 91
Model 2001 (PCM) 27; stage of Australian Professional Cricket 50
PCM 28 – 29; understanding 33 – 34 availability, sporting event 86

294
 Index 295
avoidance, shame of sport fans 115, 116 confrontational riots 161, 162
awareness: Psychological Continuum connection: sport object and fan 43; see
Model 2001 (PCM) 27; stage of also points of attachment
PCM 27 – 28; understanding 29 – 30 conscientiousness 12
consumer behavior 83; see also sport
Baltimore Orioles 187 consumer behavior
baseball, metaphors in contemporary Contagion Theory 159
language 204 Convergence Theory 159
Baseball Hall of Fame 47 coping strategies 188 – 194; basking
basking in spite of reflected failure in reflected glory (BIRGing) 189,
(BIRFing) 189, 190 – 191 189 – 190; basking in spite of
basking in the reflected glory 137, 189, reflected failure (BIRFing) 189,
189 – 190 190 – 191; cutting off future failure
biased attributions 191 (COFFing) 189, 190; cutting off
blasting 137, 192 reflected failure (CORFing) 189, 190
Boston Marathon 222 criticisms see sport fandom criticisms
Boston Red Sox 50, 64, 115, 162, 163, critiques of sport fandom 198 – 202,
187, 190 199; conflict 199 – 200; cultural
Bowling Alone (Putnam) 205 elitist 199, 201; feminist 199, 200;
moralist 199, 201 – 202
Castro, Fidel 18, 19 cultural elitist critique 199, 201
catharsis 143 – 144 culture(s): fan aggression and 152;
catharsis and aggression 65 influence of agents of sport
centrality 90; facet of involvement 90; fan socialization 38; sport fan
to lifestyle 40 socialization 37 – 39
cheating 179, 180 cutting off future failure (COFFing)
Chicago Bears 162 189, 190
Chicago Cubs 4, 18, 49, 123, 148 cutting off reflected failure (CORFing)
Chicago Sun-Times (newspaper) 200 137, 189, 190
Cleveland Browns 108, 113
Cleveland Cavaliers 47 daily hassles 149
Cleveland Indians 112, 113, 123 Dallas Cowboys 49
cognition 136, 136; internal state 154 Davis, Al 109
cognitive and perceptual biases 191 Daytona 500 119
cognitive anxiety 117 de Coubertin, Pierre 212
cognitive dissonance 190 deindividuation fan aggression
collective behavior: contagion theory 150 – 152
159; convergence theory 159; Denver Broncos 131
emergent-norms theory 159; theories determinants, value-added theory 160
of 158 – 160; value-added theory direct sport consumption 3
159 – 160 Disappointment Theory 112 – 114
College Football National (dis)confirmation of expectations 99, 100
Championship 83 disinhibition 162
Colorado Rockies 139 Disposition Theory of Sport
commitment, model of escalating 89 Spectatorship 106, 107, 114, 115
communication sport fandom and disrupting play, fan aggression 132
203 – 204 distinctiveness, threat to social identity
conflict critique 199, 199 – 200 188
296 Index
Duke University 166 fan aggression causes: affect 153 – 154;
dysfunctional fandom: dysfunctional aggressive cues 147 – 148; alcohol
fan 138; fan aggression 137 – 139 consumption 139 – 141, 140;
appraisal of environment 154 – 156;
Earnhardt, Dale 119, 120 attraction to violence 142; cognition
economic motivation 220 – 221 154; cultural influences 152;
economic outcomes 122 – 123 daily hassles 149; deindividuation
Emergent-Norms Theory 159 150 – 152; dysfunctional fandom
emotional reactions of sport fans: 137 – 139; environmental factors
anger 114 – 115; anxiety 116 – 118; 148 – 149; frustration aggression
disappointment 112 – 114, 113; and competition outcome 146 – 147;
Disposition Theory of Sport Frustration-Aggression Hypothesis
Spectatorship 106, 107; enjoyment (FAH) 146; gender 142; influence of
and satisfaction 110 – 111; general rivals 149 – 150, 150; noise 148 – 149;
positive and negative experiences observational learning 143 – 146;
105 – 106; happiness and sadness personal input variables 136 – 142;
108 – 109; research of 118; shame physiological arousal 153; Self-
115 – 116, 116; tired and fatigued Esteem Maintenance Model 137;
111 – 112 situational input variables 142 – 152;
enjoyment, satisfaction and of sport team identification 136 – 137;
fans 110 – 111 temperature 149; testosterone
entertainment 65 141 – 142; view from the couch
environmental factors, fan aggression 145 – 146; view from the stands 144;
148 – 149 willingness to engage 151
escape: from over-stimulation 72; sport Fan Cost Index (FCI) 86
fan motivation 66, 71 – 72; from fandom: age and 9 – 10; athletic
under-stimulation 72 involvement and 11; gender
European Soccer Championships 171 and 7 – 9; personality and 12;
eustress, sport fan motivation 66, 70 pervasiveness of sport 12 – 16; race
evolutionary perspective, sport fandom and 10 – 11; socialization into 34 – 35;
227 – 228 socioeconomic status and 11
expressive riots 161, 162 – 163 fandom across the lifespan 224
extraversion 12 fandom and suicide 213 – 214
extrinsic rewards 87 fans of non-sport domains 227
fatigued and tired sport fans 111 – 112
false consensus effect 165 feminist critique 199, 200
family: agent of sport socialization FIFA World Cup 13 – 14, 212
36 – 37, 37; sport fan motivation 66, fighting fan aggression 132
68, 69 financial cost, sporting event 86
fan aggression 127, 133 – 134; as financial risk 226
function of aggression type Fleming Ian 126
and target 130; definitions and Florida State University 26, 98,
distinctions 128 – 129; disrupting 146 – 147
play 132; fighting 132; forms of food consumption 194
129 – 133; hostile vs instrumental FORCE typology: approach to rioting
129; security personnel and 154, 160 – 163; confrontational riots 162;
155; throwing missiles 131; expressive riots 162 – 163; frustration
vandalism 133; verbal assaults riots 160 – 161; outlawry riots 161;
129 – 131 remonstrance riots 161 – 162
 Index 297
Francisco, Frank 131 identity 32; team-based threats to
Frustration-Aggression Hypothesis 187 – 188; typology of threats to
(FAH) 146 social 188
frustration riots 160 – 161, 161 Identity Theory 48
future of sport fandom: changing identity threat 187, 188
technology 219 – 220; ever-changing impact bias 125
experience 218 – 222; impact of indirect sport consumption 3
legalization of wagering 220 – 221; ingroup favoritism 191
safety and security of athletes and instrumental aggression 129, 130
fans 221 – 222 integration see societal integration
intentionality bias 141
Gamboa, Tom 132 internal states 136, 136
game opponents, fan aggression International Day of Sport for
149 – 150 Development and Peace 212
gender: fan aggression 142; fandom Internet sites, sport-related 15
and 7 – 9; partial list of studies in interpersonal relationships of sport fans
fandom 7; sex-role orientation 9; of 180 – 181
socialization agents 37 involvement: definition 39; factors
General Affect Model 154 comprising 40
General Aggression Model (GAM) 135,
136, 153, 154 Jacksonville Jumbo Shrimp, minor
generalized belief, value-added theory league baseball 27 – 28
160 James, LeBron 43, 47
geographical nearness 51 Jordan, Michael 200
glory out of reflected failure (GORFing) Journal of Fandom Studies (journal)
194 227
gluckschmerz, process of 120
Greece, sport fan socialization in Kansas City Royals 132
38, 38 Kentucky Derby 202
Green Bay Packers 162, 185 Kentucky Wildcats 137
Griffith, Coleman Roberts 4
group affiliation motive 66, 68, 94 latent profile analysis (LPA) 226
lazy, criticism of sport fans 175 – 177,
Hanburger, Chris 49 176
happiness: postgame 109; sadness and
of sport fans 108 – 109 McConaughey, Matthew 49
heat, fan aggression 149 McGwire, Mark 148, 180
hedonic need fulfillment, attraction 31 magical and mystical strategies 193
Higgins, John 137 Major League Baseball (MLB) 11, 45,
Hitchcock, Alfred 144 86, 101, 139, 151, 169 – 170, 180,
home advantage 21 222
hooliganism 168, 170 maladaptive coping strategies, shame of
Hoosiers (movie) 211 sport fans 115, 116
hostile aggression 129, 130 March Madness 18, 83, 202, 205
Houston Oilers NFL team 86 Maris, Roger 148
human needs: meaning in life 20; Marx, Karl 199
need for distinctiveness 20; need to Miami Dolphins 108
belong 19, 19; sport fandom meeting Miami Heat 47
19 – 20 Milwaukee Brewers 139
298 Index
missiles, fan aggression in throwing 131 national identity, sport fandom and
Mixed Martial Arts 146 205, 206
mobilization of participants, value- National Incident-Based Reporting
added theory 160 System 147
Model of Escalating Commitment 89 NCAA 220, 222; men’s basketball
Model of Sport Consumer Behavior 99, tournament 18, 87, 104, 122, 137,
100 149, 205
Monday Night Football 72, 180, 218 Nebraska Cornhusker 46, 46
Monk, Malik 104 negativity bias 126
moral coupling 62, 62 neuroticism 12
moral decoupling 62, 62 New England Patriots 81, 140
moralist critique 199, 201 – 202 New York Yankees 64, 115, 131, 162,
moral rationalization 62, 62 187
moral reasoning strategies 62, 62 noise, fan aggression 148 – 149
motivation(s)/motive(s): acquisition non-sport outcomes 121 – 122
of knowledge 66, 71; aesthetic 66, Norway, sport fan socialization in 38,
68 – 69, 81, 94; “Big 5” sport fan 38 – 39
motives 80 – 82, 81; comparing
motivation scales 74; critiques of Oakland Athletics 131
existing scales 75 – 77; drama 81; Oakland Raiders 109, 131
economic 220 – 221; entertainment Obama, Barack 18, 122
66, 72; escape 66, 71 – 72, 81; observational learning, fan aggression
eustress 66, 70; family 66, 68, 143 – 146
69; group affiliation 66, 68, 94; Ohio State Buckeyes 184, 186
legalization of sport wagering 221; Ohio State University 28, 163, 171
measuring sport fan 72 – 82; sample old school sport ideology 10
of sport-specific investigations of Olympic Games 211; flag 212; Summer
sport fan 67; scale development 212, 222; Winter 211, 212
73 – 74; self-esteem 66, 70, 96; social openness to new experiences 12
interaction 81; sport consumption Opponent Process Theory 123
and 93 – 97; sport fan 65 – 72; Optimal Distinctiveness Theory 20
vicarious achievement 81 organizational characteristics 53
Motivation Scale for Sport outcome expectancy, impact on sport
Consumption (MSSC) 73, 94; fans 125 – 126
comparison 74; critique of 75 – 76; outgroup derogation 192
motives included in 66; research outlawry riots 161, 161
using 78 – 79; summarizing scales 77
movies, sport-related 14 peacemakers: profile of 167; as source
Murray State Racers 35, 98, 146 – 147 of crowd control 167 – 168; of sport
riots 166 – 168
NASCAR 16, 52, 58, 67, 119, 120 performance risk 226
Nashville Predators 41, 131 personal incentives 87
National Basketball Association (NBA) personal input variables: alcohol
11, 86, 169 – 170 consumption 139 – 141, 140;
National Football League (NFL) 44, 86, attraction to violence 142;
113, 145, 154, 169 – 170; safety and dysfunctional fandom 137 – 139;
security of 221 – 222 fan aggression 136 – 142; gender
National Hockey League (NHL) 11, 41, 142; team identification 136 – 137;
86, 169 – 170 testosterone 141 – 142
 Index 299
Personal Investment Theory (PIT) 183; Team Identification–Social
85 – 88, 101; ego incentives 87; Psychological Health Model (TI-
extrinsic rewards 87; perceived SPHM) 184, 184; testing TI-SPHM
options 85, 85 – 87; personal 185 – 196; understanding relationship
incentives 85, 87; sense of self 85, of identification and 184 – 185
87 – 88; social incentives 87; task Pythagoras 174
incentives 87
personality: fandom and 12; profile of Qatar, sport fan socialization in 38, 38
rioters 165 – 166
pervasiveness of fandom 12 – 16 race, fandom and 10 – 11
pessimism, sport fans 192 – 193 radio, sport on 13 – 14
Philadelphia Eagles 95, 154 relationship-based reasons 50
Philadelphia Phillies 132 religiosity: similarities between sport
physical risk 226 and religion 209; sport fandom and
physiological arousal, internal state 208 – 209
136, 153 remonstrance riots 161, 161 – 162
Pittsburgh Steelers 32 research: advancing and theory on
place attachment 44 sport fandom 222 – 228; assessment
player attributes 54 of Psychological Continuum Model
player contact 52 (PCM) 225 – 227; cross-cultural 223;
pleasure 90 dimensions of risk 226; integration
points of attachment: athletes and of research streams 227; points
players as 60 – 63; phrase 43; of attachment 44 – 47, 45; positive
research 44 – 47, 45; selecting a sport sport fandom 223 – 224; sport
hero 60 – 61; team identification fan affective reactions 118; sport
47 – 59; see also sport hero(es) fandom across lifespan 224; sport
Points of Attachment Index (PAI) 43, 44 fandom and evolutionary processes
positive psychology 223 227 – 228; sport fan motivation
positive sport fandom 224 scales 78 – 79; sport fan socialization
predictions and recollections of team in North America 35 – 37; sport-
performance 192 specific investigations of sport fun
print media, sport in 14 – 15 motivation 67; team identification
proactive pessimism 192 and psychological health 183
Professional and Amateur Sports retroactive pessimism 193
Protection Act 220 reverse socialization 41
Psychological Continuum Model Rice, Ray 63
(PCM) 22, 26 – 27, 39, 88, 190, riotous behavior: definitions of
219; allegiance 29, 33 – 34, 137; 157 – 158; demographics of rioters
attachment 28 – 29, 32 – 33; attraction 164; false consensus effect 165;
28, 30 – 32; awareness 27 – 28, group processes and 164; personality
29 – 30; sport consumer behavior profile of rioters 165 – 166; social
and 88 – 92; stages of connection cognition and 165
27; studying sport consumer risk dimensions 226
behavior 90 – 92; summary of 34 – 35; risk consequence, factor comprising
understanding 29 – 34 involvement 40
psychological well-being and sport risk probability, factor comprising
fandom: routes to well-being involvement 40
181 – 184; team identification and rivals: fan aggression 149 – 150; rival
psychological health 182 – 184, salience 52
300 Index
Roosevelt, Franklin D. 71 social incentives 87
Rucker, Darius 108 socialization 30; cross-cultural research
on sport fan 37 – 39; into fandom
sadness, happiness and of sport fans 34 – 35; research on North American
108 – 109 sport fan 35 – 37; reverse 41
St. Louis Cardinals 49, 139, 148 socialization agents 30
salubrious effect 65 socialization through sport fandom
San Diego Chargers 162 207 – 208
satisfaction, enjoyment and of sport Social Learning Theory (SLT) 143
fans 110 – 111 social psychological health 185
schadenfreude 193; joy in suffering of social risk 226
others 119 social-situational aspects of sport
scientific disciplines 227 31 – 32
Seattle Mariners 131, 162 societal integration: at community/
Seinfeld, Jerry 64 metropolitan level 210 – 211; fandom
self-esteem, sport fan motivation 66, and suicide 213 – 214; at global level
70, 96 211 – 213; at interpersonal level 210;
Self-Esteem Maintenance Model 137 at national level 211; sport fandom
self-esteem response 100, 101 and 209 – 214; at state level 211
self-serving attributions 191 socioeconomic status, fandom and 11
sense of self 87 – 88 Sokoloff, Jose Miguel 18
sex-role orientation 9 somatic anxiety 117
shame of sport fans 115 – 116, 116 Sosa, Sammy 148
sign 90; facet of involvement 90; factor Spectator Motivation Scale (SMS) 80
comprising involvement 40 spectators, influencing outcome of
situational input variables 136, sporting events 20 – 21
142 – 152; aggressive cues 147 – 148; sport consumer behavior 83; challenges
daily hassles 149; deindividuation for sport marketers 97 – 99;
150 – 152; environmental factors challenges with applying motivation
148 – 149; frustration aggression to 95 – 97; introduction to 84 – 88;
and competition outcome 146 – 147; model of 99, 100; Personal
influence of rivals 149 – 150; noise Investment Theory (PIT) 85 – 88;
148 – 149; observational learning Psychological Continuum Model
143 – 146; temperature 149; view (PCM) and 88 – 92; relationship
from the couch 145 – 146; view between motivation and 93 – 97;
from the stands 144; see also fan sport fan motives and 92 – 97; team
aggression causes identification and 97 – 99; using PCM
soccer 168, 170; comparing English, to study 90 – 92
and U.S. sports 169 – 170; sport curses 193
hooliganism 168, 170 sport fan(s): age and fandom 9 – 10;
Soccer World Cup 111 – 112 athletic involvement and fandom
social capital, sport fandom and 11; defining and classifying 2 – 6;
205 – 207 definition 2; demographic and
social cognition, riotous behavior 165 personality traits of 6 – 12; direct vs.
social connections: enduring 184; team indirect sport consumers 3 – 4; gender
identification leading to 186 – 187; and fandom 7 – 9; maintaining
temporary 184 – 185 safety and security of athletes
Social Facilitation Theory 21 and 221 – 222; personality and
Social Identity Theory (SIT) 4, 48 fandom 12; psychological health of
 Index 301
181 – 184; race and fandom 10 – 11; reasoning strategies 62, 62;
socioeconomic status and fandom relationship between age and
11; sport spectators vs., 2 – 3; number of 61; selecting 60 – 61;
willingness to engage in aggression sports world as source 60
151; see also emotional reactions sporting event: availability 86; financial
of sport fans; fan aggression; cost of 86; formula for estimating
motivation(s)/motive(s) viability of 86; spectators influencing
sport fandom: advancing research and outcome of 20 – 21
theory 222 – 228; affective expression Sport Interest Inventory (SII) 73;
and 203; attendance data and 13; comparison 74; critique of 76 – 77;
communication and 203 – 204; motives included in 66; research
critiques of 198 – 202, 199; identity using 78 – 79; summarizing scales 77
of fans 16 – 19; meeting human sport outcomes 121
needs 19 – 20; national identity and sport riot(s) 157; confrontational
205; negative perception of 174; 162; definitions of 157 – 158;
pervasiveness of 12 – 16; positive demographics of rioters 164; distinct
view of 174 – 175; in print media forms of victory riots 163; expressive
14 – 15; psychologically based 162 – 163; FORCE typology
criticisms of 175 – 181; religiosity 160 – 163, 161; frustration 160 – 161;
and 208 – 209; social capital and Lewis’s theory of celebratory 164;
205 – 207; socialization through outlawry 161; participation and
207 – 208; societal integration and escalation of 163 – 166; peacemakers
209 – 214; spectators influencing of 166 – 168; remonstrance 161 – 162;
outcome of events 20 – 21; sport– soccer hooliganism 168, 170; see
related Internet sites 15; sport- also riotous behavior
related movies and videos 14; Sport Rivalry Fan Perception Scale
sport-related video games 15 – 16; on (SRFPS) 150; subscales for 150
television and radio 13 – 14; see also SportsCenter (ESPN show) 179
psychological well-being and sport sports marketers, challenges for 97 – 99
fandom; sport fandom criticisms Sport Spectator Identification Scale
sport fandom as opiate 199 (SSIS) 47, 54, 55
sport fandom criticisms: aggression of Sport Spectator Identification Scale-
177 – 178; interpersonal relationships Revised (SSIS-R) 58 – 59, 59, 225
of 180 – 181; laziness of 175 – 177; sport spectators, definition 2 – 3
negative values and behaviors of Sports Talk (Palmatier and Ray) 203
178 – 180 sport wagering: impact of motivation
Sport Fandom Questionnaire (SFQ) 6, on reactions 221; increased
10 legalization of 220 – 221
Sport Fan Motivation Scale (SFMS) sport websites, monthly visitors 15
72, 73, 93; comparison 74; critique stadium 52, 53
of 75; research using 78 – 79; Stanley Cup Finals 131
summarizing scales 77 state aggression 177
sport fan socialization 30; cross-cultural state well-being 185, 194
research on 37 – 39; family as agents stress and stimulation seeking 65
36 – 37, 37; research on North structural conduciveness, value-added
American 35 – 37 theory 160
sport fan superstitions 193 structural-functional perspective:
sport hero(es): impact of athlete affective expression 203;
transgressions 61 – 63; moral communication 203 – 204; critiquing
302 Index
the 214 – 215; imperatives 202, 202; 195; pessimism 192 – 193; research
national identity 205; religiosity testing of 185 – 196; schadenfreude
208 – 209; social capital 205 – 207; and glory out of reflected failure
socialization through sport fandom 193 – 194; self-presentational
207 – 208; societal integration strategies 189; social well-being by
209 – 214 identification 194 – 195; summary
structural strain, value-added theory of work on 195 – 196; team-based
160 threats to identity 187 – 188, 188;
Subjective Uncertainty Reduction team identification leading to
Theory 51 social connections 186 – 187; team
suicide, fandom and 213 – 214 identification leading to well-being
Super Bowl 83, 85, 110, 145, 202, 208, 185 – 186; trait and state well-being
211, 214, 220 194; see also psychological well-
being and sport fandom
task incentives 87 team performance 53; predictions and
TEAM*ID scale 56, 57 recollections of 192
team championship, unusual behaviors technological advancements 219 – 220
by fans 17 television, sport on 13 – 14
team identification: attachment 47 – 59; temperature, fan aggression 149
dimensions comprising TEAM*ID testosterone, fan aggression 141 – 142
scale 57; distinguishing fans across Texas Rangers 131
levels of 4 – 6; environmental origins throwing missiles, fan aggression 131
of 51 – 53; fan aggression 136 – 137; time risk 226
gender and 7 – 9; leading to well- tired and fatigued sport fans 111 – 112
being 185 – 186; measurement of Title IX 36
54 – 56; misinterpreting 57 – 58; Toomer’s Corner 133
origins of 48 – 54; partial list of trait aggression 177
gender studies 7; psychological trait well-being 185, 194
health and 182 – 184; psychological
origins of 49 – 51; sport consumer United Kingdom (UK), sport fan
behavior and 97 – 99; Sport Spectator socialization in 38, 38
Identification Scale (SSIS) 54 – 55, 55; United States Men’s National Soccer 109
Sport Spectator Identification Scale- University of Kentucky 211
Revised (SSIS-R) 58 – 59, 59; stadium University of Maryland 166
or arena 52, 53; team-related University of Nebraska 211;
origins of 53 – 54; unidimensional vs Cornhuskers 46, 46
multidimensional construct 55 – 56 University of New Hampshire 171
Team Identification Index (TII) 54 – 55 University of North Carolina Tar Heels
Team Identification-Social Psychological 104
Health Model (TI-SPHM) 184, Updike, Harvey 133
184, 219; biases related to team
performance 191 – 192; consumption Value-Added Theory 159 – 160
of food 194; coping with team- value-competence, threat to social
based threats 188 – 194; magical and identity 188
mystical strategies 193; manipulating value-morality, threat to social identity
associations with team 188 – 191; 188
outgroup derogation (blasting) values and behaviors: cheating 179;
192; paths from identification to negative, of sport fans 178 – 180
connections to social well-being vandalism, fan aggression 133
 Index 303
verbal assaults, fan aggression 129 – 131 also psychological well-being and
video games, sport-related 15 – 16 sport fandom
videos, sport-related 14 withdrawal, shame of sport fans 115,
vitality 109 116
World Cup 111 – 112, 114, 168, 186,
Washington Redskins 49, 162 212
well-being: social, by identification World Series 112, 123, 202, 214
194 – 195; trait and state 194; see World War II 71