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The Roman Games

This document is designed to assist with the teaching of learning

outcomes 2.9, 2.10 and 2.11 in the Leaving Certificate Classical
Studies specification.
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The Roman Games

The idea of a crowd of spectators watching trained fighters fight (potentially to the death) appears
to have reached the Romans via the Etruscans. The Etruscan tradition was for pairs of gladiators to
fight at the funerals of important men. These fights would be organised and paid for by family
members of the deceased. The Romans copied this funeral tradition and used the Latin word
munera to describe these fights. In later centuries the Romans used the word munera to describe all
types of gladiatorial combat.

Eventually the state became involved in the organisation of games, and the Ludi Romani (a.k.a. the
Ludi Magni) in honour of Jupiter became the largest and most important annual games. The Ludi
Romani included theatrical performances and chariot racing in addition to gladiatorial combat. Early
Roman games were held in the Forum Romanum, and Rome did not get its first stone-built
amphitheatre until the reign of the emperor Augustus. It would be another 100 years after that
before the Colosseum was built (AD 80).

The number of annual games increased over time and there were also one-off games in some years,
e.g. as part of a triumph. The use of animals in the games evolved from the use of animals in
triumphal processions. The earliest recorded example we have is from 252 BC, when the Romans
had a triumphal procession to celebrate a victory over the Carthaginians.

A large number of elephants were captured from the Carthaginians in Sicily . . . they were ferried
across [from Sicily to mainland Italy] on rafts which Metellus had made by putting a layer of planks
on rows of wine jars secured together. Verrius records that these elephants fought in the Circus
[Maximus] and were killed by javelins. Pliny, Natural History 8.16–17

The height of popularity of the games and the majority of the written sources fall roughly between
200 BC and AD 200. These notes will focus on this time period. A very interesting change occurs
during this period. Until 27 BC Rome was a republic. This meant that many ambitious Roman
politicians competed with one another for popularity with the people. One of the best ways to do
this was by being involved in the organisation of games. After 27 BC Rome had emperors, and they
dominated the organisation of games as they did not want to allow anyone else to gain popularity
with the people. In the days of the Republic, the elected public officials responsible for organising all
religious festivals (including games) were called aediles. An ambitious aedile knew that, if they put
on games that went down well with the people, it would greatly improve their chances of getting
elected to a more senior office in the future.

The path to senior political office in the Roman Republic was called the Cursus Honorum and
involved four main stages. Stage one was to get elected as a quaestor. Quaestor was a relatively
junior political office concerned with public finances. Quaestors were responsible for administering
all government spending. For example, Roman provincial governors would usually have at least one
quaestor on their staff who was responsible for overseeing tax collection and public spending in that
province. The next stage was to run for the position of aedile. In addition to organising games and
festivals, aediles were responsible for all public works, e.g. roads, bridges, aqueducts and public
buildings. The next stage after aedile was praetor. This was considered a senior position. The closest
modern comparison in Ireland would be Minister for Justice. The praetors were responsible for law
and order, the courts, etc. The most senior position was that of consul. The Romans elected two
consuls every year and they acted as the heads of government, i.e. equivalent to Taoiseach/Prime
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Minister. The Cursus Honorum was like a pyramid, with fewer positions available each time you tried
to move up the ladder. This created intense political competition.

Relief sculpture from a tomb in Pompeii depicting gladiatorial combat.

Putting on successful games became such a proven route to popularity with the voters that
ambitious politicians were willing to spend their own money on them. For example, it became very
common for aediles to top up the public money put aside for games with their own money. This
practice also saw many politicians run up large debts.
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In the extract below Cicero comments on the use of games by a politician called Murena to boost his
popularity. Murena appears to have struggled to get elected as praetor because he did not put on
games during the election campaign. He did not repeat this mistake when running for consul.

There were two things which Murena, in his campaign for the praetorship, suffered seriously from
the lack of, but which were both of considerable benefit to him when he came to stand for the
consulship. One was games, the expectation of which had been brought about by certain rumours
and by the deliberate suggestion of his rivals for office . . . as for his not having put on games, a
factor which had hampered Murena in his campaign for the praetorship, this deficiency had been
made up for by the extremely lavish games he put on in the course of his year as praetor . . . this was
unquestionably of enormous help to him [when running for consul]. Do I need to point out that the
people and the ignorant masses adore games? It is hardly surprising that they do. Cicero, Pro
Murena 37–39

The two sources below describe the lengths Julius Caesar went to when putting on games and the
costs he was willing to incur.

Not for this alone did Caesar receive praise during his aedileship, but also because he exhibited both
the Ludi Romani and the Megalenses [a religious festival held in April every year] on the most
expensive scale and furthermore arranged gladiatorial contests in his father’s honour in the most
magnificent manner. For although the cost of these entertainments was in part shared jointly with
his colleague Marcus Bibulus, and only in part borne by him individually, yet he so far excelled in the
funeral contests as to gain for himself the credit for the others too, and was thought to have borne
the whole cost himself. Dio Cassius 37.8

Caesar spent money recklessly, and many people thought that he was purchasing a moment’s brief
fame at an enormous price, whereas in reality he was buying the greatest place in the world at
inconsiderable expense. We are told, for instance, that before entering upon public office, he was
1,300 talents in debt1 . . . and, when he was aedile, he provided a show of 320 pairs of gladiators
fighting in single combat, and with this and all his other lavish expenditure on theatrical
performances, processions and public banquets, he threw into the shade all attempts at winning
distinction in this way that had been made by previous holders of the office. Plutarch, Caesar 5.9

The exorbitant cost of putting on games (if paid for privately) is commented upon repeatedly in the
ancient sources. Here are some examples:

On the occasion of his father’s funeral Fabius wished to give a gladiatorial show, but because of the
immense cost of such entertainments, he was unable to meet the expense, whereupon Scipio [a
friend and political ally of Fabius] provided half the amount out of his own resources. Polybius 31.28

In our own country, even in the good old times, even the most high-minded citizens were generally
expected to produce grandiose displays during the year when they were serving as aediles.
Mamercus’ refusal to seek office as aedile, on grounds of the expense involved, meant that later on
he was rejected for the consulship. Cicero, On Duties 2.57–58

1
It is very difficult to convert ancient money to modern currency values, but 1 talent is worth approximately
€1,150. This means that Caesar was roughly €1.5 million in debt.
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Milo is preparing games on a most magnificent scale, at a cost, I assure you, that no one has ever
exceeded. It is foolish, on two or even three accounts, to give games that were not demanded – he
has already given a magnificent show of gladiators; he cannot afford it. Cicero, Letters to his Brother
Quintus 3.8.6

Lending money for games was one way to help a friend or political ally, but there were other ways to
help. The extracts below are taken from an exchange of letters between Cicero and his friend Caelius
Rufus in 51 BC. Rufus had been elected aedile for the following year and Cicero was serving as
governor of Cilicia, an area corresponding to southern Turkey today.

A letter from Caelius Rufus to Cicero, September 51 BC

In almost every letter I have written to you I have mentioned the subject of panthers. It will be little
to your credit that Patiscus has sent ten panthers for Curio (but Cicero had sent none to Rufus). Curio
has given me these same animals and another ten from Africa . . . if you will but keep it in mind and
send for beasts from Cibyra and write to Pamphylia – they say the hunting is better there – the trick
will be done . . . do be a good fellow and give yourself an order about it . . . As soon as the creatures
are caught, you have the men I sent to look after feeding and transport to Rome.

A second letter from Rufus to Cicero, October 51 BC

Curio is behaving handsomely to me and has made me a somewhat onerous present in the shape of
the African panthers which were imported for his show. Had he not done that, one might have let the
thing go (i.e. not put on games). As it is, I have to give it. So, as I have asked you all along, please see
that I have a few beasts from your part of the world.

Cicero’s reply

About the panthers, the usual hunters are doing their best on my instructions, but the creatures are
in remarkably short supply . . .

The games became so political that the senate felt compelled to pass a series of laws in the first
century BC which were designed to depoliticise the games. These included a law called the Lex
Calpurnia, which included on a list of acts which counted as electoral bribery the organiser of games
giving the best seats at the spectacle to their own supporters. Another law, called the Lex Tullia,
made it illegal for any politician to put on gladiator shows within two years of running for office.
There were so many loopholes in both laws that they appear to have been widely ignored by Roman
politicians of the period.

In 56 BC a prominent politician called Sestius appeared in court on charges of organising and arming
a mob with the intention of physically attacking some political rivals and their supporters. Cicero,
who had been a barrister before going into politics, defended his friend Sestius. During his defence
speech Cicero attempted to discredit the chief witness for the prosecution, a politician named
Vatinius. One of the accusations Cicero levelled against Vatinius was that he had organised large
games in breach of the Lex Tullia.

Vatinius despises that law which expressly forbids any one to exhibit shows of gladiators within two
years of his having stood, or being about to stand, for any office . . . he acts most openly against the
law; he does so and yet is neither able to slip out of the consequences of a trial by his pleasant
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manner, nor to struggle out of them by his popularity, nor to break down the laws and courts of
justice by his wealth and influence . . . I imagine it is out of his excessive desire for popularity that he
bought that troupe of gladiators, so beautiful, noble and magnificent. He knew the desire of the
people, he saw that great excitement and gatherings of the people would ensue. And elated with this
expectation, and burning with a desire for glory, he could not restrain himself from bringing forward
these gladiators. If that were his motive for his violation of the law, and if he were prompted by zeal
to please the people . . . still no one would pardon him; but the fact is that this band did not consist of
men picked out of those who were for sale, but of men bought out of jails and given gladiatorial
names. Cicero, Pro Sestius 133–135

Roman mosaic from Madrid showing Astyanax (a secutor) vs Kalendio (a retiarius). Astyanax fights
on and wins even after being entangled in the net of the retiarius.
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In 63 BC a Roman politician named Catiline planned to seize power in Rome using armed supporters.
This group included gladiators who had been purchased by Catiline. Catiline’s plan was discovered
before it could be executed and Catiline was arrested, but the senate now realised the danger of
allowing private citizens to bring large numbers of gladiators into the city to celebrate munera. To
combat this danger the senate passed a law restricting the number of gladiators a private citizen was
allowed to use. These events are reflected in the next two sources:

Caesar . . . put on a gladiatorial show, but he had collected so immense a troop of combatants that
his terrified political opponents rushed a bill through the house, limiting the number of gladiators
that anyone might keep in Rome; consequently far fewer pairs fought than had been advertised.
Suetonius, Julius Caesar 10.2

One politician, named Clodius, even disrupted the voting during an election using gladiators. He
probably did it because he suspected the vote would not go his way.

Many disorderly proceedings were the result, chief of which was that during the very taking of the
vote . . . Clodius took the gladiators that his brother held in readiness for the funeral games of
Marcus, his relative, and rushing into the assembly, wounded many and killed many others. Dio
Cassius 39.7

The same Clodius mentioned above also engaged in political street violence against his bitter rival,
Milo. Both men used gladiators to attack the supporters of the other.

While contesting this very point Milo caused much disturbance, and at last himself collected some
gladiators and others like minded with himself and kept continually coming to blows with Clodius, so
that bloodshed occurred throughout practically the whole city. Dio Cassius 39.8

It is very clear from the ancient sources that the spectators at games would sometimes reveal the
public mood by booing, hissing or clapping a particular politician on their arrival. The crowd would
even chant political slogans on occasion, making it very clear where they stood on a particular issue.

Pompey, has, to my infinite sorrow, ruined his own reputation . . . the feeling of the people was
shown as clearly as possible in the theatre and at the games. For at the gladiators both master and
supporters were overwhelmed with hisses. At the Ludi Apollinares the actor Diphilus made a smart
reference to Pompey, in the line “By our misfortunes thou art great”. He was encored countless
times. When he delivered the line “The time will come when thou wilt deeply mourn”, the whole
theatre broke out into applause, and so on with the rest . . . Caesar entered as the applause died
away, followed by the younger Curio. The latter received an ovation such as used to be given to
Pompey . . . Caesar was much annoyed (presumably because they clapped Curio and not him). Cicero,
Letter to Atticus 2.19

But the strongest expression of the judgement of the whole Roman people was plainly given by an
audience at gladiatorial games. . . into that crowd of spectators came Publius Sestius . . . and showed
himself to the people, not that he was eager for applause, but he wished that our enemies
themselves might recognise the goodwill of the whole Roman people. At once from all the spectator
seats right down from the Capitol (hill), and from all the barriers of the Forum, there were heard such
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shouts of applause, that it was said that the whole Roman people has never shown greater unity in
any cause. Cicero, Pro Sestius 124–125

The next extract is taken from a speech delivered by Cicero in the senate. In it he taunts his political
rival Piso, daring him to attend upcoming games. Cicero is confident that Piso’s unpopularity with
the people will be revealed.

Come on, the senate hates you . . . the Roman equestrians cannot bear the sight of you . . . The
Roman people wishes your destruction. All Italy despises you . . . Test this excessive and universal
hatred if you dare. The most carefully prepared and magnificent games within the memory of man
are now at hand, games not only like none ever shown before, but such that we cannot even imagine
how any like them ever could be exhibited in future. Trust yourself to the people . . . Are you afraid of
[their] hisses? . . . Are you afraid that there will be no voice raised in your honour? . . . You are afraid
that violent hands may be laid on you . . . about this I have no question. He will never dare to come
near the games. Cicero, Against Piso 64–65

In 44 BC, after Caesar’s assassination, Cicero claims that the crowd at the games desired the recall of
(the now-exiled) Brutus to Rome. This claim was made by Cicero during a speech denouncing Marc
Antony.

Think of the clamour raised by countless citizens at gladiatorial shows, think of all the [chanted]
popular slogans . . . I should call it the testimony and judgement of the entire Roman people . . .
Brutus was the man for whom the cheering and the prize were intended. He could not himself attend
the games . . . but the Romans who witnessed that show paid their tribute to him in his absence and
sought to comfort the sadness which they felt because their liberator was not with them by incessant
cheers and shouts of sympathy. Cicero, Philippics 1.36
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Spanish King Juan Carlos I being hailed by the crowd at his final bullfight before abdicating in 2014.
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When Augustus became Rome’s first emperor in 27 BC, he took steps to restrict the putting on of
games. He also built Rome’s first amphitheatre and established imperial ludi (i.e. gladiator training
schools). During his reign Augustus also oversaw the construction of amphitheatres in other parts of
the empire. In short, the emperor made absolutely certain that all future games, in all parts of the
empire, would be associated with the imperial family. Technically Roman senators could still
organise games but there were now all sorts of regulations around how often, how much money
could be spent on them, etc. One of Augustus’ most canny changes was to stipulate that praetors
would now be responsible for the games, not aediles. This meant that young, ambitious men could
no longer put on games in the early stages of their political career. These sorts of restrictions were
continued and even expanded by Augustus’ successors.

Augustus included a description of some of the games he hosted in the Res Gestae. The fact that he
chose to include games in the Res Gestae shows that he fully understood the political nature of the
games. He also held games in honour of Julius Caesar.

Three times I gave gladiatorial games in my own name and five times in the names of my sons and
grandsons; at these displays about ten thousand men fought . . . I gave the people twenty-six
venationes [animal hunts] of African animals in either the circus, the forum or the amphitheatre;
about thirty-five hundred animals were killed in these spectacles. Augustus, Res Gestae 22

At the consecration of the shrine to Julius there were all kinds of contests . . . wild beasts and tame
animals were slain in vast numbers, among them a rhinoceros and a hippopotamus, beasts then seen
for the first time in Rome . . . Dacians [from Romania] and Suebi [from Germany] fought in groups
against one another . . . the whole spectacle lasted many days, as one would expect, and there was
no interruption, even though Augustus fell ill, but it was carried on in his absence under the direction
of others. Dio Cassius 51.22

The next passage describes games given by Gaius and Lucius, the grandsons of Augustus.

They did, in fact, have the management of the Circensian games on this occasion . . . Two hundred
and sixty lions were slaughtered in the Circus. There was a gladiatorial combat in the Saepta [a very
large public building in Rome normally used for casting and counting votes during elections], and a
naval battle between the “Persians” and the “Athenians” was given on the spot where even today
(200 years later) some relics of it are still pointed out. Dio Cassius 55.10

As stated in the introduction to this section, the emperors who came after Augustus continued to
restrict the ability of anyone outside of the imperial family to host games. This is reflected in the
next three passages.

[The emperor Claudius] ordered the praetors not to give the customary gladiatorial exhibitions and
also commanded that if anyone else gave them in any place whatsoever, it should at least be
recorded or reported that they were being given for the emperor’s preservation. Dio Cassius 60.5
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Several arrangements were made on the Senate’s authority [when Nero became emperor]. No one
was to receive a fee or a present for pleading a cause; the quaestors-elect were not to be under the
necessity of exhibiting gladiatorial shows. Tacitus, Annals 13.31

The emperor [Nero – in 57 BC] by an edict forbade any magistrate or procurator in the government
of a province to exhibit a show of gladiators, or of wild beasts, or indeed any other public
entertainment; for before this our subjects had been as much oppressed by such bribery as by actual
extortion, while governors sought to screen by corruption the guilty deeds of their own doing.
Tacitus, Annals 13.31

The most famous quote about the games, and arguably one of the most acerbic, comes from the
poet Juvenal (c. AD 55 – 127). His famous, disparaging remark is a comment on the fact that the
Roman people no longer cared about the quality of their political leaders or the state of their society
as long as they were given “panem et circenses” (bread and games): Juvenal, Satires 10.81. The
“panem” part of the quote refers to the fact that the poorest citizens of Rome were given free food
by the government as a form of social welfare.

The games were also a great opportunity for emperors to show themselves to the people. Many
emperors seem to have understood that attendance at public events like the games was essential to
maintain a link with the people. Otherwise a negative public perception of the emperor as aloof and
uncaring could develop. The next three passages show that the emperors Claudius and Trajan
understood this.

He [Claudius] gave many gladiatorial shows and in many places . . . Now there was no form of
entertainment at which he was more familiar and free, even thrusting out his left hand, as the plebs
did, and counting aloud on his fingers the gold pieces which were paid to the victors; and always and
repeatedly he would address the audience, and invite and urge them to merriment, calling them
“domini” [masters] from time to time, and interspersing feeble and far-fetched jokes. Suetonius,
Claudius 21

Scarcely anyone has equalled Trajan in popularity with the people . . . the emperor did not neglect
even actors and the other performers of the stage, the circus, or the amphitheatre, knowing as he did
that the Roman people are held fast by two things above all, the grain-dole and the shows, that the
success of a government depends on games as much as more serious things. Fronto, Preamble to
History 17

Leader and people alike are seated on the same level. From one end to the other [of the circus] is a
uniform plan, a continuous line, and Caesar [Trajan] as a spectator shares the public seats as he does
the spectacle. Thus your subjects will be able to look on you in their turn; they will be permitted to
see not just the Emperor’s box, but their emperor himself, seated among his people. Pliny, Panegyric
51
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The emperor Commodus took things one step further by fighting as a gladiator himself! Obviously,
these fights were staged so that the emperor would remain unharmed. Commodus really did fancy
himself a champion gladiator and also had statues erected in Rome showing him wearing a lion skin
and wielding a club like the mythical hero Hercules. Commodus has gone down in history as a
particularly dangerous and erratic Roman emperor, as the next two passages illustrate.

When he fought, we senators always went together with the equites, although Claudius Pompeianus
the elder never happened to appear . . . preferring to have his throat cut for this rather than to look
at the emperor, son of Marcus Aurelius doing such things. For among other things that we did, we
would shout out whatever we were commanded, and especially these words continually: “You are
lord and you are first, of all men most fortunate! Victor you are, and victor you shall be; from
everlasting, Amazonian, you are victor!” Dio Cassius 73.20

This fear [of Commodus] was shared by all, by us senators as well as by the rest. And here is another
thing that he did to us senators which gave us every reason to look for our death. Having killed an
ostrich and cut off its head, he came up to where we were sitting, holding the head in his left hand
and in his right hand raising aloft his bloody sword; and though he spoke not a word, he nodded his
head with a grin, indicating that he would treat us in the same way. Dio Cassius 73.21

After Commodus’ death the crowd at the games voiced their delight that he had been assassinated.
He had been strangled in the bath by a professional wrestler. The passage below repeatedly refers to
him as “parricide”. The term parricide means someone who has killed a member of their own family.
During his reign Commodus had killed his own sister for plotting against him.

Let the parricide be dragged away! Let the enemy of the fatherland, the parricide, the gladiator, be
mangled in the charnel house! . . . He that killed the senate, let him be dragged with the hook! He
that killed the innocent, let him be dragged with the hook! . . . Good fortune to the Praetorian Guard
[who had arranged his death] . . . Let the memory of the parricide, the gladiator be wiped out! Let the
statues of the parricide, the gladiator, be dragged away! Historia Augusta, Commodus 18–19

hate of Commodus
It became common during the Imperial period for the crowd as a whole, or individual members of
the crowd, to shout out to the emperor at the games asking for things they wanted. The more astute
emperors usually agreed to do whatever was being asked, but some were less keen on agreeing to
every request, and others, like Caligula, made a point of refusing every request or doing the opposite
to what the crowd demanded. The following passages provide examples of both emperors who tried
to please the crowd and those who did not.

What generosity went to provide this spectacle! And what impartiality the emperor [Trajan] showed,
unmoved as he was by personal feelings or else above them. Requests were granted, unspoken
wishes were anticipated, and he did not hesitate to press us urgently to make fresh demands . . . How
freely too the spectators could express their enthusiasm and show their preferences without fear! No
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one risked the old charge of impiety if he disliked a particular gladiator: no spectator found himself
turned spectacle, dragged off by the hook to satisfy grim pleasures, or else cast to the flames!
Domitian [Trajan’s predecessor] was a madman, blind to the true meaning of his position, who used
the arena for collecting charges of high treason, who felt himself despised and condemned if we
failed to revere his gladiators, taking any criticism of them as criticism of himself. Pliny, Panegyric 33

In the same year [AD 33, i.e. during the reign of Tiberius] the high price of grain nearly caused riots.
In the theatre, for several days, sweeping demands were shouted with a freedom of language rarely
displayed to emperors. Upset, Tiberius rebuked the officials and senate for not using their authority
to curtail popular demonstrations. He listed the provinces from which he was importing grain – more
than Augustus. So the senate passed a resolution of old-fashioned strictness censuring the public. The
consuls too issued an equally severe edict. Tiberius was silent. However, this was not taken for
modesty as he hoped, but for arrogance. Tacitus, Annals 6.13

During these and the following days many of the foremost men perished in fulfilment of sentences of
condemnation and many others of less prominence in gladiatorial combats. In fact, there was
nothing but slaughter; for the emperor [Caligula] no longer showed any favour even to the populace,
but opposed absolutely everything they wished, and consequently the people on their part resisted all
his desires. The talk and behaviour that might be expected at such a juncture, with an angry ruler on
one side, and a hostile people on the other, were plainly in evidence. The contest between them,
however, was not an equal one; for the people could do nothing but talk and show something of their
feelings by their gestures, whereas Gaius would destroy his opponents, dragging many away even
while they were witnessing the games and arresting many more after they had left the theatres. The
chief causes of his anger were, first, that they did not show enthusiasm in attending the spectacles
and again, that they did not always applaud the performers that pleased him and sometimes even
showed honour to those whom he disliked. Furthermore, it vexed him greatly to hear them hail him
as "young Augustus" in their efforts to extol him; for he felt that he was not being congratulated
upon being emperor while still so young, but was rather being censured for ruling such an empire at
his age. He was always doing things of the sort that I have related; and once he said, threatening the
whole people: "Would that you had but a single neck." Dio Cassius 59.13

Now at this time came the Circensian games; this spectacle was eagerly desired by the people of
Rome, for they come with great alacrity into the circus at such times, and petition their emperors, in
great multitudes, for what they need; the emperors usually did not deny them their requests, but
readily and gratefully granted them. Accordingly, they most importunately desired that Gaius
[Caligula] would now ease off on their tribute and reduce the harshness of the taxes imposed upon
them; but he would not hear their petition; and when their appeals increased he sent soldiers . . . and
ordered them to seize those that made the disturbance and bring them out and put them to death . .
and the number of those who were killed on this occasion was very great. Now the people saw this,
and bore it so far, that they stopped making noise, because they saw with their own eyes that this
petition to have their payments reduced brought immediate death upon them. These things made
Chaerea [one of Caligula’s Praetorian guards] more determined to go ahead with his plot, in order to
put an end to this barbarity of Gaius against men. Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 19.24–27
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This image depicts the Magerius mosaic, found in an excavation of Roman remains in modern
Tunisia. The mosaic celebrates the staging of games by a man named Magerius. A number of
gladiators fighting animals can be seen, along with an individual holding a tray with bags of money
(possibly prize money for the victors).
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The Colosseum

The construction of the Flavian amphitheatre began during the reign of Vespasian in the 70s AD and
was completed by his son Titus in AD 80. The site they built it on originally had a manmade lake that
made up part of the grounds of the palace of the emperor Nero. The lake had to be drained before
construction began. The site also had an enormous statue (a colossus) that had been erected by
Nero, and this is where we get the name “Colosseum” from. In AD 70 Vespasian had dispatched Titus
to Judaea (modern Israel) to put down a Jewish revolt against Roman rule. Titus returned to Rome in
AD 71 after sacking Jerusalem – the main centre of Jewish resistance. He returned with a large
number of Jewish prisoners-of-war, who were put to work building the new amphitheatre.

The Flavian amphitheatre was the largest amphitheatre built anywhere in the Roman Empire and
could hold at least 50,000 spectators (some experts think it could hold up to 80,000). Each arched
entranceway was numbered, as was each horizontal section of seats, individual row and seat. Each
spectator was given a ceramic ticket with the relevant numbers on it. Once a spectator entered the
building, a series of passages, stairs and ramps directed them towards their seat.

For the first ten years of its life, the amphitheatre had a solid arena floor, but this was then replaced
by a removable floor which had trap doors to allow for the sudden release of animals and gladiators
from below. The substructure consisted of a series of small passageways and rooms for holding
animals, prisoners, gladiators and props/machinery. Manually operated lifts were used to raise and
lower sections of the arena floor. This elaborate substructure was called the hypogeum. The fact
that the hypogeum was only installed ten years after the construction of the building meant that
naumachia (naval games) were possible in the Colosseum in the first decade of its existence.

The building contained public toilets and around 100 water drinking fountains. The interior was
highly decorated with brightly coloured wall paintings. There were two boxes (i.e. special seating
areas) in the Colosseum, one at the north end and one at the south. One was reserved for the
emperor, and the other for the Vestal Virgins. Senators sat in a special section called the podium.
The exterior was equally impressive, with four different levels clearly visible. The bottom level has
Doric columns, the next level has Ionic columns, and the third level has Corinthian columns. In some
places exterior stone corbels survive. They were used to support wooden posts which helped to
support the building’s awning (velarium) as it did not have a permanent roof.

Throughout the Colosseum there were restrictions on who could sit where. Some of these
designations pre-dated the building of the Colosseum and applied generally to seating in all public
venues. The first 14 rows were reserved for equestrians, and women had to sit in the back rows, i.e.
in the fourth tier of seating. There was also a ban on the wearing of dark cloaks in all tiers except the
fourth tier. By the time the Colosseum was built, the old practice of being allowed to occupy any
seat you wished the night before an event had been discontinued.

Horatius was watching the show just now in a black cloak, the only one in the entire crowd, while the
plebs and the equestrians and the senators sat dressed in white together with our revered leader.
Suddenly snow fell from the sky. Horatius watches in a white cloak. Martial, Epigrams 4.2
 17
Naval Games
Naumachia

Naumachia was what the Romans called the naval games. These were special events that involved
the recreation of famous naval battles. There was no permanent venue for these events. Instead,
when needed, the Romans would flood a suitable area and erect temporary seating around it. Once
the event was over, the area would be drained again. Because of the huge volumes of water
involved, and the use of very large ships, a large area was needed. There is some evidence to suggest
that the Colosseum was used for naval games in the first ten years of its existence.

For Titus suddenly filled this same theatre with water and brought in horses and bulls and some other
domesticated animals that had been taught to behave in the water just as on land. He also brought
in people on ships, who engaged in a sea-fight there. Dio Cassius 66.25

At the dedication of the amphitheatre and the baths, which had been hastily built beside it, Titus
provided a most lavish gladiatorial show; he also staged a sea-fight on the old artificial lake, and
when the water had been let out, used the area for further gladiatorial contests and an animal hunt.
Suetonius, Titus 7

Domitian presented many extravagant entertainments in the Colosseum and the Circus. Besides the
usual two-horse chariot races he staged a couple of battles, one for infantry, the other for cavalry; a
sea-fight in the amphitheatre. Suetonius, Domitian 4

If you are here from a distant land, a late spectator for whom this was the first day of the sacred
show, let not the naval warfare deceive you with its ships, and the water like to a sea: here but lately
was land. Martial, Spectacles 27
 18

The Gladiators

The first step for an editor organising games was to source gladiators. The way to do this was to
contact a lanista (owner/manager of a ludus) and negotiate the number and types of gladiators to be
used, and their cost. If any famous, champion gladiators were to be used, this would have a
significant impact on the cost.

There were three basic categories of “performer” used in the games. The first was prisoners-of-war.
These prisoners could be made fight to the death for the amusement of the crowd. Technically they
were not “proper” gladiators as they had not gone through specialist training in a ludus. This extract
describes the use of Jewish prisoners-of-war by the emperor Titus as he travelled through the
Middle East on his way back to Rome.

During his stay at Caesarea Maritima Titus celebrated his brother’s birthday with great splendour,
reserving for his honour much of the punishment of his Jewish captives. For the number of those
destroyed in contests with wild beasts or with one another or in the flames was more than two
thousand five hundred . . . After this Titus passed to Beirut . . . here he made a longer stay, displaying
still greater magnificence on the occasion of his father’s birthday . . . Multitudes of captives perished
in the same manner as before. Josephus, The Jewish War 7.37–40

The second category was that of condemned criminals (Damnati). These criminals would be
executed in front of the crowd. There were two basic ways of doing this: armed and unarmed.
Sending unarmed criminals into the arena against wild animals was very common. The other
common method was to arm them and make them fight each other in groups but, like the prisoners-
of-war, they were not true gladiators. Very occasionally, instead of facing certain death in the arena,
a condemned criminal would be sent to a ludus to be properly trained. This gave them a chance of
surviving and fighting their way to freedom.

The last group consisted of proper gladiators, those who had been trained professionally over a long
period of time. These were usually slaves purchased by a lanista who saw potential in them. Some
free citizens did choose to become gladiators, but this appears to have been very rare. There were
lots of different types of gladiators, each with their own style of armour and weapons. What type
you were greatly influenced your fighting style. These “real” gladiators were the highlight of the
games and stood a reasonable chance of surviving even if they were defeated.

The Roman attitude towards gladiators was contradictory. On the one hand they were looked down
on because of their status as slaves but, on the other, they were revered as sporting heroes and sex
symbols. Some of the graffiti about gladiators found in Pompeii reveals this:

Celadus the Thraex, he makes the girls moan. Three fights, three victories.

Celadus the Thraex, the glory of the girls.

 19

In one of his poems Juvenal wrote about the wife of a senator who had left her husband for a
gladiator.

What beauty set Eppia on fire? What youth captured her? What did she see that made her endure
being called a gladiator’s woman? For her darling Sergius was already middle-aged and had begun to
hope for retirement due to a wounded arm. Moreover, there were many deformities on his face . . .
but he was a gladiator: this makes them hyacinthuses [beautiful]. She preferred this to her children . .
that woman preferred this to her husband. The sword is what they love. Juvenal, Satire 6.102–112

It was even rumoured that Commodus’ father was not Marcus Aurelius but one of his mother’s
gladiator lovers.

Some say, and this seems plausible, that Commodus . . . was not begotten by him [Marcus Aurelius]
but from an adulterous union . . . Allegedly Faustina, Marcus’ wife, had once seen gladiators pass by
and was inflamed with passion for one of them. While troubled by a long illness she confessed to her
husband about her passion . . . it is reasonably well known that Faustina chose both sailors and
gladiators as lovers for herself. Historia Augusta, Marcus Antoninus 19

The overwhelming majority of gladiators were male, but there is evidence for the rare appearance of
female gladiators at the games, though their level of training does not appear to have matched that
of the men. The emperor Septimius Severus (reigned from AD 193 – 211) eventually banned female
gladiators entirely.

In dedicating the amphitheatre and the baths that bear his name Titus produced many remarkable
spectacles . . . animals both tame and wild were slain to the number of nine thousand, and women
took part in dispatching them. Dio Cassius 66.25

Domitian presented many extravagant entertainments in the Colosseum and the Circus . . . a sea-
fight in the amphitheatre; wild-beast hunts; gladiatorial shows by torchlight in which women as well
as men took part. Suetonius, Domitian 4
 20

This grafitto from Pompeii praises the accomplishments of a novice gladiator called Marcus Attilius.
The middle line reads:

Marcus Attilius the novice won. Hilarus of the Neronian school, 14 fights, 13 wins, was reprieved.

The bottom line refers to the second fight of Marcus Attilius:

Marcus Attilius 1 fight, 1 win, won. Raecius felix 12 fights, 12 wins, was reprieved.

The top line says that the games were at Nola and there was a four-horse chariot race. It also depicts
musicians on the right. It then gives the following results:

Prieps of the Neronian school, 12 fights, 10 wins, won.

Hilarus of the Neronian school, 14 fights, won.

Creunus, 7 fights, 5 wins, was reprieved.

21
 22

A Day at the Games

A typical day at the games consisted of three parts: animal hunts in the morning (venationes),
executions of criminals at midday and gladiatorial combat in the afternoon. The games would be
advertised in advance by painting notices on buildings. None of these advertisements survive in
Rome today but a number of them have been found in Pompeii.

Twenty pairs of gladiators provided by Decimus Lucretius Satrius Valens . . . and ten pairs provided by
Decimus Lucretius Valens, his son, will fight at Pompeii 8–12 April. There will be a really big hunt and
the awnings will be up.

Of course, news of upcoming games also spread through word-of-mouth. On the morning of the
games there would be a parade of the gladiators taking part before any fighting began. The parade
also included musicians (a bit like a marching band) and men carrying statues of the gods and other
religious symbols placed on wooden platforms, which were then carried on their shoulders. After the
parade an announcer would call out details of the day’s planned events. This would always include
key details about the gladiators taking part, for example how many previous victories they had.

The venationes followed a set pattern. Either animals would be pitted against one another or
animals would be sent in to the arena against human gladiators (bestiarii). The Romans used all kinds
of dangerous animals for these fights but the most common were large cats, e.g. lions, leopards and
cheetahs.

At these spectacles [given by the emperor Septimius Severus] sixty wild boars . . . fought together at
a signal, and among many other wild beasts that were slain were an elephant and a hyena . . . The
entire arena of the amphitheatre had been constructed to resemble a boat in shape, with a capacity
for holding or releasing four hundred beasts at once; and, as it suddenly fell apart, bears, lionesses,
panthers, lions, ostriches, wild asses and bisons . . . came rushing out so that seven hundred beasts
total, both wild and domesticated, all at once were seen running about and were slaughtered. Dio
Cassius 77.1

To be sure, the show, if you are interested, was on the most lavish scale, but it would have been little
to your taste, to judge by my own . . . the venationes, two every day for five days, magnificent –
nobody says otherwise. But what pleasure can a cultivated man get out of seeing a weak human
being torn to pieces by a powerful animal or a splendid animal transfixed by a hunting spear?
Anyhow, if these sights are worth seeing, you have seen them often; and we spectators saw nothing
new. Cicero, Letters to his Friends 7.1 (Written to Marius in 55 BC)

The Romans used a bewildering variety of methods to execute criminals but the two most common
were forcing them to fight one another or releasing wild animals to attack them. The next three
passages all describe executions.
 23
Audience experience
I happened to go to one of these shows at the time of the lunch-hour interlude, expecting there to be
some light and witty entertainment then, some respite for the purpose of affording people’s eyes a
rest from human blood. Far from it. All the earlier contests were charity in comparison. The nonsense
is dispensed with now: what we have now is murder pure and simple. The combatants have nothing
to protect them; their whole bodies are exposed to the blows; every thrust they launch gets home . . .
There are no helmets and no shields repelling the weapons. What is the point of armour? Or of skill?
All that sort of thing just makes the death slower in coming . . . The spectators insist that each on
killing his man shall be thrown against another to be killed in his turn; and the eventual victor is
reserved by them for some other form of butchery; the only exit for the contestants is death. Fire and
steel keep the slaughter going. And all this happens while the arena is virtually empty. Seneca,
Letters 7

Recently, in my own experience a certain Selouros, called the “Son of Etna”, was sent to Rome
because he had commanded an army and terrorised the area around Mount Etna for a long time
with frequent raiding [Mt. Etna is in Sicily, and Selouros was the leader of a large gang of armed
criminals]. I saw him torn to pieces by the beasts in the amphitheatre while a contest of gladiators
was being performed. He had been put on a high platform, as though on Mount Etna, and when the
platform suddenly broke up and collapsed, he himself crashed down into wild-beast cages which
easily broke open, placed beneath the platform in readiness for this purpose. Strabo, Geography 6.2

As Prometheus, bound on a Scythian crag, fed the tireless bird with his abundant breast, so did
Laureolus, hanging on no fake cross, give his naked flesh to a Caledonian boar. His lacerated limbs
lived on, dripping gore . . . Finally he met with the punishment he deserved; the guilty wretch had
plunged a sword into his father’s throat or his master’s, or in his madness had robbed a temple of
gold, or laid a cruel torch to Rome. The criminal had outdone the misdeeds of ancient story; in him,
what had been a play became an execution. Martial, Spectacles 9

A Roman mosaic from North Africa, c. AD 200.

 24

The highlight of the day was the fights between the gladiators. Strange as it might seem, these fights
had a referee (called the summa rudis). The referee would pause the fight if the weapon(s) of one of
the gladiators broke or if the fight had been going on for a long time and the referee judged that
both gladiators needed a break. The fight would also be paused if one of the gladiators was unable
to fight on due to wounds and/or exhaustion. The defeated gladiator could ask for missio (a
reprieve) by raising a finger. The summa rudis would then look to the editor, who would usually be
seated somewhere prominent, to decide the outcome. Normally the crowd would shout out either
missum (let him go) or Iugula (slit his throat). The call of missum could be accompanied by the
waving of a cloth. The shout of Iugula was often accompanied by a raised fist with the thumb out.
The thumb being out was the “kill” gesture. There is no agreement amongst the experts on the exact
form of the thumb gesture. The idea of a thumbs up or thumbs down for save/kill is a Hollywood
invention. The desire of the crowd for either kill or save was influenced by how well the defeated
gladiator had fought and how well established they were as a champion fighter. An editor could
make themselves unpopular very quickly by going against the crowd so they usually went with the
crowd’s choice. If the decision was “kill” the victorious gladiator would finish off the loser and their
body would be dragged away using a hook. We have some examples of fights that were so evenly
matched that the editor eventually declared a draw and allowed both gladiators to live, but this was
very, very rare.
 25

Once the games were over the results of the fights would be painted alongside the original
advertisements for the games. Some examples of this have survived in Pompeii.

Pugnax, a Thracian of the Neronian school with three fights to his credit, won.

Murranus, a myrmillo of the Neronian school with three fights, was killed.

Cycnus, a hoplomachus of the Julian school with eight fights, won.

Atticus, a Thracian with fourteen fights, was reprieved.

The crowd could get very excited at the games in their support of a particular gladiator, and it was
not unheard of for violence to break out between members of the crowd. The most famous example
of this happened in AD 59, during the reign of the emperor Nero.

About the same time a trifling beginning led to frightful bloodshed between the inhabitants of
Nuceria and Pompeii at a gladiatorial show . . . they began with abusive language of each other; then
they took up stones and at last weapons, the advantage resting with the populace of Pompeii, where
the show was being exhibited. And so there were brought to Rome a number of the people of
Nuceria, with their bodies mutilated by wounds, and many lamented the deaths of children or of
parents. The emperor entrusted the trial of the case to the senate . . . the inhabitants of Pompeii
were forbidden to have any such public gathering for ten years. Tacitus, Annals 14.17
 26

This contemporary wall-painting depicts the riot of AD 59.

During the Imperial period free food would be handed out at the games, and small wooden balls
with inscriptions on them would be thrown into the crowd. These wooden balls could then be
exchanged for prizes including clothing, silver and gold cups, horses, cattle and slaves. The prize won
would depend on the inscription on the surface of the ball. Unsurprisingly, with some very valuable
prizes up for grabs, the crowd would be very keen to get possession of the wooden balls. Seneca,
writing in the first century AD, describes this competition for the prizes.

Some of these prizes have already been torn to pieces in the hands of those who try to snatch them,
others have been divided among untrustworthy partnerships, and still others have been snatched to
the great detriment of those whose possessions they have come . . . others have been lost to their
seekers because they were snatching too eagerly for them and, just because they are greedily seized
upon, have been knocked from their hands . . . The most sensible man, therefore, runs from the
theatre as soon as he sees the little gifts being brought in; for he knows that one pays a high price for
small favours. No one will grapple with him on the way out, or strike him as he departs; the
quarrelling takes place where the prizes are. Seneca, Letters 74.7
 27

It is clear from a number of different sources that, before the segregation of men and women at the
games, they were viewed as a great opportunity for young, single people to meet.

Don’t overlook the meetings when horses are running; in the crowds at the track opportunity waits . .
sit as close as you like; no one will stop you at all. In fact, you will have to sit close – that’s one of the
rules, at a race track . . . contact is part of the game. Try to find something in common, to open the
conversation . . . if her cloak hangs low, and the ground is getting it dirty, gather it up with care, lift it
a little, so! Maybe, by the way of reward, and not without her approval, you’ll be able to see ankle or
possibly knee. Then look around and glare at the fellow who’s sitting behind you, don’t let him crowd
his knees into her delicate spine . . . There is another good ground, the gladiatorial shows. On that
sorrowful sand Cupid has often competed, and the watcher of wounds often gets wounded himself.
While he is talking, or touching a hand . . . he groans to feel the shaft of the arrow; he is a victim
himself, no more spectator, but show. Ovid, The Art of Love 1.135–170

A few months afterwards there was a gladiatorial spectacle, and since the places for men and
women in the theatre were not yet separated, but still promiscuous, it chanced that there was sitting
near Sulla a woman of great beauty and splendid birth; she was a daughter of Messala, a sister of
Hortensius the orator, and her name was Valeria, and it so happened that she had recently been
divorced from her husband. As she passed along behind Sulla, she rested her hand upon him, plucked
off a bit of wool from his cloak, and then proceeded to her own place. When Sulla looked at her in
astonishment, she said: It's nothing of importance, Dictator, but I too wish to benefit a little from
your good luck. Sulla was not displeased at hearing this, no, it was at once clear that his fancy was
taken, for he secretly sent [a slave] and asked for her name, and inquired about her family and
history. Then followed mutual glances, continual turnings of the face to gaze, interchanges of smiles,
and eventually negotiations began for marriage. Plutarch, Sulla 35

No, indeed, in every kind of spectacle he will meet with no greater temptation than that over careful
attire of women and men. That sharing of feelings and that agreement or disagreement over
favourites fan the sparks of lust. Tertullian, On the Spectacles 25.2

Pre-Christian criticism of the games is rare as they were clearly very popular with the masses. The
next passage is a rare example of a pre-Christian writer condemning the games.

Do you ask me what you should regard as especially to be avoided? I say, crowds; for as yet you
cannot trust yourself to them with safety. I shall admit my own weakness, at any rate; for I never
bring back home the same character that I took abroad with me. Something of that which I have
forced to be calm within me is disturbed; some of the foes that I have routed return again. Just as the
sick man, who has been weak for a long time, is in such a condition that he cannot be taken out of
the house without suffering a relapse, so we ourselves are affected when our souls are recovering
from a lingering disease. To consort with the crowd is harmful; there is no person who does not make
some vice attractive to us, or stamp it upon us, or taint us unconsciously. Certainly, the greater the
mob with which we mingle, the greater the danger.
 28

But nothing is so damaging to good character as the habit of lounging at the games; By chance I
attended a mid-day exhibition, expecting some fun, wit, and relaxation, – an exhibition at which
men's eyes have respite from the slaughter of their fellow-men. But it was quite the reverse. The
previous combats were the essence of compassion; but now all the trifling is put aside and it is pure
murder. The men have no defensive armour. They are exposed to blows at all points, and no one ever
strikes in vain. Many persons prefer this programme to the usual pairs . . . Of course they do; there is
no helmet or shield to deflect the weapon. What is the need of defensive armour, or of skill? All these
mean delaying death. In the morning they throw men to the lions and the bears; at noon, they throw
them to the spectators. The spectators demand that the slayer shall face the man who is to slay him
in his turn; and they always reserve the last conqueror for butchering. The outcome of every fight is
death, and the means are fire and sword. This sort of thing goes on while the arena is empty.

You may retort: "But he was a highway robber; he killed a man!" And what of it? Granted that, as a
murderer, he deserved this punishment, what crime have you committed, poor fellow, that you
should deserve to sit and see this show? In the morning they cried "Kill him! Lash him! Burn him! Why
does he meet the sword in so cowardly a way? Why does he strike so feebly? Why doesn't he die
willingly? Whip him to meet his wounds! . . . " And when the games stop for the intermission, they
announce: ‘A little throat-cutting in the meantime, so that there may still be something going on!’"

Come now; do you not understand even this truth, that a bad example reacts on the agent? Thank
the immortal gods that the men to whom you are giving a lesson in cruelty are not in a position to
profit from it. Seneca, Letters from a Stoic 7
 29

The Circus Maximus

The Circus Maximus was the largest chariot racing stadium in ancient Rome and was much older
than the Colosseum. The first version of the Circus Maximus was built in the sixth century BC, but
many changes and additions were made over time, and the later, imperial version of the stadium
was very different. The imperial circus was approximately 550 metres long, with the starting boxes
(carceres) at the short, straight end. These boxes could all be opened at the same time by a single
mechanism, just like modern horse and greyhound racing. The track was divided lengthwise by the
spina (the ancient sources often call it the euripus), around which the chariots raced. There were
two sets of lap-counters on the spina – one set shaped like eggs, the other like dolphins. A counter
would be lowered after each lap was completed. Augustus added a huge Egyptian obelisk to the
spina after his defeat of Marc Antony and Cleopatra.

The track had white lines painted on it to designate lanes. The chariots had to stay in their lanes at
the start of the race but could ignore the lanes after they reached a certain point. The key to winning
was to hug the inside of the track as this meant you could get round the corners much faster than
those in the outside lanes. The track also had metae (turning posts) at both ends. The circus also had
an imperial box (pulvinar) and multi-tiered stone seating. The estimated capacity is up to 150,000
spectators. The exterior had a series of arcades which functioned as shops. Because the circus
substantially pre-dated Rome’s first amphitheatres, it served as a venue for gladiatorial combat as
well as chariot racing.

Just like gladiatorial games, circus games began with a pompa (parade). The editor would ride at the
front of the procession in a chariot. Behind him came the relevant elected officials either in chariots
or on horseback, then the drivers racing that day in their chariots followed by musicians and priests
carrying sacred objects.

The drivers raced for one of four different, colour-coded teams; the colours were blue, white, green
and red. Typically, fans would always support the same colour, a bit like someone today supporting
the same football team their whole life. Some chariot drivers were slaves, but many were not. They
usually began their careers in their teens but would continue well into adulthood. The drivers did not
own the horses they raced, but their cut of the prize money after a victory could be substantial. Also,
the drivers could (and did) bet on themselves. The most successful drivers became very, very
wealthy.

The two most common types of chariots used for racing were the biga (two-horse chariot) and the
quadriga (four-horse chariot), although they did use other sizes, right up to a ten-horse chariot. At
the start of a race, the drivers would take up position in the carceres and the editor would drop a
cloth as a sign that the carceres were to be opened. Which individual stall in the carceres a driver got
was determined by lot. Members of the same team would work together during a race to block
opponents, etc. Racing was highly dangerous for the drivers, and a crash could result in serious
injury or death. The drivers wore helmets and padded clothing and carried a knife to cut themselves
free of the reins if they crashed.
 30

A Roman mosaic from the third century AD depicting drivers wearing the colours of the four
teams.

The next passage is taken from the Punica of Silius Italicus. The Punica is an account of the Second
Punic War between Rome and Carthage, written in verse. In this particular extract Silius Italicus
describes a chariot race held by the Roman general Scipio to celebrate his victory in Spain in 206 BC.

Then he [Scipio] turned to the race-course, designed to test

the speed of the horses, and began the first contest

of the games. With the starting-gates still barred,

the eager crowd surged to and fro with a roar like

the ocean and, in furious partisanship, fixed their

eye on the barrier behind which the chariots waited.

Now, the signal given, the bolts shot back noisily,

 31

and the first hooves had scarcely flashed in sight

when a wild storm of cries rose to the sky. Leaning

forward like the charioteers, each man studied that

team he favoured, shouting at the swift lead horse.

The ground shook with the spectators’ enthusiasm,

and the intensity robbed every man of his senses.

They pushed forward, driving the teams on with

their cries. A cloud of yellow dust rose from that

sandy soil, veiling the charioteers’ valiant efforts,

and the horses’ progress, in darkness. One man

will back his favourite charioteer, another some

noted lead horse, some trusting in that from their

own country, others the fame of an ancient stud;

one man is full of joyous hope for some novice,

another the experience of a well-tried veteran.

Lampon led from the start, a lead-horse bred in

Galicia; the rest behind, he raced through the air,

the chariot flying, as he galloped the course with

huge stride, setting a breeze blowing in his wake.

The crowd roared, thinking that after such a start

the race was won, but those with more experience

of the course, and deeper knowledge, criticised

the charioteer for setting too fast a pace initially,

protesting vainly, from afar, that he had tired his

team with his efforts and held nothing in reserve:

“Why so fast then, Cyrnus (he being the charioteer),

less whip and a tighter rein!” But he was deaf, alas,

to their cries and flew on, unsparing of his horses,

forgetting how much ground was yet to be covered.

Next came Panchates, a lead-horse bred in Asturia,

a chariot-length behind, no more. Conspicuous for

 32

the four white feet and white forehead of his sires,

he was not very tall or handsome but full of fire,

and now his fierce spirit lent him wings, as he sped

over the plain, straining at the reins, seeming to grow

in stature and fly faster as he ran. His charioteer was

Hiberus, dressed in scarlet tunic of a Cinyphian dye.

Third, but neck and neck, ran Pelorus and Caucasus,

the latter a fractious beast that shunned the hand that

patted its flank, but loved to bite and champ the iron

in its mouth till the blood foamed; while the former,

more submissive and obedient to the rein, never swerved

aside taking the chariot with him, but held to the inside

grazing the turning-post. He was noted for the strength

of his neck and his dense rippling mane . . .

His chariot was manned by noble Durius . . .

Atlas was last, though with Durius

alongside, racing no faster, so one might have thought

the two were driving peaceably together, keeping level.

With half the distance covered they quickened pace,

and the spirited Panchates, straining to catch the team

ahead, seemed to rear high, about to mount Lampon’s

chariot, striking and rattling it, with out-flung forefeet.

Hiberus, his charioteer, seeing Cyrnus and his Galician

team tiring, and their chariot no longer leaping forward,

while the sweating horses were driven on by frequent

harsh blows of the whip, leaned out above his horses’

heads, and hanging there flicked Panchates, who chafed

at racing behind, calling out to him: “On, on, Asturian,

who dare snatch the prize if you are here? Up, fly, glide

over the ground now with all your speed, as if on wings!

Lampon is breathing hard, his strength is gone, he has

 33

nothing left within him to carry to the winning post.”

At this, Panchates leapt onward, as if he were once more

starting from the gate, and Cyrnus, though swerving to

thwart him, and straining to catch him, was left behind.

The earth and sky echoed to the cries of the spectators,

while Panchates ran on in triumph, lifting his head high,

drawing on the other three horses completing the team.

The trailing charioteers, Atlas and Durius, swerved

about, resorting to cunning; first the one trying to

pass his rival on the left, then the other striving to

overtake on the right, but both failing in their efforts.

Finally, Durius, young and confident, leant forward

and, jerking the reins, drove straight across his rival’s

path, so striking Atlas’ chariot, then overturning it.

Atlas, his age telling, cried out in rightful protest:

“What now? What wild manner of racing is this?

You’ll kill me and my horses.” As he shouted, he fell

headfirst from his shattered chariot, while the poor

horses too fell sprawling to the ground, as the victor

shook his reins and Pelorus surged up the centre of

the track, leaving Atlas struggling to rise. Cyrnus

and his weary team were soon caught, passed at a

quickening pace, Cyrnus learning too late the merit

of controlling one’s speed at the start. Shouts of

applause from his supporters now drove Durius on.

Pelorus’ head was at the anxious Hiberus’ shoulders,

the charioteer feeling hot foaming breath on his neck.

Durius pressed harder, whipping his team on over

the ground, and not in vain, as, coming on the right,

he was, or seemed to be, neck and neck with his rival.

Full of the prospect of imminent glory he cried out:

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“Now, now is the time, Pelorus, to show you are

born of the west wind . . .”

And had he not been deceived, by thoughts of success

and premature delight, into dropping his whip, even

as he spoke, Durius perhaps would have consecrated

the altar so vowed to the west wind. Now, as wretched

as if the victor’s garland had fallen from his head, he

vented his rage against himself, ripping the clothes,

the gold-embroidered garments, from his breast, in

tears, pouring out his complaints to the sky above.

With his whip gone, the horses no longer obeyed,

as he lashed at their backs, in vain, with the reins.

Meanwhile Panchates sped on to certain victory,

taking the first prize with head aloft, as a light

breeze rippled the mane at his neck and shoulders,

steeping out proudly he displayed his noble limbs,

and a mighty shout greeted his win. Each charioteer

received a battle-axe with inlaid work in pure silver,

while the respective prizes differed greatly in value.

Hiberus received a swift steed, a not unworthy gift

from the Numidian king; Durius, second in merit,

two goblets gilded with gold of the Tagus, taken

from a vast heap of Carthaginian plunder; while

the third prize, granted to Cyrnus, was the shaggy

hide of a savage lion, and a Carthaginian helmet

with bristling crest; while, Scipio, summoned

Atlas finally to receive a prize, acknowledging

his age, and ill-fortune in having fallen when

his chariot was wrecked. This was a handsome

slave to serve him, and a cap of Spanish leather.

Silius Italicus, Punica 16.303–456

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The next passage also describes a chariot race and is also written in verse, but it is much later than
the previous passage, dating to the fifth century AD. Interestingly, very little seems to have changed
over the 700 years in the way chariot races were conducted.

. . . you chose one of the

four chariots by lot and mounted it, laying a tight grip on the hanging reins.

Your partner did the same, so did the opposing side. Brightly gleam the colors,

white and blue, green and red, your several badges. Servants’ hands hold mouth

and reins and with knotted cords force the twisted manes to hide themselves,

and all the while they incite the steeds, eagerly cheering them with encouraging

pats and instilling a rapturous frenzy. There behind the barriers chafe those

beasts, pressing against the fastenings, while a vapoury blast comes forth between

the wooden bars and even before the race, the arena they have not yet entered

is filled with their panting breath. They push, they bustle, they drag, they

struggle, they rage, they jump, they fear and are feared; never are their feet still,

but restlessly they last the hardened timber. At last the herald with loud blare of

trumpet calls forth the impatient teams and launches the fleet chariots into the

field. The swoop of forked lightning, the arrow sped by Scythian string, the trail

of the swiftly-falling star, the leaden hurricane of bullets whirled from Balearic

slings has never so rapidly split the airy paths of the sky. The ground gives way

under the wheels and the air is filled with the dust that rises in their track.

The drivers, while they wield the reins, ply the lash; now they stretch forward

over the chariots with stooping breasts, and so they sweep along, striking the

horses’ withers [shoulders] and leaving their backs untouched. With charioteers so prone it

would puzzle you to pronounce whether they were more supported by the pole

or by the wheels. Now as if flying out of sight on wings, you had traversed the

more open part and you were hemmed in by the space that is cramped by

design, amid which the central barrier has extended its long low double-walled

structure. When the farther metae freed you all from restraint once more, your

partner went ahead of the two others who had passed you; so then, according

to the law of the circling course, you had to take the fourth track. The drivers in
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the middle were intent that if perhaps the first man, embarrassed by a dash of

his steeds too much to the right, should leave a space open on the left by

heading for the surrounding seats, he would be passed by a chariot driven in on

the near side. As for you, bending double with the very force of the effort, you

keep a tight rein on your team and with consummate skill wisely reserve them

for the seventh [last] lap. The others are busy with hand and voice, and everywhere

the sweat of the drivers and flying steeds falls in drops onto the field. The

hoarse roar from applauding fans stirs the heart, and the contestants, both

horses and men, are warmed by the race and chilled by fear. Thus they go once

round, then a second time; thus goes the third lap, thus the fourth; but in the

fifth turn the foremost man, unable to bear the pressure of his pursuers, swerved

his vehicle aside, for he had found, as he gave command to his fleet team, that

their strength was exhausted. Now the return half of the sixth lap was

completed and the crowd was already clamoring for the award of the prizes;

your competitors, with no fear of any effort from you, were scouring the track

in front with no concern, when suddenly you drew taut the reins all together,

tensed up your chest, planted your feet firmly before you, and chafed the

mouths of your swift steeds . . . then one of the others, clinging to the shortest

route round the turning post, was pressed forward by you and his team, carried

away beyond control by their onward rush, could no longer be wheeled around

in a harmonious course . . . The other adversary, exulting in the public plaudits,

ran too far to the right, close to the spectators; then as he turned aside and all

too late after long indifference urged his horses with the whip, you sped straight

past your swerving rival. Then the enemy in reckless haste overtook you and,

foolishly thinking that his first man had already gone ahead, shamelessly made

for your wheel with a sideways rush. His horses were brought down, a multitude

of intruding legs entered the wheels, and the twelve spokes were crowded until

a crack came from those crammed spaces and the turning rim shattered the

entangled feet; then he, a fifth victim, was flung from his chariot, which fell

upon him, caused a mountain of manifold havoc, and blood disfigured his

prostrate brow. Sidonius Apollinaris, To Consentius 23.320–425

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The inscription below is taken from the funeral monument of a second-century AD chariot driver
called Diocles. It is a wonderful primary source filled with all sorts of revealing information about the
life of a chariot driver at the time.

Gaius Appuleius Diocles, charioteer of the Red faction, from the Spanish Lusitanian people, aged 42
years, 7 months, 23 days. He drove his first chariot in the White faction, in the consulship of Acilius
Aviola and Corellius Pansa. He won his first victory in the same faction, in the consulship of Manius
Acilius Glabrio and Gaius Bellicius Torquatus. He drove for the first time in the Green faction in the
consulship of Torquatus Asprenas and Annius Libo. He won his first victory in the Red faction in the
consulship of Laenas Pontianus and Antonius Rufinus. Totals: he drove chariots for 24 years, emerged
from the starting gate 4,257 times and won 1,462 victories, 110 in opening races. In single-entry
races he won 1,064 victories, winning 92 major prizes, 32 of them, including three with six-horse
teams, at 30,000 sesterces, 28, including two with six-horse teams, at 40,000 sesterces, 29 (including
1 with a seven-horse team) at 50,000 sesterces, and 3 at 60,000 sesterces; in two entry races he won
347 victories, including four with three-horse teams at 15,000 sesterces; in three-entry races he won
51 victories. He won or placed 2,900 times, taking 861 second places, 576 third places, and one
fourth place at 1,000 sesterces; he failed to place 1,351 times. He tied a Blue for first place ten times
and a White 91 times, twice for 30,000 sesterces. He won a total of 35,863,120 sesterces. In addition,
in races with two-horse teams for 1,000 he won three times and tied a White once and a Green
twice. He took the lead and won 815 times, came from behind to win 67 times, and won in a final
dash 502 times (216 over the Greens, 205 over the Blues, 81 over the Whites). He made nine horses
100-time winners and one a 200-time winner. CIL 14.2884

The Roman satirists Martial and Juvenal both commented in their poems on how much money a
charioteer could make.

Spare at length the weary congratulator, Rome, the weary client. How long shall I be a caller,
earning a hundred coppers in a whole day, among escorts and petty clients, when Scorpus in a single
hour carries off as winner fifteen heavy bags of gold hot from the mint? Martial, Epigrams 10.50

How about advocates then? Tell me the sum they extract from their work in court, those bulging
bundles of briefs. They talk big enough . . . yet if you check their incomes (real, not declared), you’ll
find that a hundred lawyers make only as much as Lacerta of the Reds. Juvenal, Satires 7.105–114

Some of the chariot-racing fans in ancient Rome were fanatical about their own team (colour) and
would even go as far as asking the gods to curse individual drivers and/or horses from the other
teams. The next two extracts are taken from inscriptions on Roman curse tablets. These were
(normally) small, thin sheets of lead, although other materials were used as well, which would be
buried in the ground.
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. . . tie up, bind the feet, the hands, the nerves, the eyes, the knees, the courage, the leaps, the whip,
the victory and the crowning of Porphyras and Hapsicrates, who are in the middle-left, as well as his
co-drivers of the Blue-colors in the stable of Eugenius . . . in the circus at the moment when they are
about to compete may they not squeeze over, may they not collide, may they not extend, may they
not force [us] out, may they not overtake, may they not break off [in a new direction] for the entire
day when they are about to race. May they be broken, may they be dragged, may they be destroyed.
SEG, 34 (1984) #1437:25

I invoke you, spirit of one untimely dead, whoever you are . . . Bind the horses whose names and
images/likeness on this tablet I entrust to you; of the Red [team]: Silvanus, Servator, Lues, Zephyrus,
Blandus, Imbraius, Dives, Mariscus, Rapidus, Oriens, Arbustus; of the Blues: Imminens, Dignus, Linon,
Paezon, Chrysaspis, Argutus, Diresor, Frugiferus, Euphrates, Sanctus, Aethiops, Praeclarus . . . Bind
their running, their power, their soul, their onrush, their speed. Take away their victory, entangle
their feet, hinder them, hobble them, so that tomorrow morning in the circus they are not able to
run or walk about, or win, or go out of the starting gates, or advance either on the racecourse, or
circle around the turning point; but may they fall with their drivers, Euprepes, son of Telesphoros,
and Gentius and Felix, and Dionysius “the biter” and Lamuros. Bind their hands, take away their
victory, their exit, their sight, so that they are unable to see their rival charioteers, but rather snatch
them up from their chariots and twist them to the ground so that they alone fall, dragged along all
over the hippodrome, especially at the turning points, with damage to their body, with the horses
whom they drive. Now, quickly. Defixionum Tabellae 237:28

A mosaic showing the famous third-century AD charioteer Polydus.

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The best horses were also revered, almost as much as the best drivers. The emperor Caligula went to
great lengths to care for his favourite chariot team horse, Incitatus. It is even claimed that he had the
drivers and horses from rival teams poisoned.

To prevent Incitatus, his favourite horse, from being disturbed [Caligula] always picketed the
neighborhood with troops on the day before the races, ordering them to enforce absolute silence.
Incitatus owned a marble stable, an ivory stall, purple blankets, and a jeweled collar; also a house, a
team of slaves, and furniture – to provide suitable entertainment for guests whom Gaius invited in
[the horse’s] name. Suetonius, Caligula 55

Yet after doing all this he later put the best and most famous of these out of the way by poison. He
did the same also with the horses and charioteers of the rival factions; for he was strongly attached
to the faction that wore green . . . Dio Cassius 59.14:48

The emperor Nero was also an avid fan of the circus.

Horses had been Nero’s main interest since childhood; despite all efforts to the contrary, his chatter
about the chariot races at the Circus could not be stopped . . . [He] came up from the country to
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attend all the races, even minor ones, at first in secret and then without the least embarrassment . . .
He frankly admitted that he wished the number of prizes increased, which meant that more contests
were included and that they lasted until a late hour, and the team managers no longer thought it
worth while to bring out their teams except for a full day’s racing. Suetonius, Nero 22

Some of the surviving written sources about the circus criticise the fanaticism of the more hardcore
fans of racing.

Why are you so violently disturbed? What is the contest? For it is not . . . a question of a kingship or a
wife or a death that hangs in the balance, nay, it is only a contest of slaves for a paltry bit of silver,
slaves who sometimes are defeated and sometimes victorious, but slaves in any case. Dio
Chrysostom, Discourse 32.75:44

Let us now turn to the idle and slothful commons . . . These spend all their life with wine and dice, in
low haunts, pleasures, and the games. Their temple, their dwelling, their assembly, and the height of
all their hopes is the Circus Maximus. You may see many groups of them gathered in the fora, the
cross-roads, the streets, and their other meeting-places, engaged in quarrelsome arguments with
one another, some defending this, others that. Among them those who . . . often swear by their
hoary hair and wrinkles that the state cannot exist if in the coming race the charioteer whom each
favours is not first to rush forth from the barriers, and fails to round the turning-point closely with his
ill-omened horses. And when there is such a dry rot of thoughtlessness, as soon as the longed-for day
of the chariot-races begins to dawn, before the sun is yet shining clearly they all hasten in crowds to
the spot at top speed, as if they would outstrip the very chariots that are to take part in the contest;
and torn by their conflicting hopes about the result of the race, the greater number of them in their
anxiety pass sleepless nights. Ammianus Marcellinus 28.4.28–31:50
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