ARTISANALWHALINGINTHEATLANTIC: ACOMPARATIVESTUDYOFCULTURE,CONFLICT,ANDCONSERVATION INST.VINCENTANDTHEFAROEISLANDS ADissertation SubmittedtotheGraduateFacultyofthe LouisianaStateUniversityand AgriculturalandMechanicalCollege inpartialfulfillmentofthe requirementsforthedegreeof DoctorofPhilosophy in TheDepartmentofGeographyandAnthropology RussellFielding B.S.,UniversityofFlorida,2000 M.A.

,UniversityofMontana,2005 December,2010

Dedicatedtomymother, whofirsttookmetotheseaandtaughtmetoexplore.

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This dissertation has benefitted from the assistance, advice, inspiration, and effort of many people. Kent Mathewson, my advisor and major professor, provided the kind of leadership and direction under which I work best, offering guidance when necessary and allowingmetochartmyowncoursewhenIwasable.Theothermembersofmydissertation committeeCraig Colten, William Rowe, and Gene Turnerwere always available to contributefromtheirvastknowledge.Dr.RoweeventooktimetovisitmeintheFaroeIslands where he witnessed Faroese whaling firsthand. Bin Li, of the Department of Experimental Statistics,assistedwiththestatisticalanalysisofFaroesebeaches.Averyspecialthankyou goestoDianeCooper,whoaccompaniedmeinthefieldassheaccompaniesmethroughlife. InSt.Vincent,mytaskssimplywouldhavebeenimpossiblewithouttheassistanceand

camaraderie of Vincent Reid, a local polymath who knows everyone and can get anything donea fixer of the first degree. In Barrouallie, Victoria Brown, McHorne, Kimmie, Ash, and VibertPierretaughtmemuchaboutthelocalwhalingoperation,theworkofblackfishvendors, and the fisheries cooperative. Thanks also to the John familyDarwin, Clare, Simeon, and MirellafortheirhospitalityandforprovidingmewithaVincyHome.RosaVanlooandDr. Bowensgavemeaccesstothestudentsattheirpostsecondaryschoolstoconductmysurveys. Raymond Ryan,JenniferCruikshankHoward,Leslie Straker,and theHonourable Montgomery Daniel at the Ministry of Agriculture, Lands, and Fisheries were helpful to, and supportive of, myresearch.Iwasabletoconductparticipatoryfieldwork,ratherthanjustobservation,inSt. Vincent because of Samuel Hazelwood and his whalers, Papas and Limb, who trusted my seaworthinessandstaminaenoughtoallowmetobecomearegularmemberoftheircrew. iii

IntheFaroeIslands, KateSandersonbeganworkingwithmebeforeIevenarrivedfor

myfirstvisitin2005,tomakesurethatIhadcontactswhocouldteachmewhatIneededto know about Faroese whaling. Dorete Bloch, Janus Hansen, Bjarni Mikkelsen, and Hgni Arnbjarnarson at the Faroese Museum of Natural History are my Faroese scientific mentors. lavur Sjrarberg, Bjrki Geyti, Astri Andreasen, David Geyti, Unn Kragsteen, Ri Dahl Jacobsen, Bjarki Gyldenkrne Dalsgar, Olaf Olsen, Rasmus Ole Rasmussen, Magni Garal, DennisHolm,andJgvanMrkretaughtmemuchaboutdailylife,andwhalingintheFaroe Islands. Joen Remmer and Katja Dhyr Remmergraciously allowed me to use their wonderful photographsinChapter6.EleonoraFlach,HannesLesch,SigriGyldenkrneDalsgar,Mark Kouch,VladanKouch,andVtNovkassistedwiththebeachsurveys,bravelysuitingupand enteringthecoldFaroesewater,rangingpolesinhand.AtliPoulsenandAlexOcampohelped megainaccesstothestudentsattheircollegesformysurvey. Nofieldworkispossiblewithoutfundingandthisworkhasbeengenerouslysupported

by several organizations. Granskingarri (the Faroese Research Council), Frskaparsetur Froya(UniversityoftheFaroeIslands),theAmericanGeographicalSociety,theVikingSociety for Northern Research, the University of Montana, and Louisiana State Universitys West RussellFundallprovidedresearchfundsforthisproject. There is one final group of people that deserves thanks. Peppered throughout the Acknowledgements sections of dissertations and papers in the fields of geography and anthropology are the names of countless United States Peace Corps volunteers (PCVs) who have lent a hand to researchers in the areas of travel logistics, proper cultural protocol, introductions to key informants, and many other essential components to their fieldwork. I havemyownlistofPCVstothank.BasedinSt.Vincent,AnnCryster,AmyHall,ShawnJanzen, iv

StephanieKistner,MollyOkuneff,andMarcoPianotonlyvolunteeredtwoyearsoftheirlives toservetheircountryinthecauseofpeace,butalsofoundtimetoassistayounggeographer withhisfieldwork.WithoutthehelpofthesePCVs,essentialpartsofmyworkinSt.Vincent would have been at best less streamlined, at worst impossible. My thanks go to these individualsspecificallyandtotheUnitedStatesPeaceCorpsasanorganization.

PREFACE:ANOTEABOUTLANGUAGE In this dissertation I have endeavored to understand the cultures and human environment interactions of artisanal whaling in two very different Atlantic locations and to makecomparisonsbetweenthem.Wheneveraresearcherwritesaboutanotherculturethere areboundtobetermsandconceptsthatareunfamiliartothereader.Whentheresearchis basedintwoverydifferentoverseasfieldsites,theconfusioncanmultiply.Inthetextofthis manuscriptIwillattempttoeitherexplicitlydefineanynonEnglishwordsortermsofwhaling ornauticaljargon,ortousethetermsincontextsthatmaketheirmeaningsobvious. TheofficiallanguageoftheFaroeIslandsisFaroese.DanishisalsousedandEnglishis widely understood. In St. Vincent, an English Creole is spoken. Many Vincentians speak StandardEnglishfluently,albeitasaforeignlanguage(Young1993,170).Inthistext,each time I have used a foreign or dialectal word, I have italicized the first instance and have provideddefinitionsorStandardEnglishequivalentswithinthetext.Sometimestheitalicization is repeated if reference is made to the word as a word, or within a figure caption. I have includedpronunciationhintsforespeciallydifficultorcommonlymispronouncedwords. Developing orthographies for Creole languages can be a problematic and valueladen process (Cassidy 1961, 1986; Schieffelin and Doucet 1994; Kephart 2000). St. Vincent Creole does not have standardized spelling so I have used my best judgment and examples from previous publications to accurately represent the local pronunciation (Reinecke et al. 1975). My choice of spellings for St. Vincent Creole words should be seen only as an attempt to communicate,nottoinstruct. Finally,thereappearinthistextseveralinstancesofgenderedlanguagethatmightbe vi

consideredantiquatedwithoutcontext.Becausewhalingisalmostexclusivelyamaleactivity,I haveusedmasculinetermstorefertothosewhopracticeit.Genderrolesarenuancedwithin the realm of whaling, however, and valuable contributions are made by men, women, and children,aswillbemadeclear.

vii

TABLEOFCONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii PREFACE:ANOTEABOUTLANGUAGE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi . LISTOFTABLES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi LISTOFFIGURES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xii ABSTRACT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xx CHAPTER1:INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 RESEARCHSETTINGS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 RESEARCHQUESTIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 LAYOUTOFDISSERTATION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 CHAPTER2:WHALES,THEIRPURSUITANDPROTECTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 WHALES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 WHALING. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 WHALECONSERVATION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 CHAPTER3:THEORETICALFRAMEWORK . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 . WHALES,WHALING,ANDGEOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 HUMANAGENCYANDRESOURCEDEPLETION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 ACONSERVATIONIMPERATIVE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 CULTURALKEYSTONESANDTOTEMICSPECIES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 THESOCIALCONSTRUCTIONOFNATURE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 CONSERVATIONGEOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 THETOOLSOFGEOGRAPHERS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 HUMANSASHUNTERS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 ISLANDANDMARITIMEGEOGRAPHIES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 WORLDANDREGIONALWHALING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 . LACUNAEANDNICHE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 CHAPTER4:RESEARCHMETHODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 . AFIELDWORKBASEDAPPROACH. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 OBSERVATIONANDPARTICIPATION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 INTERVIEWS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 STUDENTSURVEYS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 ANALYSISOFWHALINGRECORDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 SPATIALANALYSIS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 ARCHIVALRESEARCH. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 MIXEDMETHODOLOGY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 viii

CHAPTER5:ST.VINCENT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 PHYSICALSETTING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 HISTORICALSETTING. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 CULTURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 CONFLICT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172 CONSERVATION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 CHAPTER6:THEFAROEISLANDS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 PHYSICALSETTING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 HISTORICALSETTING. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 CULTURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202 CONFLICT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238 CONSERVATION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 CHAPTER7:ANALYTICALRESULTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 STUDENTSURVEYS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254 ANALYSISOFWHALINGRECORDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273 SPATIALANALYSIS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299 CHAPTER8:COMPARISONSANDCONCLUSION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315 CULTURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315 CONFLICT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321 CONSERVATION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329 RESEARCHQUESTIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331 ENVIRONMENTALCHANGEANDTHEENDOFWHALING. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 334 EPILOGUE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 338 REFERENCES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 342 APPENDIX A. SURVEYFORM,ST.VINCENT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 399 B. SURVEYFORM,FAROEISLANDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 401 . C. INTERNATIONALWHALINGCOMMISIONDOCUMENTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 403 D. ST.VINCENTANDTHEGRENADINESFIREARMSPERMITDOCUMENTS . . . . . . . . 408 . E. FAROEISLANDSGRINDADRPFORMS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 411 F. STANDARDPROTESTLETTERRESPONSEFROMDANISHGOVERNMENT. . . . . . . 413 G. ST.VINCENTWHALINGRECORDS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 414 ix

H. FAROEISLANDSWHALINGRECORDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 415 VITA. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 424

 2.1. 4.1. 4.2. 5.1. 5.2. 5.3. 5.4. 5.5.

LISTOFTABLES Listofspeciesknownas"TheGreatWhales. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Individualsinterviewedformally. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 SurveyedbeachesintheFaroeIslands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Handsignalsfromharpoonertosternman. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Recorddailycatch. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 Commonandscientificnamesofthirteencetaceanspecies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 Summarizedresultsof1995survey. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 Consumptionofcetaceanmeat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171

6.1. The18FaroeIslands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 6.2. Phasesofvolcanicandgeologicactivity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 7.1. 7.2. 7.3. 7.4. 7.5. 7.6. 7.7. 7.8. 7.9. xi Reasonsgivenfornotconsumingcetaceanproducts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258 Responsestothequestion,Whatwouldreplacepilotwhalemeat?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273 Speciesmakeupofthedolphinscaughtduringfieldwork. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279 Timetodeathdata . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285 Timetodeath,inseconds. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291 Whalingdays,byprofitability. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293 Approvedwhalingbays. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311 Baysnotapprovedforwhaling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 312 . Thepvaluesfortwotestsofthenullhypothesis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314

LISTOFFIGURES 2.1. 2.2. 2.3. 2.4. 2.5. 4.1. 4.2. 4.3. 4.4. 4.5. 4.6. 4.7. 4.8. 4.9. Shortfinnedpilotwhales. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Longfinnedpilotwhales. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Mapshowingtherangeofeachspeciesofpilotwhale. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Mapshowingcountrieswheredrivestylewhalinghasbeenpracticed. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Detailfromthe1539chart,CartaMarina. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 AgedistributionofparticipantsintheFaroeseyouthsurvey. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 HometownsofstudentsparticipatingintheFaroeseyouthsurvey. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 AgedistributionofparticipantsintheVincentianyouthsurvey. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 RegionaldivisionsandtheirrepresentationintheVincentianyouthsurvey. . . . . . . . . . 77 AnexampleofaGPSgeneratedchartfromawhalingvoyage. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 WaypointPropertiesdialoguewindowfromGarminRoadTrip . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Chartshowingwhalingcoursesandsightingsduringparticipatoryfieldwork. . . . . . . . . . . 81 Beachessurveyed. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 ResearchassistantsconductingbeachprofilesurveyatVestmanna. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86

4.10. ThebeachatLeynar,withoverlayshowingsurveylines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 . 4.11. 3Dgraphshowingsamplebeachprofilecreatedfromsurveydata . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 4.12. 2Dgraphshowingsamplebeachprofilecreatedfromsurveydata . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 4.13. Graphshowingtrendlinesandcalculatedvaluesforasamplebeach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 5.1. 5.2. 5.3. ApanoramicviewofKingstownharborandtheSt.Vincentinterior. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 MapofSt.VincentandtheGrenadines. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 MapshowingtheislandofSt.Vincent. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 xii

5.4. 5.5. 5.6. 5.7. 5.8. 5.9.

SaltwhistleBayonMayreau . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 . OwiaSaltPond. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 ThetownofBarrouallie. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 PopulationtrendsinSt.VincentandtheGrenadines,19702005. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 TheLesserAntillesalongwiththeoceanographicfeatures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 . CannonspointinlandatFortCharlotte. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

5.10. MapoftheSoutheasternCaribbeanislandswiththeirhistoricalwhalingstations. . . . 115 5.11. MapoftheGrenadines,withtheirhistoricalwhalingstations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 5.12. TheonlyremainingGrenadinehumpbackwhalingstation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 5.13. GraphshowingchangestothesizeoftheBarroualliewhalingfleet. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 5.14. SignattheBarrouallieFisheriesCooperativeSociety . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 . 5.15. PlaqueattheBarrouallieFisheriesCentre. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 5.16. Theconstructionstagesofaharpoongill. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 5.17. Aharpoonforeshaftweldedtothecup . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 . 5.18. Ahandharpoon. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 5.19. Agunharpoon. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 5.20. AtypicalBarroualliewhalingboatanditscrew. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 5.21. TheSeaHunter'sgunstand. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 5.22. Shotgunmodifiedforfiringharpoons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 . 5.23. Theharpoonerloadsthegun. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 5.24. Theloggerheadinuse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 5.25. Numberofwhalingdayspermonth. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142 5.26. Theharpoonerhandlinesforskipjackordorado. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 xiii

5.27. Thehuntisneithercooperativenorcompetitive. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 5.28. ARissosdolphinsighted. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 5.29. Theharpoonisfired. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 5.30. Alternatively,theharpoonermaychoosetothrowahandharpoon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 5.31. Rissosdolphinwithharpoonsembedded. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 5.32. TheRisso'sdolphin,deadanddrawnalongsidetheboat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 . 5.33. HaulingtheRissosdolphinonboard. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 5.34. Paymentsresultingfromahypotheticalwhalingvoyage. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 5.35. AnadhocprocessingfacilitysetuponthebeachatBarrouallie. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 5.36. Firststationseparatinglargepiecesofmeatandblubberfromthecarcasses. . . . . . . 157 5.37. Secondstationtrimminglargepiecesofmeatandslicingthinsheetsfordrying . . . . 158 5.38. Thirdstationcuttingsheetsofblubber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 5.39. AvendorhangspilotwhalemeattodryinBarrouallie. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 5.40. Avendorsassistantturnsmeatthathasbeenhungondryingracks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 5.41. Awomanbindsbundlesofdriedwhalemeatwithbananaleaffibers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 5.42. Onewhalemeatbundle,valueEC$2.50. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 5.43. Amanstirsapotinwhichblubberisbeingcookedtoproduceoilandcrisps . . . . . . . . . 163 5.44. Oneportionofcrisps,inoil,forsaleintheKingstownFishMarket. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 5.45. Monthlycatchesofpilotwhalesanddolphins. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 5.46. SignadvertisingpilotwhalemeatforsaleinBarrouallie. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 5.47. AvendorsellsherproductsattheKingstownFishMarket. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 5.48. Adams'(1980)geographicaldivisionsofSt.Vincent. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 5.49. AnantiwhalingadvertisementplacedinSearchlight. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 xiv

6.1. 6.2. 6.3. 6.4. 6.5. 6.6. 6.7. 6.8. 6.9.

ThewestcoastofSuuroy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 TheFaroeIslands,withinsetmapshowingthearchipelago'slocation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 TheLake. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 UnderseatopographyoftheareasurroundingtheFaroeIslands. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 Detailfromthe1539chart,CartaMarinabyOlausMagnus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 CatchstatisticsforGlobicephalamelasintheFaroeIslands,15872009. . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 PilotwhalecatchesandhumanpopulationintheFaroeIslands. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198 Maximum,minimum,andaverageannualpilotwhalecatch,byhalfcentury. . . . . . . . . 198 CatchstatisticsforLagenorhynchusacutusintheFaroeIslands,18722009 . . . . . . . . . . 201

6.10. Agrindaknvurwithitssheathandtlvtraband. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 6.11. Themerki,theFaroesenationalflag . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204 6.12. Theevolutionofthegrindaknvurhandle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204 6.13. Themnustingari . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206 . 6.14. JustinesOlsenholdsaprototypemnustingariinitssheath. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206 6.15. Asknarongulandrope. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207 6.16. Ablstrarongulandrope. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 6.17. Anexampleofalogarithmicallygraduatedassessingrod. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210 6.18. Percentageoftotalgrindadrpandpercentageoftotalwhalesbymonth . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 6.19. AndrasMarrPoulsen,sslumaurofthedistrictthatincludesTrshavn. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 6.20. Thepodofpilotwhaleshasbeensightedandboatsbegintoformasemicircle. . . . . . . 214 6.21. Agrindaformann'sidentificationcard. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214 6.22. Agrindadrpparticipantridesinthebowofaboat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 6.23. Thecrowdgathersonthebeach. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216 xv

6.24. Atthegrindaformann'ssignal,menrushintothesea. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 6.25. Whalesarehookedanddraggedtowardtheshore. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 6.26. Menhaulhookedwhalestoshore. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219 6.27. Amankillsawhale. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220 6.28. Thesceneofagrindadrpnearingcompletion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221 6.29. Deadpilotwhaleslieintheshallowwater . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222 . 6.30. Theauthorassistsinhaulingdolphinsashore. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224 6.31. Adolphinisliftedbycrane. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224 6.32. Metingarmenn,appointedbythesslumaur,measurethedolphins. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 6.33. WhalesaremarkedontheheadwithaconsecutiveArabicnumeral. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226 6.34. andonthefinwithaRomannumeralshowingthewhale'smeasurement. . . . . . . . . . 226 6.35. ThemetingarmennmeasureapilotwhalekilledatGta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227 6.36. PilotwhaleslieonthequayatGta,theirabdomensopen. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 6.37. Acrowdgatherstoheartheannouncementofthesslumaur. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229 6.38. Agrindaseil,orshareticket. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232 6.39. MenstripblubberfromadolphinonSuuroy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232 6.40. Mencutlargeportionsofmeatfromadolphin. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 6.41. Childrenareusuallypresent. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234 6.42. Blubberislaidskinsidedownandmeatisstackedontop. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 6.43. AhjallurbehindahouseinVestmanna. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236 6.44. Grindogspkdriedpilotwhalemeatandslicedblubber. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237 6.45. Mapshowingthe22currentlyapprovedhvalvgirintheFaroeIslands. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251 6.46. TheartificialwhalingbeachatVestmanna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252 xvi

7.1. 7.2. 7.3. 7.4. 7.5. 7.6. 7.7. 7.8. 7.9.

Consumptionofcetaceanproducts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254 Howmuchdoyoulikepilotwhalemeat? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255 . Consumptionofcetaceanproducts,bygender. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 256 Frequencyofcetaceanproductconsumption,bygender. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 256 Frequencyofcetaceanproductconsumption,byregion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257 Unavailabilityofcetaceanproducts,byregion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259 Desireforgreatercetaceanmeatavailability,byregion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259 Usesofcetaceanoil. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260 Perceivedhealthinessofcetaceanproducts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261

7.10. Indicatorsoffamiliaritywithwhalingoperation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 262 7.11. Pilotwhaleasnationaldish?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 7.12. WillwhalingcontinueinSt.Vincent?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264 7.13. Consumptionofcetaceanproducts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 7.14. Consumptionofcetaceanproducts,bygender. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 7.15. Frequencyofcetaceanproductconsumption,bygender. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266 7.16. Frequencyofcetaceanproductconsumption,byplaceoforigin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266 7.17. Grindadrpandpassports . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268 . 7.18. Grindadrpparticipation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269 7.19. Rolesplayedbygrindadrpparticipants. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270 7.20. Grindadrproles,bygender. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270 7.21. WillthegrindadrpcontinueintheFaroeIslands?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 272 7.22. CatchstatisticsinSt.Vincent,19622009. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275 7.23. Percentageofcatch,pilotwhalesanddolphins. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 276 xvii

7.24. Efficiencyofwhalingoperation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 7.25. CatchstatisticsforGlobicephalamelasintheFaroeIslands,15872009. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280 7.26. CatchstatisticsforHyperoodonampullatusintheFaroeIslands,15842009. . . . . . . . . . 280 7.27. CatchstatisticsforTursiopstruncatusintheFaroeIslands,18032009. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281 7.28. CatchstatisticsforLagenorhynchusacutusintheFaroeIslands,18722009 . . . . . . . . . . 281 7.29. Percentageofcatchmadeupofspeciesotherthanpilotwhales. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 7.30. Timetodeathmeasuredfor22dolphinskilledbySt.Vincentwhalersin2009 . . . . . . . 286 7.31. Numberofwhaleskilledplottedagainstdurationofthegrindadrp . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 288 7.32. Numberofpeopleinvolvedplottedagainstdurationofthegrindadrp. . . . . . . . . . . . . 288 7.33. Ratioofpeopletowhalesplottedagainstdurationofthegrindadrp. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289 7.34. Durationofgrindadrp. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291 7.35. Netprofitorloss,bymonthforthewhalingboat,SeaHunter. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 294 7.36. Wholesaleearningsofpilotwhalingoperation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295 7.37. ProductionofAtlanticsalmonandrainbowtroutinFaroeseaquaculture. . . . . . . . . . . . . 298 7.38. Locationsofcetaceansightings. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301 7.39. Whalingcoursesanddensityofcetaceansightings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302 7.40. Percentageofwhalingvoyagesandpercentageofcetaceansightings. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303 7.41. Efficiencyofwhalingeffortperunitarea. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 304 7.42. OceanbathymetrydatawithwhalingGPSdataoverlaid. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305 7.43. Oceandepthsatsightinglocations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307 7.44. Oceanbathymetrydatagridanalysisofcetaceansightingsoverlaid. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 308 7.45. Averagedepthwithineachgridsectionwherecetaceansightingtookplace. . . . . . . . 309 7.46. Averageoceandepthsofsuccessfulgridunits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 310 . xviii

7.47. Slopevs.smoothnessonland. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313 7.48. Slopevs.smoothnessunderwater. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313 9.1. NeliaandErikNiclasen,withtheirdaughtersVictoriaandAnita. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339

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ABSTRACT WhalersfromtheCaribbeanislandofSt.VincentandtheNorthAtlanticarchipelagoof theFaroeIslandshuntpilotwhalesandavarietyofothersmallcetaceansforfood.Vincentian whalersuseharpoons,thrownbyhandorfiredfromamodifiedshotgunmountedontheboat. Faroesewhalers,usingseveraldozenboats,workcooperativelytodriveanentirepodofwhales ashore, where shorebased whalers are waiting to complete the kill with traditional whaling knives.Vincentianwhalingtracesitsoriginstothelatenineteenthcentury.RecordsofFaroese whaling date to the late sixteenth century but the practice is thought to be much older, originatingperhapsasearlyasthetenthcentury.Theannualaveragetakeofallcetaceansis 305inSt.Vincentand1,358intheFaroeIslands. Whalingisbothculturallyandpracticallysignificantinbothlocations,providingnotonly a connection to history, but a source of food as well. However, the continuation of both operations may be threatened by the presence of methylmercury and other environmental pollutants in the tissues of the whales, which have been shown to have negative effects on human health. Additionally, both societies have had to negotiate the efforts of antiwhaling organizations,whoemploymethodssuchasprotest,boycotts,andinterventionaryattemptsto disruptwhalingactivities. Whilethemajorityofwhalingoperationsthroughouttheworldhaveceasedcompletely, owingtoaseveredeclineinwhalepopulations,theVincentiansandtheFaroesehaveinplace certain traditional conservation strategies to avoid overexploitation of the resource. Both societies place geographical limits upon the spaces in which whaling is allowed. The Faroese have codified certain traditional conservation practices into their legal codes including the xx

powerofwhalingauthoritiestoforbidwhaledrivestooccurifconditionsarenotfavorableorif the food that would result is not needed. Additionally, whaling in the Faroe Islands is conductedcommunallyandthecommercializationofwhalingisforbidden.Vincentianwhalers havecautiouslyengagedavailabletechnologicaladvances,adoptingcertaintechnologiestoaid their efforts but declining to adopt technologies that might lead to overexploitation of the resource.

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CHAPTER1:INTRODUCTION ResearchSettings OppositeEndsoftheGulfStream AsIdescendthehillonfootintothevillageofBarrouallie,ontheislandofSt.Vincent, there is nothing to distinguish this from any other small fishing community in the Caribbean. FrommyvantageIcanseecolorfulboatsdrawnupontotheblacksandbeach;concreteand woodenstructureswithgalvanizedmetalroofs;treesbearingbreadfruit,plum,waxapple,and mango;andafewgoatsgrazingontheotherwiseemptycricketpitch,hemmedoneachsideby ofarowofhousesandshops.Iturnleftdownasmalllanebetweentwohousesandglimpse thesea.Theinsistentmetallicbeatandbawdylyricsofsocamusicblarefromastereosystem that has been turned up beyond its threshold volume. It is before noon but hot and broad leafed Indian almond trees cast shade for the dozen or so darkskinned men sipping rum on benchesorleaningagainstbeachedfishingboats.Afewarecleaningfishandoneoldmansits onthesandrepairingafishingnetthatheholdsstretchedonhislapwithhistoes.Womensit onoverturnedbucketsfeedingbabiesandafewstandbybambooracks,hangingthinsheetsof darkredmeattodryinthesun. FromthedirectionofthesewomenandtheirworkIdetectafamiliarscent,carriedby theseabreeze,onethatstandsoutfromtheotherCaribbeansmellscharcoalfires,overripe fruit, the dust of volcanic soil, diesel smoke, and the sea. This scent recalls a much different scene:theFaroeIslands,steepandgreenattheoppositeendoftheGulfStreamfromwhereI nowstand;tallNordicmenwiththickwoolensweatersandsandyblondhair,carefullycoiling ropes, each with a footlong hook at the end; a treeless landscape where rolling meadows 1

terminateabruptlyintothousandfootseacliffsthatshelterliterallymillionsofseabirds;black and white sheep standing out on the horizon against a gray sky; the background drone of centuriesoldfolkballadstellingtalesofancientkings,battles,andbravefishermen;turfroofed primarycolorhouses,eachwithatinywoodenoutbuildingbuiltwithgapsbetweentheplanks to let gusts of North Atlantic wind rush through, and the same dark red meat, now cut into stripsthelengthandthicknessofmyforearm,hunginsidetodryinthesaltyair;thesamescent carriedonamuchdifferentwind. TransAtlanticConnections Whalemeatsmellslikeoilandhistory.Itisascentthatwasoncecommonthroughout theAtlanticbutnowisfoundononlyafewperipheralislands,mostprominently,St.Vincent and the Faroes. Since the latter half of the twentieth century, whaling has become an increasingly controversial subject. This transition is due primarily to the effectiveness of the technological advances that gave commercial whalers such an advantage over the object of their hunt that populations of the most intensely hunted species have still not recovered, despitevariedeffortsandpoliciesdirectedattheirconservation(Crolletal.2006;Estes2006; Donovan 2008). Some species, such as the Atlantic gray whale (Eschrichtius robustus), were pushedtothepointofextinction(JonesandSwartz2008).However,theVincentiansandthe Faroesecontinuetohuntpilotwhalesandothersmallcetaceansusingtraditionalmethodsand dosoatwhatseemtobesustainablelevels(Mitchell1975;Culik2004). Thewomenpreparingmeatonthetropicalbeachandthemencoilingropesunderthe gray Nordic sky may not, on the surface, appear to have much in common. Differences of ethnicity, nationality, affluence, language, history, and climate are far more obvious than any similarities between these two island peoples. However, despite being found at opposite 2

cornersoftheNorthAtlanticOcean,onoppositeendsoftheGulfStream,theVincentiansand theFaroesestandsidebysideatoneendofanothergreatcontinuum. Theworldisdeeplydividedontheissueofwhaling.Whileafewnationshostwhaling operations,usingtraditionalmethodsforthelocalproductionoffoodandotherproducts,and fewerstillhostcommercialwhalingoperations,themajorityofpeople,especiallyindeveloped, Westerncountries,opposewhalingunambiguously(Freeman1990;Kalland1993b;Sanderson 1994; Abdulla 1995; Brownell et al. 2000). However, acceptance ofand opposition to whalingisnotsplitintoasimpledichotomy.Atoneendofthecontinuum,stronglyopposedto whaling,standpredominatelywhite,Englishspeaking,affluent,formerwhalingnationssuchas theUSA,theUK,andAustralia(Kalland1993a;1993b;1994a;1998;1999;2009;Freeman1990; FreemanandKreuter1994). Toward the middle, yet still leaning toward opposition, are the nations without any history of whalingsome, even, that are landlockedfound throughout Europe and Central Asia, whose positions generally tend to oppose the resumption of commercial whaling (IWC 2010c). Further along the continuum are poorer, developing nations, often found in the Caribbean, subSaharan Africa, or the South Pacific, whose official positions on whaling are, controversially,highlysusceptibletotheinfluenceofforeignaidthatis,thereceivingnation often aligns its position on whaling to match the position of the donor nation (Roget 2002; ThirdMillenniumFoundation2007;Dippel2008;Morikawa2009). Finally, there are the nations that fully support whalingat least in certain manifestations.LeadingthiscadrearethecommercialwhalingnationsofJapan,Iceland,and Norway,butalsofoundatthisendofthewhalingcontinuumarethesmaller,moretraditional societieswherewhalesarehuntedinnearbywatersforlocalconsumption.Thesetraditional 3

whaling nationsboth aboriginal and artisanal, the difference will be addressed shortlyare distributed globally from the Arctic to the tropics, and found, to some degree, on every inhabited continent (Mitchell 1975; Robards and Reeves n.d.). Among these, and most prominentintheAtlantic,aretheFaroeIslandsandSt.Vincentgeographicallydisparatebut unitedintheircommonrelianceuponsmallcetaceansforfoodandculturalidentity. ResearchQuestions Why, when whaling ceased throughout the Atlantic, did it continue in these places? That is to ask, what is it about the histories, geographies, economies, and cuisines of these vastlydifferentculturesthatleadthemtoconvergeonthepilotwhaleasafoodsource?And howhavetheVincentiansandFaroesemanagedtomaintainseeminglysustainabletakelevels, despite significant increases in both available technology and population? To answer these questions,atruegeographicalstudyofthecultures,conflicts,andconservationstrategiesthat occurineachofthestudylocationsisneeded.Iwillshowthatthesethreethemesareallborne of mutual causation and that their careful balancing in the histories and discourses of St. VincentandtheFaroeIslandshasallowedforthecontinuationofwhalingactivitiesinthesetwo places. Of the contemporary whaling operations targeting small cetaceans, I have chosen to

focus upon the Faroe Islands and St. Vincent because they are both legal operations with lengthydocumentedhistories.Additionally,theirpositionsalongtheAtlanticRimmakesthese study locations all the more appropriate, considering Louisiana State Universitys current AtlanticStudiesInitiative. 4

LayoutofDissertation Chapter One began with a brief introduction to the perceptual similarities and

differences of the two locations where this research has been conducted and has introduced whaling as a contentious activity with supporters and opponents found along a broad continuum. This first chapter has also established the research questions to be investigated: WhydoesAtlanticartisanalwhalingoccurtodayonlyintheFaroeIslandsandSt.Vincent?And howhavetheVincentianandFaroesewhalersmanagedtoavoidtheexcessivetakelevelsthat haveplaguedotherwhalingoperationsthroughouthistoryandaroundtheworld? ChapterTwoprovidesbackgroundinformationontheevolutionarybiology,taxonomy,

andbehaviorofcetaceans,withafocusonlongfinnedandshortfinnedpilotwhales.Itthen providesanoverviewofthehistoryandemotionofhumaninteractionwithwhalesthrough bothwhalingandwhaleconservation. ChapterThreebuildsatheoreticalframeworkuponareviewoftherelevantliterature, beginningwiththeplaceofwhalesintheacademicinvestigationsofgeographyandotherallied fields, through concepts of human agency as it relates to environmental change, the moral imperative to practice conservation, the effects of social constructs and human values on conservationinitiatives,andtheideaofconservationgeographyandthecomplementaryroles of local, culturallyembedded conservation strategies and sciencebased sustainability initiatives. After narrowing the theoretical scope of this study, Chapter Three continues by reviewing previous scholarship on the topic of whaling worldwide, and on this and other environmental topics in St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands. This chapter concludes with the identification of some lacunae in the body of knowledge about humanenvironment

interactions related to whaling, some of which have been addressed in the formation of the currentresearchquestions. Chapter Four describes the methodology used to conduct the research for this dissertation. The tools of the geographer are many and I have attempted to integrate data gathered from a variety of approaches, including archival research, interviews and surveys, participantobservation,andGeographicalInformationSystems(GIS)analysis.Thischapterlays outthestrategicplanusedtogatherdataandthemethodsofanalysisusedtosuggestanswers totheresearchquestions. ChaptersFiveandSixaredescriptiveaccountsofthetwo placesand culturesthatare

thefocusofthiscomparativeresearch:St.VincentandtheFaroeIslands,respectively.These chapters present information about the physical and historical settings with special focus on localtraditionsofwhaling.Themajorityofeachofthesetwochaptersfocusesonpresentday whaling:itstools,methods,peoples,cultures,conflicts,andmethodsofconservation.Using photographsanddescriptivetext,thesechaptersleavethereaderwithaclearunderstandingof exactlywhatartisanalwhalingislikeineachoftheseAtlanticlocations.Informationforthese descriptive accounts has been gathered through a combination of literature and firsthand experience.Inmanycases,whatIdescribehasbeendescribedbefore.IfIpresentinformation that I did not witness myself, I cite the source(s) from which it came. However, if I describe something that I witnessed first hand, I may cite corroborating research that has been previouslypublishedbutIdonotprovideextensivecitationsofduplicatefindingsinallcases. Chapter Seven presents the analytical results of my empirical research. I designed

severalselfcontainedinvestigations,whichrepresentparticularapproachestocertainissuesof physicalandculturalgeographyrelatedtotheartisanalwhalingoperationsinSt.Vincentand 6

the Faroe Islands. This chapter presents the results, which, together with the descriptive accounts of Chapters Five and Six, form the primary basis for comparison between the two sites. Chapter Eight summarizes and concludes the dissertation by reviewing the major

findings,acknowledgingtheshortcomingsandquestionsthathavebeenleftunanswered,and placingtheworkwithinitslargeracademicenvironment. Followingtheeightmajorchaptersofthisdissertationareanepiloguefocusingupona

singlefamilywithuniquetiestowhalinginbothfieldlocations,alistofworkscited,andseveral appendicescomprisedofrelevantdocumentsandwhalingdataforbothlocations.

CHAPTER2:WHALES,THEIRPURSUITANDPROTECTION Whales EvolutionandClassification All members of Cetaceathe order that includes whales, dolphins, and porpoises trace their evolutionary ancestry back to terrestrial mammals. That cetaceans are mammals andnotfishwasknowntoAristotle(350 BCE).Howeverthisfactseemstohavebeenobscured as indicated by the common presence in historical literature of terms such as whalefish and cetacean fishery, as well as other literary and historical evidence. For example, Herman Melville (1851, 167) declared through Moby Dicks narrator, Ishmael, that waiving all argument, I take the good oldfashioned ground that the whale is a fish and call upon holy Jonahtobackme.JonahmaynothavebackedMelvilleifgiventhechance.Infact,neither theHebrewwordusedintheBookofJonah(daggadowl),northeGreekwordusedin the Gospel of Matthews reference to the story ( ktous), necessarily means whale. Bothwordsaretranslatedelsewhereasgreatfish,orevenasseamonster(Perowne1905, 92). Theologians have filled many pages with conjecture on the species of sea creature that wasmeanttohaveswallowedJonah,allwithoutachievingmuchagreementwithoneanother (e.g.Buckton1851;Perowne1905;Aalders1948;KravitzandOlitzky2006). Themammalvs.fishtaxonomicargumentwasheardbyan1818NewYorkCitycourtas partofthecaseMauricev.Judd(Sampson1819;Burnett2007).Thecaseinvolvedawhaleoil dealerwhorefusedtopaya$75fishoilinspectionfeeonthegroundsthatawhaleisnotafish. Thejurydecidedthatwhalesareindeedfishandthefeeshouldbepaid.Ittookanactofstate legislature to overturn the jurys decision and to place whales firmly and, at least within the 8

Americanjudicialsystem,finallyamongthemammals(Burnett2007). Theseillustratethatwhaleshaveevolvedwithinhumancultureperhapsevenmorethey haveinmarinebiology.Inevolutionaryhistorytheyhavemovedfromlandtosea;inpopular taxonomy they have evolved at the class level. Throughout this dissertation I will use the termwhaletorefertoavarietyofcetaceanspecies.Also,followingReevesandSmith(2003; 2006),Iwillusethetermoperationtorefertoaspecificgroupofpeopletargetingoneormore populationsofoneormorewhalespeciesataspecifictimeandplace.Insomeofthequoted literature, the older termfisherymay still be used. When discussing whaling, these terms should be considered interchangeable, the preceding fish vs. mammal arguments notwithstanding. Biologicallyspeaking,theorderCetaceaisclosesttoorshouldbenestedwithinthe orderArtiodactyla,theeventoedungulates.Theclosestlivingrelativewithinthatorderisthe hippopotamus(LindbergandPyenson2006).Skeletalevidencefoundinmostlivingcetaceans (e.g. vestigial pelvic bones and intraflipper skeletal digits) points to whales landdwelling ancestry.Ouroldestfossilexamplesofcetaceanancestorsdatetoabout55millionyearsago. These ancestral cetaceans were terrestrial quadrupeds that later developed a semiaquatic lifestyle and then moved completely into a marine habitat. The most obvious anatomical change that accompanied this transition is the transformation of the nostrils into a blowhole andtheirmigrationtotheposteriorofthehead.Theentiremovefromlandtoseawasquite rapid,takinglessthan10millionyears(LindbergandPyenson2006). The next major change for whale evolution occurred with the split into the two suborders of cetaceans that we know today: Mysticeti (baleen whales) and Odontoceti (toothed whales). These two types are distinguishable in fossils from the early Oligocene, 9

about 33 million years ago, however, the skull and tooth structure of neither type greatly resemblesthatofitsmoderndescendant.Manycetaceanfossilsfromthistimeperiodcannot bedefinitivelyclassifiedaseithertrulytoothedortrulybaleen(LindbergandPyenson2006).It was not until the mid to lateMiocene, 514 million years ago, that cetacean diversity approachingthemodernlevelarose.Duringthisperiod,Delphinidae,thefamilytowhichpilot whales, killer whales, and all species of dolphin belong, established itself distinct from other branchesofcetaceanevolution.Intheremainderofthissection,IshallfocusuponDelphinidae sinceitisthefamilyofthemajorityofspeciesthatthisdissertationdiscusses. For an animal family as well represented in popular culture as the dolphins, it is surprising to read an assessment of how little is understood about its evolution, physiology, ecology, behavior and population structure (LeDuc 2008, 298). The family consists of seventeen genera and thirtythree species (Nowak and Walker 2003), making it the most speciose family of marine mammals (LeDuc 2008). Common anatomical characteristics to members of this family include streamlined, spindleshaped bodies, single blowholes, and usually a prominent dorsal fin. Delphinid species vary widely in body sizesmaller species attainlengthsofjustover1meter(3feet)whilethekillerwhale(Orcinusorca)cangrowupto 10meters(33feet)inlength(Tinkler1988;NowakandWalker2003)andinthenumberand shapeoftheteeth.Dolphinsarefastandagileswimmers,knowntobreachfrequently.Pilot whales,likeotherdolphins,normallysurfacetobreathseveraltimesperminute,buthavebeen observedmakingdeepdivesover20minutesinduration(NawojchikandAubin2003[citedin Blochetal.2003];Sotoetal.2008).Anothernotablecharacteristicofthisfamilyistheabilityto echolocate,ordetectobjectsbaseduponthereflectionofemittedsoundwaves,usuallyinthe form of clicks or whistles. This ability has only been recognized in cetaceans since 1958, 10

starting with the bottlenose dolphin (Tursiops spp.) (Nowak and Walker 2003). All of these characteristics are thought to reflect the range of ecological niches occupied by the various members of this family, especially with regard to prey preference and predator avoidance (LeDuc2008). WithinthefamilyDelphinidae,thegenusGlobicephalaiscomprisedoftwospecies:G. melas, and G. macrorhynchus, the longfinned and shortfinned pilot whales, respectively. Thesearetheprimarytargetsofthetwowhalingculturesdiscussedinthisdissertation:long finnedpilotwhalesintheFaroeIslandsandshortfinnedpilotwhalesintheCaribbean. PilotWhaleBiology,Behavior,andHabitat The most obvious physical characteristics of pilot whales are their jetblack skin and bulbousforeheads(Figure2.1andFigure2.2).Thesefeatureshaveinspiredsomeofthelocal namesgiventothewhales:blackfishintheCaribbeanandalongtheNewEnglandcoast,and potheadsinNewfoundland. Other local names include the Faroese grindahvalur (GRINdevhaller), which is often shortenedtogrind(pronouncedalmostexactlyastheEnglishwordgrinned,notwithalongi sound as in the English verb to grind). Arriving at a literal translation of this local name is problematic; in common usage the word simply means pilot whale. According to Kate Sanderson (1995), this term is related to the Norse word grind, meaning gate, and is likely derivedeitherfromthebehaviorofthewhaleswhenschooling,ortheirpropensitytobedriven en masse by whalers. Similar to the second possible Faroese explanation, the Shetland Islanders,whohuntedthelongfinnedpilotwhaleuntiltheearlytwentiethcentury,calleditthe caaing whale, (or caaing without the apostrophe as Henderson [1945] makes explicit), from theShetlandicdialecttoca,ortocall,meaningtodrive,areferencetothecommonmethodof 11

capture by driving (Sandison 1896; Thynne 1916; Fenton 1978; Smith 1993; Sanderson 1992, 1995; Smith 2003). This is the method of capture still used in the Faroe Islands today in the eventknowninFaroeseasthegrindadrp(GRINdadrop)literallythepilotwhaleslaughter.

Figure2.1:Shortfinnedpilotwhales.ImageM.Wrtzwww.artescienza.org.Usedbypermission.

Figure2.2:Longfinnedpilotwhales.ImageM.Wrtzwww.artescienza.org.Usedbypermission.

12

Thelongfinnedpilotwhaleattainsalargermaximumsizethantheshortfinned.Both feature gray markings on the dorsal and ventral areas. There are morphological differences betweenthetwospecies,themostobviousofwhichistheeponymousfinlengtheighteento thirty percent of the body length in longfinned pilot whales, but only fourteen to nineteen percentinshortfinnedpilotwhales(Blochetal.1993).Thespeciesalsodifferinskullshape andnumberofteeth(Culik2004).Whileindividualwhalesofthetwospeciesmaybedifficult todistinguish,theneedrarelyarisesbecausetheyinhabitnearlyseparateranges.Longfinned pilotwhalesarefoundinbothnorthandsouthsubpolarandtemperateregions,includingthe Mediterranean.Thenorthernandsouthernpopulationsaredesignatedasseparatesubspecies: G. melas melas and G. melas edwardii, respectively (Culik 2004). Shortfinned pilot whales inhabit temperate and tropical seas worldwide. The ranges of the two species rarely overlap, exceptinthetemperateNorthAtlantic,offthewestcoastofSouthAmerica,andalongaline roughly between 3040 S latitude (Figure 2.3). Together, the two species of pilot whale inhabitallbutthemostpolaroftheearthsseas.

Figure2.3:Mapshowingtherangeofeachspeciesofpilotwhale.Datasource:Culik2004.

13

Pilotwhalesandkillerwhalesareoutlierstotherangeofnormalbodysizesinthefamily Delphinidae. This difference in body size is likely related to diet. Killer whales are known to feedonother,largerwhales.Theirbodysizeandbehavioraltendencytocarryoutcooperative huntingstrategiescontributetothisability.Foralongtimeitwasunknownwhypilotwhales cephalapod feederswould have developed large body sizes as well (though, not as large as killerwhales).RecentworkintheCanaryIslandsindicatesthatshortfinnedpilotwhaleshave theabilitytomakeveryfastsprints,deepunderwater,earningthemthemoniker,cheetahsof thedeep(deSoto,etal.2008).Similarresearchhasfounddeepdivingbehaviorinlongfinned pilot whales as well (HeideJrgensen et al. 2002; Bloch et al. 2003). These diving sprints involve high levels of oxygen consumption and energy expenditure and would only evolve to become part of an animals optimal foraging strategy if the caloric payoff of the prey was commensurate. This logic, along with observations of freshly severed pieces of giant squid (Architeuthisdux)floatinginthevicinityofdivingpilotwhales,indicatesthatpilotwhalesjoin the other large genera of Delphinidae in the capacity to feed upon large preykiller whales uponwhalesandpilotwhalesupongiantsquid.However,bothkillerwhalesandpilotwhales ordinarilyfeeduponsmallerprey:smallsquidandfish. Pilotwhalemovementsovertimearelinkedtothemovementsoftheirpreybutitisnot accuratetosaythatpilotwhalesaremigratoryinthesamesenseasotherwhales,whichfeed at high latitudes and travel great distances to give birth in warm waters. Results from experiments using satellitelinked radio transmitter tags show that longfinned pilot whales frompopulationsintheeasternandwesternNorthAtlanticdonotmix(Blochetal.2003;Mate et al. 2005). While the whales do not make largescale seasonal migrations, they do travel a greatdealintheshortertermandonasmallergeographicalscale. 14

Pilot whales move in two general ways: inshore/offshore and vertically. Both movements are determined by prey availability. Inshore/offshore movements follow the spawning season of squid, though some individual whales remain either inshore or offshore yearround.Forthewhalesthatdomoveseasonally,theygenerallyfollowthesquidinshore duringsummerandautumnandoffshoreduringwinterandspring(BernardandReilly1999). Vertical movement in the form of deep dives beyond the photic zone (relying upon echolocationtofindtheirprey)hasbeenrecordedinbothspeciesofpilotwhale(Blochetal. 2003;Sotoetal.2008). IntheFaroeIslands,apositivecorrelationhasbeenfoundbetweenwarmsurfacewater temperatures and increased availability of squid. This in turn draws pilot whales (Abend and Smith 1999). Similarly, pilot whales in the Caribbean follow an inshore/offshore pattern throughouttheyearwithoccasionaljauntsfollowingwarmwaterincursionsthatattractsquid withthem(Culik2004).Howeverbothspeciestendtopreferdeeperwaterandthetransition zones at the edges of continental or insular shelves. One research team found that short finnedpilotwhalesintheGulfofMexicopreferredwaterdepthsof6001,000meters(1,969 3281feet)(Davisetal.1998[citedinCulik2004]). Inshort,bothspeciesofpilotwhalearefoundwheretheirpreyisinabundance.Long finned pilot whales near the Faroes feed primarily upon two squid species found there: European flying squid (Todarodes sagittatus) and boreoatlantic armhook squid (Gonatus fabricii).Ofthese,GonatusisthemoreabundantbutTodarodesisthewhalespreferredprey, based upon analyses of stomach contents (Zumholz and Frandsen 2006; Abend and Smith 1999). Shortfinned pilot whales in the Caribbean feed primarily upon glass squid of various species(CranchiascabraandMegalocranchiaspp.).Allspeciesofsquidthatarepreyforpilot 15

whalesfeedprimarilyuponjuvenilesmallbonyfish(e.g.Atlanticherring)asjuveniles(Quetglas etal.1999)anduponsmallcrustaceanssuchascopepodsasadults(Kristensen1984).Juvenile Atlantic herring and other similar fish feed on zooplankton, krill, fish larvae, and copepods (NMFS2009).Squidalsofeedoncopepodsdirectly.Copepodscanbeeitherparasiticorfree swimming. The freeswimming variety is easier prey for squid and feeds primarily upon bacteria,diatoms,orotherunicellularforms(MuseumVictoria2009). Anynaturalorhumaninduceddestructionordegradationofthehabitatrequiredbyany ofthesepreyspecies,orbythewhalesthemselves,couldaffectthepresenceofpilotwhalesin thatarea.ArecentstudyofmarinemammalhabitatsintheUnitedStateslistedthefollowing threatsthatresultfromhumanactivity: coastaldevelopment,destructionofbottomcommunitiesbyfishinggear,loss ofpreytofisheries,creationofanoxicconditions(e.g.deadzones),andlossof seaicehabitatcausedbyglobalwarming.(Ragen2005,125) The author goes on to list human activities that may degrade, rather than destroy outright, marinemammalhabitat.Theseinclude: introduction of contaminants and pathogens, stimulation of harmful algal blooms, oil spills, and increased humangenerated noise associated with shipping, use of sonar systems, and seismic research and exploration. (Ragen 2005,125) Additionally, marine mammals experience negative effects from fisheries, either through bycatch (i.e. being inadvertently captured and then discarded, usually dead) (Read 2005; Plagnye and Butterworth 2005), or through intentional culling, owing to perceived competitionforfishbetweenfishermenandmarinemammals(Gerberetal.2003). Of course, marine mammals are also targeted directly by humans. Whalings destructivepotentialuponapilotwhalepopulationwasseeninNewfoundlandduringthemid 16

twentiethcentury(Mitchell1975;DickinsonandSanger2005;Fielding2009).Thisscenarioof direct overextraction is unlikely to replay itself in the Faroe Islands or St. Vincent for reasons thatshallbediscussedbelow.However,pilotwhalepopulationsinbothoftheseareascould beatriskfromanynumberoftheabovementionedindirectthreatstotheirhabitat. Pilotwhalesarenotmigratory,andconsequentlymarinebiologistsmeasurepopulations ofboththelongfinnedandshortfinnedspeciesregionally,ratherthanworldwide(Culik2004). Two of the more reliable and widely used methods for estimating cetacean populations and rangesaretousetherecordsofpastorpresentwhalingoperations(Maury1852;Tillmanand Donovan1983;BakerandClapham2004;SmithandReeves2005)andtoconductshipboardor aerialsightingssurveys(LockyerandBrown1981;Hammond2001;BreiwickandYork2008;See RomanandPalumbi2003,PalumbiandRoman2006,andJacksonetal.2008,fordiscussionof anotherpromisingmethodDNAanalysis). Culik (2004) cites population estimates for the shortfinned pilot whale throughout severalregionsofthePacificbutdoesnotofferanestimateforpilotwhalesintheCaribbean. Addressingthisgapinthedata,RandallReeves(2005,5),chairofthecetaceanspecialistgroup attheInternationalUnionfortheConservationofNature(IUCN),notesthatintheCaribbean region, whaling results and sightings surveys are generally lacking, and therefore little is known about the occurrence, distribution and relative abundance of these species. This dissertationcontributestowardfillingthisgapbyprovidingareviewofpastwhalingactivitiesas well as an estimate for current whaling pressure on stocks of certain cetacean species that occuroffSt.Vincent. Estimates for longfinned pilot whale populations in the North Atlantic are better understood than those of the shortfinned pilot whales in the tropical Atlantic. Based upon 17

sighting surveys, it is estimated that there are 780,000 pilot whales in the Eastern North Atlantic. Of these, 100,000 are resident in the waters immediately around the Faroe Islands (Bucklandetal.1993;NAMMCO1997[bothcitedinCulik2004]). OtherSpeciesRelevanttothisStudy In both field sites for this study, the pilot whale is the primarybut not the only species hunted. In the Faroe Islands, Atlantic whitesided dolphins (Lagenorhynchus acutus), bottlenose dolphins (Tursiops truncatus), whitebeaked dolphins (Lagenorhynchus albirostris), and harbour porpoises (Phocoena phocaena) are also hunted. Northern bottlenose whales (Hyperoodon ampullatus) are not actively hunted but are used for food when they strand ashore.FromSt.Vincent,inadditiontopilotwhales,killerwhales,spinnerdolphins(Stenella longirostris), Atlantic spotted dolphins (Stenella frontalis), and several other small cetacean species are also hunted. The pursuit of small cetaceans by Faroese and Vincentian whalers today is the remnant of a much largerboth geographically and historicallyinteraction betweenhumansandwhalesthathasbeenplayedoutineveryoceanonearthandtracesits historybackbeyondthewrittenrecord(ReevesandSmith2006). Whaling WhalingandHumanEmotion To witness the capture and slaughter of a large mammal is a disturbing experience to manypeople.Whaling,totheforeignobserver,canbevisuallyunnerving.Tokillawhaleisto shedanenormousamountofblood.M.J.Michelet(1861,229),inhisbroadtreatiseonthesea, informed his readers that the Whale, when wounded, ensanguines the ocean to a great distance; the blood that we have in drops, is lavished upon him in torrents. While this voluminous and quick bloodshed can also be seen as an indicator of a quick death for the 18

whale, it often serves to empower antiwhaling activists by providing a subject for films and photographs that will engender shock and disgust in their audience (for an analysis of these media,seeSanderson1990and1994).Theincongruousandunexpectedsightofaharboror seascapereddenedbythebloodofwhalesisoftenthephotographicsubjectofadvertisements callingforactionagainstwhalingnations.IfonlythebloodwasbluetheFaroeseMinisterof Fisheries,BjrnKals,thoughtaloudduringmy2005interviewwithhim. At the same time, for many people within a whaling culture, the death of a whale signifies the beginning of a time of plenty. Some celebrate, some become rich, many lend a hand to assist in the labor, and nearly all know that they will eat well. In the two whaling cultures that I examine in this study, there is little community ambivalence regarding the moralityofwhaling. Itiswithhumbleunderstandingofthevarietyofintensehumanemotionsthatcanbe stirredduringafairandobjectivediscussionofwhalingthatIbeginthisdissertation.FinnLynge (1990), the Greenlandic sociologist and policymaker, advised against attempting to minimize theemotionalelementofthewhalingdebateandinsteadadvocateditsanalyticalembrace.I openwithmuchthesamesentimentasErnestHemingway(1932,1)beganhismasterpieceon bullfighting,DeathintheAfternoon: Isuppose,fromamodernmoralpointofview,thatis,aChristianpointofview, the whole bullfight is indefensible; there is certainly much cruelty, there is always danger, either sought or unlooked for, and there is always death, and I shouldnottrytodefenditnow,onlytotellhonestlythethingsIhavefoundtrue about it. To do this I must be altogether frank, or try to be, and if those who readthisdecidewithdisgustthatitiswrittenbysomeonewholackstheir,the readers,finenessoffeelingIcanonlypleadthatthismaybetrue.Butwhoever reads this can only truly make such a judgment when he, or she, has seen the thingsthatarespokenofandknowstrulywhattheirreactionswouldbe. 19

I have seen the things of which I speak, and I offer my reaction, my analysis, and as thoroughly as possible, my compilation and critique of the associated literature. I do not set out to argue for the justness or unjustness of whaling in the Faroe Islands and St. Vincent; rather,asanacademicgeographer,mygoalistounderstandthisintriguinginteractionbetween humansandthenaturalenvironment. Hemingwayssubject,thecorridadetoros,orSpanishbullfight,istechnicallyamethod offoodproduction,forafterthebulliskilledinthefight,itisbutcheredandthemeatissold (Greenfield 1961; Marvin 1994). Even on rare occasions when the bull, through its own bravery,intelligence,skill,orluck,survivesthebullfight,itsfinaldestinationisstilltheabattoir, foraftertheabilityofabulltodrawcrowdsintotheplazasdetoroshasdiminished,itisstill valuable as a source of meat (Hemingway 1932). The value of the meat, however, is minor comparedwiththepedigreethatproducesfightingability,avaluethatdisappearsassoonas thebulldies(Marvin1994,34). DonaldKyle(1998),inhisdiscussionofancientRomanspectaclesofdeath,statedthat the government officials who presided over the events gave the animals killed in gladiatorial combattothepeopleofRomeformeat,oftenforpoliticalgain.However,itisthespectacle itselfthatistheprimarypurposeforthebullfight,thegladiatorialcombat,oranyofanumber oftypesofentertainmentinwhichananimaldies(e.g.biggametrophyhunting,cockfighting, dogfighting,andprairiedogshooting)whethertheactivityresultsinfoodproductionornot.In thebullfight,thecockfight,andingladiatorialgamesthatpithumancombatantsagainstwild animals,theproductionofmeatcouldhavebeenaccomplishedmoresimply,withlessriskto the human participants, and with a quicker, more humane death to the animal if meat productionhadbeentheprimarygoal. 20

Conversely, whaling, especially as it is practiced in the Faroe Islands and St. Vincent today, is primarily a method of food production (Jacobsen and Stove 1944 [cited in Joensen 2009]). While it certainly involves much community celebration and enjoyment and has becomeingrainedintheculturesdeeplyenoughtolendthepracticesstrongresilienceinthe face of international protest and during a time of cessation of whaling activities by other nations,itscorepurposeitsonlytruepurposeistoproducefoodforthelocalcommunities, despite claims of bloodsport made by some antiwhaling activists (for examples, see Sanderson1990;1994).Itwasforfoodthathumansfirsttooktotheseasinpursuitofwhales anditisforfoodthattheactivitycontinuestoday. WhalingHistory TheuseofmarinemammalsbyprehistoricHomosapiens(LeeandRobineau2004)and even by Homo neanderthalensis (Stringer et al. 2008), is thought to have primarily involved strandedwhalesanddolphinsratherthanthedirectedhuntingstrategiesthatarethesubject of the present research (Nansen 1911; Sauer 1968; Hacquebord 1990). However, the importanceofstrandedwhalestothesubsistenceofancientpeoples,especiallyinthenorth, should not be underestimated. As an example from the North Atlantic, Rosenblad and SigurardttirRosenblad(1993,352)citethefollowinglinesfromtheIcelandicEgilsSaga: Therewasplentyofeverything Whalesoftengotstranded. Additionally, there is the linguistic evidence of the oftcited Icelandic word hvalreki, which literallymeansstrandedwhalebutinmodernIcelandicusagecarriesthemeaningofjackpotor godsend(Brydon1992).

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Active whaling operations, as opposed to the harvesting of stranded cetaceans, originated independently in several locations worldwide and cannot be said to have a single pointoforigin.Theearliestwhalingappearstohavebeenconductedatseverallocationsinthe Arctic,althoughthedegreetowhichthesedistinctoperationswereconnectedbyculturaland technological exchange is unknown (McCartney 1984; Stoker and Krupnik 1993 [both cited in ReevesandSmith2006];Weihe2009). Whaleshaveprovidedmanyusefulproductsforpeople.Meat,blubber,skin,andsome organs can be consumed either cooked or uncooked. Generally, food products derived from whalesarehighinvitamins,fattyacids,marineoils,andprotein(Freeman1998;Nestle1999). However, as marine pollution increases throughout the worlds oceans and concentrations of various toxins in whale tissue increase accordingly, the health benefits of a diet that includes whaleproductsbegintobeoutweighedbytherisks(SimmondsandJohnston1994;Weiheand Joensen2008). Historically,themostvaluablenonfoodwhaleproducthasbeenoil.Theblubberand to a lesser extent, the muscle and boneproduces oil when heated (Tnnessen and Johnsen 1982).Whaleoilhasbeenusedinavarietyofindustriesincludinglubrication,lighting,tanning, textiles,linoleum,paint,steel,andtheproductionofvarioushouseholdproductsincludingsoap andmargarine(TnnessenandJohnsen1982;Parr1996).InsomeplacessuchasSt.Vincent, whaleoilistakenorallyorappliedtotheskinasamedicine. Other whale products include baleen, also called whalebone, formerly used as a structuralcomponentforclothingandumbrellas;ambergris,awaxysubstancesecretedinthe digestivetractsofspermwhales,usedinthemanufactureoffragrancesduringtheeighteenth andnineteenthcenturies(Rice2008;seealsoMelville1851,354ff);andivory(toothorbone), 22

thebasisofwhalingsmostuniqueartform,scrimshaw(Frank2008).Meatandbonewerealso ground into animal feed and fertilizer (Dickinson and Sanger 2005; Shoemaker 2005). Aboriginalwhalershavebeenknowntotancetaceanshidesforleather(Reeves2008),tomake thread from the sinews (Reeves2008), touse theteethforceremonialpurposes(Arno 2005; Takekawa 1996b), and to use the mandibles or ribs of large whales in the construction of buildings(Kalman1994). TheBasquesareoftencreditedasbeingfirsttohuntwhales,beginningnolaterthan AD 1059(Sauer1968;ClaphamandLink2006;ReevesandSmith2006).Thisstatusisproblematic sincetheNorse,theJapanese,andaboriginalpeoplesthroughoutthecircumpolarArcticwere whaling much earlier (Nansen 1911; Sauer 1968; Hacquebord 1990; Reeves and Smith 2006; Szabo 2008). There is also some evidence of AngloSaxon and Norman whaling, possibly as earlyastheseventhandtenthcenturies,respectively(Musset1964;HermanandDobney2004; foranalternateinterpretationofHermanandDobneysevidence,whichdateswhalinginGreat Britain to the tenth or eleventh century instead, see Gardiner 1997). The difference is that whaling was conducted by all of these peoples for subsistence or small profits, while Basque whalingquicklybecameaninternationalbusiness(Sauer1968). The Basques, while not the first whalers, did begin whaling independently and were certainlythefirsttobuildawhalingindustry,thefirsttocommercializewhaling,andthefirstto travelfarfromhomeinpursuitofthewhale(Hacquebord1990).Whalingwaswellestablished commercially in the Basque region by the thirteenth century as evidenced by the laws governingtheactivityandbytheprominenceofwhalesandwhalingrelatedmotifsonseveral municipal seals used in Basque towns during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (Sauer

23

1968). Additionally, it is the Basque whaling technique that has had most influenced other whalingoperationsaroundtheworld. ThetechniqueusedbyBasquestylewhalerswastosetoutinalargemothershipwith smalleropenboatsonboard.Whenthelookoutsightedawhale,thecaptainwouldcallforthe boatstobeloweredfortheimpendingpursuit.Underoarpower,thecrewofthesmallboats approached the whale close enough for the harpooner to strike. The harpoon was never intendedtokillthewhale,norwasitcapableofdoingso.Insteadthepurposewastomakethe whale fast to the boat so that when it tired it could be lanced (often after dragging the boat crew on a fast and dangerous Nantucket sleigh ride, as it would later be called). The crew wouldtowthedeadwhaletothemothershipwhereothercrewmemberswouldremovethe blubber (in a process known as flensing, from the Danish flense, meaning to strip blubber [Weekley1967,575])tobeprocessed.TheoriginalBasquewhalersalsoprocessedthewhales fortheirmeatbutmanyotherBasquestylewhalerswereonlyinterestedintheblubber,which wouldbeprocessedintowhaleoil.Insettingswherewhaleswouldoftenapproachwithinsight of land, the Basqueand Basqueinfluencedwhalers erected shore stations that took the place of the mother ship. In whaling history, this method is usually called shore whaling (ReevesandSmith2006). Beginning in the midseventeenth century, American whalers adapted and expanded uponBasquewhalingtechniques.OwingtotheinnovationsthattheAmericanwhalersmadeto the Basque techniques, Reeves and Smith (2006) differentiate between the Basque and American eras of whaling. Put simply, Basque whaling spread to North America, was adopted,adapted,andbecameAmericanwhaling,whichdiffusedfurtherasfarafieldasthe midAtlantic,theSouthPacific,andtheWestIndies. 24

Duringtheeighteenthandnineteenthcenturies,commercialwhalinggrewwithEnglish, Dutch, German, American, French, Danish, Norwegian, Japanese, and Russian whaling ships plying the seas from the Arctic to the Antarctic (Hacquebord 1990; Reeves and Smith 2006). The whaling industry was certainly one of the worlds most spatially extensive form[s] of exploitationofwildlivingresources(ReevesandSmith2006,82).Theindustryexperiencedan oftrepeatedscenario:whalerswoulddepletethepopulationoftheirtargetspeciesinonearea and then either move to another area or shift to another species, often employing new technologyineithercase(Hacquebord1990;Gambell1993).Thedepartureofforeignwhalers fromaregionoftenleftopenanicheforlocalwhalerstopursuewhateverremnantofcetacean populations remained, using the techniques they had learned through association with the foreign whalers, usually for local subsistence rather than on an industrial scale. Current or plannedwhalingoperationsthatoccurtodayinEquatorialGuinea(Aguilar1985),Tonga(Keller 1982), the Philippines (Dolar et al. 1994), and the Caribbean (Romero and Cresswell 2005) includingSt.Vincent(Adams1971)tracetheirhistoriestotheinfluenceofforeignwhalersin thenineteenthcentury(Reeves2002). The other method of whaling that is of primary interest to this research is known as drivestylewhaling.Thistechniqueinvolvesforcingawhaleoragroupofwhalesintoanetora shallowbay,orontotheshorewhereit/theycanbekilled.Drivestylewhalingusuallyinvolves severalboatsworkingcooperativelyandoftenemployssoundproducedthroughsuchdiverse methodsasbangingrocksjustunderwater,blowingtrumpets,shouting,andslappingthehulls oftheboatstokeepthewhalesswimminginthedesireddirection(Brownelletal.2008).Just aswithwhalingingeneral,thereisnoclearsinglepointoforiginforthediffusionofdrivestyle whaling. Rather, it appears to have arisen independently in several locations and among 25

variouspeoples.DrivestylewhalingisalsorecordedashavingbeendevelopedbytheBasques (Jenkins 1921; Graham 1956), various North Atlantic peoples (Hacquebord 1990; Sanderson 1992),aboriginalinhabitantsoftheArctic(McGhee1974;LucierandVanstone1995;Freeman n.d.), many Japanese villages (Mitchell 1975; Brownell 2008, and references therein), and variouspeoplesofthetropicalPacific(Peale1848[citedinBrownell2008],Hedley1896;Handy 1923; Grimble 1952; Zabilka 1959; Dawbin 1966; Emory 1975; Lavonds 1979; Watson 1981; Takekawa1996a,1996b;Cawthorn1997;Miller2007). From these points of origin, drivestyle whaling spread to many locations, especially throughouttheNorthAtlantic.OneoftheearliestfirsthandreferencestowhalingintheNorth Atlantic was a ninth century communiqu to King Alfred of England, which records Norse whaling(Vaughan1982).Scholarsgenerallyagreethatthemethodemployedwasthatofdrive style whaling (Hacquebord 1990; Szabo 2008). The Faroese researcher Arne Thorsteinsson (1986,66[citedandtranslatedinSanderson1992,24]),inapaperentitledHvussuGamalter Grindadrpi?(HowOldisthePilotWhaleSlaughter?),statesthatdrivestylewhalingispart ofthecommonNorseculturewhichthefirstsettlersbroughtwiththemtotheFaroes. Althoughwhaledrivinghasarisenindependentlyindiverseregions,thepracticeismost pervasiveintheNorthAtlantic.RecordsexistofwhaleanddolphindrivesoccurringinIreland (Criomhthain1937;ORiordan1975),theScottishHebrides(Fenton1978);theOrkneyIslands (Tudor 1883), the Shetland Islands (Sandison 1896; Fenton 1978; Smith 2003); Denmark (Mitchell 1975; Kinze 1995 [cited in Brownell 2008]); Norway (Mitchell 1975; Anderson 1991 [cited in Sanderson 1992]); Sweden (Strubberg 1936; Svanberg 2005 [both cited in Joensen 2009]);theFaroeIslands(Joensen1976,2009;Sanderson1992;Bloch2007),Iceland(Mitchell 1975; Einarsson 1987 [cited in Sanderson 1992]), Greenland (Freeman 1998, n.d.), 26

Newfoundland (Power 1994; Dickinson and Sanger 2005; Martin 2006; Fielding 2009), and in theUnitedStatesatMaine(Morris1916),Massachusetts(Thoreau1908;Mitchell1975),New Jersey (Mitchell 1975), and North Carolina (True 1885; Mitchell 1975). Among the countries andsubnationaljurisdictionsontherimoftheNorthAtlantic,fromtheUnitedKingdomtothe UnitedStates,morehavedrivenwhalesthanhavenot(Figure2.4).

Figure 2.4: Map showing countries where drivestyle whaling has been practiced in black. Note: The United Kingdom,Canada,andtheUnitedStatesaredividedintotheirconstituentpartsbecausewhaledrivinghasonly beenpracticedincertainjurisdictionsoftheseconfederations.

During the latter half of the twentieth century, whaling became the controversial environmentalissuethatitremainstoday.Oneofthemajorclaimsofantiwhalingactivistsis that overhunting during the era of commercial whaling has led to a decline in whale populations. This is rarely disputed. In the words of one historian, writing about Antarctic whalingbutapplicabletoindustrialwhalingworldwide,mankilledwithoutanyregardtothe consequencesfortheanimalorthefutureofthewhalingindustry(Hacquebord1990,17).As aresultofthisrampantoverextractionoftheresource,mostwhalingactivitiesworldwidehave ceased.Thosethatcontinuewhalingtoday,whethercommerciallysuchasJapan,Norway,and 27

Iceland, or artisanally such as St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands, do so in spite of protest, to varying degrees, and while implementing methods of conservation, also to varying degrees. Thenextsubsectionswillcoverthehistoryofconflictoverwhalingandattemptsatresolution throughconservation. WhaleConservation Conflict As the Norwegian anthropologist Arne Kalland (2009) points out, environmental

disasters have occurred since antiquity but the development of an environmental movement firstaroseinresponsetotherapidindustrializationandsubsequentenvironmentaldegradation ofnineteenthcenturyEuropeandNorthAmerica(seealsoBenton1996).Suchisalsothecase with the antiwhaling movement, which arose only after whaling became industrial, and in somewayssharescharacteristicswithotherenvironmentalmovements. Public attitudes regarding how bestand indeed, whetherto protect whale populationshaveshiftedwithpublicperceptionofwhalesingeneral.Intheearliestrecorded interactionsbetweenhumansandwhales,theprimaryhumanemotionfeltuponencountering a whale was fear. Examples abound of whales as creatures of which humans were afraid. Ancient maps and Portolan charts show whales, dragons, and sea monstersall equally terrifyinginhabiting unknown seas (Figure 2.5, see also Ellis 2008; Aguirre et al. 2009). The sameHebrewword(tanniyn)isinvariousversionsoftheBibletranslatedwhale,dragon, serpent, or sea monster. The ancient world seems not to have distinguished much between whalesandmonsters.

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Figure 2.5: Detail from the 1539 chart, Carta Marina by Olaus Magnus, showing a monstrous female whale (labeled"BALENA")nursingacalfandanorca(labeledORCHA).Source:Kejlbo1996,19.Usedbypermission.

ThefirstcenturyRomannaturalist,PlinytheElder,inhisNaturalisHistoria,describesan orca that had stranded alive in Ostia harbor (at the mouth of the Tiber). The whale, whose appearance can only be described as a huge mass of flesh with fearsome teeth was put to death with spears by a cohort of soldiers led personally by Emperor Claudius (Pliny AD 79 [1991]). The whole event, according to Pliny, was conducted as a spectacle for the Roman peoplegatheredalongtheshoreline. At the beginning of the era of industrial whaling, when it would seem that men had proventheirsuperiorityoverwhales,theobjectofthewhalerspursuitwasstilloftenviewed withfear.Accountsofwhalesattackingships,suchasthe1820WreckoftheWhaleshipEssex (Chase 1821) were widely read among whalers and nonwhalers alike. This story particularly

29

served as a narrative model for Melvilles Moby Dick (1851), another masterpiece in the whalestobefearedgenre(Davey2003). Even after whales ceased to be feared outright, news of their purposeless killing was received without public outcry. In a twentieth century parallel to Plinys account of Roman soldierskillingthestrandedorcaforshow,theshootingofapodofover100orcasfortarget practicebymembersoftheU.S.AirForcestationedinIcelandwasdescribedunproblematically inalate1950sTimemagazinearticle.Timereceivednodisapprovinglettersinresponsetothis article,whichreferredtothewhalesassavageseacannibalsupto30feetlongwithteethlike bayonetsa characterization not significantly different from Plinys descriptionand describedthekillingindetail(Day1987,5[citedinEpstein2008,89]). As a final example of the changing public perception of whales, an incomplete article fromtheearly1960sonfileattheKingstownPublicLibraryinSt.Vincentbegins,Toanytourist who would like to try his hand at harpooning a small whale off the coast of St. Vincent, this articlemaybeofspecialinterestThetransitionfrompopulararticlesaboutshootingorcas fortargetpracticetoHollywoodfilmssuchasFreeWilly,andfromtouristsharpooningwhales totouristswatchingwhaleswasremarkablyquick. Day (1987) and Epstein (2008) date the beginning of the transition to 1964the year thatacaptiveorcawasfirstputonpublicdisplay.Interestingly,thisparticularorcacaptured off Saturna Island in British Columbia and named Moby Dollwas intended to be killed and usedtocreatealifesizesculpture.Howeverwhenthewhalesurvivedtheharpooning,several shots from a rifle, and the 16hour tow to Vancouver, veterinarians decided to try to save it. Thewhalesurvivedincaptivityforthreemonths,duringwhichtimeitprovidedscientistswitha subject for research and became something of an international celebrity. After Moby Dolls 30

death, the Times of London ran an especially prescient obituary for the whale, which stated, thewidespreadpublicitysomeofitthefirstpositivepresseveraboutkillerwhalesmarked the beginning of an important change in the public attitude toward the species (PBS 1997). Peoplebegantounderstandmoreaboutwhalesand,atthesametime,begantoquestionthe rightnessofwhaling. Inthelatterhalfofthetwentiethcentury,antiwhalingdiscoursetooktwomajorforms: ecological and ethical (Kalland 1993b). The ecological argument calls for the cessation or limitationofwhalingactivitiesbecauseoftheendangeredstatusoftargetedwhalespeciesor the disruption of marine ecosystems that could result from the removal of large numbers of whales. Itisprimarily concerned with theeffects ofhuman activityupon animalpopulations andenvironmentalsystems.Theethicalargumentstatesthatitismorallywrongtokillwhales, either due to the immorality of killing all animals, or because of special rights ascribed to whales in particular (Kalland 1994a). Its main concern is with the effects of human activity uponindividualwhales. While declining whale populations had been a known fact to whalers for centuries, it wasseenprimarilyasalocalizedproblem.Whenwhalesbecamescarceinoneregionorocean basin,whalerswouldmovetoanother(Hacquebord1990;Gambell1993).Bythe1930s,when whalers were concentrating their efforts in the Southern Oceanthe last untapped whaling grounds on earthit became clear to scientists that the populations of certain species, especially the blue and humpback whales, were in danger of commercialif not actual extinction(Simon1965).Still,whaleconservationhadnotyetenteredthepublicconsciousand theantiwhalingmovementhadnotyetbegun.

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Stoett (1997, 34) places thebeginningsof theantiwhalingmovement initshistorical environmentalcontextinthelate1960sandearly1970s: The Cold War threatened us with nuclear annihilation. The population explosion was becoming a common theme, provoking fears of global collapse and mass migration. We were becoming aware of the rapid loss of soil and tropicalrainforest.Oilspillswerefrontpagenews.Andthewhalesweredying. This association of whaling with other environmental problems is characteristic of the ecological argument against whaling. It is based upon scientific knowledge of cetacean populations and recovery rates. Scientific facts do not enter public discourse without interpretation, of course. As Kalland (1993b, 1994a) points out, one of the most common misapplications of science to the whaling debate is the incorrect assumption that all whale speciesareendangered.Infact,cetaceanpopulationsexhibitawiderangeofabundancefrom the baiji, or Yangtze riverdolphin, the rarest and most endangered cetacean in the world (Culik2004,142)whichmaynowindeedbeextinct(Turveyetal.2007),totheminkewhale themostabundantofallbaleenwhales(Jeffersonetal.1993,59).Arespectableecological argument against whaling must take into account the nuanced science of whale population analysis. The relevance of the ecological argument against whaling rises and falls in negative correlationwithwhalepopulations.TheformerdirectoroftheCetaceanSocietyInternational, anantiwhalingorganization,acknowledgedthisdependenceandmakesthecaseforanother argumenttobeconsidered: If harvesting whales is acceptable, there can be little doubt now that at least somespeciesofwhalesinthefuturecansustainalimited,strictlyregulatedtake, withoutthreateningspeciessurvival.Sothereforetheargumentagainstkilling whalescannolongerbebasedonpreventingextinction.Adifferentrationaleis required.(Barstow1990[citedinBlichfield1994,12]) 32

Formostantiwhalingactivists,thedifferentrationaletakestheformoftheethicalargument against whaling. In Charlotte Epsteins (2008, 96) analysis, showing the role of principled beliefs(whichshejuxtaposesagainstscientificknowledge)intheconstructionoftheethical argument against whaling, whales are portrayed as magnificent and mysterious, the majority of humans do not wish to kill them, and those who do are the deceitful, ruthless evilOther. Someethicistshavearguedthatallanimals,includingwhales,possessrightsthatwould precludetheirbeingkilledinallbutextremecases(e.g.Singer1976;Regan1984).Proponents oftheethicalargumenthavealsosingledoutwhalinginparticularfromamongotherformsof killinganimals(Regan1982;DAmatoandChopra1991).Examplesofethicalargumentsagainst whalingrangefromthescientificallyinformedstatementsabouttheprolongedtimetodeath involvedinsomewhalingmethods(Singer1978;WDCS2008),orthesuperiorintelligenceand familialbondingofcertainwhalespecies(Brakesetal.2004;Simmonds2006),ortheeffectsof whaling upon the whalers psyche (White 2009)to the clearly uninformed. Sanderson provided several examples of protest letters, which the Faroese government received during the1980s.Thecontentofseveraloftheselettersliesattheuninformedendofthespectrum ofethicalarguments.Onesuchletterreads: DearSir, TheSlaughterintheFaroesofthedolphinsandwhalesiscausinguntolddamage to the ozone layer. The special sound the dolphins and whales emit holds the ozone layer together. It is of the utmost importance to stop this terrible slaughtering of these wonderful creatures, so many of which are far more evolvedthanman.Theywishyounoharmwhykillthemforsocalledsport. Naturewillrebel.Haveyouanychildren?Doyouwishthemtosurviveinthe futureworld? Yoursfaithfully,Mrs.D.B. P.S.Thedolphinsaretheguardiansofthisplanet.(Sanderson1990,199) 33

Conflictoverwhalinghasbeenplayedoutinavarietyofways.Antiwhalingactivities

range from the civil and benign letterwriting campaigns (Sanderson 1992) and tourism or exportproduct boycotts (Wilson 1996; Kerins 2008) to more direct documentary or interventionarymethods(Day1987;Weyler2004;Heller2007)andevensabotageandsinking ofwhalingships(DerrandMcNamara2003). Antiwhaling The scientific and public concern about whalingboth for ecological and ethical reasonsspurredtheestablishmentofformalconservationmeasurestoprotectwhalespecies andtopromotehumanekillingmethods.Becausemanywhalespeciesmigrategreatdistances and were often hunted in international waters, these conservation measures, by necessity, havetakentheformofinternationaltreatiesandconventions. The first attempt at international regulation of whaling was the Convention for the Regulation of Whaling, in 1931 (Gambell 1993). This convention, which became effective in 1935,soughttoregulateallwhalingoperationstargetingbaleenwhales,whetherinnationalor internationalwaters.Thespecificrestrictionsoftheconventionweremeanttoprotectwhales of endangered species and nursing females with their calves. Aboriginal subsistence whaling was recognized as unique and was given special exemptions. The signatory nations held additional conferences in 1937, 1938, 1944, and 1945 to draft new agreements, each time updatingtheguidelinestoprotectthestilldecliningwhalepopulations. In 1946, whaling nations met at another conference, then called the International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling (Gambell 1993). This meeting created the International Whaling Commission (IWC)the first and only worldwide regulatory body for whaling. The fifteen original signatory statesArgentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, 34

Denmark,France,theNetherlands,NewZealand,Norway,Peru,SouthAfrica,theUK,theUSA, and the USSReither were at the time, or had been, countries with significant whaling interests(IWC2010a). The goal of the establishment of the Commission was to protect whale populations. However the purpose behind this goal was decidedly prowhaling. The convention text calls whalestocksgreatnaturalresourcesandstatesthatincreasesinthesizeofwhalestockswill permitincreases inthenumberofwhaleswhichmaybecaptured(ICRW1946,1).Thetextdid not offer a definition of the term whale but did state its purpose in protecting all whale species (ICRW 1946, 1). An appendix to the convention text included a list of the thirteen GreatWhales(Table1.1)thetwelvespeciesofbaleenwhalesandthespermwhale;these cametobeknownastheIWCwhalesorIWCspecies.Ithasbeengenerallyacceptedthatit isonlythecatchofthesewhalesoverwhichtheIWChasregulatoryauthority(IWC2010b). Despite the sciencebased quota system that the IWC initiated, by the late 1970s it

became clear that much was still unknown about the populations of commercially hunted whalespecies.Populationsurveysreturnedwildlyvaryingdatafromyeartoyear,andquotas wereadjustedaccordingly(Gambell1993).Atthistimeofincreasingworldwideenvironmental consciousness,theunknownquantityofwhalepopulationsdisturbedmany.Beginningin1972, nonwhalingnationsstartedjoiningtheIWC,apparentlyforthespecificpurposeofchanging thebalanceofvotesandthustoinstituteamoratoriumpolicy(Scheiber1998).Thisapparent goalwasmetin1982,whentheIWCpassedaresolutionthat,beginningin1986,reducedthe annual quota for commercial operations targeting all whale species to zero, so that scientists couldconductacomprehensiveassessmentofwhalestocks(Gambell1993,101).Attheend

35

Table2.1:Listofspeciesknownas"TheGreatWhaleswhichincludesthetwelvespeciesofbaleenwhalesplus thespermwhale.Source:InternationalWhalingCommission2010b.

Commonname(English) Bluewhale Bowhead(orGreenlandright)whale Bryde'swhale Finwhale Graywhale Humpbackwhale Minkewhale,Antarctic Minkewhale,common Rightwhale,NorthAtlantic Rightwhale,NorthPacific Rightwhale,Southern Seiwhale Spermwhale

ScientificName Balaenopteramusculus Balaenamysticetus Balaenopteraedeni Balaenopteraphysalus Eschrichtiusrobustus Megapteranovaeangliae Balaenopterabonaerensis Balaenopteraacutorostrata Eubalaenaglacialis Eubalaenajaponica Eubalaenaaustralis Balaenopteraborealis Physetermacrocephalus

of this assessment period, the IWC was to consider establishing new catch limits. However whatwasoriginallyintendedtobeatemporarypauseinwhalingactivitieshascontinuedtobe upheldbyannualvote;thezeroquotaisstillinplace. Part of the reason that the 1986 moratorium is still in effect today is that IWC

membership has become more precautionary, more environmentally conscious, and less advocating of whaling. The current IWC membership roster contains the names of many countriesthathaveneverwhaledandeveneightlandlockedcountries(IWC2010c).PerIWC regulations, each member state has an equal vote, regardless of its population, seniority, or interest in whaling (IWC 2010d). The Commission has shifted in its philosophical framework fromconservationtopreservation.UnderthenewphilosophyoftheIWC,theburdenofproof hasbeenmovedtothosewhowishtoutilizetheresourcetodemonstratethatanyresumption ofwhalingwillnotbeharmful(Gambell1993,106). 36

WhalingToday With the moratorium on commercial whaling still in effect, whaling occurs today in three ways: the hunt of IWC whales under exceptions to the moratorium, the hunt of IWC whales in protestor outside the jurisdictionof the IWC, and the hunt of nonIWC whales. Eachwillbediscussedbelow. TwoexceptionsexisttotheIWCmoratorium.Thefirstoftheseisaboriginalsubsistence whaling.AccordingtotheCommissionswebsite, Sinceitsinception,theIWChasrecognisedthataboriginalsubsistencewhalingis of a different nature to commercial whaling Under current IWC regulations, aboriginal subsistence whaling is permitted for Denmark (Greenland, fin and minke whales), the Russian Federation (Siberia, gray and bowhead whales), St. Vincent and the Grenadines (Bequia, humpback whales) and the USA (Alaska, bowheadandgraywhales).(IWC2009a)

ItshouldbenotedthattheinclusionofSt.VincentandtheGrenadinesinthelistofauthorized aboriginalsubsistencewhalingnationsisintendedtoincludeonlythewhalersontheislandof Bequia who hunt humpback whales. While there are certainly relationships and connections between the hunt for humpbacks by Bequia whalers and the hunt for pilot whales by St. Vincent islanders, the IWC treats these two instances of whaling as fundamentally separate, owingtothedifferenceintargetspeciesofthetwooperations. Therehasbeenmuchdebateintheacademicliteratureaboutwhatcriteriashouldbe used to determine when a community qualifies for aboriginal subsistence status (IWC 1982; Moeren 1992; Gambell 1993; Kalland 1994b; Reeves 2002). Certainly the process by which communities receive permission to whale for aboriginal subsistence purposes by the IWC shouldcontinuetobereexamined.However,becausethecommunitiesuponwhichthisstudy

37

focuses do not whale by aboriginal subsistence permission, an indepth examination of this exceptiontothemoratoriumwouldbemisplacedinthisdissertation. Scientific whaling is the second exception to the IWC moratorium. Under a scientific

whalingpermit,IWCwhalesmaybesubjecttolethalresearchmethods(IWC2009c).Since the 1986 moratorium, the IWC has issued scientific whaling permits to three member states: Japan, Norway, and Iceland. Only Japan conducts scientific whaling of IWC whales today. Criticsofscientificwhalingclaimthatthepermitsserveonlytoprovideafrontoflegitimacyto otherwiseoutrightviolationofthemoratoriumandthatlittlescientificdiscoveryhasresulted fromthepermitsissuedtodate(e.g.Abdulla1995;Brownelletal.2000;Galesetal.2005).In contrast to the criticism of Japans scientific whaling operation by scientists, there are scientific and legal supporters both in and outside of Japan (e.g. Aron 2001; Morishita 2006). Again, however, the communities that are the focus of this dissertation do not engage in scientific whaling of IWC whales, though Faroese research has contributed much to our knowledge of the longfinned pilot whale, a nonIWC whale species (Bloch et al. 1990a; Desportes1990;Donovanetal.1993).Additionally,theIWChasrequestedthattheFisheries Division in St. Vincent and the Grenadines assist in collecting data on all humpback whales takenintheaboriginalwhalingoperationonBequia(AppendixC). Operations targeting IWC whales can also be conducted by IWC signatory states that

havelodgedformalprotestsagainstthemoratorium.Theonlycontemporaryexampleofthis typeofwhalingisNorway.ThefinalwayinwhichIWCwhalesarehuntedtodayiswhalingby nonIWC member states. Indonesia and the Philippines, which have never joined the IWC, currently host whaling operations that target IWC whales. Additionally, Canada and Iceland conductaboriginalandcommercialwhaling,respectively,afterhavinglefttheIWC. 38

Finally,andofimmediaterelevancetotheresearchpresentedhere,IWCmemberstates

donotgenerallyrecognizetheCommissionsauthoritytoregulatetheuseorconservationof cetaceans not included in the list of IWC whales given above in Table 2.1. These nonIWC whalesarecollectivelytermedsmallcetaceans.Whilesomelegalexpertsandenvironmental organizations argue that the IWC is competent to regulate small cetaceans (Gillespie 2001; Elliottetal.2009),thecurrentIWCframeworkdefersallrelevantconservationandexploitation decisionstonationalorsubnationalgovernments.WhiletheIWCstudiesthesedecisionsand theireffects,smallcetaceanoperationsarenotcurrentlysubjecttotheCommissionsoversight or regulation. Some researchers, including those at the IWC itself, have called for the establishmentofaninternationalregulatorybodyforsmallcetaceans,eitheraspartoftheIWC or as a separate entity (IWC 1977; Andresen 1993). Others favor the expansion and empowerment of existing regional conservation treaty organizations to oversee the use of smallcetaceans(Caron1995;Hoel1993). The lack of a global international management body for small cetaceans has led one environmentalorganizationtocollectivelycallthesespeciestheforgottenwhales(Elliotetal. 2009).Thecategoryofsmallcetaceansdoesincludeallspeciesofdolphinsandporpoisesbut shouldnotbeseenasinclusiveonlyofcetaceansphysicallysmallerthantheIWCwhales.As Gillespie(2001,259260)pointsout,theIWChastheauthoritytoregulateminkewhaleswhich are deemed large, but which are physically smaller than Bairds beaked whales, which are deemedsmall. The IWC scientific committee maintains a subcommittee on small cetaceans, which continually monitors developments in their study, but the Commission maintains no control over their exploitation. Regulations regarding the conservation and/or exploitation of small 39

cetaceans are completely within the jurisdiction of the national governments of the IWC member states or the various regional regulatory bodies. One of these regional bodies, the Agreement on the Conservation of Small Cetaceans of the Baltic and North Seas defines the termsmallcetaceansasanyspecies,subspeciesorpopulationoftoothedwhalesOdontoceti, excepttheSpermwhalePhysetermacrocephalus(citedinGillespie2001,261)afittingand succinctdefinitiontowhichIshalladhereinthisdissertation. Communitybased whaling operations with long histories using traditional hunting methods,butthatdonotfitwithintheIWCcategoryofaboriginalsubsistencewhalers,orthat targetonlycetaceansofnonIWCspeciesareoftenreferredtoasartisanalwhalers(Freeman 1993b; Kalland 1993a; Reeves 2002; Culik 2004; Kerins 2008). Reeves (2002, 99) defines artisanalwhalingasbeing characterized by localized familybased operations, conducted with a substantial investment of manual labour and involving traditional skills and techniques. Products are generally consumed at the household or village level, withsurplusessoldinlocalorregionalmarkets.

Basedonthisdefinition,theartisanallabel isappropriateforthewhalingoperationsinthe areasuponwhichthisdissertationfocuses,aswillbeshown. Thelackofaninternationalregulatorybodyhascomplicatedeffortstocompileaglobal

tallyofallartisanalwhalingoperationstargetingsmallcetaceanstoday.Thosetalliesthatdo existhavereliedprimarilyuponpublishedandunpublishedreportsofcasestudies(e.g.Mitchell 1975;NorthridgeandPilleri1986;RobardsandReevesinpress).

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CHAPTER3:THEORETICALFRAMEWORK

Whales,Whaling,andGeography InherdiscussionofthevalueofwhalesandwhalingtomedievalsocietiesintheNorth Atlantic,historianVickiSzabo(2008,45)acknowledgedthatwhaleswereneitheramainstay ofmedievaldiets,norweretheycentralwithinmedievalthought.Rather,shecontinues, [whales] were secondary resources, but resources nonetheless. A similar moderation of importance could be applied to the place of whaling as a subject of scholarly investigation withinacademicgeography.Geographershaveindeedstudiedwhaling(e.g.Adams1971;Ross 1971; Sanger 1991; Barton 2001; Johnson 2001; Dickinson and Sanger 2005; Bravo 2006; Sakakibara 2008; 2009; 2010), though, to borrow Szabos phraseology, the topic has hardly been central within geographical thought. However, geographers have long been concerned with the broad subject most central to the study of whaling: interactions between human societiesandthenaturalenvironment. The nuanced interplay between humans and the environment has required a multifaceted geographical approach and could be credited with playing a causal role in the breadthofscopeforwhichthefieldofgeographyiswellknown.Threeofthemajorwaysin whichgeographershavesoughttobettercomprehendhumanenvironmentalinteractionsare by studying the depletion and conservation of natural resources, natures symbolic representation and cultural value to human societies, and the social construction of nature. Thesethreethemeshavebeencentraltothecurrentstudyandtheirtheoreticalunderpinnings shall be discussed in this chapter. Following this thematic discussion, examples of research

41

specifically related to the subject matter and field sites of this study are presented and discussed. HumanAgencyandResourceDepletion The capability of human societies to alter their natural environments through the extraction of natural resources has long been understood (Sauer 1938; 1956; Glacken 1967). Often, unrestrained resource extraction has led to environmental degradation through the exhaustion of resources, among which living plants and animals are especially vulnerable (Mangel et al. 1996). Of specific import to the current study are the significant effects of commercial fishing and whaling upon not only the targeted faunal populations, but upon the marinenaturalenvironmentasaglobalsystem(Marsh1864;Graham1956;Hilborn1991;Ellis 2003). The exhaustion of fish populations from the worlds oceans has occurred both historically(Jacksonetal.2001)andinrecentdecades(Botsfordetal.1997;FAO2007).One rationalization for unchecked extractive natural resource use, in general, has been the perceivedinexhaustibility ofwhateverresourcewasbeingused.Perhapsinnootherspecific casehasthisbeliefbeenshowntobefallaciousthanthroughfisheries.Forexample,biologist ThomasHuxley(1885,para.35)madetheinfamousremarkinhisaddresstothe1883London FisheriesExhibitionthat, thecodfishery,theherringfishery,thepilchardfishery,themackerelfishery, and probably all the great sea fisheries, are inexhaustible; that is to say, that nothing we do seriously affects the number of the fish. And any attempt to regulatethesefisheriesseemsconsequently,fromthenatureofthecase,tobe useless. There was a time when the doctrine of inexhaustibility was also applied to whales (Starbuck1878;Starks1922;Bekoff2008).Historyhasshownthat,tothecontrary,inboththe cases of fishing and whaling, human activities have had significant effects on animal 42

populationsandthenaturalenvironmentmoregenerally.Thereductioninthenumberoffish, whales, and other aquatic animals, both directly through fishing and whaling and indirectly throughhabitatdegradationhasbeenanongoingthemethroughoutenvironmentalliterature (Marsh1885;Graham1956;Glacken1967;Hilborn1991;Ellis2003). In the depletion of marine natural resources and its direct link to unsustainably extractive human activities, we have a clear example of mankinds capacity to transform the natural environment of the earthsignificantly and, perhaps, irrevocably. This acknowledgementofhumanagency(Sauer1956)necessitatesasabasicpremisetheconcept ofafundamentalseparationofthatwhichishumanfromthatwhichisnatural.Thisstrict dichotomy is no longer a basic assumption made by geographers, however its role in the creationofaconservationethichasbeeninstrumental. AConservationImperative Within the human/nature paradigm, it has been repeatedly shown through numerous andwidelydiversecasestudiesthathumanimpactuponthenaturalenvironmentcanleadto extreme environmental degradation (Marsh 1864; Thomas 1956; Turner et al. 1990). These phenomena are not new; human agency has been shown to have been altering the natural environment for millennia (Glacken 1967; White 1967). Logically, this knowledge of power suggests a certain responsibility. If we humans are capable of such destruction, then we are alsocapableofandobligatedtosomeformofenvironmentalprotectionandrestoration. Historically, there has been much debate over the optimal way to protect the natural environment. In the United States, an environmental movement arose in earnest during the late nineteenth century, during which Americans, informed by the writings of George Perkins Marsh, Henry David Thoreau, John James Audubon, and others, became more aware of the 43

needfortheprotectionoftheenvironmentanditsnaturalresources (Grove1996;McManus 2000; Shabecoff 2003). Whether it was best to protect the natural environment through conservation or through preservation became a contested issue. These two different perspectiveswouldbepittedagainstoneanotherinastruggletobecomethedominanttheme withintheAmericanenvironmentalmovement. Conservation,accordingtooneofitsearlychampions,GiffordPinchot(1910,7981),is described as a practical commonsense management strategy based upon prudence and foresight,whichholdsthatitisaboutasimportanttoseethatthepeopleingeneralgetthe benefitofournaturalresourcesastoseethatthereshallbenaturalresourcesleftforfuture generationstouse.Itisanenvironmentalethicthatrecognizestheutilityofnaturalresources to human society and assumes the ability of current generations to use restraint in their exploitationoftheseresourcessothatfuturegenerationswillnotbefacedwithshortages. Preservation,bycomparison,emphasizestheintrinsicvalueofwildernessandcallsfor a land ethic, which, according to Aldo Leopold (1966, 239), expands the community of concerntoincludenotonlycurrentandfuturegenerationsofhumans,butalsosoils,waters, plants,andanimals,orcollectively:theland.Anearlier,andmoreterracentricpreservationist ethic was promoted by John Muir, who viewed human benefit from natural resources as secondarytotheimportanceofpreservingofnaturallandscapesforthesakeoftheirinherent beauty. Muir (1901, 370) advocated the establishment of national parks, which would be preserved in their natural condition and all extractive resource use banned within. He believed that the public would agree with his ethic, if only they were exposed to the natural environments he sought to protect. Muir (1896, 282283) had previously written that, if

44

people in general could be got into the woods, even for once, to hear the trees speak for themselves,alldifficultiesinthewayofforestpreservationwouldvanish. Thedoctrinesofconservationandpreservation,personifiedbyPinchotandMuir,came into direct conflict with the 1906 proposal and eventual construction of the O'Shaughnessy Dam on the Tuolumne River, designed to create a major water supply for San Francisco (Richardson1959;Oravec1984;Righter2005).Muiropposedtheconstructionofthedamon the grounds that it would destroy the natural beauty of the Hetch Hetchy Valley. Pinchot supportedthedamasnecessarytomeettheneedsoftherapidlyincreasingpopulationofSan Francisco.Aftermuchpublicandpoliticaldebate,thedamwasconstructedinDecember,1913. John Muir died one year later, his preservationist ethic having failed to attain the national prominencehefeltitdeserved(Worster2008). Most historical analyses conclude that conservationa lesser threat to the nations economic interestsbested preservation to become the predominant environmental ethic of theUnitedStates(e.g.McManus2000;Miller2001;BlackandLybecker2008).However,the preservationistapproachenduresincertaincontextssuchastheestablishmentandexpansion ofnationalparks,thedeepecologymovement(Naess1973),and,ofparticularconcerntothe currentstudy,intheregulationofhumaninteractionwithmarinemammals,which,bothinthe United States law and international treaty, follows a predominately preservationist management agenda (Gambell 1993; Marine Mammal Commission 2007). Within public and legalperception,then,itappearsthatwhalesrequireamodifiedapproach,amorecarefulform ofprotection,thandootherelementsofthenaturalenvironment.Whetherwhalesrequirethis special approach because of their special needs, or because of their special qualities is not entirelyclear. 45

CulturalKeystonesandTotemicSpecies Ecologists have long understood that some species are of greater importance to the functioning of total ecosystems than their biomass or abundance would otherwise indicate (Paine 1966, 1969, 1995;Mills et al. 1993; Vogt et al. 1997; Piraino and Fanelli 1999). These disproportionately important species are known as keystone species, a term coined by the ecologistRobertT.Paineandfirstusedtodescribetheimportantroleofthepurpleochresea star(Pisasterochraceus)intheecosystemsofthePacificNorthwestoftheUnitedStates.Since Painesoriginalnamingofakeystonespecies,dozensmorehavebeenidentifiedbyscientists workinginavarietyofecosystemtypes(e.g.Estesetal.1978;Smithetal.1991;Creed2000; WillsonandHalupka2002). In recent years, social scientists have applied the concept of keystone species to

contextsinwhichonespeciesisgivenspecialstatuswithinthemythosofaparticularculture.A Culturally Defined Keystone Species (CKS)according to Sergio Cristancho and Joanne Vining (2004,155),theenvironmentalscientistswhocoinedthetermisdefinedasaspeciesofplant oranimalwhoseexistenceandsymbolicvalueareessentialtothestabilityofaculturalgroup over time. Often owing to the practical and subsistence importance, these species become embedded in a people's cultural traditions and narratives, their ceremonies, dances, songs, anddiscourse(GaribaldiandTurner2004,1).Itfollowsfromthesecriteriathattheremovalof theCKSwouldentailsignificantculturaldisruptions(CristanchoandVining2004,155)forthe culturalgroupthatvaluesthespecies. Similar to the CKS is the concept of totemic species. A totemic species is a certain

animal (or occasionally plant) species held in special reverence or given a status approaching kinship by certain population groups (Freud 1919; LviStrauss 1963; Douglas 1966; Simoons 46

1994;Durkheim2001;Sakakibara2009).Somespeciesarechosenastotemsandtoeatthemis forbidden (e.g. Akimichi 1992; Alvard 2003), while others seem to have been established as totemsexpresslybecauseoftheirvaluetothepopulationasafoodsource(e.g.Frazer1910; Skinner 1915; Berndt et al. 1993). Whether the totemic species is eaten or not, it is always given a higher status than other species within the mythology and culture of the population group. Among groups that do eat animals or plants of their totemic species, there are often special rules regarding the preparation, consumption, and especially the disposal of uneaten remainsoftotemicanimals. The Norwegian anthropologist Arne Kalland (1993a; 1994a; 2009) has applied this concept in his analysis of the international environmental movement that began in the latter halfofthetwentiethcentury.Throughthisframework,Kallandsoughttoexplaintheprimarily emotional, yet verging on the deeply spiritual, attachment of humans to whales and other charismatic megafauna such as elephants and dolphins (see Freeman and Kreuter 1994; Barneyetal.2005).AccordingtoKalland,antiwhalingdiscoursehaslargelysucceededinthe establishmentofwhalesastotemicspecieswithinWesternpopularthought(seealsoHamazaki andTanno2002). By combining positively regarded characteristics of a number of whale species, anti whaling apologists have created, in Kallands (1993a; 1994a) words, a superwhale, a non existentanimalthatcombinessuperlativeattributesofseveralcetaceanspeciesandcomesto representWhaleintheimaginationanddiscourseofthepublic.Thus,whilethebluewhaleis thelargestanimalevertolive,thespermwhalehasthelargestbrain,thehumpbackwhaleis known for its melodious calls, the bottlenose dolphin and gray whales are perceived as friendly,andthebowheadandbluewhalesareendangered,theimaginarysuperwhaleis 47

constructedtofeatureallofthesequalities.Kalland,inessence,accusesantiwhalingactivists ofcampaigningfortheprotectionofachimericanimalthatdoesnotexist. The attributes of the superwhale are selected to appeal to human emotion and to gain support for the protection of a variety of cetacean species. Similarly, Stokes (2007) showedhowspecificphysicalcharacteristicsofcertainanimalscaninfluencethelevelatwhich theyendearthemselvestohumansandcanhaveprofoundimplicationsforthegainingofpublic supportfortheirconservation.Kalland(1993a)citestheeminentFrenchanthropologistClaude LviStrauss (1966, 37) on totemic species: The beings which native thought endows with significanceareseenasexhibitingacertainaffinitywithman.Thewhale,or,asKallandmakes clear, the superwhale, exhibits this affinity with man because of its assemblage of characteristics,sociallyconstructedtomeethumanpreferencesfortraitsactuallyfoundspread throughout several different species of cetacean. As Stokes made clear, species that have endeared themselves to humans stand a better chance of being protected. Thus the distributionofendearingcharacteristicsofseveralspeciesamongallcetaceans,hasprofound implicationsfortheprotectionofallwhalesanddolphins. TheSocialConstructionofNature This idea that human preferences and social constructs can strongly influence the conservation,exploitation,orindeedthesurvivalofanimalspeciespointstoanotherapproach tothequestionofhumanenvironmentalinteractions,whichistoaskwhetherthereoughtto be such a strict dichotomy between human society and the natural world at all (Castree and Braun 2001; Hinchliffe 2007). Alternatively, Noel Castree (2001a) suggests that nature is actually a social construct and that it does notor, can no longerexist apart from human society. Though the concept has primarily been applied to terrestrial environments, 48

geographers S.E. Jackson (1995) and Philip Steinberg (2001) have extended the idea of the social construction to marine environments as well. The present research expands upon this application, showing thattheseaand thestate ofitsecologycanbeconstructed by social discoursetowardavarietyofpoliticallyinfusedoutcomes. Socialtheorists(e.g.Derrida2002)havequestionedthestrictdivisionbetweenhumans andothernonhumananimals(EmelandWolch1998,2;Anderson1998,31),buttheconcept behind the social production of nature is that all of nature and human society are so intertwined that one cannot simply ask how one affects the other independently. Rather, accordingtothistheory,eachconstructstheother(Hinchliffe2007).Societiesmayconstruct different natures for different purposes using different discourses (Demeritt 2001), and accordingtosocialnaturetheory,boththeproducersandtheproductsshouldbeincludedinan analysisoftheirinteractions. Certainly the inclusion of nonhuman animals within realms of study that had been previously populated only by humans is a formand a critiqueof the theory of socially constructednatures(Ingold1990;Mullin1999;Whatmore1999).Thatis,thebreakdownofthe division between humans and nonhuman animals is based upon the perspective that the division was sociallyconstructed to begin with, yet levies criticism against the theory by imbuingtheactorsformerlyonthenonhumansideofthedivisionwiththeirownagency,thus reducing the uniqueness of humans as constructive agents. The criticism levied by animal geographersisthatthesociallyconstructeddichotomybetweenhumansandanimals(partof the larger dichotomy between humans and the natural world) is vague at best, misrepresentative of reality at worst. Indeed, some researchers have portrayed the human naturedichotomyasaholdoverfromthetimeofteleologybasedscience,thehistoryofwhich 49

Glacken(1967)discussed,butwhichhasbeenlargelyrejectedbyscholarsfornearlyacentury (Bain1928[citedinEmelandWolch1999]). What is suggested by recent social and geographical theory in place of a strict dichotomization of the human and natural (including animal) worlds is an acknowledgement thatthetwoaredependentupononeanotherfortheirexistenceandconceptualization.This body of literature began in earnest in the mid1990s (Wolch and Emel 1995a), though Fudge (2006)hasshowntheconceptsdeeperhistoricalroots.Hinchliffe(2007)conceivedofnature as a partner to human society but suggested that there is no clear delineation between the two; therefore it would be fruitless to speak of one without the other. The practical implications of this emerging approach are unclear. Certainly one can deny any actual distinctionbetweenhumansocietyandthenaturalenvironment,thusechoing NoelCastrees (2001a, 12) conclusion that there is, therefore, no objective, nondiscursive way of comprehendingnature[perse]. ConservationGeography A more practical application of the theory of social nature may be to follow Mark Bontas call to wholly integrate the study of cultural geography into conservationbased research.Bonta(2003,3)describeshisconservationgeographyasageographicalapproach toconservationthatcutsacrossartificialboundariesseparatingwhatisnaturalfromwhatis cultural in the landscape. In so doing, conservation geographers include the needs of the humaninhabitantsofaplacealongwiththeneedsofthenaturalenvironmentintheirplansfor environmentalprotection. The inclusion of the needs of indigenous human societies within the design of conservationstrategieshasbecomeincreasinglypopularduringthepasttwodecades(Stevens 50

1997;ZimmererandYoung1998a;Zimmerer2006).Howeverthisnewinclusivefocusisbased upon a foundational concept in American cultural geographythe idea of a cultural landscape that includes not only the soils, hydrology, flora, and fauna that are normally associatedwiththenaturalenvironment,butalsothepresence,history,culture,andagency ofaplaceshumaninhabitants(Sauer1925). Conservation geography goes beyond the mere inclusion of the needs of indigenous peoples into conservation strategies, however, by allowing the knowledge compiled within theseculturestoinformandinstructtheactualconservationplansthatareimplemented(see Freeman 1992; Folke 2004). Bonta (2003, 3) suggests that we analyze and appreciate local conservation knowledge and practice before attempting to impose new beliefs and new techniques.Byfollowingthisadvice,conservationgeographersrecognizeindigenouspeople ascolleagues,notmerelyasconstituentpartsofthelandscape,orworse,astheiradversariesin thestruggletoprotectaparticularplace,species,orresource.Cultureswithlonghistoriesof natural resource use and subsistence have often had to adapt to a variety of changing environmental conditions throughout their histories (Denevan 1983; Hansis 1984; Hardesty 1986). By recognizing the hardwon lessons that these cultural adaptations have produced, conservationgeographerscangainaccesstoawealthoftraditionalknowledgeaboutthelocal and regional ecologiesknowledge that can support and inform the empirical knowledge gainedthroughmorescientificmethods. Traditionalecologicalknowledge(TEK)canbeseenasmoreholistic,systemsbased,and multidimensionalthanthemorelinear,empirical,reductionistsciencestypicallyreferredtoas Western.ThemajorityofTEKliteratureupholdsthisdichotomybetweenWesternscience the provenance of biologists, chemists, physicists, and some geographersand TEK, which is 51

almost exclusively thought of as residing within traditionbased, nonindustrial societies (Freeman1992,9).Thesetwoparallelmodesofacquiringknowledge(LviStrauss1966,13) aregenerallyrepresentedasjustthat:parallel,therefore,notintersecting.Thestatedgoalof muchoftheliteraturereflectingupontheimportanceofTEKistointegratethetwomodesby empoweringtheholdersofTEKandbringingthemintotheprocessesofplanning,conducting, and analyzing the data from, research (see Freeman 1992; Berkes et al. 2000; Usher 2000). Whilethisdichotomymayoftenbeaccurate,anditsassociatedprescriptionprudentinmany cases,itisalsothecasethatbothTEKandWesternsciencecanexistwithinthesamesociety, indeedwithinthesameindividual.NorisTEKalwaysabsentfromthecollectiveknowledgeof societiesthataremoreapttobecharacterizedasmodern,Western,andindustrial.TheFaroe Islands presents a salient example of a society that integrates empirical science with its own longstanding, culturally embedded ecological knowledge to inform its decisions regarding the useandconservationofitsavailablenaturalresources. Inpractice,however,scientificfindingsandTEKarebothoftenoverriddenbyrealworld situations, which must be negotiated. In their frequentlycited political ecology text, Land DegradationandSociety,PiersBlaikieandHaroldBrookfield(1986)showthatempoweredlocal actors at times make survivalstrategy decisions that are at odds with principles of ecological sustainability (and their own local ecological knowledge) in response to social and political pressuresthathavelimitedtheirchoicesofaction.Similarly,Bonta(2003,4)arguesthatthe true culprit in many cases of environmental degradation is not the slashandburn farmer [but] a complex web of worsening economic and political conditions. To understand the choices that local people make regarding activities that protect or degrade the natural environment, one must take into account not only cultural and local economic factors, but 52

larger political and economic forces as well. Only when a researcher has gained an understanding of the interplay of these multiscalar and contradictory forces, can he or she begintomakerecommendationsforecologicallyandculturallysustainablestrategies. To attempt to create conservation strategies for populated areas or in areas of high resourceproductivitywithoutexaminingboththebroaderpoliticaleconomicsituationandthe traditional conservation practices already in place within the culture of the local inhabitants wouldbetoignorepotentiallyinvaluablesourcesofgeographicalknowledge.Writingwithina culturalecologyframework,whichwillbeaddressedbelow,KarlButzer(1989,203)pointedout decades ago that, Westerners should first learn from indigenous groups before prescribing change. Butzer explains that traditional agricultural systems benefit from generations of evaluationandconnectiontothelocalenvironment,andthatanyoutsideattemptstoimprove thesesystemswillbehinderedbytheircomparativelackoflocalenvironmentalexpertise. Oftenthistraditionalknowledgeisnotovertlyrecognizableasconservationist.Rather, profound conservationist principles can lie hidden within traditional cultural practicesthe ecological implications of which may remain obscured even to those indigenous people who adheretothemmoststrictly.StanStevens(1997,2)writesof patterns of resource use and resource management that reflect intimate knowledge of local geography and ecosystems and contribute to the conservationofbiodiversitythroughsuchpracticesasprotectingparticularareas and species as sacred, developing land use regulations and customs that limit anddispersetheimpactsofsubsistenceresourceuse,andpartitioningtheuseof particularterritoriesbetweencommunities,groups,andhouseholds. It is important to note, from Stevens example as well as others, that the practices ingrained into the cultural traditions of an indigenous group may be represented as religious (areas and species as sacred), customary (customs that limit impacts), or organizational 53

(partitioning the use of particular territories), but often are not presented as overtly ecological.Whileanthropologistsoncebelievedthatritualactionsdonotproduceapractical result on the external world (Homans 1941, 172 [cited in Rappaport 1967, 17]), subsequent generations of ethnographical, ecological, and geographical study have amassed countless examples of ritualized cultural traditions producing practical results in the form of environmentalconservation(seeColdingandFolke2001).CarlSauer(1956,68)recognizedthe intrinsicandpracticalvalueofunderstandingthesewiseanddurablenativesystemsofdealing with the land. Sauers observations, in the words of geographer Clark Monson (2004, 5), helped spawn an intellectual renaissance among geographers and anthropologists in re examiningandrevitalizingindigenousenvironmentalknowledge. This renaissance has continued to produce studies that examine the value of ritual, culturaltraditions,andTEKtopoliciesofresourceconservation.Withinmarineenvironments, the majority of these studies have been based within the Pacific basin, as evidenced by the 2007UNESCOcompendiumonthesubject(Hagganetal.2007),aswellasmyriadcasestudies conducted by geographers and anthropologists (e.g. Rappaport 1967; Johannes 1978; Lessa 1983; Barnes 1996; Thomas 2002; Aswani and Hamilton 2004; Monson 2004). Within the Atlantic,andspecificallythetworegionsuponwhichthisresearchfocusestheCaribbeanand the North Atlanticfewer related studies exist. Recent notable exceptions include Kevin St. Martin(2001)andTedAmes(2007)inNewEngland,PaulMacnab(2002)andSusanE.Gassand Martin Willison (2005) in Atlantic Canada, Gsli Plsson (2000) in Iceland, Sandra Grant and Fikret Berkes (2007) in Grenada, and Fikret Berkes (1999) series of short case studies from throughout the insular Caribbean. To discover these culturally embedded conservation strategies,anoutsideresearchermustemploythemethodsoftheethnographer,thecultural 54

geographer,andtheanthropologist,inadditiontobecomingwellversedinthescienceofthe ecologist,theforester,theoceanographer,orthebiologist. TheToolsofGeographers In1964,JohnE.Adams,thenagraduatestudentingeography,madehisfirstvisittoSt. VincentandtheGrenadinestoinvestigatethelocalwhalingindustry.Histoolswerethetime honored ones of geographers in the field: notebook, camera, and map (Adams 1994, 65). AdamssucceededinproducingthefirststudyofartisanalCaribbeanwhalingwithinacademic geography (1970) and continued to write on the subject throughout his career (1971; 1973; 1975; 1985; 1994). During Adams lifetime, however, the toolset available to geographers hasexpandeddramatically. Of vital recent importance among geographers technical repertoire is Geographical Information Systems (GIS). However, although geographers using GIS have found a most valuable tool in the analysis of ecological situations (Lang 1992; Convis 2001; Breman 2002), geographical contributions to conservation issues go much further and have a much deeper history. While the current project does rely upon GIS for the production, analysis, and interpretationofspatialdata,itmakesmorefoundationaluseofculturalandpoliticalecology, complementarytoolsofgreatimportancetoanygeographerinterestedinconservation. AccordingtoKarlButzer(1990,686),culturalecologistsareconcernedwiththerole of people and the manipulation of resources within ecosystems. Cultural ecologys greatest strengthliesinitsabilitytoexaminetheintrinsicandoftensophisticatedlinkagesbetweenthe culturesofindigenouspopulationsandtheirlocalenvironments.Culturalecologysetsafitting foundation for conservation geography by acknowledging the unified framework in which society and nature are seen as intimately interconnected, bound by complex systemic 55

interrelationships (Butzer 1989, 193). However, when the fact that communities are not closed, homeostatic systems (Peet and Watts 1996, 45) comes to light, the analyses employedbystrictculturalecologistsshowlesspotency.Politicalecologycarriestheconcept beyondtheconfinesofasingleculturalgroup.Bylookingatwaysinwhichlocalcommunities are integrated into larger political and economic systems, issues of humanenvironmental interactions can be examined at a higher degree of spatial and organizational scale (see ZimmererandBassett2003). Bothculturalandpoliticalecologyhavebeenprimarilyinterestedwithstrategiesoffood production (Butzer 1989), since this represents one of the preeminent interactions of human societywiththenaturalenvironment.Inthecurrentresearch,foodproductionistheprimary motivatorforbothVincentianandFaroesewhalingactivities. HumansasHunters Byextractinglivingmarineresourcesforfoodfromopenaccesssystems,fishermenand artisanal whalers exhibit some characteristics of classically defined huntergatherers. As recently as the late 1960s, researchers could say that sixty percent of all human males who have ever lived have been hunters (Lee and DeVore 1968). Despite this historical majority, contemporary societies for whom hunting (along with gathering) is an important method of foodproductionarenowdwindlingtothepointofextinction.Thosehuntergatherersocieties thatremainoftencomprisemarginalclasseswithintheirlargernationalstate. Partofthejustificationforthismarginalizationhasbeentheassumptionthatthelifeof a member of a huntergatherer society is not a life of very much quality, anyway. The seventeenth century English political philosopher Thomas Hobbes (1651 [1904], 84) characterized life in the state of nature, not only as lacking an understanding of geography 56

and history (no Knowledge of the face of the Earth, no account of Time), but also as famouslysolitary,poore,nasty,brutish,andshort.Suchdescriptionhasbeenappliedtopre agriculturalpeoplesconsistentlysinceHobbes,thoughanthropologistsregularlyciteexamples ofmembersofhuntergatherersocietiesenjoyinglong,rewardinglives,filledwithtimeforrest andleisure(e.g.Lee1968;Sahlins1968;RowleyConwy2001;FortheviewthatHobbesfamous assessment was never intended to apply to his contemporary huntergatherer societies, see Barnard2004). The presence of whaling in the Faroe Islands and St. Vincent, and the reliance upon whale meat and blubber as significant portions of the diet in both locations does not classify the Faroese and the Vincentians as huntergatherers, despite their relevance to the hunter gatherer literature (e.g. High North Alliance 1997; Jkupsson 2002; Joensen 2002; OlsenAaju 2002).Bothsocietiestakepartininternationalindustrialfoodnetworksand,asislandnations often do, rely heavily upon imported foodstuffs. However, with opportunities for agriculture and livestockraising limited by the physical geography of both locations and the high cost of imports,theFaroeseandVincentianshaveturnedtoinnovativeusesofwhatnaturalresources doexistlocally,lookingmainlytothesea.Indoingso,thesesocietieshaveretainedtraditions thatothershaveabandoned.Eachsitecouldarguablybedescribedasahybridgeographya blurring of the boundary between industrialist and huntergatherer, between traditional and modern,betweenlocalandglobal(Bhaba1994;Whatmore2002;Kwan2004). IslandandMaritimeGeographies That these places of hybrid geography are found primarily on islands where artisanal

whalingcoexistswithtiestoglobalindustrialfoodnetworksshouldcomeasnosurprise.The emergentfieldofnissology,orislandstudies,teachesusthatislandsoftenserveasplacesof 57

preservation. From biogeography we learn of insular relict species, extinct elsewhere but survivingonislands(Wallace1880;WhittakerandFernndezPalacios2007;ChekeandHume 2008); from linguistics, we have examples of islands serving as the last repositories for languages and dialects now dead continentally (e.g. Wolff 1967; Matasovi 2007) and from cultural geography we know of islands preserving cultural heritage and traditions no longer practicedonthemainland(e.g.Robertson1982;Royle2003). Geographers and other scholars have long recognized the importance of islands

(MacArthurandWilson1967;SimberloffandWilson1969;Amaral1984;King1993;Royle2001; Pron2004;Baldacchino2006b;vanDuzer2006;Funk2009).Amongscholarlywriters,thefirst torecognizetheuniquenessandvalueofislandsfortheirworkwerethebiogeographersofthe nineteenthcentury,ofwhomDarwinandWallacearedeservedlythemostfamous.Bothwrote canonicalworksonthedivergentevolutionofvariousplantandanimalspeciesfoundonislands (Darwin 1859; Wallace 1880). Each independently concluded that the separateness of the species due to the insularity of their habitats had influenced their evolution toward specific adaptations. It was not long before human geographers began to postulate that the same effectsmightbeseeninhumansocieties. Jean Brunhes and Ellen Churchill Semple were among the first to write of the way in which an island was thought to affect its inhabitants. Brunhes (1910) addressed human societiesthatdeveloponseveraltypesofislandsincludingthedesertoasisandtheremote mountaintop but curiously did not address actual waterbound islands of the sea. Semple reliedheavilyupontheworkofFriedrichRatzel(1901),whowas,himself,adevoteeofisland biogeographyaconceptthatiscentraltohisideaofLebensraum.

58

Semplesbook,thoughcriticized(Sauer1925)alongwiththeprincipleofLebensraumin general(Tuathail1996;Wood2001),showsanintriguingpictureofgeographicalthoughtof hertime.ThechaptertitledIslandPeoples,(Semple1911,172)giveshundredsofexamples fromaroundtheworldofhowislandsaffecttheirinhabitants,andsummarizesthus: Small, naturally defined areas, whether their boundaries are drawn by mountains,sea,orbyboth,alwaysharborsmallbutmarkedlyindividualpeoples, asalsopeculiarorendemicanimalforms,whosedifferentiationvarieswiththe degreeofisolation.Suchpeoplescanbefoundoverandoveragainonislands, peninsulas,confinedmountainvalleys,ordesertrimmedoases. Islands continue to be used as naturally bounded laboratories for various kinds of research.TheirvaluetosciencehasbeenexplainedbyRussellKing(1993,13): For geographers, anthropologists, ecologists and biologists, islands hold a particular attraction, functioning as smallscale spatial laboratories where theories can be tested and processes observed in the setting of a semiclosed system. KingechoesthewordsofAlfredRusselWallace(1880,241)whowroteacenturyearlierthat, islandspossessmanyadvantagesforthestudyofthelawsandphenomenaof distribution. As compared with continents they have a restricted area and definite boundaries, and in most cases their biological and geographical boundariescoincide.Thenumberofspeciesandofgeneratheycontainisalways much smaller than in the case of continents, and their peculiar species and groupsareusuallywelldefinedandstrictlylimitedinrange. Certainlytheislandlocationsofthetwositesforthisstudyhavecontributedtotheirroleastwo of the few remaining places where whaling is an important method of food production. As small scale laboratories (King 1993, 13) these whaling islands allow for the study of their culturesandobservationofthesystemsthatsupporttheirwhalingoperations. WorldandRegionalWhaling Whalingasatopicofscholarlyinquiryisvastandfewhaveattemptedtocoveritsdepth andbreadthinasinglework.Twoofthemostnotableandenduringvolumesonthetopicare 59

byAlexanderStarbuck(1878)andJohanNicolayTnnessenandArneOddJohnsen(1982),both ofwhichfavorthehistoricalapproachandcontributelesstothephysicalorbiologicalsciences. Recent works by Randall Reeves and Tim Smith (2003; 2006) and James Estes and colleagues (2006) provide more balance between the human and natural sciences. All of these global scalestudiesofwhalingfocusprimarilyuponcommercialoperationstargetingIWCspecies,and lessuponartisanalhuntingofsmallcetaceans. Themostcompleteworldwidesummariesofsmallcetaceanoperationswereconducted byEdwardMitchell(1975)andS.NorthridgeandG.Pilleri(1986).Theseworksarenolonger current but provide valuable historical information. Another worldwide survey of whaling operationsfocusesprimarilyuponsmallcetaceanoperations(notbydesignbutsimplybecause theyaremorenumerousthanoperationstargetingIWCspecies)andiscurrentlyunderwayby Martin Robards and Randall Reeves (n.d.). Northridge and Pilleri organized their study by species, Robards and Reeves geographically, and Mitchell provided both systematic (based uponspeciesorgenera)andgeographicaldelineationsinhisvolume.BorisCulik(2004)offers anexhaustivesurveyofthebiologyofsmallcetaceansandincludesvaluable,yetnotcomplete, informationonwhalingoperationstargetingeachspecies. WithintheNorthAtlantic,themostthoroughhistoricalstudyofwhalingwasconducted byOleLindquist(1994;1997)butdoesnotcoverwhalingoperationsofthetwentiethcentury or beyond. The special issue of North Atlantic Studies devoted to whaling communities (Westergaard1990)providedcasestudiesofcontemporarywhalinginthisregionbutmadeno claimsatcomprehensiveness.ThevolumebyGregoryDonovanandcolleagues(1993)focuses primarily upon the biology of the pilot whale but provides valuable information on North Atlanticwhalingactivitiesaswell. 60

In the Caribbean, fewer regional surveys of whaling activities exist. The paper by Aldemaro Romero and Joel Cresswell (2005) combines elements from several islandspecific casestudies(e.g.Romeroetal.1997;RomeroandHayford2000;Reeves2001;Romeroetal. 2002) and best approaches a regionwide survey of historical and contemporary whaling operations.WilliamPrice(1985),writingfortheIWC,presentedanupdateonwhalinginthe Caribbeanbutfailedtoinvestigateseveralopportunisticorpossiblyregularartisanaloperations onislandsoutsideofhismainstudyareas:St.Vincent,Bequia,andSt.Lucia.MostCaribbean whaling literature focuses upon the aboriginal hunt for humpback whales from Bequia (e.g. Adams1971;1994;Ward1988;1995;Hamaguchi2001;2005). St.Vincent Therehavebeenfewinvestigationsbyacademicresearchersintotheartisanalwhaling operationontheislandofSt.Vincent.AsmentionedaboveJohnE.Adams(1970;1971;1980; 1985;1994),introducedthefisheriesandwhalingoperationsofSt.VincentandtheGrenadines toacademicgeographyandcontinuedtowriteonrelatedtopicsthroughouthiscareer.Adams interest in the artisanal whaling operation on St. Vincent was influenced by his personal observations of, and participation in, whaling activities and was informed by R.S. Rack (1952) who made a pioneering study of the operation over a decade earlier. Contemporaneous to Adams was the husbandandwife team from the University of Florida, David and Melba Caldwell,who,togetherandseparately,publishedwidelyonthesubjectofoperationstargeting smallcetaceansintheCaribbean(e.g.CaldwellandErdman1963;CaldwellandCaldwell1971; Caldwelletal.1971).Finally,NigelM.Scott(1995),aVincentianwhostudiedattheUniversity oftheWestIndies,Barbadoscampus,inthe1990swrotehisM.S.thesisinthefieldofMarine Resource and Environmental Management titled, The Current Status and Management 61

Options for the Mammalian Fishery in Barrouallie, St. Vincent, West Indies. Since 1995, the onlypublicationstomentiontheBarrouallieoperationtargetingsmallcetaceanshavebeenthe broad regional and global surveys listed above or works that have focused upon the Bequia humpback whaling industry, while mentioning the Barrouallie operation as an aside (e.g. Hamaguchi2001,2005). ThemostcurrentandcompleteanthropologicalstudyofSt.Vincentcultureandidentity is by Virginia Heyer Young (1993), who cites several unpublished dissertations that both informed and influenced her own study (Spinelli 1973; Betley 1976; Hourihan 1975; Gearing 1988).HymieRubensteinsvillagestudies(1977;1980;1987)havealsobeeninformative,both toYoungandtothepresentstudy. Research based on St. Vincent that is unrelated to whaling but along similar human environmentalthemeshasincludedmanyvolcanologicalstudiesofMt.Soufrire,itseruptions, andtheirhumanimpact(e.g.Anderson1785;Anderson1903;Flett1908;Hovey1909;Aspinall et al. 1973; Barr and Hefter 1982; Fiske and Shepherd 1982), research on the preCarib petroglyphsfoundatseveralsitesontheisland(Fewkes1914;Huckerby1914;Dubelaar1995), classiceconomicgeography(Wright1929;Walker1937),astudyofnaturalresourcesandclass history (Fraser 1975), ethnographical research on speech, song, and other cultural traditions (Abrahams and Bauman 1971; Abrahams 1974; 1982; Rubenstein 1976), politics and political ecology (John 1973; Grossman 1993; 1997; 1998), and an analysis of the islands potential to support alternative (eco) tourism industries (Duval 1998). Furthermore, any treatment of theGarifuna/GarinagudiasporahasusuallymentionedthegroupsSt.Vincentoriginstosome degree(e.g.Davidson1980;Gullick1985;MattheiandSmith2008). 62

FaroeIslands According to the MIT anthropologist Jonathan Wylie (1993, 353), the grindadrp, or Faroese pilot whale hunt, supports an immense literature. Kate Sanderson (1992, 15) has describedthelargestbodyofthisliteratureas consist[ing] of the many popular and general descriptions which have proliferated since the nineteenth century, most of which are representative of thebroadgenreoftravelwriting. However,predatingthefirstrelevanttraveloguesisthevaluableinformationonwhaling

thatSandersonhasextractedfromearlymapsandclericaldata,primarilyinFaroeseandDanish archives. Most travelers accounts of journeys to the Faroe Islands include some mention of whaling activities. Sandersons Textual History of Whaling Traditions in the Faroes (1992) provides an exhaustive review of the literature, including travel writing in several European languages, from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries. Jan Pauli Joensens more recent culturalstudyofthegrindadrp(2009)expandsuponsomeofthemorerelevanttexts. One of the earliest foreign visitors to the Faroe Islands to write in a detailed manner about the grindadrp was Lucas Debes, a Danish priest who served in the Faroes in the late seventeenth century (Debes 1676). Other foreign travelers left their impressions of the grindadrp, including, from the nineteenth century, a German lawyer (Graba 1830), an American botanist (Taylor 1997), and a British geographer (Grossman 1896); and from the twentiethcentury,severalBritishsoldierswhowerestationedontheFaroesduringtheSecond WorldWar(Norgate1943;Williamson1948).OneoftheFaroeIslandsmorefamousvisitors who left a literary record of her impressions was Anne Morrow Lindbergh, wife and aviation partner of Charles Lindbergh. The Lindberghs visited the Faroes as part of a multistop transatlantic flight during the 1930s and though they did not witness a grindadrp, it was 63

apparently described to them, as a brief description is included in the account of their visit (Lindbergh1974). AcademictreatmentsofwhalingintheFaroeIslandsbeginwithJensChristianSvabo,an eighteenth century Faroese economist and natural historian educated in Copenhagen, who wroteaboutFaroesenaturalresourceeconomicsandaddressedpilotwhalingalongwithother folkmethodsoffoodproduction,includingsheeprearingandfowling(Sanderson1992).H.C. Mller (1882 [cited in Sanderson 1992]) made a valuable treatment of the grindadrp during thelatenineteenthcenturyaperiodofabundanceofwhalesandfrequentgrindadrp. Recent studies of the grindadrp fall into three major categories: cultural, biological, andanalysesoforcontributionstothecontroversysurroundingwhaling.Themostprolific writers on the culture of the grindadrp are the Faroese ethnographer Jan Pauli Joensen (1976; 1990; 2002; 2009) and American anthropologist Jonathan Wylie (1974; 1981). Other informative cultural studies have been conducted by Michael Moore (1982), Jennifer Gibson Lonsdale(1990),EricClark(2004),DoreteBloch(2007),andSenKerins(2008).Additionally, whaling is often discussed in broader treatments of Faroese culture (e.g. Williamson 1948; Blehr1963;West1972;Wylie1987;Gaffin1996;Nauerby1996;Clark2004).Joensens(2009, 2122)pointregardingtravelwritersthatalmosteveryonewhohaswrittenabouttheFaroes alsomentionsthedramaticwhalehuntwouldapplyalmostaswelltoscholarstoo. BiologicalresearchintowhalesandwhalingintheFaroeIslandsispredominantlyledby Dorete Bloch, biologist at Froya Nttrugripasavn, the Faroese Museum of Natural History, and director of the museums pilot whale research program. Bloch has had a part, either as author,coauthor,oracknowledgedadviser,inmostmajorbiologicalstudiesofpilotwhalesin Faroesewatersfordecades(e.g.Bloch1982;Blochetal.1990a;1990b;1993;2003;Donovanet 64

al. 1993; Dam and Bloch 2000; HeideJrgensen et al. 2002; Buckland et al. 2003). Other biological research includes works by Liselotte Wesley Andersen and Hans Redlef Siegismund (1994), Alan Abend and Tim Smith (1999), and Genevive Desportes (2002). Jstines Olsen (1999), a Faroese veterinarian, has provided an analysis of the killing methods used in the grindadrp,informedbyhisknowledgeofwhaleanatomyandphysiology. Faroese whaling is a controversial topic within environmental literature. Prominent polemic writings against whaling in the Faroes include M. Glover (1981) and Jennifer Gibson and colleagues (1987). Works defending Faroese (and sometimes other) whaling operations arerepresentedbyKateSanderson(n.d.)andtheHighNorthAlliance(1997).Analysesofthe conflict include Arne Kalland (1993b; 1994a), Georg Blichfeldt (1994), Kate Sanderson (1994), andChillaBulbeckandSandraBowdler(2008). The comparative approach taken by this research is not without precedent. Previous scholarship has compared Faroese whaling with cooperative maritime food production elsewhere, including tuna seining on the Caribbean island of Dominica (Wylie 1993), tuna seining in Sicily (van Ginkel 2005), aboriginal whaling by the Makah in Washington State (van Ginkel 2007b), and other pilot whale drives in the Shetland Islands (Smith 1993) and Newfoundland (Fielding 2007). Bernard Stonehouse (1983) compared the Faroese reliance uponmarineresourcesingeneralwiththelackofsuchresourceuseintheFalklandIslands. WhalingmayhaveproducedmoreliteraturethananyotheraspectoflifeintheFaroe Islands. However, other scholars have conducted studies unrelated to whaling that have informedthepresentresearch.Thesetopicsincludeconstructionofnationalidentity(Joensen 1989; Whlin 1989; stergaard 1992; Wylie 1982; 1989; 1995), historical human ecology (Amorosi et al. 1997; Edwards 2005a and papers therein), social control and societal norms 65

(Gaffin1995),sheeprearing(Joensen1999),resourcedepletionandmigration(Hamiltonetal. 2004),andtheaforementionedstudiesontraditionalmethodsoffoodproduction. LacunaeandNiche Thisresearchisastudythatfocusesuponthreeprimaryactors:humansociety,wildlife,

andthephysicalenvironment.Assuch,itispurelygeographical.Thewhalingoperationsinthe FaroeIslandsandSt.Vincenthaverarelybeenexaminedgeographically,andnevercompared onetotheother.Throughtheperspectiveofconservationgeography,thisstudyinvestigates theconservationstrategiesalreadyinplaceoftendeeplyembeddedwithintraditionalcultural practices.However,certainelementsofthenaturalenvironmentarenowchangingatapace unmatchablebytheinertialadenevolutionofculturaltraditions.Thisstudyacknowledgesthe needfor,andexaminestheeffectivenessof,quickinsertionofsciencebasedlessonsintothe Faroese and Vincentian conservation schemes, which can augment the traditional environmentalstrategiesandhelpadjusttoarapidlychangingworld(Molleretal.2004). The threefold focus upon culture, conflict, and conservation tells a broader story of whaling and its human and environmental consequences than previous studies with other researchquestionsormotivations.Thisresearchshowsthatneitherwhalingnorantiwhalingis an entirely linear argument, that each is nuanced, and entails multiple layers of cultural and environmental discourse. The cultural element of this study considers the cultures of anti whaling as well as those of whaling. While the whaling debate is ostensibly about resources and stock assessments, this study shows that cultural affinity for whales on both sides of the debateas Cultural Keystone Species in St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands and as totemic species within cultures of antiwhalingmay play an equally important role in the oft passionatecasesmadebyproponentsandopponentsofwhalingalike. 66

This study also contributes to the long fascination geographers have had with the sea (e.g. Maury 1857; Alexander 1968; Walton 1974; Jackson 1995; Steinberg 2001; Longhurst 2007).Thisinteresthasprimarilybeenintherealmsofphysicalgeographyandtransportation, howevertheFijiangeographerJoeliVeitayaki(1993)hasissuedacalltoreconsidertheoceanas aplaceforalltypesofgeographicalresearch. Thecomparativescopeofthisprojectfindsfieldsitesatoppositepointsalongtherimof agreatocean,withindifferentregionsandclimates,withdifferenthistoriesandcultures,yetis specificenoughtofocusuponartisanal operationstargetingwhalesevenofthesamegenera (Globicephala). It brings together two cultures: one developed, wealthy, and European, the otherdeveloping,poor,andpostcolonial.Thechoiceofstudyareas,andtheequalattention given to both, challenges the notion of Third World bias within cultural ecology research (Butzer1989,193)andprovidesafreshapproachtoresearchintotheculturalfactorsrelating tomarinenaturalresourceuseatopiconcedominatedbytheconceptofsimpletransfersof knowledgefromthetemperateminoritytothetropicalmajority(Kurien2002). AccordingtoCarlSauer(1941,8),thewholetaskofhumangeographyisnothingless thanthecomparativestudyofareallylocalizedcultures.Indeed,comparativestudieshavea significanthistoryingeography(Mikesell1960;Brookfield1962;Wood2001)andrelatedfields such as cultural anthropology (Murphy and Steward 1956; Steward 1960; Harris 1968; Wylie 1982; 1993) and political science (Jull 1991; Anckar 2006). While human geography today certainly shows greater breadth than Sauers emphasis on comparative studies alone, his definitionnonethelessservesasareminderthattheinvestigationofarealdifferencesareakey togeographicalscholarship.

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CHAPTER4:RESEARCHMETHODS AFieldworkBasedApproach Continuing in the long tradition of geographers at Louisiana State University (Mathewson and Shoemaker 2004) and the Berkeley school of cultural geography more generally(JonesandSauer1915;Sauer1941;Leighly1976;West1979),andbuildinguponthe foundationssetbysomeofacademicgeographysearliestantecedents(Mathewson2001)and most stalwart contemporary scholars (DeLyser and Starrs 2001), the research for this project has been primarily fieldworkbased. However, this work goes beyond mere empiricism and description.AcknowledgingthattherearethreemainactorsineachofthenetworkswhichI studyhuman societies, whales, and the physical environmentI have sought to heed the adviceofJenniferWolchandJodyEmel(1998,xv),who,intheirtreatiseonanimalgeographies statethat, contemporary geographical work on naturesociety relations, fully informed by social theory, philosophy and cultural studies, thus provides solid ground on whichtobasenewthinkingaboutanimalhumanrelations. IspentfivefieldseasonsintheFaroeIslands(108daystotal)andthreeinSt.Vincent(67 daystotal).Forcomparativeperspective,Ialsopaidshortervisitstotwoofthefiveartisanal whaling villages on St. Lucia, the one remaining aboriginal whaling village on Bequia, and several former artisanal whaling communities in Newfoundland and Massachusetts. The piecemealnatureofthefundingIreceivedforthisresearchnecessitatedthestringofshorter field seasons rather than the traditional longterm embedment. For the remainder of this chapter,Ishalldiscussthespecificresearchmethodsused. 68

ObservationandParticipation The most important method by which I learned about whaling in both field sites was simplytoobserveandassistwhalersinaction.Iimmersedmyselfasmuchaspossibleintothe dailylifeofFaroeseandVincentianwhalersandthoseassociatedwithwhaling.Thiswasmore straightforwardonSt.VincentthanintheFaroes.InSt.Vincent,whalingisadailyactivityand onecanreliablyexpectittotakeplacesixdaysperweekfromonlyonevillage,Barrouallie.In the Faroe Islands, whaling can occur at any time and at any of the twentytwo approved whalingbays,thusIhadtoalwaysbepreparedtotravelquicklyifapodofwhaleswassighted. St.Vincent Upon meeting Samuel Hazelwood, Barrouallies most experienced and successful harpooner, I explained my research goals and was offered a spot onboard his boat, the Sea Hunter. I participated a total of seventeen whaling voyages (three in 2008 and fourteen in 2009)duringwhichsixtyeightcetaceanswerecaught.Imeasuredthefollowingdataforeach voyage:timeofdeparturefromandreturntoport,GPStracksofthecoursefollowed,location andtimeofallwhalesightingsandcatches.Ialsorecordedgeneralobservationsofthewhaling activities. ThehandheldGPSdeviceaGarmineTrexLegendCwasthemostusefultoolforthis partoftheproject,notonlyformarkinglocations,butformarkingexacttimesaswell.Using the devices waypoint feature, I recorded the time and location of all whale sightings, harpoonshots(orthrows),strikes,misses,andotherpointsofinterest. Ialsomarkedawaypointtorecordthedeathofeachcapturedwhaleordolphin,notto recordthelocationbuttoallowforanexactcalculationoftimetodeath.Irecordedthefirst successfulharpoonstrike(markedHforhit)andthetimeatwhichthewhaledied(markedD 69

for death). I considered the time of death to be when the animal ceased all breathing, voluntary movement, and reaction to stimuli (for discussions of these somewhat problematic yetstillmostwidelyacceptedindicators,seeIWC1980;BowlesandLonsdale1994;WDCSand HSUS2003;Kalland2009).Afterwitnessingseveralcetaceandeathsitbecamequiteintuitive toknowwhenawhaleordolphinhadinfactdied.Icarriedasmallnotepadtorecordnotes abouteachGPSwaypointsothatIcouldquicklymarkeachwithadefaultnumericalidentifier, ratherthantakethetimetoinputadescriptivenameelectronically. My only critique of any of the equipment used in this research is that the GPS device wasnotaswaterproofasitclaimedtobe.Accordingtothemanual,thedevicewasrugged, fullygasketedwaterresistant.Submersible1meter@30minutes(Garmin2004,67).My experiencewasthattheGPSperformedwellinallconditionsincludingrainandoceanwaves breakingoverthegunwalesoftheboatuntilthelastweekoffieldworkwhenasmallamount ofwaterbecamevisiblebeneaththeplasticcoveroftheLCDscreen.Afterthis,itwasonlya matterofdaysbeforethedevicehadlostallfunctionalityandwasruined. Of course my role onboard the Sea Hunter was not simply that of observer. When a whalewasstruck,Iwasgiventhetaskofhaulingitinontheharpoonline.Togetherwiththe sternman,Ihadtolifttheanimaloutofthewaterandintotheboat,ifitwassmallenoughto fit.Oncetheanimalwasonboard,itwasoftenmyjobtocutouttheharpoonwithaknife,retie the gill, and straighten the foreshaft if it had been bent. This was bloody and difficult work, made more challenging by the constant roll and pitch of the boat and the need for haste to prepareforthenextharpoonstrike.Ialsotookphotographswheneverpossibletodocument visuallyalloftheactivityaboardthewhaleboat. 70

FaroeIslands IntheFaroeIslandscontext,Iwasnotabletoparticipateasdirectlyinwhalingactivities

asinSt.Vincent.Thiswasusuallyduetothefactthatthereweresomanyexperiencedwhalers onhandthattherewouldbenoneedforanovice(andaforeignnoviceatthat)toassist.Idid, however, have the opportunity to participate in the passingon of the grindabo and the haulingofdolphinsashoreafterakill. MyprimaryroleinFaroesewhalingwasthatofobserver,ratherthanparticipant.More sointheFaroeIslandsthaninSt.Vincent,thereisaneedtoeitherbeintherightplaceatthe righttime,thatis,nearthewhalingbaywhenthewhalesaresighted,ortotravelveryquickly fromwhereveronefirsthearsthegrindabotothebaywherethewhaleswillbedriven.The likelihoodofmakingthistripsuccessfullyisbasedsimplyonlogisticsandgeography.Ifoneisin Trshavn and hears that whales are being driven into a bay on Suuroy, the southernmost island,thereislittlechanceinarrivingbeforethegrindadrpiscomplete.However,withaccess to a vehicle and a mobile telephone, one can often be present at a grindadrp that occurs anywherewithintheislandsconnectedbyfixedlinks.Evenso,inmy108daysoffieldworkin theFaroes,Iwasonlypresentforfourgrindadrp(thesamewordisusedforboththesingular andpluralforms). BeginningduringmyfirstfieldseasonintheFaroeIslands,Ibecamecloselyassociated

with the scientists at Froya Nttrugripasavn, the Faroese Museum of Natural History. The marine biologists, entomologists, and ornithologists at this institution were supportive of my workandhelpfulinmypursuits.Whenapersonsightsapodofwhales,heorshefirstalerts thesslumaurtoreportthesightingandtoallowthisofficialtodecidewhethertherewillbea grindadrp. Often, the second person to be notified is Dr. Dorete Bloch, head biologist of 71

Froya Nttrugripasavns pilot whale research program. Dr. Bloch keeps a list of telephone numbersofinterestedpartieswhoshethennotifiesintheeventofagrindadrp,assortofan earlygrindabo. By associating myself with the scientists at Froya Nttrugripasavn and joining them

during their own fieldworktasks such as collecting interesting fish brought in by fishermen, placingsatellitetagsoncaptureddolphinsforrerelease,orinvestigatingthebirdrookeriesofa remoteseacliffIwasabletobecomeafamiliarfaceamongthecorpsofwildliferesearchers in the Faroe Islands. I carried a mobile telephone with a local number, which was added to Blochs early grindabo list and was nearly always among the first to be notified of an impendinggrindadrp.Naturally,IwouldpassonthegrindabotootherswhenIreceivedit anditneverceasedtocauselaughterinmynonscientistFaroesefriendsthatI,aforeigner,was informingthemofagrindadrptheirownnationalsymbol. Interviews Besidesthecountlesscasual,butinformative,conversationsthattookplaceduringmy

fieldwork,Iconductedformalandsemiformalinterviewswithavarietyofstakeholdersinboth locations(Table4.1).Muchoftheinformationinthedescriptivechapters(5and6)hascome directlyfromtheseinterviews. StudentSurveys Perceptions and opinions of todays youth are arguably the best indicator of future trendsinFaroeseandVincentianwhalingatleastthosetrendsthatarewithinthecontrolof cultureandsociety.Forthisreason,Iconductedsurveyswithstudentsinbothlocations.The specificquestionsaskedwerenotidenticalinthetwosurveys,owingtothedifferentnatureof

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whaling activities. However I intentionally structured the surveys so that straightforward comparisonswouldbepossible.
Table4.1:Individualsinterviewedformallyineachfieldsite.

St.Vincent Name Arden Brown,Victoria Charles,Philip CruickshankHoward, Jennifer Francis,Prislet Fredericks,George Harry,Vernon Hazelwood,Samuel Kimmie McHorne Pierre,Vibert Ryan,Raymond Scott,Nigel Speakeasy Straker,Leslie FaroeIslands Role Harpooner,boat owner Vendor Formerwhaler SeniorFisheries Officer Coopemployee Formerwhaler Formerwhaler Harpooner,boat owner Coopemployee Formerwhaler Coopmanager ChiefFisheries Officer Fisheriesresearcher Whaler Researcher Name Bloch,Dorete

FaroeIslands Role Biologist Grindaformann AdventistPastor Knifemaker Geographer Whalingparticipant Grindaformann Grindaformann Ethnologist MinisterofFisheries Grindaformann Veterinarian Sslumaur MinistryofFisheries Grindaformann Activist(antiwhaling) ChiefMedicalOfficer

Dahl,Arne Danielsen,Jens Garal,Magni Guttesen,Rolf Holm,Denis Joensen,Finnbogi Joensen,Hans Jensen,JanPauli Kals,Bjrn Marni,Tummas Olsen,Justines Poulsen,Andras Sanderson,Kate Sjrarberg,lavur Watson,Paul Weihe,Pl

In the Faroe Islands, I surveyed 225 youths at two separate postsecondary schools: Froya Handilsskli (Faroe Islands Business College) and Tekniski Sklin Trshavn (Technical CollegeofTrshavn).Thesurvey(AppendixB)consistedofaseriesofdemographicquestions followed by sixteen primarily quantitative or binaryresponse questions regarding the participantsconsumptionofwhaleproductsandparticipationinthegrindadrp.Ialsoasked aboutfamiliaritywiththewhalingofficialsandknowledgeabouttheriskofmarinetoxins. 73

The average age of the respondents was 18.38 years, with the youngest being15 and the oldest 32 (Figure 4.1). The vast majority (eightynine percent) of the students were betweentheagesof16and20years.Therewere151malerespondents(sixtysevenpercent) and seventythree female respondents (thirtytwo percent). Both colleges are located in the capital area but draw students from across the Faroe Islands. Of the 225 students surveyed, 127(fiftysixpercent)werefromthecapitalarea(definedasthecapitalcity,Trshavn,andthe villagesofArgirandHoyvik)andninetyeight(fortyfourpercent)werefromelsewhereinthe Faroes.ThesurveyparticipantscamefromnineoftheseventeeninhabitedFaroeIslandswith 143 (sixtyfour percent) from villages with approved whaling bays and eightyone (thirtysix percent)fromvillageswithoutwhalingbays(Figure4.2).
70 Numberofrespondents 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 Age

Figure4.1:AgedistributionofparticipantsintheFaroeseyouthsurvey(n=225).

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 Figure4.2:MapoftheFaroeIslandsshowingthehometownsofstudentsparticipatingintheFaroeseyouth survey.

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St.Vincent In St. Vincent, where not as many young people could be expected to participate in whaling activities, my survey questions primarily dealt with consumption of whale meat and blubber and perceived status of those involved in whaling and in the processing and selling whaleproducts,ratherthanquestionsofdirectparticipationinwhalingactivities(AppendixA). I surveyed 211 students (average age 17.96 years [Figure 4.3], thirtythree male, sixtyseven percentfemale)inSt.Vincentattwopostsecondaryschools:St.VincentandtheGrenadines Community College and St. Vincent and the Grenadines Technical College. As in the Faroe Islands,thesecollegesarelocatedinthecapitalbutdrawstudentsfromthroughoutthecountry (Figure4.4).IaskedquestionsthatfollowedthegeneraltrendoftheFaroeseyouthsurveybut wereadjustedforthelocalcultureandmethodsofwhalinginSt.Vincent.Forexample,rather than asking about participation, since very few individuals partake in whaling, I asked more questionsaboutfamiliaritywiththeindustryandconsumption.
100 90 NumberofRespondents 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 16 17 18 19 20 21 Age 22 23 24 25

Figure4.3:AgedistributionofparticipantsintheVincentianyouthsurvey(n=211).

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 Figure 4.4: Regional divisions of St. Vincent and the Grenadines, following Adams 1980, and their representationintheVincentianyouthsurvey.Numbersindicatethenumberofparticipants;percentagesare therelativefractionofthewhole(n=211).

I compiled the results of these surveys and conducted analysis to elucidate trends,

relations between demographics and perceptions of whaling activities, and to better understand the spatiality of participation, perception, and consumption, as they relate to the localwhalingoperations.

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AnalysisofWhalingRecords The whaling records available in each study location varied greatly from the other in

suchcriteriaasinformationrecordedforeachcatchandtemporalextent.TheFaroesenational whalingrecordsfamouslygobacktothesixteenthcentury(continuousfrom1709topresent) andrecordthedate,location,andnumberofwhalescaughtformostgrindadrp. In St. Vincent, there are no national whaling records, nor are catches reported to any authority.ThebestsourcefordataisthefinancialrecordofSamuelHazelwood,aBarrouallie boat owner and harpooner, though his records only cover the most recent three years of whaling.BaseduponestimatesmadebyrepresentativesfromtheFisheriesDivisionaswellas personal observation, Hazelwoods boat takes approximately twice the catch as the other Barrouallie boats combined. Therefore, to extrapolate from Hazelwoods records to an estimatefortheentireBarrouallieoperation,Imultipliedhisnumbersby1.5.Thismethodis admittedly imprecise, but presents the most accurate estimate for catches that occurred outsideofthetimeofmyfieldwork.Basicwhalingrecordsonlythenumbersofpilotwhales anddolphins(allspeciescombined)caughtperyearareavailable,butnotcontinuous,inthe literatureproducedbypreviousresearchers. I conducted statistical analysis of both the Faroese and Vincentian whaling records.

Becauseoftheculturaldifferencesinthetwowhalingtraditions,theinformationrecordedin the two datasets does not correspond directly on many variables. For example, in the Faroe Islandswherewhalingisacommunitybasedeffortthatendswiththefreedistributionoffood, criteriasuchaslocationofthebeaching,numberandspeciesofwhalescaught,andamountof meatandblubberproducedaredutifullyrecorded.InSt.Vincent,wherewhalingisabusiness,

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onlythemostgenericdistinctionsaremadebetweentypesofwhaleordolphincaught,while thefinancialrecordsarerecordedindetail. These different philosophies of record keeping make direct comparisons problematic.

Still, by examining the data carefully and supplementing information from other sources, we arriveatsomeinterestingconclusions. SpatialAnalysis The differences in the natural landscapes of the Faroe Islands and St. Vincent have

influencedthedevelopmentofdifferentwhalingmethodsineachplace.Tobetterunderstand therelationshipsbetweenhumanactivityandthenaturalenvironmentastheyhaveplayedout inthesewhalingcultures,Iconductedresearchusingavarietyofspatialmethodstailoredfor eachspecificenvironment. St.Vincent As mentioned above, I carried a handheld GPS unit on most whaling voyages in St.

Vincent. Owing to the malfunction of the device, I finished with eleven voyages thoroughly mappedbyGPS.Eachmapproducedincludesasimplebasemap(Figure4.5)ofthelandand thesea,withouttopographyorbathymetry,andthefollowingGPSrecordeddata:adottedline markingthecoursetakenandaseriesoficonsmarkingpointsofinterestthatIchosetorecord (waypoints),labeledwithshortabbreviationswhichIwouldexpandtofulldescriptorsafter downloading the data to my laptop computer. The mapped course was occasionally discontinuous,owingtoperiodiclapsesinsatellitereception.

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Figure4.5:AnexampleofaGPSgeneratedchartfromawhalingvoyage.

Each waypoint recorded not only the location and description of whatever was being

marked,buttheprecisetimeaswell(Figure4.6).Byanalyzingthesetimestamps,Ihavebeen able to ascertain the beginning and ending times of each voyage, the timetodeath of each cetaceancaught,andtheaveragefrequencyofcatchesthroughoutthecourseofaday.

Figure4.6:WaypointPropertiesdialoguewindowfromGarminRoadTrip.Notethetimestampinthe "Comment"box.

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AfterloadingtheGPSdataintoArcGIS9.3,Iwasableanalyzethecatchrecordsspatially

(Figure4.7).Theadditionofanoverlayinggridwithunitsmeasuring0.5degree2andaraster layercontainingbathymetryinformationallowedspatialcomparisonovervariousunitsofarea, waterdepths,currents,andoceanographicfeatures.Othervariablesbroughtintotheanalysis includetimeofdayforsightingsandsuccessfulcatchesandspeciesvariabilitythroughouttime andspace.

Figure4.7:Chartshowingwhalingcoursesandsightingsduringparticipatoryfieldwork.

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FaroeIslands Since1832theFaroesegovernmenthasmaintainedalistofbeacheswherewhaledrives

areallowedtobeconducted.Thelistisupdatedperiodicallywithsomebeachesbeingadded andothersbeingremoved.Todrivewhalesonnonapprovedbeachesisillegal.Accordingto previousresearchers(e.g.Nauerby1996;BlochandJoensen2001;Joensen2009),bothFaroese and foreign, the approval of whaling beaches is based primarily upon the physical characteristics of the beachespecially slope and smoothness. In this part of the research, I usedcoastalsurveysandstatisticalmethodstotesttherelationshipbetweenbeachprofileand approvalforwhalingbycomparingthemeasuredslopesandotherphysicalcharacteristicsofa selectionofapprovedandnonapprovedbeaches. After consulting with AnneMarie Norby of Landsverk, the Faroese Office of Public Works, I chose twentynine beaches to survey: eighteen approved and eleven nonapproved (Table4.2).Ichoseasampleofbeachesthatcoveredalargegeographicalarea,representingall seven of the islands with approved whaling bays (Figure 4.8). The beaches not approved for whalingcanfurtherbedividedintothreestatuses:thoseformerlyapproved,thosethathave beenusedforwhalingbutneverapproved,andthoseneverusedforwhaling.Theextensive whaling records available for review allowed for an indepth geographical analysis of the beaches where whaling has or has not taken place over the past 400+ years in the Faroe Islands.

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Table 4.2: Surveyed beaches in the Faroe Islands and their statuses as approved/nonapproved whaling beaches.

Approved Bur Fmjin Fuglafjrur Gta,north Gta,south Hsavk Hvalba Hvalvk Hvannasund Klaksvk Leynar Midvgur ravk Sandavgur Sandur Tjrnuvk Trshavn Vestmanna

NonApproved FormerlyApproved: Saksun Sandvk Used,neverapproved: Boroyarvk Haraldssund Kaldbak Lambi Sumba Srvgur NeverUsed: Arnafjrur Dalvk Hosvk

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Figure4.8:Beachessurveyed(n=29)andtheirwhalingapprovalstatus.

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Thefirststepinthisprocesswastoconductprofilesurveysonasampleofapprovedand

nonapproved beaches. Opting against survey methods that require only one person (e.g. DelgadoandLloyd2004)owingtocriticismofthesemethods(e.g.Namikasetal.2007)andthe riskinherentinenteringthewateronremotebeachesalone,Irecruitedvolunteersfromamong myfriendsintheFaroeIslandstoassistwiththesurveys. Despite James Parsons (1977, 15 [cited in Mathewson 2001, 222]) admonition that geographicalfieldworkoccasionallyrequirestakingrisks,livingdangerously,accessibilityand safety were the major factors in my choices of whether or not to survey a given beach. In addition to the everpresent risk of hypothermia associated with low water temperatures (often810C[4650F]),somebeacheshadstrongrips,highenergywaves,andunsurefooting. Thesebeacheswereoftenfarfrompopulationcenters,andIdidnotwanttoriskthesafetyof my assistants or myself by entering rough, cold water in remote areas where help would be hard to find. Also, some of theformerly approved beaches had been developed with harbor facilitiesandotherstructurestothepointthattheyscarcelyresembledtheirpreviousphysical structure when they had been used for whaling; surveying these beaches would not have yieldedanyusefuldata. Safetyconcernsnotwithstanding,wewereabletoconductsurveysoneighteenofthe twentythree approved whaling beaches and eleven nonapproved beaches. Wearing chest waders or drysuits, my assistants and I conducted the surveys using a clinometer, 50meter tape, and two ranging poles (Figure 4.9). More advanced survey equipment such as a total stationwasnotavailable.Formostbeachesweconductedthreeparallelsurveylines;onvery smallbeachesweconductedonlytwo.Asmuchaspossible,Itimedthesurveysduringlowtide sowecouldprogressasfaraspossibleintothewaterbeforeitbecametoodeep. 85

 Figure4.9:ResearchassistantsconductingbeachprofilesurveyatVestmanna.

Afternormalizingthedatasetssothatthewaterlinewasrepresentedbytheorigin(0,0)

on each line (Figure 4.10), I produced one graph for each beach, showing the three (or sometimes two) parallel profiles. Because the waterline had been chosen as the origin, coordinatepairstothelandwardsideoftheoriginalwayshavenegativexvaluesandgenerally havepositiveyvaluesthatis,theyarebehindthewaterlineandabovesealevel.Pairstothe seawardsidealwayshavepositivexvaluesandgenerallyhavenegativeyvalues,indicatingthat theyarebeyondthewaterlineandbelowsealevel.Exceptionsexist,ofcourse,asinthecases of gullies and other lowlying areas on the beach and bars and other rises under water that occasionallybreakthesurface.Thisdatacanbedisplayedtwoorthreedimensionally(Figure 4.11andFigure4.12).

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 Figure 4.10: The beach at Leynar, with overlay showing three parallel survey lines with associated ordinal values.

150 Ver`calDistance(cm) 100 50 0 50 100 1067 685 326 0 441 869 1299 1717 2055 Survey1 Survey2 Survey3

HorizontalDistance(cm)

Figure4.11:3Dgraphshowingsamplebeachprofilecreatedfromsurveydata.Noteverticalexaggeration. ImagebyDianeCooper.

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1.50 1.00 0.50 0.00 50.00 40.00 30.00 20.00 10.00 0.500.00 1.00 Line1 Line2 Line3 10.00 20.00 30.00 40.00

Figure4.12:2Dgraphshowingsamplebeachprofilecreatedfromsurveydata.Unitsaremeters.Notevertical exaggeration.

Arguably,themostimportantphysicalcharacteristicsofabeachatleastwithregardto itsselectionasanapprovedwhalingbeacharetheslopeandsmoothnessoftheterrain.To measure these criteria, for each beach I combined all (x,y) pairs on the landward side of the waterlineintoonedatasetandcreatedatrendlineforthesedata.Ididthesamewithall(x,y) pairs seaward of the waterline (Figure4.13). Calculating theslopeofthese trend lines yields the average slope (m) of the beach and the nearshore bathymetry. A value close to zero indicatesagradualslope.Calculatingther2valuesforbothtrendlinesshowshowwellthelines approximatetheactualdata.Anr2valueof1.00isanexactfit;valueslessthan1.00indicate progressivelyworsefits.Thus,anr2valuenear1.00indicatesverylittlevariationbetweenthe trendlineandthedatathatitapproximates,thusmuchsmoothnessintheterrainrepresented bythedata.Theidealwhalingbeach,intermsofphysicalgeographyalone,wouldhaveanm valuenearzeroandanr2valuenear1.00. Aftercreatinggraphsforeachbeachwithtrendlines,Icalculatedtwomandr2values foreach:onefortheportionofthebeachabovewaterandonefortheportionbelowwater. The accepted hypothesis in the literature is that beaches that are approved for whaling will 88

haveamoregradualslope(mvalueclosertozero)andwillbemoresmooth(r2 valuecloserto 1.00) than nonapproved beaches. Using the null hypothesis that there is no difference in slope(m)orsmoothness(r2)betweenapprovedandnonapprovedbeaches,Iconductedboth atwosamplettestandWilcoxonRankSumtestandcalculatedthepvalueforboth.Pvalues of 0.05 or 0.10 are commonly used as a threshold for acceptance or rejection of the null hypothesis.Ifthepvalueislowerthanthethreshold,thenullhypothesiswillberejected.In thecaseofthisexperiment,iftheresultantpvaluesaregreaterthanthethreshold,wewillfail torejectthenullhypothesisandwillaccepttheevidencethatindeedthereisnotasignificant sloperelateddifferencebetweenapprovedandnonapprovedbeaches.
100 50 0 Ver`calDistance(cm) 6000 4000 2000 50 100 y=0.0033x R=0.05698 150 200 250 0 2000 4000 6000 8000

y=0.0352x R=0.67188 HorizontalDistance(cm)

Figure4.13:GraphshowingtrendlinesandcalculatedslopeandvariancevaluesforasamplebeachintheFaroe Islands. Markers to the left of the origin are on shore; those to the right of the origin are underwater. Note verticalexaggeration.

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ArchivalResearch Inadditiontogatheringdatafirsthand,Ispenttimeinseveralarchivesviewingprimary

and secondary sources. The archives I used are: the Research Library at the New Bedford WhalingMuseuminNewBedford,Massachusetts;TheRoomsProvincialArchivesinSt.Johns, Newfoundland;theNationalArchivesandpubliclibraryinKingstown,St.Vincent;thelibraryat FroyaNttrugripasavn;FroyaLandsbkasavn,theNationalLibraryoftheFaroeIslands;and the Nordic Houses in Trshavn and Reykjavk, Iceland (called the Norurlandahsi and the NorrnaHsi,respectively). Archival work provided this study with an historical perspective capable of stretching

backbeyondthelifetimesofevenmyoldestinformants.Toconductforeignfieldworkwithout examining a places history is to miss an opportunity to travel through time as well as space. Also,byvisitingandstudyingotherformerandactivewhalingsocietiesIwasabletoexpandthe comparative scope of the project, not by bringing in more locations and cultures to be compared, but by the identification of practices, beliefs, and attributes that should be understoodaseithercommonamongwhalingculturesorasuniquetotheplacesuponwhichI focusforthisstudy. MixedMethodology Ichosethismixedmethodologicalapproachtobeabletomorethoroughlyinvestigate

the relationship between whaling activities and the natural and cultural environments of the twofieldsites.AccordingtoSarahElwood(2010,95),mixedmethodapproachesfindstrength intheirabilityto relyuponmultipletypesofdata,modesofanalysis,orwaysofknowing,butmay use these elements in a variety of ways in relationship to one another, for multipleintellectualandanalyticalpurposes. 90

JustasinElwoods(2010,95)exposition,Iarrivedatthedecisiontouseamixedmethod

approach at the very outset of this studyat the moment when we formulate research questions. With a comparative study aiming to understand the multifaceted interactions between human societies and the natural environment in two starkly contrasted locations, it wasevidentthatnosinglemethodologyorepistemologicalframeworkwouldsufficetocontain thebreadthofinformationIhopedtoinclude.Whileculturalandpoliticalecologyprovidethe majorityoftheliterarybackground,andconservationgeographysetstheforwardcourseofthe researchanditsapplication,IhavealsoincludedGIS,coastalsurveys,andhistoricalresearch, andhavealsomademuchefforttobecomeinformedaboutthebiologicalandhumanhealth issuesrelevanttothisstudy. Bothqualitativeandquantitativedataareofimportancetothisproject.Ithasbeenmy goal to produce data and conduct analysis that does not lead to an overload of unexamined information, nor to apparent contradictions, rather, to hold in productive tension the differentgeographicalapproachesand,throughthismixedmethodology,tokeepthisresearch sensitivetoarangeofquestionsanddebates(England2006,291). Anyonemethodcouldhavebeenselectedandintensifiedtoproduceadetailedstudy ofthataspectofthesubject.However,giventhebroadscopeofthisproject,Ifeltitbestto address a wide range of geographical questions, using an equally wide range of techniques. Perhaps a future step in this ongoing process will be to return to, and refocus upon, one or moreofthespecificempiricalstudiescontainedwithinthisdissertation.

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 CHAPTER5:ST.VINCENT PhysicalSetting St. Vincentlushly forested on the flanks of its volcanic peak, Soufrire (sooFRER) together with the Grenadines is billed in some tourism literature as the Caribbean youre looking for (SVG Tourism Authority 2009). The interior landscape is steep and largely undeveloped. The coastline is urbanized in placesmost notably the area surrounding Kingstown, the capitalbut far from completely developed (Figure 5.1). St. Vincents coastal road does not even travel the whole circumference of the island; such is the lack of developmentinthehinterlands.

Figure5.1:ApanoramicviewofKingstownharborandtheSt.Vincentinterior.

AtthenorthernendoftheGrenadineschain(Figure5.2),theislandofSt.Vincentserves astheeconomic,cultural,andgovernmentalhubofthenation(Figure5.3).Manypeopleliving in the Grenadines refer to themselves with solidarity as Vincentians though both physically and culturally, the Grenadine islands are very different from St. Vincent. Physically, the GrenadinesrepresentmoreofthestereotypicalCaribbeanislandscenery:whitesandbeaches, 92

 crystallinebluewater,andbrightcoralreefs(Figure5.4)whileSt.Vincentsshorelineissteeper, rockier,andwherebeachesdoexisttheyareusuallymadeofdark,volcanicsand(Figure5.5). Culturally, the Grenadines differ from St. Vincent in that they are less urbanized, with economiesbasedprimarilyuponfishingandtourism.

Figure 5.2: Map of St. Vincent and the Grenadines, with inset map showing the country's location. Major islandsandsmallerislandsmentionedinthetextarelabeled.CartographybyC.Duplechin,LSUGeographyand Anthropology.

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Figure5.3:MapshowingtheislandofSt.Vincentwithplacesmentionedinthetextlabeled.CartographybyC. Duplechin,LSUGeographyandAnthropology.

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Figure5.4:SaltwhistleBayonMayreau,typicalGrenadinesceneryandpopularyachtingdestination.

Figure5.5:OwiaSaltPond,anexampleoftherockySt.Vincentcoastline.

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 Owing mostly to these variations in the physical and cultural landscapes, the tourism industryfocusesprimarilyintheGrenadines.In2005,132,456visitorsarrivedatthetwoports of entry on St. Vincent properthe Arnos Vale airport and the port of Kingstownan influx equal to 143 percent of the islands population. By comparison, 125,978 visitors arrived at Grenadineportsofentry(fourairportsandfourharborbasedcustomsstations),1,476percent of the population of that region (SVG 2005). These numbers do not take into account the visitors who arrived at St. Vincent but immediately departed for the Grenadines, which is a commonpractice.Ifthosevisitorswerecounted,thedisparitybetweenSt.Vincenttourismand Grenadinetourismwouldbeevengreater. AgricultureisamorelucrativeindustrythantourismonSt.Vincentitself(McElroy2003). Bananas are the islands main export but other valuable agricultural commodities include plantains,eddoes,dasheen,rice,andflour(SVG2005).UntiltheSecondWorldWar,St.Vincent wastheworldsleadingproducerofarrowrootstarch(IIRC1997).ThebananaindustryonSt. Vincent is operated on the model of contract farming and has historically relied upon preferentialtradingagreementswiththeUnitedKingdom(Grossman1998).Recently,amidthe trendtowardfreemarkets,St.Vincentbananagrowershavebeenexploringnichemarketsfor fairtradebananasamovethatwillostensiblyresultinimprovedworkingconditionsforthe islandspeasantbananafieldlaborers. The town of Barrouallie (BAREahlee), where the majority of this research was conducted, lies on the leeward (west) side of St. Vincent (Figure 5.6). Its colorful houses are alignedwithinasmallcoastalplainordotthehillsidesabovethebay.Fishingboatsoftenlie mooredinthebayordrawnupontothebeachareminderthatfishingandwhalingprovide themajorityofBarroualliesincomeandthattouristvisitsarerare. 96

Figure5.6:ThetownofBarrouallie,photographedfacingnorth.

In2005,themostrecentyearforwhichcensusdataareavailable,theentirepopulation of St. Vincent and the Grenadines was 100,746 (SVG 2005). The vast majority of the population, 92,211 (91.5 percent), live on St. Vincent itselfcalled the mainland in the governments statistical reportsand the remainder, 8,535 (8.5 percent), live throughout the Grenadines (SVG 2005). The population of St. Vincent is moderately urbanized with 26.9 percent living in the capital, Kingstown, and its suburbs. The town of Barrouallie had a 2005 population of 5,048 (SVG 2005). The entire population of St. Vincent and the Grenadines increasedfrom1970to1991,followedbyadecreaseofabout5.2percentbetween2001and 2005 (Figure 5.7). The trend of depopulation in the late twentieth and early twentyfirst century, fueled mostly by laborbased emigration, was spread almost evenly throughout the 97

 countrys thirteen census divisions, the only exception being the southern Grenadines, which gainedninetyonepeople(a2.7percentpopulationincreaseforthisregion)between2001and 2005.

St.VincentandtheGrenadinesPopula]on
110 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Popula]on(x1000)

Grenadines St.Vincent Total

Figure 5.7: Population trends in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, 19702005. Sources: SVG 1998, 2003, and 2005.

Land The insular Caribbean is divided into the Greater Antilles in the northwest and the LesserAntillesinthesoutheast.OneofColumbuspilotstestifiedthattheLesserAntillesalllie inonecordillera[mountainrange],extendingfromnorthwesttosoutheast(Sauer1966,192), adescriptionwithwhichSaueragrees. Abovethesurfaceofthesea,lyingatthesubductionzonewheretheAtlantictectonic

plateslipsbeneaththeCaribbeanplate,thiscordilleraformsanarcofhighvolcanicislandsof which St. Vincent is a part. A second arc, this one made up of low, nonvolcanic islands, stretchesfromtheBahamastoBarbados,althoughthegapsbetweentheislandsofthischain areoftenmuchlargerthanthoseofthehighvolcanicislands.Westward,andboundedbythe 98

 islands,istheCaribbeanSea.TothenorthandeastoftheislandchainistheAtlanticOcean. An active volcano crowns each major island from Saba in the north to Grenada in the south, withtheexceptionofBarbados,thesouthernmostofthelowislands.Therehavebeentwenty five volcanic eruptions in the eastern Caribbean between 1780 and 2006 (Lara 2006). The deadliestwasthe1902eruptionofMt.PeleonMartinique,whichkilledover28,000people. Duringthiseruption,SoufrireonSt.Vincentalsoeruptedthoughthecasualtiesdidnotexceed 2,000becausefewlivedonthenorthoftheisland,thesiteofthevolcano.Thesesimultaneous eruptionsofneighboringvolcanoesserveasareminderofthelongknownfactthatthereare submarine communications between the burning mountains or volcanoes in each of [the islands](Anderson1785,30). The last major eruption in the Caribbean was of Soufrire Hills in Montserrat in 1997. (SoufrirederivesfromtheFrenchsoufre,meaningsulfur,andisacommonnameforCaribbean volcanoes).Onlynineteenpeopleperished,thoughthedestructionwasgreat.WhenIpassed byMontserrataboardaNevisianfishingboatin2008,overadecadeaftertheeruption,Icould seetheruinsoftheislandsformercapital,Plymouthstilluninhabitable.St.Vincentsvolcano last erupted in 1979, claiming no lives but forcing the evacuation of over 15,000 people. All three of the twentieth century eruptions of St. Vincents Soufrire1902, 19711972, and 1979have been described from geographical and geological perspectives (Anderson 1903; Flett 1908; Aspinall et al. 1973; Barr and Heffter 1982; Fiske and Shepherd 1982). While volcanicactivityisabsentfromtheGreaterAntilles,earthquakesarecommonthroughoutthe region; examples range from the 1692 earthquake that destroyed Port Royal, Jamaica (Watts 1987),tothe2010disasterinPortauPrince,Haiti,fromwhichsurvivorsstillarebeingrescued asIwrite(January,2010). 99

 Inmanyways,St.VincentrepresentsthetypicalvolcanicCaribbeanisland.Theislands

highest point is the top of Soufrire at 1,234 meters (4,049 feet). The major rock type is volcanic basalt and soils are fertile (Watts 1987). Human populations are located primarily around the coast where land is not too steep to till or build upon. The interior is therefore mostlyundevelopedandheavilyforested. Atmosphere Situated at 1310 North latitude, St. Vincents climate is purely tropical. Weather is typically warm and humid throughout the year with a rainy season from July to October. Hurricanesareanannualdangerduringtherainyseason,butSt.Vincenthasoftenbeenspared when storms track north. Air temperatures are consistently warm, varying only 2.5C (1.4F) betweenthewarmestandcoldestmonths(Watts1987).Indeed,onSt.Vincentasonmostof the mountainous Caribbean islands, air temperatures vary diurnally and with elevation much morethanseasonally. Variationsinweatherandtemperaturethatdooccuraredueprimarilytotheinfluence of the northeast trade winds slightly changing their course as they blow toward the shifting intertropicalconvergencezone.Thesemoist,energyladenwindsmoderatethetemperatures of the region and bring precipitationespecially at the mountain peaks and to the leeward sidesoftheislandsowingtotheorographiceffect,bywhichairmassesmovingovermountains are cooled to the point that rain showers occur. Because many of the islands of the Lesser Antillesaresmall,theorographicprecipitationthattheirmountainsinduceoftenfallsoverthe seatothelee(west)oftheislandsthemselves.TheequilatitudinalpositionofBarbadostothe east of St. Vincent means that precipitation caused by Barbadian orography often falls on St. Vincentswindward(east)side(Watts1987). 100

 Ocean ManyofthehighvolcanicislandsoftheLesserAntillesSt.Vincentincludedcontinue theirsteeptopographybelowsealevel.Barelyfivekilometers(3.1miles)offshore,onecanfind waterdepthsexceeding1,000meters(3,281feet).Fifteenkilometers(9.3miles)offshore,the depthis2,400meters(7,874feet).Thefeaturetowardwhichtheseunderseamountainsides slopeistheGrenadaBasin(Figure5.8),acrescentshapedtroughbetweentheleewardsideof the Windward Islands arc and the Aves Ridge, which is a large rise on the ocean floor that protrudes above sea level in the north at Aves Island and in the south at Isla de Margarita bothpossessionsofVenezuela. Theunderwatertopographyonthewindwardsideoftheislandchainisnotassteepas ontheleewardside,thoughdepthsof800meters(2,625feet)aremeasuredascloseas12.5 kilometers (7.8 miles) offshore. Sauers (1966, 192) reference to the Lesser Antilles as a cordillera is especially appropriate when considering the depths from which the mountain chainrises. Sea surface temperatures throughout the Eastern Caribbean range from 2529C (77 84F), showing only minor variation throughout the year (Watts 1987). However, given the depthofthewaterstothewestoftheWindwardIslands,andtoalesserextent,totheeast,itis clearthatthegreatesttemperaturevariationoccurswithdepth,ratherthanwithseason(Hill andRobinson1962).

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Figure5.8:TheLesserAntillesfromDominicatoGrenada,alongwiththeoceanographicfeaturestothewestof theislandchain.

Whales and other marine life can be found close to shore in this area, drawn by the richlyproductive,deep,turbulentwaters.Researchhasfoundhighervolumesofplankton(and associated higher trophiclevel species) on the leeward side of St. Vincent than on the Windwardside(InghamandMahnken1966). SeasgenerallyapproachSt.Vincentfromtheeast,movedwestwardbythemeetingof

the North and South Equatorial Currentsadjacent parts of the two great gyres of Atlantic Ocean circulation moving clockwise and counterclockwise, respectively (Reddy 2001). The combined flow of these currents enters the Caribbean Sea from the Atlantic through the 102

 various passages between the islands of the Lesser Antilles. The constriction of flow and bendingofcurrentsaroundtheislandscancausefastmovingwaterandroughseas,asareseen locallyinthepassagebetweenSt.VincentandSt.Lucia,andtoalesserextent,inthepassages betweentheGrenadines. HistoricalSetting The human history of St. Vincent, like most of the Caribbean region, tells the story of

successivewavesofimmigrationbothvoluntaryandforcedanddisplacement.Theregions more recent history has emphasized decolonization and nation building. Caribbean human history can be divided into three broad categories: the preColumbian era, the era of colonizationthatbeganwithEuropeancontact,andtheperiodofpostcolonialindependence. Each shall be addressed and summarized here, followed by a history of whaling in the CaribbeaningeneralandonSt.Vincentinparticular. PreColumbianCaribbeanHistory In the section entitled PreColumbian Ecology, in his regional geography of the Caribbean, Bonham Richardson (1992, 20ff) paints the picture of a much different Caribbean environment than presently exists. Prior to the arrival of the first humans, the islands were heavilyforestedandrichlypopulatedwithdiversefaunalassemblages.Theearliestevidenceof humaninhabitationoftheCaribbeanislandsisbetween6,000and7,000yearsago(Carlsonand Keegan2004;FitzpatrickandKeegan2007).Thesefirstislanderssettledprimarilythroughout the larger islands of the Greater Antilles (Rouse 1986 [cited in Richardson 1992]) and are thought to have come from Mesoamerica. Later, approximately 4,000 years before present, thesouthernislandsoftheAntillesbegantobeinhabitedbypeoplemigratingfromtheOrinoco BasinofSouthAmerica(FitzpatrickandKeegan2007). 103

 These first Caribbean islanders were almost completely supplanted by the arrival of agriculturalgroupsfromtheSouthAmericancontinent.Thepeoplewhomadethismigration have traditionally been divided into two categories: the Arawaks and the Caribs. However, neither of these groups was homogenous, both were made up of several subcultural groups, andthedistinctionbetweenArawaksandCaribshasbeencritiqued.Forexample,Richardson (1992, 22) held that the ArawakCarib dichotomy is predominately retrospective and depicts theinfluxofthetwogroupsasasinglepopulationmigrationatthebeginningoftheCommon Era.Thissinglepopulationevolvedordividedintotwogroupsgeographically,linguistically,and from a subsistence perspective. Watts (1987) took the more traditional view that the Carib migration from South America followed the Arawaks and, owing to the Caribs more warlike nature,involvedanaggressivedisplacementofArawaksbyCaribsinthesouthernislands. Whether they migrated together or successively, the Arawak and Carib populations spreadthroughouttheinsularCaribbean.ArawakpopulationssettledtheGreaterAntillesand theBahamaswheretheysubsistedmainlyoncultivatedcrops.TheCaribsinhabitedtheLesser Antilleswheretheyfarmedtosomeextentbutreliedmoreuponfishing.Bothgroupsmodified thenaturalenvironmentthroughtheintroductionofplantandanimalspecies,conuco(slash andburn)agriculture,andtheirbuiltenvironments(FitzpatrickandKeegan2007). ContactandColonization ThesizeofthehumanpopulationandstatusofthenaturalenvironmentintheAmericas

at the time of Columbus arrival in 1492 has been vigorously debated by scholars including geographers(Spinden1928;Rosenblat1954;Butzer1992,1993;Denevan1992;Whitmoreand Turner1992).Lessdebatedisthefactthat,beginningwiththearrivaloftheSpanishinthelate fifteenth century, and accelerating as the region was occupied by multiple European powers, 104

 boththeaboriginalpopulationandenvironmentwerequicklyanddisastrouslydiminishedand degraded. As monocropped sugarcane replaced the variegated conuco fields and Spanish importedlivestocktrampledthekitchengardensandnativesavannas,theaboriginalpopulation oftheCaribbeanislandswasviolentlyreducedtoscatteredremnants.Therapiddeclineofthe nativepopulationwasduetofaminefromthetakingofagriculturallands,overworkinginnewly openedgoldmines,outrightmurder,and,mostofall,introduceddiseases. The reduction of the native population was less rapid on St. Vincent than nearly

anywhereelseintheCaribbean.Thiswasdue,inpart,totheestablishmentofSt.Vincentand nearby Dominica as refuges for Caribs who were driven from their lands on other islands (Young 1993). In 1635, the Carib population on St. Vincent was augmented by the arrival of Africanslaves,survivorsoftwoshipsthatwreckedontheshoresofSt.Vincent(Gonzales1983; Matthei and Smith 2008; Smith 2008). There is some historical uncertainty regarding these shipwrecks. The museum in Fort Charlotte, above Kingstown, St. Vincent, depicts a single shipwreck that occurred in 1675 on the shores of Bequiathe northernmost Grenadine Islandandportraysthesurvivorsaslaterma[king]theirwaytoSt.Vincent,wheretheywere welcomedandacceptedbyCaribIndianslivingthere.Regardlessofthedetailsoftheirinitial arrival,theAfricansassimilatedintotheCaribculture,adoptingsuchtraitsasdress,diet,burial traditions, and the flattening of their infants foreheads (Matthei and Smith 2008). The descendentsoftheAfricansandCaribscametobeknownastheBlackCaribsonSt.Vincent (later called Garifuna or Garinagu after their removal to the Central American mainland) and gained a reputation for the tenacity with which they defended their land from the incoming colonizers(KirbyandMartin1982).

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 The Black Caribs of St. Vincent vigorously opposed European attempts at settlement (Marshall 1973). Late in the seventeenth century, the French became the first Europeans to settle on St. Vincent, the island that was called Hairoun (hyROON) by its native peoples, but hadbeenrenamedbyColumbuswhenhesighteditonSt.VincentsDay22January1498.The French based themselves at Barrouallie and began farming the adjacent valleys and hillsides. Many place names, especially on the windward side of the island, retain the mark of French influence. The French obtained lands from the Caribs in exchange for arms (Young 1993). Clearly this concession was a calculated measure, on the part of the Caribs, to acquire the meanstofurtherdefendtheirland,evenifitmeantgivingupaportionofit. Throughouttheeighteenthcentury,St.VincentchangedhandsbetweentheFrenchand theEnglishseveraltimes.TheBlackCaribsoccasionallysidedwiththeFrench,whocontinued to provide them with arms, often via Martinique or St. Lucia. However, Young (1993) made clear that although the French had settled more amicably than the British, the role of the formerintheCaribresistancemovementwasprimarilythatofweaponssupplier.TheCaribs opposedsettlementoftheislandbybothEuropeanpowers: FrenchassistancetotheBlackCaribswasclearlynomorethanasupplementto Caribinitiated opposition to all European incursions in St. Vincent. The British werethemainlandseekersanddisplayedgreaterpoliticalandmilitarypresence thantheFrench,andagainstthemtheBlackCaribsbecameincreasinglyhostile, assistedbytheFrenchbutdrivenbytheirowndeterminationtoholdontotheir rightstopossessionofland[T]heCaribsopposedthepowerofboththeFrench andtheBritishinSt.Vincent.(Young1993,24,31) Bythelateeighteenthcentury,theBritishhadsufferedlocaldefeatsinseveralbattles withCaribforces.TheCaribchief,ChatoyerstillrenownedinSt.Vincenttodaywaskilledin March 1795. Following Chatoyers death, the Caribs intensified their assault on British

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 garrisonsduringtherestofthatyearandinto1796.ItbecameincreasinglycleartotheBritish thatcohabitationwouldbeimpossible. On St. Vincent, arguably more than any other Caribbean island, the main threat to British settlement came from the indigenous inhabitants rather than from pirates or the competingEuropeancolonizingnations.Tothisday,thecannonsatFortCharlottepointinland, ratherthanouttoseaareminderofhowtheBritishprioritizedthethreatstotheirdefenseof theisland(Figure5.9).

Figure5.9:CannonspointinlandatFortCharlotte,aboveKingstown,St.Vincent.

InJune1796,thewartookafinal,decisiveturn.Reinforcedbynearly4,000troops,the BritishdestroyedthemeansoflivelihoodformanyCaribs:theirhouses,gardens,andcanoes. Weakenedanddemoralized,inlate1796thesonofChatoyerdeclaredsurrendertotheBritish. By October, 4,338 Caribsmen, women, and childrenhad been captured and placed temporarily on Balliceaux, a Grenadine islet between Bequia and Mustique. Those that 107

 remained on St. Vincent were too weakened, fragmented, and demoralized to present any future threat to the British possession of the island. Over half of those captured died during theirthreemonthintermentonBalliceaux;therestweredeportedtoRoatn,anislandoffthe CaribbeancoastofHonduras.FromRoatn,thedeporteestheGarifuna(orGarinagu,more correctly)astheycametobeknowncrossedtotheHonduranmainlandandspreadalongthe CaribbeancoastofCentralAmerica(Davidson1980). Once finally under British control, St. Vincent joined the collectively governed colony knownastheWindwardIslands.Since1671,theBritishhaddividedtheirCaribbeanholdings intotwocolonieswiththeFrenchcolonyofGuadeloupeasthedividingline.Tothenorthof thisline,Montserrat,St.Christopher(St.Kitts),Nevis,Antigua,Barbuda,Redonda,Anguilla,and the British Virgin Islands were known as the Leeward Islands. South of Guadeloupe, Dominica,St.Lucia,St.Vincent,theGrenadines,andGrenadawereknownastheWindward Islands(Ward1918).OfcoursetheBritishnamingdoesnotimplythattheBritishmaintained control over all the islands at all times, as has been shown for St. Vincent in particular. The political arrangement within the Windward Islands was such that the Governor of the entire colonywasbasedinthenearbyBritishcolonyofBarbadoswithaLieutenantGovernoroneach ofthemajorislands(Martin1834).ThenameWindwardimpliesexposuretotheelementsand Leewardimpliesshelter,butinfacteachoftheseislandshasawindward,Atlanticsidewhence comes most of their weather, and a leeward, Caribbean side where calmer seas are often found.St.VincentiscentrallylocatedwithintheWindwardIslands. Withthedefeatoftheindigenousresistancebythecolonialists,St.Vincentshistorical trajectoryjoinedthelargerCaribbeanpattern:plantationagriculturepoweredbyslavelabor. Even after slavery was abolished in 1834, the exploitation of freed blacks and newly arrived 108

 Portugueseimmigrantscontinuedfortheprovisionoflaboron smallholderagriculturallands. Eventually, the economy would come to be based primarily upon the production of bananas, whichweresoldtotheBritishmarketatpreferentialprices(Grossman1998).TheVincentians werestillacolonizedpeople. PostColonizationandIndependence The British colonial arrangement lasted until 1958 when the British Windward Islands Federation was dissolved and the West Indies Federation was formedthe goal being to establisharegionalcolonialgovernmentthatwouldleadtoindependenceforeachofthelarger islands with its dependencies (Kaufman 2005). This federation lasted only until 1962 when Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, both of which had seceded from the British Empire the previousyear,eachdeclaredindependencewithintheBritishCommonwealth.Thoughitwas shortlived, the West Indies Federation was documented as a new nation by geographer DavidLowenthal(1961)inhiscontemporarymonographonthesubject.Thedepartureofthe largest, richest, and most influential islands of the region from the Empire led to the quick dissolutionoftheentireregionalgovernment(Kaufman2005).St.VincentandtheGrenadines becameanindependentstatewithintheBritishCommonwealthin1979. Before, and especially since independence, intellectuals from St. Vincent and the Grenadines have emphasized the need for nation building and the recognition of the African influences present in Vincentian culture. Young (1993) cites the recognition of St. Vincent Creole as a legitimate language and the incorporation of Carib themes into the national carnival, Vincy Mas (an abbreviation of St. Vincent Masquerade), as major signifiers of the Vincentianssearchfortheirculture.

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 The government faces several contemporary issues. Foremost in Vincentian political discoursetodayistheissueofmarijuanareplacingbananasasthenationsprimarycashcrop,a trend that began when the preferential prices for latter crop were removed in the late twentieth century (Gonsalves 2009). According to the U.S. State Department (2009), St. Vincent is the largest marijuana producer in the Eastern Caribbean. The government of St. Vincent and the Grenadines joined the United States government in condemning this enterprise.Thetwonationscollaborateindestroyingmarijuanacultivationoperations,which areprevalentalongtheundevelopednorthernslopeofSoufrire.Inhispublicaddressatthe FishermansDayfestivitiesin2009,VincentianPrimeMinisterRalphGonsalvesissuedapleato themarijuanagrowerstocomedownfromthemountain.Theterm,themountain,isused colloquiallyasaeuphemismforthemarijuanafieldslocatedintheislandsruggedandroadless northwest. The Prime Minister urged these men to seek honest employment, specifically mentioningpossibilitiesinthefishingandartisanalwhalingindustries.Heofferedgovernment assistance in training and provision of capital for the latter occupations but did not specify a programbywhichthisaidwouldbegiven. Thus, whaling has become a national issue in the context of its potential to provide legitimate work to impoverished Vincentians who may otherwise turn to illicit occupations. Jennifer CruickshankHoward, Senior Fisheries Officer in the Fisheries Division said that the Chief Fisheries Officer would like to see an expansion of St. Vincents artisanal whaling operationaccommodating possibly ten or twelve more boats. While St. Vincent and the Grenadines IWC aboriginal whaling quotathe only one issued to a tropical nationonly relatestotheBequiahumpbackoperation,thepreservationofwhalingrightstakesonnational

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 significance because of the historical ties between the IWCsanctioned Bequia operation and theartisanalwhalingoperationonSt.Vincentitself. WhalingHistory Geographershaveshownthat,priorto1492,theNewWorldwasnopristinelandscape, freefromthemarkofhumanagency(Butzer1992,1993;Denevan1992;Earle1992;Whitmore and Turner 1992). The same is true of precontact seascapes. Early Caribbean peoples exploitedlocalmarineandnearshorefaunaforfoodandotherpurposes,sometimesleadingto the severe reduction or even the extirpation of certain animal populations (Jackson 1997; Carlson and Keegan 2004; Fitzpatrick et al. 2008), though the regionwide impact of marine resourceexploitationiscurrentlyundergoingvigorousdebate(Baisre2010b;Butler2010;Curet 2010; deFrance 2010; Fitzpatrick 2010; Jones 2010; Keegan 2010; McClenachan et al. 2010) catalyzedbyJulioBaisres(2010a)assertionthatpreColumbianCaribbeanpeopleslackedthe technology to access and extirpate large numbers of most Caribbean fish populations. While the ecological effects of ancient Caribbean fishing are by no means fully understood, the importanceofthesemarineresourcestosubsistencethroughoutthepreColumbianCaribbean isnotdebated. In addition to their reliance upon fishing and shellfish gathering, preColumbian and early colonialperiod Caribbean peoples exploited local marine mammal populations for food from many islands and several areas of the Caribbean mainland (Sauer 1966; Nietschmann 1973; Wing and Reitz 1982; McKillop 1984, 1985; Watts 1987; Romero and Hayford 2000; Romero et al. 2002; Romero and Cresswell 2005). Whales and dolphins are known to strand upon Caribbean beaches (Caldwell et al. 1971; de la Osa and Gamau 1971; Abend and Smith 1999;MignucciGiannonietal.2003).ItislogicaltoassumethatearlyCaribbeanpeoplesmade 111

 use of stranded animals and may have occasionally hunted whales, dolphins, manatees, and sealsactively. ThislegacyofearlyexploitationofcetaceansandsirenianstotodaysCaribbeanwhalers isnotcontinuous.ThemoderneraCaribbeanwhalingcommunitiestracetheirhistorytothe late eighteenth century when American whaling ships, based primarily in New England and knownasYankeeWhalersbeganvisitingtheislandsoftheLesserAntillesinsearchoftheir catch(Adams1971;Price1985;Ward1988).TheprimarytargetspeciesoftheYankeeWhalers werethehumpback(Megapteranodosa)andthespermwhale(Physetercatodon).However, they often took shortfinned pilot whales for meat to feed the crews and to give novice harpoonersachancetopracticetheirskills(Mitchell1975;ReevesandSmith2006). The geographer John E. Adams (1971) summarizes the history of whaling in the Caribbean as gradually moving from abundance during the eighteenth century to declining catchesinthelatenineteenthcentury.After1870,asAmericanseamenincreasinglybeganto turn down crew positions aboard Caribbeanbound whaling ships, owing to the reduced profitabilityofthevoyages,theyweregraduallyreplacedwithlocalmen,halfcastesfromall partsoftheWestIndiesandofCentralAmerica(Brandt1940,54[citedinAdams1971,56]). Gradually,Caribbeanwhalingcametobedominatedbylocallabor. One of the local seamen who joined a Yankee Whaling crew was William Thomas Wallace,Jr.,aBequiabornmanofScottishdescent.Afterparticipatinginwhalingvoyagesthat tookhimacrosstheAtlantictoAfricaandnorthtoMassachusetts,WallacereturnedtoBequia havinghadhislifeenrichedintwowaysbytheYankeeWhalingindustry:throughlearningthe skillsnecessarytostartalocallyrunwhalingindustry,andbytheacquisitionofawifeEstella FrancisCurren,awhalingcaptainsdaughter(Adams1971;Ward1995). 112

 WallaceestablishedalocalwhalingoperationatFriendshipBay,Bequia(BECKway)to fill the niche left by the decreasing presence of the Yankee Whalers (Ward 1995). While humpback catches had not been sufficiently profitable to justify the long, costly voyages that theAmericanshadbeenundertaking,enoughwhalesdidremaintosupportalocaloperation. Adams (1970) mentions the coincidence of the rise of locally managed whaling opportunities with the decline of local cashcrop agriculture, indicating increased incentive for local subsistence populations to turn to the sea for their livelihoods. In the mid1880s, Wallace joinedwithanotherBequian,JosephOllivierre,toexpandtheirislandswhalingindustry.These twofamiliestheWallacesandtheOllivierrescametodominatetheentirehistoryofBequia whaling,firstaspartnersandlaterasrivals(Ward1995). Local whaling began to spread from Bequia throughout the Eastern Caribbean as it proved profitable. Between 1870 and 1925, local Caribbean whalers established many more stations throughout the Lesser Antilles. By collating the historical geographies of several leadingresearchers,onearrivesatthefollowinglistofeighteenearlytwentiethcenturyEastern Caribbean whaling stations (see maps, Figure 5.10 and Figure 5.11). The first station was on Wallaces land on the western shore of Friendship Bay, Bequia. Locations of subsequent stationswerePetitNevis,SempleCay,PruneIsland,FrigateRock,PigeonIsland,Grenada,lede Caille,IsleSaline,MonosIsland,twoeachonBarbadosandCanouan,andfourmoreonBequia (Adams1970,CaldwellandCaldwell1971,Price1985,Scott1995,Ward1995).Oneresearcher cites an undated, popular source to say that Bequia boasted a dozen landbased whaling stations (Price n.d. [cited in Scott 1995, 20]). However, given Bequias small size18 km2 andthefactthatthecitedauthordoesnotrepeathisclaiminhismoreacademicpiece(Price

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 1985),wecanbeconfidentinourskepticismandremainwiththemoretraditionalcountoffive Bequiawhalingstations. During the same time period, there was also a Norwegian shore station on Glover Island,Grenada,whichdoesnotfollowthesamehistoryasBequiainfluencedwhalingstations (Price 1985). There also existed a series of whaling stations in Trinidad that predate the establishmentofAmericaninfluencedwhalingoperationsinBequiaandbeyond(Romeroetal. 2002; Romero and Cresswell 2005). These Trinidadian whalers were associated with Bermudianand later Germanwhalers rather than Americans, thus their history follows a separatetrajectorythanthatoftheBequiastations.Thereremainssomedisagreementinthe literature as to whether the station at Monos Island, Trinidad, should be included within the Bequialineageornot(Adams1973;Higman1973;Reeves2002).Mostaccept,however,that Bequia was the entrept through which local whaling entered the Grenadines, and thus the directsourceofknowledgefortodaysartisanalwhalingatBarrouallie,St.Vincent. TheprimarytargetofBequiaandBequiainfluencedwhalerswasthehumpback,

althoughspermwhaleswereoccasionallytaken(Adams1971).Thewhalingstationemployees processed the whales for meat and oil, then sold the meat for local consumption in the Grenadines and exported the excess to St. Vincent. During the early twentieth century, humpback whalesa migratory speciesbecame very rare in the Caribbean because of overhunting, both locally and worldwide. All of the humpback whaling operations ceased by 1925,saveoneatBequia(Adams1971;Ward1995).TheOlivierrefamilyhasmaintainedthe onlywhalingoperationonBequiafrom1925untilthepresent.

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Figure5.10:MapoftheSoutheasternCaribbeanislandswiththeirhistoricalwhalingstations(18701925).See Figure5.11forinsetmapoftheGrenadines.

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Figure5.11:MapoftheSt.VincentandGrenadaGrenadines,withtheirhistoricalwhalingstations(18701925), withinsetmapofSoutheasternBequiaandislets.

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 In1986,theInternationalWhalingCommission,towhichSt.VincentandtheGrenadines isasignatorycountry,implementeditsmoratoriumoncommercialwhaling.However,because of the long tradition of whaling on Bequia, a quota of three humpback whales per year was permitted under the Aboriginal and Subsistence Whaling exception to the moratorium (Hamaguchi 2005; International Whaling Commission 2009a). In 1993 the IWC reduced the quotatotwowhalesperyear.WhalingonBequiacontinuestothisdaywithonestationstill operatingfromtheisletofSempleCay(Figure5.12).Thetwowhalesperyearareamaximum allotment and not a guarantee. As the Chief Fisheries Officer explained to me in 2009, Sometimeswedontgettwo.Sometimeswegetnone.

Figure 5.12: The only remaining Grenadine humpback whaling station, at Semple Cay, just offshore from Bequia.PhotographAndrewFielding,usedbypermission.

Bytheearlytwentiethcentury,atthesametimethathumpbackcatchesweredeclining, fishermen from the leeward villages of Barrouallie, St. Vincent, and Castries, St. Lucia, had beguntohuntsmallcetaceanspilotwhalesandavarietyofdolphinspecieswhichwerestill abundant(Price1985;Scott1995).InSt.Vincent,itisprobablethatthemotivationtobegin huntingsmallcetaceanswasdrivenbythereducedsupplyofwhalemeatavailableforimport 117

 fromtheGrenadines(Price1985).TheSt.Luciacaseisnotsoclearbecausethisoperationfor small cetaceans seems to have been started before the humpback catches in the Grenadines began to decline. Had the St. Lucian whaling industry experienced a decline in humpbacks earlier than the Grenadine stations? If so, perhaps fishermen from St. Lucia began hunting small cetaceans tofill theniche,both economicandculinary,leftbytheunavailabilityof this locally produced humpback whale meat. The timing of the commencement of the St. Lucia small cetacean hunt does seem to precede the decline in catches at the Grenadine whaling stations by at least three decades. Or, perhaps St. Lucian fishermen who had not previously been whalers began targeting dolphins and pilot whalesboth easier to catch and more plentifulthanhumpbackstogarnerforthemselvesashareofthemarketformarinemammal meat already established by the humpback whalers. In either event, by the end of the nineteenth century, a modest effort targeting a variety of dolphin species had begun at Castries,St.Lucia.By1910,thesmallcetaceanoperationatBarrouallie,St.Vincent,hadbegun aswell. The connection between the whaling communities on St. Vincent and St. Lucia goes beyond mere coincidence of origination. Whalers from Barrouallie often take whales from withinSt.Luciasterritorialwaters(Cecil1972[citedinMohammedetal.2003]).Additionally, whiletheCastriessmallcetaceanoperationseemstohavebegunindependentlyofVincentian influence,thereexistsdocumentedtransferofknowledge,equipment,andpersonnelfromthe whaling communities at Barrouallie to Vieux Fort, St. Lucia, where another pilot whaling operation has existed for decades, though today only in the form of opportunistic whaling, meaning that cetaceans are not the main target, but fishermen will take them if the opportunity arises (Gaskin and Smith 1977; Price 1985; Scott 1995). Pilot whale meat and 118

 blubber from St. Vincent is exported to be sold in St. Lucia (Scott 1995), though without a permit, these sales are in violation of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered SpeciesofWildFaunaandFlora(CITES1973). Barrouallie whaling was primarily opportunistic until the early 1930s when Griffin Arrindell, a local fisherman, purchased two Bequiabuilt whaling boats (themselves modeled after the Yankee whaleboats from the nineteenth century) and began regularly, actively, and directly hunting small cetaceans. Adams (1994, 65) cites Arrindells mentors as some old timers at Barrouallie and Saint Lucia who had periodically hunted dolphins. This further supportstheexistenceoflooselyorganized,opportunisticsmallcetaceanoperationsinbothSt. Vincent and St. Lucia prior to the establishment of the directed pilot whaling operation at Barrouallie. From the 1930s until today there have been two major changes in the technology employedbyBarroualliewhalers:themotorboatandthegunharpoon.Fromthebeginningof theoperation,aharpoonvirtuallyidenticaltotheonesusedbyYankeeWhalerswasthrown,or insomecases,skippedacrossthewatersurface,atthetargetedcetaceanasitrosetobreathe (CaldwellandCaldwell1971). The date of the introduction of the gunharpoon is not clear. Caldwell and Caldwell (1971)citeboth1946and1967.Scottmentionsseveralattemptstoperfecttheharpoongun taking place between 1946 and 1951. Another researcher cites the introduction of a gun harpoonstandmountedontheforedeckofwhalingboatsin1962theyearwithwhichoneof my older informants agree (Hamaguchi 2002; Philip Charles, retired Barrouallie whaler, personalcommunication).Anotherlocalinformantforthisresearchremembersshiftingtothe gunharpooninthe1980s.In1965whenAdams(1973;1994)wasconductinghisgeographical 119

 fieldwork,hedatestheintroductionoftheharpoonguninuseonwhalingvoyagesinwhich he participatedat 1958 and interestingly traces its source to St. Lucia. Additionally, a 1968 photographincludedinCaldwellandCaldwells(1971)firstpaperontheBarrouallieoperation clearlyshowsaharpoongunmountedinthebowofawhalingboat.Perhapsthevariousdates given reflect a gradual shift from handharpoons to gunharpoons. In fact, it has been my observation that handharpoons are used more frequently than gun harpoons even today because of their better accuracy and the cost of gunpowder. Further supporting the notion that the gun was introduced gradually, a gun license is difficult to acquire in St. Vincent and mustbeheldbyanywhalerwishingtouseagunharpoon.ThelicensecostsEC$250(US$93) pergun,peryear,andisonlygiventobonafidewhalerswhohavecompletedtheappropriate paperwork(seeAppendixD),havenopriorconvictionsand,accordingtotheSt.Vincentpolice officerwithwhomIspoke,aredeemedtobeofgoodcharacter. The boats used by Barrouallie whalers and fishermen alike shifted from sail power to inboarddieselenginesandoutboardtwocyclegasolineenginesduringthe1960s(Mohammed 2003).AtthetimeofAdams(1994,67)1964fieldwork,dramaticandcostlyplanswerebeing madetoinstallinboardandoutboardenginesbuttheboatswerestillpoweredsolelybysails. Then in the early 1980s, Price (1985, 415) found the boats to be sail powered with auxiliary [inboard] diesel or outboard [gasoline] engines. By the early 1990s, when Adams made a returnvisitandScottwasconductinghisthesisresearch,alloftheboatswereequippedwith outboardgasolineengines,astheyaretoday(Adams1994;Scott1995).Itisinterestingtonote that the humpback whalers from Bequia continue to use sailboats exclusively. This was explained to me as essential to maintain the quota given by the IWC for aboriginal and subsistence whaling. The IWC does not actually require aboriginal subsistence whalers to 120

 refrain from using enginepowered vessels but the whalers of Bequia perceive this lack of technological advancement as working to their advantage in keeping their quota year after year. FleetsizehasdeclinedsteadilythroughoutthehistoryofBarrouallieswhalingoperation (Figure5.13).Todayonlyoneboathuntscetaceansfulltime.Therearethreeotherboatswith harpoongunmountsbutthesegooutonlyoccasionallyonlyafterIsightthewhales,claims the owner of the fulltime boat. Additionally, an unknown number of fishing boats from Barrouallieandothervillagescarryhandharpoonstobereadytomakeopportunisticcatchesin theeventthatcetaceansareencounteredwhilefishing.
18 16 14 numberofboats 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Figure5.13:GraphshowingchangestothesizeoftheBarroualliewhalingfleetfrom1932topresent.Sources: Caldwell and Caldwell 1971, Price 1985, Adams 1994, Scott 1995, Hamaguchi 2002, and personal observations during2008,2009,and2010.

In addition to the two major technological changes, there exist two main areas of culturalchangewithregardtowhalinginBarrouallieoverthelasthalfcenturyorso.Thefirst oftheseisthedeclineofshantysinging,followedbyarenewedinterestinthistraditionandits 121

 construction as a piece of folk cultural heritage. The second is the establishment and tumultuoushistoryofacooperativefishermanssocietyinBarrouallie.Todaytheshantieshave endedandthecurrentiterationofthecooperativesocietystrugglesagainstdebtandnegative perceptionsamongthecommunity. SeaShanties Shanties(alternativelyspelledchantiesorchanteys)areworkingsongssungbyseamen (Hugill1961).Theyprimarilyservedtwopurposesaboardships:providingarhythmbywhich mencouldsynchronizetheirphysicallaborsuchastheraisingofsailsorhaulinganchors,and offeringapleasantdiversionfromthetediumofshipboardlife.TheAmericanfolkloristRoger Abrahams(1974,7476)citesspecificsongsthatwereassociatedwithspecificeventsaboarda whaling boat: the harpoon strike, hauling in a whale, rowing home. He also cites certain prescribed periods of silence, such as when a whale had been harpooned and was hauled withinfiftyorsixtyyardsoftheboat,inordertokeepfromfrighteningthewhaleandcausing ittodive.Onshorethewhalerswouldsingshantiesextollingtheirownstrengthindealingwith theperilsofwhaling,orparodyingorcallingouttheboatowners,vendors,andpublicfortheir stinginess(Abrahams1974;LanierandReid2007). Many shanties followed a callandresponse structure by which the leader (called the shantyman)wouldsingaline,followedbythesailorswhosangalineinresponseorarepetitive chorus.InthecontextofBarroualliewhaling,shantiesservedtwomainpracticalpurposes:to providearhythmthatkeptthemenintimewhilerowingorhauling,andtoalertcommunity membersonshoreofasuccessfulcatchandtorequesttheirhelpinthehaulingandprocessing workthatwouldsoonfollow(LanierandReid2007).AsLanierandReidpointout,manyofthe shanties follow the same line of transmission as whaling practices themselves: from New 122

 EnglandtoBequiatoBarrouallie.Ofcoursesomeofthesongswereadaptedalongtheway.As such,theshantiesoftencontainlyricsaboutplacesknowntoYankeeWhalers,butthatwould haveseemedexotictotheVincentiansAlabama,Baltimore,Bermuda,Calais,andDoveras wellassomethatwouldhavebeenmorefamiliartheneighboringvillagesofRoseBankand Wallilabou, and the Grenadine islands of Bequia where they learned the whaling skills, or Mayreauwheretheyboughttheirsalt. Duringthe1960sand1970s,changesbothculturalandtechnologicalledtothedecline andeventualabandonmentoftheshantyingtraditioninBarrouallie.Asboatownersbeganto replacetheiroarsandsailswithinboardandoutboardengines,theneedforthecrewmembers toworkinrhythmwitheachotherdisappeared.Alongwiththeneedforkeepingtime,sowent thetimekeepingshanties. Theotherpracticaluseforshantiestoalertcommunitymembersonshorethatacatch hadbeenmadeandhelpwouldsoonbeneededdeclinedastheshantiesprovedtooeffective. That is, crowds larger than necessary began to arrive at the shore where whaling crews unloaded their catch, offering to help and demanding to be compensated. At first, whalers incorporated new shanties into their repertoire that spoke directly to the excessive and demanding crowds that had been turning up at the beach for a free share. Consider, for example,thefollowinglinesfromtheshanty,BearAwayYankee: Whonabeenoff, Nacomeabay. Ifyouwantdeliveryouhavetobuy. Ifyouwantdegutsyouhavetobuy. LanierandReid(2007,77)citetheselyricsalongwiththeirtranslationtostandardEnglishthat whoeverhasntgoneout[whaling],dontcometothebay,andthatthewhalersexpected 123

 paymentforeventhemostundesirablepartsofthecatch.Thesenew,criticalshantieswere notsufficientlyeffectiveagainstthedemandingcrowdsandthewhalerssoonabandonedthe notionofbroadcastingnewsoftheircatchandshantiesaltogether.Today,withtheavailability of mobile telephones, crews can be selective with whom they choose to inform about their whalingsuccessandthereisnomorepracticalneedforannouncementshanties. In2001,ReidandLanierinstigatedarenaissanceofinterestintheBarroualliewhaling

shanties. At their suggestion, a group of eight former whalers formed a singing group called TheBarrouallieWhalers(ReidandLanier2001;LanierandReid2007).Thisgroupfirstbegan performing locally in 2002 and later, internationally. To date, the Barrouallie Whalers have performedinSt.VincentandtheGrenadines,theUnitedStates,theNetherlands,andFrance, and have been featured on one compilation album of sea shanties. Through this group, the tradition of shantying remains alive on St. Vincent despite no longer being needed in the whalingoperation. FishermansCooperativeSocieties ThepresenceofacooperativesocietyforthefishermenandwhalersofBarroualliehasa

history not unlike that of the shanties: each experienced a period of utility, a decline, and a finalperhaps symbolicrenaissance. The first iteration of a fishermans cooperative in Barroualliebeganin1952astheBarrouallieFishermansCooperativeSocietyLtd.withthemain focus being the support of the pilot whaling operation (Scott 1995). Evidence of this focus continuestoday,asevidencedbythepilotwhalesilhouettesusedonthesocietyssign(Figure 5.14).

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Figure 5.14: Sign at the Barrouallie Fisheries Cooperative Society. Photograph Andrew Fielding, used by permission.

ThehistoryofthisfirstCooperativeSocietyischaracterizedbyaperiodoffunctionality,

utility, and profit from its beginning in 1952 until the early 1970s when its decline began. Between1972and1973theSocietysprofitsdecreasedbyanorderofmagnitude(Scott1995). The timing of this decrease is directly related to the passage of the United States Marine Mammal Protection Act, which forbade the import of whale oil to the U.S., previously an importantsourceofincomefortheBarroualliewhalerswhoexportedtheproduct,primarilyfor use in lubrication of small mechanical instruments (Price 1985; Parr 1996; Marine Mammal Commission2007).Intheearly1980s,boththeproductivityofthewhalingoperationandthe moraleattheCooperativeSocietywerelow.Attemptingtoincreaseboth,theSocietybegan severalprojectsthatwereintendedtostimulatetheindustry,butthatinhindsight,ledtothe closureoftheCooperativeSocietyitself. 125

 OneofthemajorprojectsthattheCooperativeSocietytookonwastheconstructionof moremodern,morehygienicfacilitiesfortheprocessingandstorageofwhalemeat,blubber, and oil. Unfortunately, this project and subsequent smaller projects were not completed satisfactorily, despite the contractual oversight and funding from international agencies includingtheUnitedStatesAgencyforInternationalDevelopment(USAID).Itisinterestingthat USAID contributed funds directly toward the development of the whaling operation at Barrouallie in 1984six years after the establishment of the U.S. Marine Mammal Protection Act.ApparentlynotallU.S.agencieswereagainstthepromotionofwhalinginBarrouallie. A Norwegian consultant oversaw the construction of the processing facility and the

U.S.AIDfunds covered the constructionof awhaling boat (Scott1995). Neither projectwent smoothly. The facility wasbuiltat Wallilabou,thenextvillagenorth alongtheleeward coast from Barrouallie and a place without a whaling tradition. Traditionally, Barrouallie has been knownastheblackfishtown,thecenterofSt.Vincentpilotwhaling(Anonymous1999).To constructawhaleanddolphinprocessingcenteratanothervillagewasapoorlyplannedand culturally uninformed venture. The structure was never used for its intended purpose. Similarly,thewhalingboatwasbuiltamidcontroversyastoitscostandseaworthiness.Itwas launchedin1989,anddidwell,butonlylasteduntil1993whenit,alongwiththeBarrouallie FishermansCooperativeSocietyasawhole,wasputoutofcommission(Scott1995;seealso JentoftandSandersen1996). ThenextattemptatacooperativesocietyinBarroualliebeganhumbly:accordingtoan

archived2000memorandum,oneoftheearlymeetingsofthesteeringcommitteewastobe held under the almond tree next to the fishery center. In 2003 the steering committee registeredtheBarrouallieFisheriesDevelopmentCooperative(aslightnamechangefromthe 126

 previous Society) with the national government. However the Cooperative was not officially launcheduntilJanuary2005.Therelianceuponinternationalfundingforthewhalingoperation continues.ThebuildingthattheCooperativecurrentlyoccupies,calledtheBarrouallieFisheries Centre, was built with Japanese funds in 1999 (Figure 5.15). Also, until recently, a volunteer fromtheJapanInternationalCooperationAgencywasstationedinBarrouallie(BFDC2007).

Figure5.15:PlaqueattheBarrouallieFisheriesCentreexplainingJapan'sroleintheconstructionofthebuilding.

TodaysCooperativeisnotwithoutcontroversy.Ofthefourpilotwhalingboatowners in Barrouallie, only one is a member of the Cooperative. While the benefits of membership would seem appealing to local fishermen and whalerscredit for fuel and gear purchases, access to cold storage facilities, and a guaranteed wholesale marketmany fishermen and mostwhalersseetheboardofdirectorsasnotprioritizingtheirinterests. ThecurrentCooperativehasnotescapedthefinancialproblemsthatwerecharacteristic ofthepreviousSociety.A2005memorandumarchivedintheMinistryofSocialDevelopment, Cooperatives,Gender,Family,andEcclesiasticalAffairsinKingstownfromtheministrytothe management team of the Cooperative states that the board of directors has not been

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 functioning and that the officers have failed to perform [their] duties. The memorandum concludesbysummoningtheboardmemberstoaveryimportantmeeting.Itcanbeinferred thattheresultsofthismeetingweresatisfactorytotheMinistry,astheCooperativecontinues today,althoughcriticsremain.Anarchived2007governmentevaluationcitesseveralthreats tothecontinuanceoftheorganization,includingnegativeperceptionofthepublic,basedon pastexperiencesof[the]otherFisheriesCooperative. HowwelltheCooperativeisnowfunctioningisamatterofdebate.TheCooperatives president, Vibert Pierre, boast[s] of success and its members (at least those profiled in the promotionalmaterial)agreethatitsestablishmentwasagoodmove(BFDC2007).However, Patterson Homer, Chief Inspector at the Cooperative Division of the Ministry of Social Development, Cooperatives, Gender, Family, and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Kingstown is more ambivalent.Ina2009interviewhetoldmethattherearetwofunctioningcoops:Kingstown andCalliaqua.ThereareseveralthatarenonfunctioningincludingChateaubelairandBequia. When I asked him to evaluate the Cooperative at Barrouallie, which he had strategically not mentioned,hesaid,Barrouallieisdoingokay.TheyhaveaFishFestfromtimetotime. By most accounts, the Hairoun Bagga Fish Fest is the major accomplishment of the Cooperative(Hairounisthenameofthelocalbeer,aftertheCaribnameforSt.Vincent,and BaggaisanicknameforBarrouallie).SinceFebruary2007,theCooperativehasheldafestival in the center of Barrouallie on the first Friday of every month. The Fish Fest attracts people from all over the island, who come for the live music, the festivities, and the fish and whale dishes that are sold. The Fish Fest is advertised on St. Vincent radio with the slogan remember, nobody can cook blackfish like Bagga people! While the local fish and whale recipes are popular, their popularity has been eclipsed by that of the whale tempura, 128

 introduced by a Japanese volunteer in 2007 (anonymous Fish Fest employees, personal communication).ThediversecrowdatthetwoFishFeststhatIattendedincludedactiveand retiredwhalersfromBarrouallie,urbanitesfromKingstown,ruralpeoplefromthevillages,and evenagroupofJapanesedevelopmentworkerswhocamespecificallyforthewhalemeat. TheprimarysuccessoftheCooperative,then,maynotbeitsservicetothewhalersand fishermen of Barrouallie, but its positive representation of Barrouallie fishing and especially whalingtotheVincentiancommunityatlarge. Culture WhalingToday Today, whaling in Barrouallie is primarily led by Samuel Hazelwood who operates one

whaling boat and one fishing boat and keeps a rotating crew of about twelve working both. Duringthespringof2010,Hazelwoodwaspreparingtolaunchasecondwhalingboat,bringing St.Vincentstotaltofour.Thiswilllikelyincreasethesizeofthewhalingoperationsworkforce byatleastsix.Thetoolsandmethodshaveremainedlargelyunchangedsincetheintroduction oftheoutboardmotor,ashavethenetworksofprocessinganddistributionoffoodproducts andoil. Tools TherearetwotypesofharpooninuseintheCaribbeanpilotwhalingoperation:hand harpoonsandgunharpoons.Theydifferprimarilyinlengthandmethodofuse;handharpoons are about three metersintotallength and arethrownbyhand;gunharpoons are about one meter long and are fired from a modified shotgun mounted at the bow of the whaleboat. There are three main parts to a harpoon of either type: the head (locally called a gill), the foreshaft,andthemainshaft. 129

 Starting with scraps of steel salvaged from discarded machinery, a blacksmith cuts a roughwedgeshapethatwillbecometheharpoonsgill(Figure5.16).Hesharpensthiswedge toapointandmountsittotheharpoonforeshaftthroughacentralpivotholewitharivet.This rivet (which is locally called a toggle) is made from a stainless steel bolt with the hexagonal head and threading removed and ends pounded flat. Before each harpoon strike, the harpoonertiesthegilllooselywithastringsoitwillremainstraightuntilitentersthewhale. Thepurposeofthetogglinggillissimilartothatofthebarbofafishhookoncetheharpoon entersthewhale,thegillpivots90andprovidesresistanceagainstslippingbackout. Theharpoonforeshaftitselfisbuiltfromscrapsteelrods,cuttoalengthofaboutone halfmeterandpoundedflatononeendtofitthechannelcutintothegill.Theblacksmithdrills a hole in the flat end of the foreshaft through which to mount the gill. The other end will connecttheforeshafttothewoodenmainshaft. Thesteelforeshaftjoinsthewoodenmainshaftbywayofasmallmetalcupthatisbuilt fromscrapsteelpipe.Theblacksmithcutsasectionofpipeapproximately10centimetersin length.Hethencutsawaytriangularsectionsfromoneend bendstheremainingpartofthe pipetoformataperedbase.Thenarrowendofthecupcanthenbeweldedontotheforeshaft (Figure 5.17). This is the only process of harpoon construction that whalers regularly outsourcetoalocalwelderwhoownsanacetylenetorch.

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Figure5.16:Theconstructionstagesofaharpoongill,frombottomtotop.Firsttheroughshapeiscutfrom scrapsteel,secondaholeisdrilledforthetoggle,achanneliscutfortheforeshaft,andthepointissharpened onagrindstone.Finally,thegillismountedontheforeshaftwitharivetconstructedfromastainlesssteel machinebolt.

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Figure5.17:Aharpoonforeshaftweldedtothecupthatwillattachtothemainshaft.

Themainshaftoftheharpoonismadefrompurpleheart(Peltogynespp.)orgreenheart (Chlorocardium rodiei) wood, imported from Central and South America and bought in Kingstown, but was formerly made from the grugru tree (Acrocomia aculeate), a locally occurringspeciesofpalm.Shaftsaresixtosevencentimetersindiameterandarecuttoeither one or threemeter lengths depending on whether they will be used for gun or hand harpoons.Theblacksmithpoundstheforeshaftcupontothemainshaft.Iftheharpoonisto bethrownbyhand,theonlyremainingstepistoattachalengthofnylonropetotheforeshaft sotheharpooncanberetrievedafteramiss,orsothatthewhalecanbetetheredtotheboat afterastrike.Thisropeisfirsttiedatthepointwheretheforeshaftisweldedtothecupand thenatthreeorfourplacesalongthemainshaftasbackup(Figure5.18).Agunharpoonistied similarly,butwithfewerbackupknotsowingtoitsshortenedlength(Figure5.19). Thefinalstepinbuildingagunharpoonistocutarubberdiskfromadiscardedtireand to nail it to the base of the main shaft. This acts to dampen the impact of the shotguns explosiveforceagainstthebaseoftheshaft.Beforetherubberdiskwasintroduced,harpoon 132

 shafts were often splintered when fired. A steel ring is placed around the base of the gun harpoonsmainshafttofurtherpreventsplintering.Despitetheirmeticulousconstructionand qualitymaterials,harpoonsrarelylastlongerthantwoyearsowingtotheirconstantexposure to the elements and heavy usage. A finished harpoon sells for EC$200 (US$75), thus, boat owners can reduce their costs by learning the skills of a blacksmith and making their own harpoonsratherthanconstantlyhiringtheservicesofsomeoneelse. The four active whaling boats in Barrouallie all follow the same basic design (Figure 5.20).SamuelHazelwoodsboatisatypicalexample.TheSeaHunteris21feetfromstemto sternand6feetbroadatthebeam.ItwasbuiltinBarroualliein1993fromcedar,imported fromNorthAmerica,andispoweredbya65horsepowerYamahaoutboardengine.Theboat hasfourrowsofseatsandthereisadeckbuiltovertheforemosttwometers.Uponasmaller, higher deck in the bow is mounted a fivelegged swiveling gun stand (Figure 5.21). The gun standconsistsofaverticalpostmadefromaonemetersectionof5centimeterdiametersteel tubing,boltedtothebowspritandstabilizedbyfoursectionsofrebar,wrappedingafferstape. OntopofthepostisboltedacircularplateandUshapedcradlethatcanturn315.Thegunis attached to this cradle by a bolt that allows the gun to pivot vertically 45. Adding to the harpoons range of motion is the coordination between the harpooner and the sternman to pointthebowoftheboatandthus,theguntowardthetarget. Many fishing boats that set out from villages in St. Vincent carry handharpoons in hopesoftakingpilotwhalesorothersmallcetaceansopportunistically.Somefishermeninand St.LuciaandMartiniquedothesame.Dominicanfishermenhaveonlyrecentlybeenforbidden fromdoingso(Price1985;Scott1995;Sanders2009).AfewremainingboatsinSt.Luciaalso

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 feature gun mounts. However, only in the village of Barrouallie, on St. Vincent, are boats specificallybuiltandoutfittedforfulltimehuntingofsmallcetaceans.

Figure5.18:Ahandharpoon.

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Figure5.19:Agunharpoon.

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Figure5.20:AtypicalBarroualliewhalingboatanditscrew.

Figure5.21:TheSeaHunter'sgunstand.

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 Thegunitselfisamodified12or16gaugeshotgun.Thebarrelhasbeenremovedand replacedwitha56centimeterlengthof5centimeterdiametersteelpipe.Thispipeisheldby steelstraps,boltedtoaspeciallydesignedforestockcarvedfromatwobyfourpieceoflumber. Itisthroughthisforestockthattheboltpasses,linkingtheguntothegunmount(Figure5.22). Onceitismounted,theharpoonerloadsthegunwithashellfromwhichhehasremovedthe shot and added a halfmeasure of extra powder. He then loads the harpoon by working its main shaft into the barrel of the gun (Figure 5.23). Mounted on its stand and loaded with a harpoon,withawiderangeofradialmotionbothhorizontallyandvertically,andwithafiring rangeofupto100meters,theharpoongunisthewhalersmosttechnologicallyadvancedtool.

Figure5.22:Shotgunmodifiedforfiringharpoons,mountedonthebowoftheSeaHunter.

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Figure5.23:Theharpoonerloadsthegun.

ACaribbeanwhalingboatcarriesthreepeople:theharpooner,thesternman,andthe centerman.Theharpoonersroleisthatofcaptain.Hestandsatthegunstand,watchesfor whales and dolphins, and directs the sternman where to steer. An intimate and mysterious conversation occurs between the harpooner and the sternman using only hand gestures and boatmovements(Table5.1).Theharpoonercallsforthecentermantopassharpoonstohim, loads and fires the gun, and throws the handharpoons. The sternman steers the boat according to the harpooners directions. The centerman assists by passing gear between the sternmanandharpooner,straighteningbentharpoons,haulingaboardandcuttingharpoons fromcapturedwhalesanddolphins,andassistinghoweverpossible.Onthewhalingvoyages inwhichIparticipated,Iwasthecenterman.Allthreewatchforwhalesordolphinsbreaking

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 thesurfacetobreathebutitisusuallytheharpoonerwhosightsthemowingtohistrainedeye andelevatedpositionontheraiseddeck.
Table5.1:Handsignalsfromharpoonertosternman,andtheirinterpretations,asobservedduringfieldwork.

HandSignal Handup,palmforward,fingersup Pointrightorleft Pointrightorleft,behindbody Handdownbywaist,palmback Handdownbywaist,palmback,hand pumpingforwardandbackward Handhelddown,palmback,swingingforward andbackbywaist Pointupwithindexfinger Handup,swungoncetowardshore Handopen,heldtoside,palmup Handmakingdorsalfinmotion,fingersup Fistopeningandclosing

Interpretation Keepcurrentspeed,currentcourse. Turnsharplyrightorleft. Veerrightorleft,keepforwardcourse. Slowdown. Stop. Increasespeed. Bringboattofullspeedoncurrentcourse. Returntoport. Boat,gun,andwhalesordolphinsnotlining upproperly;frustrationwithsternman,seas, and/orwhalesordolphins. Whalesordolphinssighted(targetspecies). Spermwhale,orotherlargewhale,sighted (nontargetspecies).

Belowthegunstand,theharpoonerkeepsaballofnylonrope.Afterloadingaharpoon hetiestheendoftheharpoonslinetooneendofthisropeandpassestheotherendtothe sternman who, when a whale is struck, turns the line once around the loggerheada carved blockofwoodthatpassesthroughthebenchinfrontofthesternmanandisboltedtothefloor oftheboat(Figure5.24).Theloggerheadspurposeistoprovidefrictiontothelineandslow thewhalesprogressasitattemptstodiveorfleeafterhavingbeenstruckwiththeharpoon.

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Figure5.24:Theloggerheadinuseafterawhalehasbeenstruck.

Caribbeanwhalingboatsarefullofotheritemsthatmayormaynotbecomenecessary duringthedaysactivities.Followingisafullinventoryofeverythingthatisbroughtalongona typicalwhalingvoyage: 418gallonfueltanks 31gallonwaterjugs 3watertightpersonalbuckets(containinglunches,mobiletelephones,GPS,etc.) 2cutlasses(asmachetesarecalledintheCaribbean) 1siphonhose 2knives 1flatheadscrewdriver manyhandlinesforfishing 2raincoats 1boxofshotgunshells 1modifiedshotgun 7handharpoons 12gunharpoons 1gaffhook 2 lances (essentially handharpoons with the gills sheared off and the foreshafts sharpened) 2bailingbuckets 140

 4bamboopoles 1hammer 12floatingbuoys many45meterlengthsofnylonrope 1metersteelrodforclearingthegunbarrel woodenclubforstunningfish 2flashlights

Thegearisnotarrangedmethodically;itisplacedratherhaphazardlyintheboatandmust bequicklyrearrangedwhencatchesarebroughtonboard.Often,whenawhaleordolphinis harpooneditswimsquicklyawayfromtheboat,causingthelineattachedtotheharpoontozip out.Anythingtangledinthelineispulledoverboardandcrewmembersmustoftenhopabout theboatquicklytoavoidgettingtangledthemselves.Itisinterestingtonotecertainitemsthat arenotincludedonthelist:lifepreservers,firstaidsupplies,marineradios,extensivetoolkits, extraengineorengineparts,andoars. Process Apilotwhalersdaystartsearly,butnotasearlyasanordinaryfishermansday.Pilot whalersneedsunlighttobeabletoseethewhalesandtheyneedaclearview,withoutfog,to seethespraysfromtheirblowholesandthedorsalfinsbreakingthesurfaceofthewater.Thus, theboatsetsoutbetween7:00and8:00inthemorning,afull12hourspastsunrise.Ifthe crewdidnotfillthetanksthenightbefore,theymustwaituntilthefisheriescooperativeopens at 8:00am to buy fuel. During my participatory fieldwork, the earliest time of departure was 7:09amandthelatestwas8:18am.Theaveragetimeofdeparturewas7:41am. Becauseoftheirreligiousconvictions,somewhalersgenerallydonotworkonSundays, though some Barrouallie fishermen do and they will alert the whaling captains of any whales sighted.Throughthe156weeksofdata(January2007December2009),oneboat,theSea 141

 Hunter,sailedononlytwentySundays.ThisboatshuntingeffortduringtheperiodforwhichI haverecordsisshownbymonthinFigure5.25.
30 25 20 whalingdays 15 10 5 0

2007 2008 2009

Figure5.25:NumberofwhalingdayspermonthbyoneBarroualliewhalingboat,20072009.Source:Financial RecordsofSamuelHazelwood.

Once underway, the harpooner signals the sternman regarding the direction the boat shouldinitiallytake.Alleyesonboardbeginscanningthesurfaceoftheseaforsignsofwhales ordolphins.Oftentheharpooneralsowatchesforflocksofseabirdsdivinganindicatorofa schooloffish,whichinturnmayindicatepilotwhalesorothercetaceansfeedingonthefish. Theharpoonerusuallythrowsalinewithahookandlureoverboardtotrollbehindtheboatfor albacore tuna (Thunnus alalunga) during the day, however during my fieldwork I never observedanythingcaughtonthisline.

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 IfFrasersdolphins(Lagenodelphishosei)aresightedearlyinthedaytheywilloftennot behuntedbutwillratherbepursuedatadistancewiththehopesthattheywillleadtheboatto apodofpilotwhalesororcas.Laterintheday,theseinshoredolphinsareoftenhuntedasa lastresort.Duringtheday,theharpoonerandsternmanwilloccasionallycastahandlinetofish forskipjacktuna(Katsuwonuspelamis)ordorado(Coryphaenahippurus)(Figure5.26).These handlinesarequicklywoundinifwhalesordolphinsaresighted.

Figure5.26:Theharpoonerhandlinesforskipjackordorado.

After two or three hours of searching, if no whales or dolphins are sighted, the harpoonerusuallysignalsthesternmantocuttheengineandtheentirecrewrestsforoneor twohours.Duringthistimetheyeatlunch,nap,chat,andwatchforflocksofdivingseabirds. 143

 After lunch, the hunt resumes and lasts until a large catch is made, until sunset, or until the harpooner decides to return to port. If more than one boat is hunting, a harpooner may communicatebymobiletelephonewithhiscolleaguesintheotherboatstoaskwhetherthey havesightedanything.Harpooners,untilrecently,directedoneanothertopodsofwhalesor dolphins but rarely hunted cooperatively in any active way (Figure 5.27). Today, because of certainillfeelingsamongtheBarrouallieharpooners,mostwhalingboatshuntalone.

Figure5.27:Thehuntisneithercooperativenorcompetitivebuttwoormoreboatsareofteninthevicinityof thesamepodofwhalesordolphins

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 When whales or dolphins are sighted the harpooner directs the sternman to his preferred position for harpooning. Pilot whales and dolphins can be either wild or tame dependingupontheirbehavior.Thelocalusageofthesetermsisslightlydifferentfromtheir standard definitions and bears some explanation. Tame whales and dolphins are ones from pods that have not been hunted before and do not yet avoid boats and humans. They will oftenapproachtheboatsquitecloselyandcansometimesbeseenswimminginthebowwake. Thesearetheeasiesttargets.Theycanoftenbestruckwiththehandharpoon.Wildwhales anddolphinshavebeenhuntedbefore,avoidhumans,andfleeboats.Theyaredifficulttohunt and must usually be struck with the gunharpoon. When whalers are recounting the days events to friends on shore in the evening and they mention sighting a pod of whales or dolphins, the first question asked is often, were they wild or tame? The answer to this questionoftenforetellstherestofthestory. After the decision has been made whether to use the hand or gunharpoon, the harpooner readies the chosen implement (Figure 5.28), waits until the target animal rises to breathe,andfiresorthrowstheharpoon(Figure5.29andFigure5.30).Accuraciesvaryamong harpooners.Ifitisamiss,theharpoonerquicklyreelsinthelineandreadiestheharpoonfor anothertry,keepinganeyeonthewhalesordolphinsallthewhile.Thisresettingprocessis muchquickerifahandharpoonisbeingused.Toreloadthegunharpoon,theharpoonermust dislodgethespentshellwithaonemetersteelrod,reloadanewshell,andreloadtheharpoon intothegun.

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Figure5.28:ARisso'sdolphinsighted,theharpoonertakesaimwiththeharpoongun.

Figure5.29:Theharpoonisfired;theresult,ahit.

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Figure 5.30: Alternatively, the harpooner may choose to throw a handharpoon. Photograph Andrew Fielding,usedbypermission.

If it is a hit, there are three options depending upon the animals size and level of activity.Ifasmalldolphinhasbeenharpoonedanditdoesnotreactviolentlytothestrike,the harpooner,centerman,and/orthesternmanoftensimplyholdtheharpoonlineandhaulthe animalclosertotheboatasittires.Iftheanimalislarge,butmanageable,theharpoonerwill pass the harpoon line to the sternman who turns it once around the boats loggerhead and slowlydrawstheanimalin.Iftheanimalisextremelylarge,likeanorcaoralargepilotwhale, theharpoonerwilltieoneormoreofthelargeplasticbuoystothelineandletitgooverboard, nolongerattachedtotheboat.Hewillthendirectthesternmantoapproachtheanimalwhen ithastired,andwillthenbegintotowittoshore.Buoysarealsousedifalargepodofdolphins is found and the harpooner feelslikely totakemorethanone.Ratherthanhauleachstruck 147

 dolphin onboard before preparing to harpoon the next, he will harpoon several in quick succession, letting each go with a buoy, and will then collect the catches after they have all tired. Sometimes,butnotoften,thefirstharpoonstrikeisaccurateenoughtokilltheanimal. During my fieldwork, I noted the location of all harpoon strikes. Very few fell outside of a particularvitalarea:betweenthefrontofthepectoralfinsandthebackofthedorsalfin,and abovetheabdomen.Oftenasecondharpoonwillbethrowntofurthersecuretheanimalto theboat(Figure5.31).Theanimaliseitherinjuredordeadwhenitisdrawnalongsidetheboat (Figure5.32).Ifalive,thedecisiontokillthewhaleordolphinwithalanceoraknifeisbased solelyuponthequestionofmanageability.Ifthedolphinishauledonboardtheboatalivewillit thrash around violentlypossibly damaging the boat or flipping itself out into the wateror willitliestill?Calmanimals,orthosethataremoreseriouslyinjuredbytheharpoon,areoften subjectedtolongertimestodeathfromtheirfirstharpoonstrikethanonesthatareharderto managewhenbroughtonboard.Unmanageableanimalsareusuallykilledwithalancetothe heart or lungs, or a knife to the vessels that are the brains major blood supplyabout a handbreadthbehindtheblowhole.Theharpooner,sternman,andcentermanhaultheanimal onboard,deadoralive,andplaceitontheflooroftheboat(Figure5.33). Iftheanimalislarge,likeapilotwhale,itwillbetiedtothegunwalesoftheboatinstead ofhauledonboard.Ineithercase,thecatchissecuredandthehuntthenresumes.Whalers withwhomIspokeinBarrouallieeachremembertheirownpersonalbestdayandtherecord catchIheardoffordolphinswastwentyeight.Forpilotwhalestherecordwasten.Thelargest daily catches during the period for which I have Samuel Hazelwoods records (January 2007 June2009)areshowninTable5.2. 148

Figure5.31:Risso'sdolphinwithharpoonsembedded.Ahandharpoonhasbeenthrownafterthegunharpoon toensurethedolphinwassecurelyfastenedtotheboat.Notethepresenceofaseconddolphininthetopleft corner.Grampusgriseusisagregariousspecies.

Figure5.32:TheRisso'sdolphin,deadanddrawnalongsidetheboat.

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Figure5.33:HaulingtheRisso'sdolphinonboard.

Table5.2:Recorddailycatch,accordingtotherecordsofSamuelHazelwood20072009.

Type Dolphin PilotWhale Orca

MaximumDailyCatch 23 10 3

Whentheharpoonerfeelsthatthehuntiscomplete,hesignalsthesternmantoreturn toport.Theharpoonerusuallyremainsathispoststandinguprightinthebowoftheboat,a harpoonloadedinthegununtiltheboatisverynearthedock.Thepurposeofthiscontinued vigilancenoted by Melvilleis to be ready if any whales or dolphins are sighted on the journey home. The lookout positions on the Pequod were said to be manned almost simultaneouslywiththevesselsleavingherportandkeptmannedtothelast[in]thehope of capturing one whale more (Melville 1851, 147). As the boat approaches the shore, the sternmancutstheengine,theharpoonerunloadsthegun,andthecrowdgatheredonthedock 150

 peersanxiouslytoseewhatwascaught.Theboatowner,ifnotonboardduringthehunt,has usuallybeenalertedbymobiletelephoneastowhatthedayscatchhasbeen.He,inturn,has usually already made arrangements with one or more of Barrouallies local vendors for the wholesaleofthecatch.Often,pricesareagreeduponbeforethewhaleboathasevenbeentied at the dock and vendors are sharpening their knives on the docks concrete pilings as the sternmantiestheboat. It has usually been a long day and the whalers are tired. During my participatory fieldwork, the earliest time that the whalers returned to port was 1:11pm, the latest was 6:20pm,andtheaveragewas5:08pm.TheshortestdurationofawhalehuntthatIexperienced was5hours,28minutes.Thelongestwas10hours,38minutes;theaveragewas8hours26 minutes. Withthereturnofthedayscatch,atransferofcontroloccursfromtheharpoonerto thevendor.Thistransferinvolvesachangefromseatoland,frommaletofemale,fromliving animaltofoodproduct,and,occasionally,fromlifetodeath.Thedockandtheswashzoneof thebeachbothbeingphysicallybetweenseaandlandserveasthelocationofthistransfer. In this, they become liminal spacesa concept that entered geography through the ethnographyofArnoldvanGennep(1909)andtheanthropologyofVictorTurner(1967;1969). Liminalityisthestateoftransitionthroughwhichonepassesduringachangefromonephase oflifeorexperiencetoanother.Withingeographicalthought,aliminalspaceisalocationin whichthetemporaryinhabitantsarebetweenforms. Atsea,overwater,theharpoonerisincontrol.Hisistheroleofcaptainoftheshipand the sternman and centerman must obey his directions. On shore, on land, the vendor is in control. She gives orders to her helpers and decides what will become of the meat she 151

 processes. Indeed, she owns the catch having purchased it whole from the harpooner. Harpoonersarealwaysmen;vendorsarealmostalwayswomen.Atthetimeofmyfieldwork thereweretenvendorsinBarrouallie;ninewerewomen.Accordingtoolderinformantsand historicaltexts,thegenderingoftheseroleshasalwaysbeenrigidlydivided(Adams1973;Scott 1995).Infact,todayssolemalevendordidnotsetouttobecomeavendorbuthadtakenover hismothersbusinesswhenshedied. Distribution After the hunt, the harpooner delivers the catch to the dock or to the beach. The differenceisonlyoneofconvention:somevendorspreferonelocationtoanothertoreceive theircarcasses.Sometimesatthispointtheanimalisstillalive,andwhetheraliveordead,itis whole,thatis,itsbodycavityhasnotbeenopenedtoremovetheinternalorgans.Itresembles ananimalmorethanacommodity.Withintheliminalspacetherearehelpersmenandboys presentonthedockorbeach,wholendahandinhopesofreciprocalrewards,notalwayspaid outimmediately,thoughtheharpoonerandvendorremembertheirassistance.Thesehelpers conduct the business of killing the animal if it has arrived alive, preparing the carcass to be processed,discardingunusableparts,anddeliveringusefulpiecesofamanageablesizetothe vendor who has set up a workstation on shore. That the work of the helpers occurs on the dockonasolidsurfacebutoverwater,orwithintheswashzonealternatingbetweenland andwaterwitheachwave,representssomethingabouttheirroleasgobetweens. Theirs are the hands by which an animal becomes a generic commodity, not yet fully processedasfood,butnolongeridentifiedasadistinctspecies.Atseatherearemyriadlocal names for the various cetacean species that whaleboat crews may encounter (Table 5.3). Thesenamesaredescriptorsoflivinganimalsandofwholecarcasses.Forexample,aRissos 152

 dolphinisknownlocallyasanAmericanowhileitisaliveandretainsthisdistinctionwhenits carcass is delivered to the shore. However, after processing, the meat is known in Creole simply as papas (porpoise), the same name given to meat from a number of small cetacean species. Likewise, pilot whales, orcas, and melonheaded whales are distinguished from one anotherwhileatseacalledblackfish,whitefish,andblackhardknocksrespectivelybutthe processedmeatofallthreeissoldasblackfish. Theliminalspaceofthedockortheswashzonethenbecomestheplacewhereanimals losetheirspeciesidentity,wheretheybecomecommodities,andwherethecontrolovertheir fatechangeshandsfrommaletofemale,fromseatoland,andfromhuntertoprovider.Ifthey havehadthemisfortunetosurvivetheharpooningandthetransportationbyboattoshore,the liminalspaceisalsowherethewhalesaretransportedfromlifetodeath. Whentheboatownerandvendorhaveagreeduponawholesalepriceforthecatch,the vendorpaystheownerincashonthespotandassumesownershipandcontrolofthewhaleor dolphin.Pricesvarywidelydependingpartiallyuponordinarymarketfactors:amountofmeat in storage, times of increased demand, and also upon social factors: some harpooners and vendorsarerelatedbykinshipormarriageandgiveeachotherspecialdeals.Theaverageprice thatIobservedwasEC$176.11(US$65.59).AccordingtoSamuelHazelwoodsfinancialrecords, theaveragepricepercetaceanfrom2007through2009wasEC$278.66(US$103.78). Inadditiontothehelperspresentatthedockorbeach,eachvendoremploysuptoten individuals who help with the processing, distribution, and sales of the product. One boat owner explained during an interview that he employs twelve crewmembers on a rotational basis, working on both his fishing and whaling boats. Other boat owners also rotate their similarly sized crews. Thus, the four whaling boats and ten vendors currently active in 153

 Barrouallieemployaworkforceofabout124onaparttimebasis.Culturally,thissystemworks well,asYoung(1993)describesthenormofmultipleparttimejobswithinVincentiansociety.
Table5.3:CommonandscientificnamesofthirteencommonlyobservedcetaceanspeciesoffSt.Vincent.The two right columns show the local names given to the living animals and food products obtained from those species. Notes: St. Vincent whalers do not hunt the sperm whale and humpback. At Fish Fest, all marine mammalmeatissoldasblackfish.

CommonName (StandardEnglish) shortfinnedpilotwhale

ScientificName

St.VincentCreole (livinganimal) blackfish whitefish blackhardknocks Americano ratpapas gaminfish rolloverpapas mongoose skipjackpapas pettydet grampus seaguap hunchback

St.VincentCreole (foodproducts) blackfish

Globicephala macrorhynchus killerwhale Orcinusorca Peponocephala melonheadedwhale electra Rissosdolphin Grampusgriseus dwarfspermwhale Kogiasima Atlanticspotteddolphin Stenellafrontalis spinnerdolphin Stenellalongirostris falsekillerwhale Pseudorcacrassidens Frasersdolphin Lagenodelphishosei roughtootheddolphin Stenobredanensis variousbeakedwhales Mesoplodonspp. Physeter spermwhale macrocephalus Megaptera humpbackwhale novaeangliae

papas

whale

The boat owner must pay expenses and divide the income among the crew (Figure 5.34).Firstthecostoffuelistakenfromthetotal.Ifthefuelcostismorethanthetotalvalue ofthecatch,theboatownerabsorbsthedifference;acrewmemberwillnotlosemoneyona dayofwhaling.Ifthereisapositiveremainder,asthereusuallyis,itisthendividedintwo halfgoingtotheboatandhalftothecrew.Theboatmeansthephysicalequipmentand supplies for whaling. This portion of the money funds replacement harpoons and lines and repairstotheboat,engine,andgear.Theotherhalfisdividedamongfourcrewmembersthe

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 harpooner,thesternman,thecenterman,andtheengine.Theengineisthefourthman,one boatownertoldmeafterpayingouttheproceedsfromaparticularlygoodcatch. Itmaybethecasethatthepracticeofcountingtheengineasacrewmembertracesits origin to the time before engines were used. A 1968 photograph of a blackfish boat under sailwithnoenginepresentshowsfivecrewmemberspresumablyoneharpooner,oneatthe tiller,andthreerowers.Theauthorsofthepaperinwhichthephotographappearsmention that, while the sailing boats are described as carrying a crew of six, one boat was normally observedwithacrewoffive(CaldwellandCaldwell1971,197).Likewise,inmy2008interview with George Tall Twelve Frederick, a Barrouallie whaler during the preengine era, it was explainedthatthedistributionofpaymentwassplitamongacrewofsix.Perhapsthesixth man during the age of sail was the sail itself, just as the fourth man today is the outboard engine. After the crewmember payments, as a gesture of good favor, the boat owner usually divides ten percent from the portion of the profits belonging to the boat between the harpoonerandthesternman.Thisextrapaymentsimplycalledthepercentageisgivenas asignofappreciationfortheirskilledrolesinthewhalingactivities. Oncethevendorhaspaidforthecatchandassumedcontrol,herfirsttaskistocutthe pieces delivered to her by the helpers to marketable sizes. Depending upon the time of delivery,theseactivitiesmayoccurthesamedayastheanimalwascaughtorthenextday.If thebutcheringistooccurthenextday,thewhalesordolphinswillbestored(wholeorbisected widthwise)inaseasideshedaccessibletothevendor.

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Figure 5.34: Payments resulting from a hypothetical whaling voyage in St. Vincent. Note: EC$1500 is not an uncommonamountforadayswhaling.

When the time to butcher the animals has arrived the vendor sets up a temporary processing facility on the beach (Figure 5.35). This facility consists of three stations: the dividing station where large pieces of meat and blubber are cut from the carcasses (Figure 5.36), the meat station wherelarge piecesof meatarecutintothin sheets for drying (Figure 5.37), and the blubber station where sheets of blubber and skin are cut into small cubes for frying(Figure5.38).Alloftheworkisdonewithmachetes(locallycalledcutlasses)andsmaller, handheldknives.

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Figure5.35:AnadhocprocessingfacilitysetuponthebeachatBarrouallie.

Figure5.36:Firststationseparatinglargepiecesofmeatandblubberfromthecarcasses.

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Figure5.37:Secondstationtrimminglargepiecesofmeatandslicingthinsheetsfordrying.

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Figure5.38:Thirdstationcuttingsheetsofblubberandskinintosmallcubesforcooking.

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 These stations are normally gendered spaces with men operating the first and third stationsandwomenoperatingthesecond.Thevendor,almostalwaysawoman,isinchargeof the entire operation. When questioned about this genderseparation, vendors and their workerssimplyexplainedthattherolesweretraditional. After the workers have cut the meat and blubber down to manageable sizes, they processthesematerialsforsaleandconsumption.Themeatissometimessoldfresh,orraw, for cooking but the more common method of preparation is drying. The blubber is nearly alwayscookedinitsownoilandlightlysalted. Meatpreparationtakesplaceonracksmadeofbambooandwoodthataresetupnear the beach. In Barrouallie there are five such racks set up permanently and one that can be takendownwhenitisnotinuse.Thevendorandheremployeeshangthemeatdirectlyonthe horizontalbamboopoles,abovethereachofBarroualliesmanystraydogsataheightofabout 1.5meters(5feet)abovetheground(Figure5.39).Afterdryingforseveraldays,duringwhich themeatisturnedatleastonceeachday(Figure5.40),themeatisreadytobeprocessedand packagedforsale.AtthispointthetextureislikethatofAmericanbeefjerky. Thevendorcutsthelargesheetsofdriedmeatintosmallstripsandbundlesthesestrips together,tyingthebundleswithstringsmadefrombananaleaffiber(Figure5.41).Iexamined severalofthesebundlesandfoundthattheirweightvariedsignificantly.Althoughtheweights ranged from 0.25 to 0.5lb (113227g), in the Kingstown market the bundles cost the same amountEC$2.50 (US$0.93) eachregardless of weight, though prices varied in the villages (Figure5.42).Thetasteofwhalemeatissimilartothatofleanbeefwithstrongfishinfluences.

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Figure5.39:AvendorhangspilotwhalemeattodryinBarrouallie.

Figure5.40:Avendorsassistantturnsmeatthathasbeenhungondryingracks.

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Figure5.41:AwomanbindsbundlesofdriedwhalemeatwithbananaleaffibersattheBarrouallieFisheries Cooperative.

Figure5.42:Onewhalemeatbundle,value:EC$2.50

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 While the meat is being dried, the vendor and her assistants will usually prepare the blubberforsaleandconsumption.Duringtheprocessingstage,theblubberwascuttosmall cubes(12cm3)withtheskinlefton.Thesecubesofblubberareplacedintoametalpotoran oldoildrum,andheatedoverafire.Onlyasmallamountofsaltisaddedtothepot.Asthe blubber heats, it releases oil, which boils. The blubber is fried in its own oil (Figure 5.43). Sometimesthecookwillscoopbowlfulsoftheoiloutofthepot,withwhichtostokethefire. Afterseveralminutestheblubbercubestakeonabrowncolorandbegintofloatintheoil.This indicatesthattheyaredone.Thefinishedproductiscalledcrisps(pronouncedwithoutthefirst sascrips)andisapopularsnackamongstVincentians.Consumersbuycrispsinplasticbags, sometimes soaked in oil (Figure 5.44). The taste and texture are somewhat like thick pork bacon,butwiththeflavoroffish.Pilotwhaleanddolphincrispsarecomparableintaste.

Figure5.43:Amanstirsapotinwhichblubberisbeingcookedtoproduceoilandcrisps.

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Figure5.44:Oneportionofcrisps,inoil,forsaleintheKingstownFishMarket,valueEC$2.005.00.

PreviousscholarshiphasdisagreedontheseasonalityofpilotwhalinginSt.Vincent(see

Scott 1995). However, recent data covering the years 20072009 indicate no true annual patterntothecatchwhenadjustedforeffortthewhalerstakeaholidayinlateDecemberand earlyJanuarytocelebrateChristmasandtheNewYearandtheboatownersoftenusethistime toupgradeandrepairtheequipmentandthevessel.InaninterviewwithalocalSt.Vincent affiliate of NBC radio, Samuel Hazelwood stated that the season runs from January to December(NBC2009),echoingthewordsofalocalcalypsoniancalledBecket,whosangnot only of his love forand cultural identification withtraditional Vincentian foods including blackfishcrispsbutalsothat,whalingtimeisanytimeandanytimeiswhalingtime. Whenanalyzedbymonth(Figure5.45),atrendtowardaslightincreaseinoverallcatch

is evident during the summer months. Dolphin catches increase significantly from May to 164

 November.PilotwhalecatchesdeclinesharplyinJunebutremainrelativelystableduringthe restoftheyear.However,nomonthshowsamarkeddecreaseintotalcatch,supportingthe viewthatwhalinginSt.Vincentisnonseasonalandwhalingtimetrulyisanytime.

20% 18% 16% 14% 12% 10% 8% 6% 4% 2% 0% J F M A M J J A S O N D PilotWhales Dolphins

Figure5.45:Monthlycatchesofpilotwhalesanddolphinsasapercentageoftheannualtotal(20072009).

Consumption Accordingtothreesurveyspublishedduringthelast30years,meatandblubberfrom pilot whales and dolphins are more popular in Barrouallie than throughout the rest of St. Vincent(Adams1980;Scott1995;Strakeretal.2000).Eachsurveyuseditsownmethodology, making direct comparisons problematic. However, looking at the results of the surveys independentlyshedslightonthepublicperceptionofpilotwhaleanddolphinproducts.Each surveypresenteditsresultsgeographicallytosomedegree,dividingtherespondentseitherby townorregion.Itispossiblethatgeographicalinequalitiesinwhaleanddolphinconsumption areduetovaryingdegreesinavailability,aspresentlypilotwhaleproductsmayonlybefound regularlyinBarrouallieandKingstown(Figure5.46andFigure5.47).Elsewhere,onemustawait thearrivalofamobilevendor. 165

Figure5.46:SignadvertisingpilotwhalemeatforsaleinBarrouallie.

Figure5.47:Avendorsellsherproductspilotwhalemeat(right)andblubber(left)attheKingstownFish Market.

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 Adamsdividedhisstudyareaintothefollowingfiveregions:Kingstown,LeewardCoast (which includes Barrouallie), South Coast, Interior and Windward Coast, and the Grenadines (Figure5.48).HefurtherdividedKingstownintopopulationsofhighandlowincome.Foreach region, Adams (1980, 20) listed major fish consumed and other fish consumed. The only regionforwhichpilotwhalewaslistedintheformercategorywastheLeewardCoast.Itwas listedinthelattercategoryonlyforthelowincomepartsofKingstown.Additionally,themeat ofthehumpbackwhalewaslistedinthelattercategoryforthehighincomepartsofKingstown, theSouthCoast,andtheGrenadines.

Figure 5.48: Adams' (1980) geographical divisions of St. Vincent for his fish preferences survey. Note: Grenadinesnotshown.

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 Scottdividedhisrespondentsintoonlytwogeographicalareas:Barrouallieandoutside of Barrouallie. He asked whether marine mammal meat is an important part of the respondents diet and whether he or she looked forward to the availability of certain marine mammalproducts(Scott1995,7374).HisresultsaresummarizedinTable5.4.
Table5.4:Summarizedresultsof1995surveyonconsumptionofmarinemammalbasedfoodproducts.Values representpercentageofrespondentsgivingaffirmativeanswers.Source:Scott1995.

Ismarinemammalmeatan importantpartofyourdiet? Doyoulookforwardto meat? crisps? oil?

Barrouallie 50

OutsideBarrouallie 25

69 69 50

27 32 8

Finally, Straker and his colleagues divided their respondents into Leeward side,

Windward side, and Bequia and simply asked, Do you eat marine mammals? Their results show that 68.6 percent of Leeward respondents answered in the affirmative, versus 52.8 percent of Windward respondents and 67.4 percent on Bequia (Straker et al. 2000, 1819). HoweverthewordingofScottsandStrakersquestionsassumestheunderstandingthatwhales anddolphinsareinfactmammals.Ithasbeenmyexperiencethatthisfactisfarfromwidely acceptedamongVincentians.Thelocalname,blackfish,servestoreinforcemisunderstanding oftherelevanttaxonomy. Ofthethreesurveyscited,onlyAdamsgatheredqualitativedata(perhapsnotsurprising

owing to his status as the only geographer among the three investigators). Participants in Adams survey who responded negatively to questions about their preference for meat and blubberfrommarinemammalsexpresseddissatisfactionwiththeunsanitarymethodbywhich themeatwaspreserved,packaged,anddisplayedforsale.Theseparticipantsalsocommented 168

 thatthemeatwasbloody,hadapeculiarsmell,andwasnotlikeotherfish(Adams1980, 25). Adams interprets the latter comment, that the meat of dolphins and whales is not like otherfishsimplybystatingthatmostVincentiansthoughtofporpoise[sic]asakindoffish butfrommyowninterviewswiththeVincentianpublic,Ihavecometoadifferentconclusion. Of the fortyone respondents in my public survey, four (9.8 percent) mentioned being hesitanttoeatmeatfrompilotwhalesordolphinsbecauseoftheanimalshumanlikequalities. Whenquestionedfurther,thesefourrespondentsindependentlybroughttomyattentiona sortofculturaltaboobaseduponthemisinformationthatthegenitaliaoffemaledolphinsand pilot whales resembles that of the human female and that the cetaceans menstruate like humanfemalesdo. IaskedSamuelHazelwoodaboutthistabooandheindicatedthathewasfamiliarwithit but that it was based not on fact but superstition. It is interesting to note that the four respondentswhomentionedthistaboowereallfromtheWindwardsideofSt.Vincentandthat nonehadseenawholepilotwhaleordolphinlivingordead. Anthropologists have long studied food taboos (Douglas 1966; Simoons 1994). The belief in some kind of physical or spiritual kinship between humans and cetaceans has been identifiedasamarkofthemodernantiwhalingmovement(Kalland1993a;Kalland1994a;Lien 2004).Additionally,theredoesexistatabooagainsthuntingwhalesofcertaintotemicspecies amongstIndonesianaboriginalwhalingcommunities(Alvard2003).Howeverthesetaboosare probably not analogous to the stigma against consuming marine mammals among some Vincentians, owing to the variety of species hunted and the general lack of concern for the welfareoftheanimalinotherregards.

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 The taboo noted among a minority of Vincentian respondents echoes more general menstrualtabooslongdescribedbyanthropologists(Kamsler1938;Stephens1961;Youngand Bacdayan1965;Montgomery1974)andinparticular,theinteractionsbetweenthemenstrual taboo and hunting as described by Kitahara (1982). The important difference in the cases analyzed by Kitahara and the Vincentian case is that the former considers only human menstruation,whilethelatteranthropomorphizesthischaracteristicupontheanimal. With the exception of this menstruation taboo, the primary reasons given for not consumingwhaleordolphinproductswerethehygieneissuenotedbyAdamsandtheissueof religion.TheFisheriesDivisionoftheMinistryofAgriculture,Lands,andFisheries,hastriedon several occasions to install sanitary facilities for the storage and processing of whales and dolphinsinandaroundBarrouallie(Scott1995).AccordingtoJenniferCruickshankHoward,of the Fisheries Division, the government continues to encourage vendors in Barrouallie to use more sanitary facilities and will sponsor the construction of more facilities in the future. Currently the vendors have only two choices for storing and processing whales and dolphins: theCooperativeSocietyortheirownshedsandbambooracksonthebeach.Nearlyallchoose thelatter,tothedisgustofsomeoftheirwouldbecustomers. Two notuncommon religious groups in St. Vincent, the Rastafarians and SeventhDay Adventists,proscribetheconsumptionofcetaceanproductsbytheiradherents.Rastafarianism is a messianic faith that began in Jamaica during the 1930s and has spread throughout the Commonwealth Caribbean and beyond (Lowenthal 1972; Barrett 1988; Savishinsky 1994). SeventhDay Adventism began in the United States during the nineteenth century and was broughttotheCaribbeanbymissionarieswhoestablishedtheWestIndiesUnionConferenceof

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 SeventhDay Adventists in 1906 (South Caribbean Conference 2010). Believers in both faiths adheretotheMosaicdietary(Kosher)laws,whichstate: Ofallthecreatureslivinginthewateroftheseasandthestreams,youmayeat anythathavefinsandscales.Butallcreaturesintheseasorstreamsthatdonot havefinsandscaleswhetheramongalltheswarmingthingsoramongallthe otherlivingcreaturesinthewateryouaretodetest.(Leviticus8:910KJV)

Because cetaceans do not have fins (as such) or scales, they are not Kosher for Jews, nor acceptabletoRastafariansorAdventists.Further,bothfaithspromotetotalvegetarianismasa recommended,butnotrequired,lifestyle. The taboo, sanitary, and religious objections notwithstanding, the majority of

respondentsinthemostcompletecitedsurvey(Strakeretal.2000)andinmyownresearchdid reportconsumingmeatand/orblubberfromwhalesanddolphins(Table5.5).
Table 5.5: Consumption of cetacean meat, comparison of results of current research to Straker et al. 2000. Valuesrepresentpercentageofrespondentsgivingeachanswer.

Strakeretal.(2000) currentstudy

Consume 60.3 65

Donotconsume 38.5 25

Noreply 1.2 10

Marine mammal products tend to be most popular in Barrouallie and along the windwardsideoftheislandinvillagesfrequentedbyvendors.Ididnotconductsurveysinthe GrenadinesbutinformalconversationswithpeopleonUnionIslandandMayreauindicatethat primarily only those with family connections to Barrouallie eat pilot whale meat and blubber and those with ties to Bequia eat humpback whale meat and blubber. Those without family connectionstoBarrouallieorBequiagenerallydidnotreporteatingwhalemeatorblubber.My reportofconsumptionhabitsintheGrenadinesshouldonlybetakenasaninformalindication andarecommendationforfurtherresearch. 171

 Conflict There is relatively little antiwhaling activity based in the Caribbean. Foreign anti whaling groups occasionally buy advertising space in local newspapers (e.g. Figure 5.49) but there is no example locally derived organized opposition to whaling for the species hunted within St. Vincent or the other artisanal whaling nations themselves. However, whaling in generalisanactivitythatgarnersinternationalinterestanddisapproval.AccordingtoRaymond Ryan,ChiefFisheriesOfficerintheMinistryofAgriculture,Forestry,andFisheriesofSt.Vincent andtheGrenadines(personalcommunication), There is a group of international conservatives coming to CITES meetings and whalingmeetings.TheycantalkuntilGodcomes;theycantstopusfromdoing traditionalwhaling.Wevebeendoingtraditionalwhalingforhundredsofyears. We respect the regulations. When our people depend on food we have no choice. When I asked Mr. Ryan if he personally ate pilot whale meat, he replied, of course. Its a nativedish.Ieatitwithbreadfruit. The only active campaign against whaling in St. Vincent came in 2001 when the Sea

ShepherdConservationSocietysentitsship,OceanWarrior(sincerenamedFarleyMowat)to Castries, St. Lucia, to document and disrupt the activities of pilot whalers in St. Lucia and St. Vincent(SeaShepherd2009).Thiscampaigndidachieveitsgoalofdocumentationbymaking photographsofwhalersreturningtoportwithapilotwhaleonboard.However,beforetheSea Shepherd activists could proceed with their mission in St. Vincent, the St. Lucia Coast Guard, actingonreportsofharassmentoffishermenbytheactivists,escortedtheOceanWarriorout ofCastriesharborandrequestedthatthecrewrestrictitsactivitiestointernationalwaters(St. Lucia2001).

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Figure 5.49: An antiwhaling advertisement placed in Searchlight, a local St. Vincent newspaper, by an environmentalorganizationbasedintheUKandU.S.A.Notethephrase,greatwhales.Thisisnotasimple statement of the whales greatness, rather, probably reflects a calculated effort to separate the large, IWC protectedspeciesthebaleenwhalesandthespermwhale,knowninsomeliteraturesasgreatwhalesfrom the smaller cetaceans hunted for food by St. Vincent whalers. The advertisement is not, then, subverting Vincentianmethodsoffoodproduction,exceptinthecaseofthehumpbackwhalersfromBequia.

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 Perhaps the most serious threat to Caribbean whaling is the possibility of a tourism boycott, although the only boycotts proposed have been in response to St. Vincent and the Grenadines prowhaling votes at the IWC meetings, rather than directed at the artisanal whalingactivitiesthemselves(Sam1994).Thesevotes,alongwiththedevelopmentaidgiven byJapan,areseenasevidenceofvotebuying.TheSeaShepherdConservationSocietysaid that it would not promote a boycott on Caribbean tourism over the artisanal whaling operationsonSt.VincentandSt.Lucia.SeaShepherddoesthreatentopromoteaboycottof theislandstourismindustriesintheeventthattheSt.LuciaandSt.Vincentgovernmentsallow Japanese whalers to operate in the area (McDaniel 2001)not something that either island governmentisconsidering,tomyknowledge. Tothewhalersthemselves,theconflictsurroundingtheirtradeispuzzling.Onewhaler

expressedhisperspectivethus: Why are people so concerned about these mammals suffering when human beings are suffering so much and they dont care? Places like Africa, where peoplearedyingandwehavetogiveaccounttoGodforthatand[notfor]these animalswithoutasoul,whodieandthatsit? Indeed, this comment speaks to a cultural divide between whaling and nonwhaling peoples that is well known to anthropologists (e.g. Freeman 1990;Kalland 1993a, 1993b, 1998, 1999; Peterson 1993; Goldschmidt 2005; Kalland and Sejersen 2005). Lacking consensus on the existential value of a whale and whether or not whaling is ever permissible, and without allowing the simultaneous existence of contradictory value systems, how can people of different nations and cultural backgrounds ever come to an agreement on the subject of whaling?Theconceptofawhaleasasourceoffoodandtheconceptofawhaleasalivingwild animalarebothrealconcepts.Thattheycoexist,albeitnotalwayspeaceably,testifiestothe 174

 importanceofincorporatingastudyofcultureintodecisionsmadeontheuse(orpreservation) of natural resources (Spoer 1956) and into the study of economic geography in general (Buchanan 1935, Peet 1997). It also provides an example of the conflict between Bulliets (2007)domesticandpostdomesticsocieties. Conservation Apart from the IWC quota on humpbacks for Bequia whalers, there are no whaling

regulationsinSt.VincentandtheGrenadines.Infact,marinemammalsarenotmentionedat all in the countrys Fisheries Regulations (SVG 2001, 2006). This is not to say that that the artisanal whaling operation at Barrouallie is unregulated. Rather, it is regulated by its own culturaltraditionsintheabsenceofformallaw. Geographers, anthropologists, and ecologists debate the ability, foresight, and

willingnessofpeoplewhoselivesandlivelihoodsaredirectlydependentupontheexploitation ofnaturalresourcestoconservethoseresources(Brookfield1962;RedfordandRobinson1985; Alcorn 1994; Young 1999; Berkes et al. 2000). Views range from Hardins Tragedy of the Commons(1968)toRedfordsEcologicallyNobleSavage(1990).InthecontextofSt.Vincent whaling, it is not so much the application of specialized traditional environmental knowledge (TEK)thataccomplishesconservation,asitisthecollectivelimitationofhuntingeffortdrivenby certainculturalnormsthatexistinBarrouallieandthroughouttherestoftheisland. The primary way by which these norms bring about conservation is the limitation of

Vincentian whaling activities to the village of Barrouallie. There is no intrinsic quality about Barrouallie that predisposes it to be the blackfish town (Anonymous 1999). In fact, pilot whales are most often sighted to the north and east of St. Vincent, far from Barrouallie and muchclosertothefishingvillageofOwiaandthepopulationcenterofGeorgetown.However, 175

 whaling operations that have arisen in other villages such as Rose Bank, Wallilabou and Cumberland did not last longer than a generation (Caldwell and Caldwell 1971). Anytime I mentioned to a Vincentian acquaintance that my research involved whaling, I was told that I must go to Barrouallie. At the Barrouallie Fisheries Cooperative, employee Prislet Francis simplyremarked,theknowledgeisonlyhere. TheonlyexplanationthatanyonecouldgiveastowhyVincentianwhalinghadremained inBarrouallie,alone,wastradition.Thistraditionhaseffectivelycreatedasystemoflimited entry(Johannes1978,351)bywhichallwhalersandvendorsareconcentratedinonevillage andcertainaspectsofthenationalpilotwhaleeconomyprice,competition,andsupplyare reducedtothevillagelevel.Becausecrowdsgatheratthedockwhenthewhalingboatsreturn each day and observe the wholesale transactions made openly, prices paid by vendors are public knowledge. Whalers, competing only with other local whalers, decrease their hunting pressureimmediatelywhensupplyishighandpricesarelow. Weretherewhalingoperationsbasedinothervillages,eachwouldcreateitsownlocal economyinwhichthewholesalepricespaidbyvendorsvaried,justasthedisparatepricingof bundlesofwhalemeatsoldinthevillages.Wholesalepricesmaybehighinonevillageandlow in another, prompting whalers to continue their efforts and sell to the vendors paying the highestprice.Asitis,thereisonlyonevillagewherevendorsarebased,andthereforeonlyone localwhalingeconomy,thoughtheproductisdistributednationally. This geographical limitation in turn limits the hunting pressure and creates a form of marketdriven conservation. This stands as a counterexample to Noel Castrees (1997, 11) argumentthat,whentheextractionofalivingnaturalresourceisconductedforprofitbyactors in a capitalistic society, the destruction of the resource base is part of the systems normal 176

 functioning.InthecontextofSt.Vincentwhaling,itseemsthatthecapitalisticstructureofthe whaling operationgeographically limited to one villagehas aided, not subverted, conservationefforts. The second way in which the local culture encourages conservation is through the

unwillingnessofthewhalerstoupgradetheirtechnologytosomethingmoreefficient.Wehave already seen that the whalers readily adopted motorboats and harpoon guns in the past. However,accordingtoJenniferCruickshankHoward,oftheFisheriesDivision,therehasbeen littletonoimpetusamongstwhalerstodevelopthetechnologyoftheiroperationbeyondthe levelattainedinthe1960s.Fisheriesauthoritieswouldliketoseethestorageandprocessing facilitiesimprovedbutthusfarhavemadenoeffortstoalterthetechnologyemployedbythe whalersthemselves.Boththewhalersandtheauthoritiesseemcontentthatthetechnological status quo provides an adequate supply of whale meat and blubber without overtaxing the resource.

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CHAPTER6:THEFAROEISLANDS PhysicalSetting Nearlydevoidoftrees,theFaroeIslands(sometimesreferredtosimplyastheFaroes, andalternatelyspelledFaeroe)seemtohavejustrisenabruptlyfromtheNorthAtlanticOcean (Figure6.1).Thisarchipelagoofeighteenislands(Table6.1)andnumerousisletsandreefslies atthecenterofatrianglethatcouldbedrawnbetweenIceland,Scotland,andNorway(Figure 6.2). In total the Faroe Islands cover 1,399 km2 (540 square miles) (Guttesen 1996a). The closestlandtotheFaroesistheislandofFoula,intheShetlands(300km[186miles]),andthe closest mainland is Norway (675 km [419 miles]). Though the archipelago lies at a higher latitude (6200 N) than southern Greenland, the moderating effects of the Gulf Stream produceamuchmilderclimatethanmightbeexpected.

Figure6.1:ThewestcoastofSuuroy,atypicalexampleofthenaturalFaroeselandscape.

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Figure6.2:TheFaroeIslands,withinsetmapshowingthearchipelago'slocation.CartographybyC.Duplechin, LSUGeographyandAnthropology.

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Table6.1:The18FaroeIslands,listedbyareaandpopulation(HagstovaFroya2009,7).Note:Totallandarea includesseveralisletsnotcountedinthesumofthe18islands.

Rank (area) 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 Land

Island Name Eysturoy Vgar Suuroy Sandoy Boroy Vioy Kunoy Kalsoy Svnoy Fugloy Nlsoy Mykines Skvoy Hestur StraDmun Koltur LtlaDmun Total

LandArea (km ) 374 286 176 165 111 95 41 35 31 27 11 10 10 10 6 3 2 1 1,399

2

Population (January,2009) 22,269 10,887 3,067 4,844 1,383 5,004 611 160 119 40 40 248 17 47 32 8 2 0 48,778

1 Streymoy

ThehighestpointintheFaroeIslandsisthemountainSlttaratinduronEysturoyat882 meters (2,894 feet) above sea level. The largest lake is found on Vgar and is called either Leitisvatn or Srvgsvatn, depending upon which side of the fiercest Faroese geographical debate one takes. The lake (often simply called Vatni, or, the Lake to avoid trouble) lies betweenthevillagesofMivgurandSrvgurandresidentsofeachprefertocallthelakeby their own local name. The Faroese government cartographers have compromised on the placenameontheofficial1:100,000mapbyusingbothnames,LeitisvatnontheMivgurside andSrvgsvatnontheSrvgurside(Figure6.3).Ontheofficialtouristmap,thelakeiscalled 180

Srvgsvatn and in the annual statistical digest, it is noted as Leitisvatn. Perhaps the local peacemakingtraditionofreferringtoitastheLakeisbest.

Figure6.3:"TheLake."Source:FroyarTopografisktAtlas1:100,000.

Geologically,theFaroeIslandsrepresentanoldbasaltplateauthathasbeendissected by glaciers and the sea (Rutherford and Taylor 1982; Rasmussen 1996). The archipelago was formedinfourdistinctphasesofvolcanicactivity,interspersedwithatleastonelongperiodof inactivity during the Tertiary Period (65 million to 1.8 million years before present). These phasesaresummarizedbelowinTable6.2.TherehasbeennovolcanicactivityintheFaroes during recorded human history. During the Quaternary Ice Age, the Faroes were heavily 181

glaciated, as is evidenced by the deeply fjorded coastline, Ushaped valleys, and roche moutonnesthatindicatethedirectionofglacierflow(Rasmussen1996).
Table6.2:Phasesofvolcanicandgeologicactivity,theirresultinglandforms,andlocationswhereevidenceof eachhasbeengathered.SummarizedfromRasmussen1996,3436. Phase Crustsplittingeruptions,extensive lavaflows Pauseinvolcanicactivity Explosivevolcanicphase,littlelava, muchash,lapilli Lavaproducingphase Rhythmicvolcanicactivity Subterraneansubsidenceand settling Result Lowerbasaltseries Erosion,depositionofcoalbearing seriesinshallowlakes Consolidatedloosematerial,tuff agglomeratezone Middlebasaltseries Upperbasaltseries,alternatingwith tuff Steepfractures,intrusivebodies SomeEvidenceLocations Suuroy,Mykines,Vgar Suuroy Suuroy,Vgar Suuroy,Vgar,Streymoy,Eysturoy NorthernandEasternislands Streymoy,Eysturoy

Narrowstraitsseparatethe18islandsofthearchipelagoandthereisnoislandthatis not visible from at least one of its neighbors in clear weather. Fixed links abound in the northernpartoftheFaroes,whereabridge,twocauseways,andtwounderseatunnelsreduce the islands relative insularity and essentially turn six islandsVgar, Streymoy, Eysturoy, Boroy,Kunoy,andVioyintoonedrivableregion.Totheforeignresearchertravelingbycar through the northcentral Faroes, it can be challenging to tell where one island ends and the next begins, owing to the interconnectedness of the six linked islands of the archipelago centrallylocatedandhometo86.1percentofthepopulation(HagstovaFroya2009).Eleven intrainsular tunnels connect communities that are separated by topography that would prohibit(orprolong)travelbysurfaceroads.Regularferryroutesandagovernmentsubsidized helicopterserviceprovideaccesstoislandsnotlinkedbybridgesandtunnels.Thelesserislands of Mykines, Kalsoy, Svnoy, Fugloy, Koltur, Hestur, Nlsoy, Skvoy, and Stra Dmun, with a combined population of 553just 1.1 percent of the population, are linked by ferry and

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helicopterservicesbutnofixedlinks.Thissituationbegsthequestionofcauseandeffect,with lack of government sponsorship for infrastructure developments and internal migration from theperipherytothecentereachcontributingtotheother.SouthofStreymoy,thelargeislands of Sandoy and Suuroy are home to 6,22712.8 percent of the populationand remain unlinkedtotherestofthearchipelagosavefortheferryandhelicopterconnections.Perhaps related, both islands have experienced lowerthanaverage islandwide growth rates, and depopulationinseveralvillages,sincetheSecondWorldWar(Guttesen1996a). Atmosphere Because of its oceanic, highlatitude position, the Faroese capital, Trshavn (TORush hown), is traditionally invoked in discussions of continentality (Johansson 1926; Hela 1953; Trewartha 1961; Driscoll and Fong 1992). The concept of continentality was formalized by VictorConradinthemidtwentiethcenturytobeusedasanindicatoroftheeffectsthatlarge landmasseshaveuponthetemperaturerangesoftheirinlandlocations.Indexofcontinentality isdefinedbythefollowingequation, in which A represents the annual range of temperature (C), is the latitude, and k is the resultant index of continentality (0100). The higher the index, the greater is the result of a landmass on the climate of a given location (Conrad 1946). In discussions of continentality within climatology literature, Trshavn (k=0) is often cited as the example of an extreme oceanic (or noncontinental) environment, with equal attention given to Verkhoyansk, Russia (k=100),themostextremecontinentalenvironment.

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WhatTrshavnsstatusastheworldsmostoceanicenvironmentmeansfortheFaroese

climate is typically mild winters considering the latitude, regular precipitation throughout the year,andlittlevariationinmaximumandminimumaveragemonthlytemperatures.According totheKppensystemofclimateclassification,theFaroeIslandsareoneofthefewlocationsin the Cfc category (maritime subarctic), meaning that the Faroes experience a mesothermal climate (average summer temperature above 10C [50F], and lowest winter temperature between 3C and 18C [2764F]), no wet/dry seasonality, and three or fewer months with meantemperaturesabove10C[50F](Kppen1900;Kotteketal.2006). In the wry words of an early twentieth century geographer writing about household gardensintheFaroes,thesesubarcticregionsarenotaltogetherdesolatewastesandtheir shortsummersmaybepleasant(Harshberger1924,404).Indeed,marketersofinternational tourism are currently discovering the Faroes as quite the desirable holiday destination. This discovery corresponds with an international trend of increasing interest in the worlds cold water islands both within the tourism industry and academic treatments of tourism (e.g. Baldacchino2006a).Themainstreamingofcoldwaterislandtourismwasconfirmedin2007as the Faroe Islands were named the #1 island destination by a National Geographic panel of geographers,ecologists,andtravelexperts(Tourtellot2007). Ofcoursethedifferencebetweenclimateandweatherisveryapparenttoanyonewho

spendstimeintheFaroes.Whilethetemperatureandprecipitationarecharacterizedbytheir smallannualvariability,bothcanvarysignificantlythroughoutthecourseofaday.Talkofthe weatheriscommoninFaroesesocietyandmeteorologicalconditionshaveadirecteffectonall mannerofdailylife,includingwhaling.MuchofthevolatileFaroeseweathercanbeattributed totheislandsgeographicalpositionintheNorthAtlanticOceanattheconfluenceofthewarm, 184

humidAzoresanticycloneandcolder,drierairmassesoriginatingintheArctic.Theinteraction of these air masses often creates lowpressure zones, characterized by dense cloud and fog cover,heavyprecipitation,andastrongsouthwesternwindallcommonfeaturesofFaroese weather(Sgaard1996).WhileconductingfieldworkintheFaroeIslands,Iwasintroducedto atleasttwoweatherphenomenathatIhadneverbeforeencountered:freezingfogandsirm asortofupwardfallingraincausedbyheavyfogandupdraftsofwind,againstwhichumbrellas areuseless. Ocean Of greater importance to the subject matter of this dissertation than terrestrial landforms,climate,andweatheraretheoceanographicconditionsandunderseatopographyof theareasurroundingtheFaroes.JustastheFaroeIslandsweatherisheavilyinfluencedbythe convergence of two large air masses, the areas sea surface conditions owe their volatile charactertotheconvergenceoftwomajoroceancurrents:thewarmNorthAtlanticCurrent and the cold East Icelandic Current (Hansen 1996). Beneath, on the ocean floor, a series of ridgesseparatesthewarmwateroftheAtlanticOceanfromthecoldNorwegianSea.Thelarge feature from which the Faroe Islands rise is the FaeroeRockall Plateau, stretching from the FaeroeShelfsouthwesttothecenterofthemapbelow(Figure6.4). Seawardfromthecoast,theunderwaterbathymetryshowsasteepdeclinetoabout15 meters(49feet),followedbyagentleslopetoabout200meters(656feet)(Bloch1982).The smallscalebathymetrynearthecoastlinevariesgreatly.Somebeachesarebroadandsandy, slopinggentlyfromthewaterline;othersarerockyormuddy.Somefeatureamarbakki(mar BAchee)asteepdropof12meters(36.5feet)notfaroffshorethatdirectlyaffectswhaling activities,asshallbediscussedbelow. 185

 Figure 6.4: Bathymetry surrounding the Faroe Islands (upper right, not labeled). Source: Hansen 1996, 28. Usedbypermission.

Becauseofthenearbybathymetry,andtheirlocationattheconfluenceofgreatwarm

andcoldcurrents,thewatersaroundtheFaroeIslandsarerichfishinggrounds.Thepresence offishandespeciallysquidattractswhales.Bathymetryplaysaroleinattractingwhalestothe areaanditalsoaffectswhalingactivities,aswillbediscussedbelow. HistoricalSetting Environmental historians and historical geographers have conducted limited research into the past humanenvironmental relations in the Faroe Islands. In his introductory paper, theguesteditorofaspecialissueofthejournalHumanEcologydevotedtotheFaroeIslands remarkedthatcontributorstothevolumehadprisedopenthelidtoanotherwiseunknown, a black box that was the story of humanenvironmental interactions on these isolated 186

specks of rock (Edwards 2005b, 586). Edwards special issue (2005a) does much to sort throughthesparserecordsofpastinvestigationsandtopresentnewinformationfromcurrent researchers,bothFaroeseandforeign.ThehumanhistoryoftheFaroeIslandscanbedivided into four political periods: preNorse, Norse (Viking), Danish, and Home Rule. Using these convenientperioddivisions,Iwillpresentasummaryoftheenvironmentalandpoliticalhistory oftheFaroeIslands,followedbyanhistoricallookatFaroesewhalingtraditions.Thepapers includedinEdwardsvolumeserveasmymajorsourcesandIwillrepeatsomeanalysesthatI havepreviouslypublishedasabookreviewinIslandStudiesJournal(Fielding2008). PreNorse MostwrittenhistoriesoftheFaroeIslandsbeginwiththeinhabitationoftheislandsby

Irish monks in the eighth century (e.g. Williamson 1948; Rutherford 1982; Kerins 2008), including five of the seven papers in the Edwards volume (2005a). Dicuila geographer and himself an Irish monk writing in AD 825placed the monks there in his De Mensura Orbis Terrae, the oldest written account of the Faroes (Sauer 1968). Additionally, some have interpreted St. Brendans sheep island and paradise of birds to be islands of the Faroes (Sauer1968;Severin1978),thoughtheyhavealsobeenassociatedwithIrishorScottishislands (ODonoghue 1895). This uncertainty evidences the toponymic drift characteristic of attemptstoassignmoderngeographicallocationstoBrendanslegendaryplaces(Mathewson 1989).ItisinterestingtonotethatBrendansvoyageswerelaunchedbaseduponinformation provided by an older monkSt. Barinthuswho had already visited the islands in question (ODonoghue1895).Additionally,atnearlyeachlandingplace,includingthoseidentifiedwith the Faroes, Brendans crew were met by inhabitantssome Irish Christians, others Pagan. Although skeptics point out that no archaeological evidence has been uncovered for a pre 187

Norse human presence in the Faroes (Arge et al. 2005; Edwards 2005b), there is historical (Thorsteinsson2005,citingDicuilAD825),andplacename(Zachariasen1988[citedinGuttesen 1996b])evidencethattheyweretherefirst.Lesswidelyacceptedisthepalynologicalevidence of preNorse cereal cultivation, presumably by the Irish (Jhansen 1971, 1978; Joensen 1982; Edwards2005b). DicuilisthebestsourceofinformationonpreNorseFaroesehistory.Heexplainedthat theIrishmonksdesertedtheFaroesbecauseoftheNorthernpirates(Debes1989,24[citedin Kerins2008,44]).AmonghistorianswhoacceptapreNorseIrishpresenceintheFaroes,the commonunderstandingisthatthemonksremaineduntiltheNorseVikingsstartedfrequenting the islands and then moved on in the ninth century. Their destination is unknown. The intriguingpossibilityofanescaperoutetoNorthAmericabywayofIcelandandGreenlandis supportedbyscholars(Nansen1911;Sauer1968;SawatzkyandLehn1976).Thehypothetical voyage was reproduced by a British, Irish, and Faroese crew during two summers in the 1970soverwintering in Reykjavkusing only preViking technology aboard a curragha leatherhulled boat built by hand according to the ancient Irish design described in the Navigatio SanctiBrendanAbbatis (Selmer 1989). This reenactment showed that at least the Brendan Voyage could have been done (Severin 1978). If the Irish had indeed been in the Faroes,theytreadlightlyupontheland,asnoirrefutablephysicalevidencehasyetbeenfound toprovetheirpresence. Norse According to Sauer (1968), the first inhabitants who left a mark on the Faroe Islands

landscapeweretheNorse.FaereyingasagathepiecedtogetherSagaoftheFaroeIslanders recordstheNorsearrivalduringthereignofHaraldFairHair,KingofNorway.Sauer(1968,85) 188

goesontoexplainthatthiscoincidedwithagreatVikingexodustoescapetheruleofHarald and would have been duringthelate ninthcentury.Argeand colleagues(2005)mapped the Norse settlement patterns from the ninth century onward, based upon archaeological and historicalevidence.Theyshowedthatcoastalresourcesandlocationswereofhighimportance tothesesettlers.Inadditiontothesenaturalresources,theNorsebroughtalongdomesticated speciesincludingsheep,goats,cattle,pigs,horses,andcerealcrops. ThemedievalNorsepopulationintheFaroeswassmall.Thesettlementpatternseems

to have been one of scattered farmsteadseither singly or grouped in small villages distributedratherevenlythroughoutthearchipelago.TheseearlyFaroeseprizedaccesstothe seaandtoflat,arableland.Theirgovernmentsystemwasparliamentary.Beginningnolater thanthetenthcentury,representativesfromthevariousdistrictsmetregularlyattheLgting (parliament) in Trshavn on Tinganes (parliament peninsula), still the location of Faroese governmentofficestoday. In1035theFaroeswereformallypoliticallyunitedwithNorwaybutremainedrelatively freetotradeindependently(Joensen1982).Beginninginthethirteenthcentury,however,all tradewasdirectedthroughBergeninagovernmentdirectedmonopoly,beginningaperiodof isolationinterruptedalmostexclusivelybyraidsfromEnglish,Dutch,French,andlater,Barbary pirates(Williamson1948;Joensen1982;GibsonLonsdale1990).Theisolationwouldcontinue, underdifferentcolonialleadership,untilDenmarkliftedthemonopolyin1856.Thiseconomic isolation brought about a cultural isolation as well, allowing Faroese peasant folkways, language,andnationalidentitytoremainvirtuallyuninfluencedformanycenturies(Williamson 1948).

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In1537,NorwayenteredapoliticalunionwithDenmark,andbroughttheFaroesalong (Boyeson 1900; Whlin 1989). This union lasted nearly 300 yearsan interim period, during which the Faroes were both Norwegian and Danish, politically. In 1814, when Norway was cededtoSweden,theFaroes,Iceland,andGreenlandremainedwithDenmarkthusbeginning theDanishperiodofFaroesehistory(Williamson1948;Whlin1989). Danish TheFaroeIslandswereincorporatedintotheDanishKingdomasanamt,orcounty.The Lgtingcontinuedtomeetduringthisperiodbutthecrownlimiteditspowertotheproposal, ratherthantheenaction,oflegislation(Williamson1948).SlowlyduringtheDanishperiod,a movementforsomeformofindependencebegantoarise. It was into this atmosphere of cultural development within forced isolation and disconnected rumblings of selfdetermination that the Faroese national movement was born. On22December1888,theFaroesenewspaperDimmalttingcarriedtheannouncementthata meetingwouldbeheldonBoxingDayinwhichwaystodefendtheFaroeselanguageandthe Faroesecustomswouldbediscussed(citedinWylie1989,5).Themeetingwaswellattended, aswasafollowupmeetingheldinJanuary.Historiansviewthefirstofthemeetings,knownas The Christmas Meeting, as the moment that the Faroese national movement was institutionalized(Wylie1989;stergaard1992;Ackrn2006). The movement was a decidedly uphill one. Faroese, at the time of the Christmas Meeting,wasnotaunifiedlanguage,butratherasystemofrelateddialects(stergaard1992). The first common written language was introduced in the midnineteenth century and was graduallyacceptedbythepublic(Whlin1990).Thelanguageofgovernment,church,andthe schoolswasDanish.ThehistoryoftheFaroeIslands,alongwithitsmythology,wasimported 190

fromNorwayandDenmark(stergaard1992).Whatthenewnationalmovementstrovetodo wastoreplacethesystemofmainlandculturalandlinguistichegemonywithalocalcultureand language, intentionally constructed from the rich, yet diverse, cultures and dialects that had arisenintheFaroeIslandsovertheprecedingcenturies.Todoso,therewouldhavetobea conceptofunification,andcentralallegianceandidentification,constructedtoreplacethelocal identitiesthatFaroesepeopledrewfromtheirvillagesandthenationalidentificationimported orimposedfromEurope(stergaard1992). TheFaroesenationalmovementwassuccessfulinmanyways.Itestablishedaunified FaroeselanguageasthedominantlanguageintheFaroes,preservedprideinlocalfolkculture, andproducedanindependentFaroesehistory(stergaard1992).Lessimmediatewasthegoal ofpoliticalandeconomicindependence,therealizationofwhichhascomeinstagessincethe ChristmasMeetingbutisyettobefullyestablished. DuringtheSecondWorldWar,IcelandalsoapartoftheDanishKingdomformedan independent republic while Denmark was Nazioccupied (Karlsson 2000). The British had occupied the Faroes during the War, an experience that showed some Faroese that they too couldfunctionindependentlyfrominvolvementwithDenmark.Between1946and1948,with thepossibilityofindependenceonthemindsofmanyFaroese,negotiationswerecarriedout betweenrepresentativesfromtheFaroesandDenmark,finallyresultingintheestablishmentof Home Rule in 1948 (Kallsberg 1970). For the purposes of this brief history, this act ends the Danishperiod,thoughformanyFaroeseincludingthetwentythreepercentwhovotedwith theindependenceorientedRepublicanPartyin2008(Hagstova2009)theDanishperiodwill onlyendwithfullFaroeseindependence. 191

HomeRule Today the Faroe Islands are an autonomous province of Denmark, granted home rule and the official status of a selfgoverning community within the Kingdom of Denmark (Kallsberg1970).Since1948,thetopicoffullindependencehasbeendiscussedwithinFaroese public and political discourse (Ackrn 2006). Denmark supplies the Faroes with an annual subsidy, staffs police and military forces, and handles some international representation, thoughtheFaroeseHomeRulegovernmenthandlesmostdomesticaffairs,includingregulation ofwhaling,andanincreasingamountofforeignaffairs. DenmarkisamemberstateoftheEuropeanUnion(EU)buttheFaroesandGreenland arenotincludedinthismembership.Becauseofthisuniquearrangement,Faroesecitizenscan chooseeitheraredDanishEUpassportoragreenFaroesepassport.TravelbetweentheFaroe IslandsandDenmarkdoesnotrequireapassport,nordoFaroesecitizensrequireanysortof specialpermissiontolive,work,orstudyinDenmark. TheFaroeIslandsandDenmarkusethesamecurrency,theDanishkrna,althoughthe HomeRuleGovernmentoftheFaroeIslandsprintsitsownbanknotes.(DespiteDenmarksEU membership,itdoesnotusetheEuro).TheseFaroesekrnur(thepluralformoftheword)are tradedonparwiththeirDanishcounterpartswithnoexchangefeesatDanishorFaroesebanks. Indeedtheyaremerelyalocalversionofthesamecurrency,intendedforusewithintheFaroe IslandsonlyandunfamiliartomostDanishretailers. WhalingHistory AccordingtoKateSanderson(1992,27),itisverylikelythatsomeformofdeliberate

exploitation of whales has taken place in the Faroes from the earliest days of Norse settlement.SverriDahl(1971,69[citedinSanderson1992,27])citesarchaeologicalevidence 192

forthepresenceofpilotwhalesintheearlyFaroesedietdatingtotheVikingAge,whichis generally defined in the Faroes as lasting from AD 800 to 1035 (Edwards 2005b). The mere presenceofwhalebonesinamiddendoesnotindicateactivehuntingofwhales.Manycoastal peopleshavemadeuseofwhalesthatstrandthemselvesontheshore,includingtheFaroese, asisevidencedbya1539mapcalledtheCartaMarina,createdbytheSwedishcartographer OlausMagnus(detail,Figure6.5).Sanderson(1992,45)callsMagnusmaptheearliestknown visual depiction of whale exploitation in the Faroes. However, the description that accompanies the map makes clear the fact that the depiction is of a stranded whale being dividednotawhalethathadbeenactivelyhunted.

Figure6.5:Detailfromthe1539chart,CartaMarinabyOlausMagnus,showingtheFaroeIslands(labeled "FARE")withmenflensingawhalethathasbeenfixedtotheshorewithananchor.Source:Kejlbo1996,19. Usedbypermission.

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TheearliestreferencetoactivewhalingintheFaroesisfromthe1298Seyabrvi,or Sheep Letter. This letter, written when the Faroes were under Norwegian rule, detailed mattersofsheepfarmingandothermeansoflivelihoodintheFaroes,includingwhaling.Three conditionsbywhichmenmayobtainwhalesarementioned:thefindingofadeadwhaleatsea, awhalestrandingonshore,andtheactivedrivingashoreofawhale.Forallofthesecases,the Seyabrvidealswithhowwhalesshouldbedivided.Clearlythefirsttwosituationscannot becalledwhalingbutthethirdundoubtedlycan.Still,thedrivingashoreofawhalesingular intheoriginaldoesnotequatetothecurrentmethodofdrivingentirepodsofpilotwhales ashore(Sanderson1992). The grindadrp is the driving, beaching, and slaughter of a pod of whales, males and femalesofallages.Whiletechnicallyspeaking,eachofthesesequentialstepsisdescribedby itsownFaroeseterm,theentireeventisoftenreferredtobythewordgrindadrpthecoup degrce,theclimacticstepintheprocess,literally,theslaughter.Theentireprocesswillbe describedindetailbelow. Theyear1584isoftencitedasthebeginningofthegrindadrpsrecordedhistory(e.g. Mitchell 1975; Bowles andLonsdale 1994; Bloch2007;vanGinkel 2007b) owing toan official accountingbook,whichrecordsthefindingoffoursmallwhalefishontheuninhabitedisland of Ltla Dmun (Sanderson 1992, 54). However, as Sanderson and Joensen have each shown, the 1584 record really is a case of stranded whales and not whales being driven ashore (Sanderson1992;Joensen2009).Therearereasonsbothbiologicalandculturaltobelievethat thiseventwasnotagrindadrp. First,asSanderson(1992,54)pointsout,theaccountantrecordsthevalueofthefour smallwhalefishas4gyllin.Agyllinwasandstillisaunitusedtomeasurewhalesand 194

other commodities in the Norse world (Bloch and Zachariasen 1989). Specific measurement methodologywillbediscussedbelow.Anyfourpilotwhaleswhosecombinedvaluewas4 gyllinequivalentto4500kgofmeatand2250kgofblubber,notincludingtheweightofbone and other unusable partswould have been very large indeed (calculations based upon equivalentsgiveninJoensen1976).Itisrareforfourlarge,probablymale,pilotwhalestobe found alone, stranded or otherwise, however it is quite common for groups of three or four NorthAtlanticbottlenosewhalestostrandtogether,especiallyonthesouthernFaroeIslands. Bottlenose whales are generally slightly larger than pilot whales (Culik 2004) and four could likelyhavebeenvaluedat4gyllin(Sanderson1992). Second,fromatleastthethirteenthcenturyuntilitwasabolishedin1934,thepractice of jararhvalur, or landowners whale, was part of the Faroese legal code (Joensen 1990). Underthisrule,theownerofthelanduponwhichawhaleorpodofwhalesstrandedorwas drivenwasentitledtoalargepercentageofthetotalvalueofthewhale(s).Thevalueofthe jararhvalurrangedfromthreefourthsinthethirteenthcenturytoonehalfinthethirteenth century (Joensen 1976). Whether this value was amended before or after 1584 is of no concern.Thepointisthatifthefoursmallwhalefishhadbeendrivenashoreintentionally, anyoneowninglandnearbywouldhavestriventohavethemlandedonhisshore,notonthe shoresofanuninhabitedisland.TwoaccountsofwhaledrivingintheShetlandIslands,where the practice of jararhvalur was also in effect, describe the chaos that the rule caused when menwouldargueoverthedecisiontodrivewhalesontoonebeachoranother,eacharguing forhisownlandwhetheritwasthefavorabledestinationgiventheconditionsoftheweather, currents,andwhalebehaviorornot(Sandison1896;Henderson1945).Thepresenceofthese

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whalesontheuninhabitedshoresofLtlaDmun,thesmallestandmoststeeplyembankedof theFaroeIslands,isfurtherevidencefortheirstrandingbeingunaided. Therefore, the 1584 event should not be considered to have been a grindadrp, but rather the natural stranding of four small whales (probably Hyperoodon ampullatus) that werefoundanddividedaccordingtotherulesoftheSeyabrvi. Thefirstknownreferencetosomethingapproximatingthemoderngrindadrpisfound in a 1632 geography text by the Norwegian Peder Clausson Friis that set out to describe Norway and Surrounding Islands (Sanderson 1992, 50). Friis undoubtedly describes the grindadrpinthefollowingpassage,citedfromSanderson(1992,52): IntheyearofourLord,1587,300smallwhaleswereharpoonedandslaughtered and driven ashore in this one year in the islands, and such has occurred in ancienttimes,andusuallyhappenseverysixthorseventhyear. Itisinterestingtonotethatthepracticeofwhaledrivingwasalreadyconsideredancientby the time of this writing in the early seventeenth century. However, because this text represents the oldest reference to the Faroese actively driving ashore and killing a pod of whales,theyear1587shouldholdtheplaceoftheearliestdocumentedgrindadrp.Faroese authorities have kept records of all whaling activities from 1587 to the present, with the exception of the years 16411708, for which the records are missing (Bloch 2007; Joensen 2009).Therecordof1,000whalesin1664isquestionableowingtoitsroundfigurewhichmay indicateanestimate,thelackofaspecificdateassociatedwiththesupposedcatchorcatches, anditspresencewithintheperiodoflostrecords. Figure6.6representsthecatchrecordsforGlobicephalamelasintheFaroeIslandsfrom

1587 through 2009. During this period, the longterm average is 723 whales per year. The averagesince1900is1,167whalesperyear. 196

4500 4000 3500 NumberofWhales 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0
NoData

Figure 6.6: Catch statistics for Globicephala melas (longfinned pilot whale) in the Faroe Islands, 15872009. Total catch = 258,063. Annual average = 605.79. Data source: National Whaling Statistics, Froya Nttrugripasavn.

Throughout the history of the grindadrp, the number of whales killed per year has

varied widely. There seems to be no connection between whaling records and human population of the Faroe Islands (Figure 6.7). While the human population has increased steadilysincethebeginningofthenineteenthcenturywiththeexceptionofasharpdecline owingtotheeconomiccrisisoftheearly1990s(Hamilton etal.2004)pilotwhalingcatches have risen and fallen, seemingly without any correlation to the number of people who relied upon them as a food source. Many years have seen no whales at all and others have had plenty.Figure6.8showsthemaximum,minimum,andaveragenumberofpilotwhalescaught during fiftyyear time intervals, throughout the whole of the continuous statistical period (17092009).

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WhalesKilledvs.HumanPopulagon
5000 4500 4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010

WhalesKilled

HumanPopulaon(x10)

Figure6.7:GraphshowingtherecordsofpilotwhalecatchesandhumanpopulationintheFaroeIslands,1800 2009.Sources:Wylie1987;HagstovaFroya2010;NationalWhalingStatistics,FroyaNttrugripasavn.

Whales,byHalfCentury
5000 4500 4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0

numberofwhales

Figure6.8:Maximum(topofbar),minimum(bottomofbar),andaverage(circle)annualpilotwhalecatch,by halfcentury.Datasource:NationalWhalingStatistics,FroyaNttrugripasavn.

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From the beginning of the existing continuous records in 1709 to the midpoint of the eighteenthcentury,theFaroesecaughtanannualaverageof712whales,inanaverageof5.9 drivesperyear.Therewerethreeyearsduringthisperiodwithnowhalesatall. Between1755and1780,therewereonlythreegrindadrp,totaling759whales715of whichwerecaughtinasingledrivein1776.Thislongperiodofinactivitymeantthatalarge number of young men grew up without opportunity to learn the skills of the pilot whaler. AccordingtooneFaroeseethnographerandhistorian,thissituationalmostbroughtaboutthe endofpilotwhaling(Joensen2009,6768). Soon after this eighteenth century dearth of whales came a period of relative abundance,revivinginterestandskillspertainingtothegrindadrp.Duringthefirsthalfofthe nineteenthcentury,anaverageof1,020whaleswerecaughtperyearandonlytwoyears(1890 and1891)duringtheentirenineteenthcenturypassedwithnowhalesatall.Therewerean average of 6.1 drives per year during the nineteenth century. This abundance of whales and frequency of grindadrp coincided with the nineteenth century awakening of Faroese nationalism that led to the socalled Christmas Meeting in 1888 and eventually to the establishmentofFaroeseHomeRulein1948.Scholarshavenotedtheconnectionbetweenthe grindadrp and Faroese nationalism (e.g. Joensen 1990, 2009; Sanderson 1992; van Ginkel 2007b). Beginning during the increase in whale catches of the nineteenth century, the grindadrp became an established symbol of Faroese national identity, a status that it retaineduntiltheantiwhalingprotestmovementcametotheFaroeIslandsin1985(Sanderson 1992,1).OnetwentiethcenturyAmericantravelogueequatedwatchingthegrindadrpinthe FaroeIslandstoseeingothernationalsymbols,suchastheGreatWallinChinaorthechanging 199

of the Guard at Buckingham Palace, though, added the travel writer, the spectacle is a bit morebloody(Millman1990,39). From1850to1949,theaverageannualcatchremainedhighat879.However,this100 yearperiod,centeredaroundtheturnofthetwentiethcentury,wasmarkedbyahighdegree offluctuation. The maximumannual catch during thisperiod4,482whalesin 1941is also thealltimemaximumannualcatch.However,12yearsduringthisperiodsawnowhalesatall. During the Second World War, while British troops occupied the Faroe Islands, the whaling records show a frequent grindadrp. This may have been due to the increased presence of patrol boats sighting more whales, or to the increased need for meat and blubber since the normalsupplyroutesfromDenmarkthenNazioccupiedwerecutoff.Someoftherichest Englishlanguage descriptions of grindadrp, and of the Faroes in general, from the mid twentiethcenturywerewrittenbytheseBritishsoldiers(e.g.Norgate1943;Williamson1948). During the second half of the twentieth century and into the twentyfirst, the grindadrpcontinueddespitevariousthreatsbothenvironmentalandculturaltoitssurvival (Fielding 2010). This period saw a marked increase in the number of Atlantic whitesided dolphins, locally called springari, occurring simultaneous to a decrease in pilot whale catches since the mid1980s (Figure 6.9). Dolphins are hunted and divided in much the same way as pilotwhales.ManypeoplewithwhomIspokepreferthetasteofdolphinmeatandblubberto thatofthepilotwhale.

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800 700 numberofdolphins 600 500 400 300 200 100 0

Figure6.9:CatchstatisticsforLagenorhynchusacutus(Atlanticwhitesideddolphin)intheFaroeIslands,1872 2009.Total=9,259.Annualaverage=67.58.Source:NationalWhalingStatistics,FroyaNttrugripasavn.

Inadditiontotheirartisanalwhalinghistory,theFaroeIslandshadanalmostcentury long commercial whaling operation. From 1894 to 1987 Faroese whalers hunted blue, fin, sperm, humpback, and sei whales (Reeves and Smith 2006). This operation began under the direction of a Norwegian whaler captain, Hans Albert Grn, with the whaling ship Urn. CommercialwhalingintheFaroeIslandswastakenoverbyFaroeseinterestsin1933andlasted until1986(Joensen2009).ThelastFaroesecommercialwhalingstation,atthevillageofviir ontheislandofStreymoy,hasnowbeenconvertedtoamuseum.Theonlywhalingthatoccurs intheFaroeIslandstodayistraditional,artisanal,andnoncommercial.

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Culture WhalingToday Tools The grindadrp has produced an array of specialized tools. In this section I shall describethetoolsusedtodrive,kill,andprocesswhalesintheFaroeIslandsbutwillnotdiscuss thetechnicaluseofthetoolsuntilthenextsection,inwhichIdescribethevariousstagesand actionsinvolvedinthegrindadrp. Foremostinbeauty,utility,andculturalvalueisthegrindaknvur(GRINdakneever),or pilotwhaleknife(Figure6.10).FaroeseethnographerJanPauliJoensen(2009,113)callsthis knife the pilot whale hunts most distinguished piece of equipment one of the foremost Faroese contributions to Nordic artistic craftsmanship. Traditional grindaknvar (the plural form of grindaknvur) are completely handmade, but any stout, sharp knife can perform the taskofkillingapilotwhale.IntheFaroestoday,oneoftenseesplastichandled,storebought knivesorhybridknivesthatcombineahighqualitybladeremovedfromastoreboughtknife andplacedwithinahandmadehandle.OnemanwithwhomIspokeataspringardrp(dolphin killing)ontheislandofSuuroyexplainedtomethatheuseshistraditionalknifefortheactual slaughter and his storebought knife to flense and process the carcasses. This decision was based upon the traditional connection between whaling and whaling knives and not any specializationofthetwoknivesfordifferenttasks.

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Figure6.10:Agrindaknvurwithitssheathandtlvtraband.

Theknifeshandleandsheatharecarvedfromasingleblockofimportedhardwood(the FaroeIslandssupportveryfewtrees)andareinlaidwithbrass,bone,silver,andothermaterials for decoration. Popular knife designs include depictions of whales and traditional whaling equipmentsuchasharpoons,hooks,spears,andboats.Lesspopulararetheabstractdesigns showing patterns ranging from simple shapes to the heart, diamond, club, and spade from a deck of playing cards. Grindaknvar are usually about 30 centimeters in length. Tied to a leather thong which runs through two holes in the sheath is the tlvtraband (also spelled tlvtttaband), a colorful cord made from twelve woolen threads and used to tie the knife around the whalers waist (Joensen 2009). In the past, the colors used in the tlvtraband indicated the village from which the knife came, but today most show the colors of the merkithered,white,andblueflagoftheFaroeIslands(Figure6.11).

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 Figure6.11:Themerki,theFaroesenationalflag.PhotographEleonoraFlach,usedbypermission.

Until recently, grindaknvar had evolved only slightly in their design. The primary changehadbeentheadaptationofmethodstopreventthewhalershandfromslippingdown ontotheblade(Figure6.12).

Figure6.12:Theevolutionofthegrindaknvurhandle.Sourceforcenterimage:Bloch2007,32.

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During a grindadrp, with men standing waistdeep in the water, cutting through the blubber and muscles of the stranded whales, knives quickly become slipperycoated in a mixture of blood, oil, and seawater. In this condition, the older style knives with smooth, straighthandlespresentedtheriskoflacerationstothefingersorpalmsincetherewasnothing tokeepthehandfromslippingdownalongthehandleandontotheblade.Thefirstadaptation wastheadditionofahilt,orcrosspiecethatwouldstopthefingersfromslidingdownontothe blade. While they did accomplish the task for which they were intended, these hilts were known to snag on the coarsely woven, loosefitting woolen sweaters traditionally worn by Faroese men and the hilted knives would occasionally be pulled inadvertently from their sheathsandlostinthesea.Todaythehiltsaregoneandnewergrindaknvarhavecarvedinto thewoodenhandlesergonomicgroovesthatpreventslippagebutdonotofferanyprotrusions tocatchonthewhalersclothing. Thegrindaknvurmaybeonthecuspofitsmostdramaticevolutionarystepyet.In1998 FaroeseveterinariansJustinesOlsenandKristianGlerfosscreatedthefirstprototypeofanew knife called the mnustingari, or spinal cord knife (Figure 6.13 and Figure 6.14). This knife hardlyresemblespreviousgenerationsofgrindaknvar.Itisovertwicethelengthbutthetip resembles a broad steel arrowhead more than a knife blade. This new knife is meant to be graspedintwohandslikeashovelandthrustintothewhale,piercingdowntoandsevering thespinalcordinonemotion.TheFaroesegovernmenthaspurchasedseveraloftheseknives and is promoting their integration into the grindadrp. Reviews are mixed and whalers are cautiousofsucharadicaldeparturefromthetraditionalknives.

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 Figure6.13:Themnustingari.

Figure6.14:VeterinarianandinventorJustinesOlsenholdsaprototypemnustingariinitssheath.

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Anothertoolusedinthegrindadrpisthewhalinghook,orsknarongul(Figure6.15).

Resemblingalarge(50cminlength)fishinghook,thesknarongulisthefirstpointofphysical contact between whales and whalers. Attached to the hook is a thick nylon or natural fiber rope,manymeterslong.Generally,sknarongularehandledbytwomanteams:onecarries thehookandtheothercarriestherope,coiledoverhisshoulder.Atthegrindadrp,oneoften seesthesehookropeteamsrunningaboutontheshoremenconnectedtooneanotherbya ropeandbytheirrolesinthetaskathand.

Figure6.15:Asknarongulandrope.

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In 1993 a different whaling hook was invented: the blstrarongul, or blowhole hook (Joensen2009)(Figure6.16).Meanttolessenthesufferingofthewhaleasitisbeingdragged toward the shore, the blstrarongul is a blunted hook that is inserted into the blowhole and doesnotpiercethewhalesflesh(Olsen1999).TheFaroesegovernmentcommissioned120of these hooks during the late 1990s to be distributed throughout the whaling districts, hoping thatitwouldonedayreplacethesknarongul.Reviewsbywhalersaremixed.Somefeelitis morehumane.Otherscomplainthatthehookisnotaseffective,orthattherearenotenough ofthemavailable,orthatitistoodifficulttouseinthetumultofagrindadrp.

Figure6.16:Ablstrarongulandrope.

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The final tool that shall be discussed here is the assessment rod used to measure the whales after they have been killed. Since at least 1584, stranded and hunted whales in the FaroeIslandshavebeenmeasuredinaunitcalledskinnagenerictermusedforavarietyof measurementsincludingweightofmeatandblubberofpilotwhales,areaofland,andvalueof slaughtered sheep and geese (Bloch and Zachariassen 1989). Forty rods exist in the Faroe IslandstwoareinthehistoricalmuseuminTrshavnandtherestaredistributedthroughout the whaling districts. There seems to be no contradiction in the fact that these rods simultaneously fulfill their utilitarian purpose of measuring whales, and are enshrined as materialrelicsofFaroeseculture. In 1989, Faroese scientists Dorete Bloch and Martin Zachariassen conducted an examination of all forty rods. Some of their findings are as follows. The rods are marked logarithmically in Roman numerals, usually from I to XX (Figure 6.17), though there are examplesbothofshorterandlongerrods.Sixrodsaremarkedatthehalfskinnaswell.The nonlinear spacing takes into account the fact that there is more body mass toward a pilot whalesheadthantowarditstail.Althoughtherodsaresaidtohaveallbeenmadeusingthe originalrodasastandard,theredoesexistsignificantvariationinthemarkedunitsfromrodto rod.However,theeffectofthesevariationsismollifiedbythefactthatthefinaldesignationof skinnvalue for each whale is based not solely upon the measurements taken by the rod but alsouponsuchqualitativefactorsassizeofthepodfromwhichthewhalewastaken;timeof year(winterwhaleshavethickerlayersofblubberthanthosetakeninsummer);andphysical conditionofthewhale,includingsuchfactorsasstoutness,pregnancy,lactation,andwounds.

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 Figure6.17:Anexampleofalogarithmicallygraduatedassessingrod.Source:BlochandZachariassen1989,42.

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Process Grindadrpareopportunisticeventsthatcanoccuratanytime,duringanypartofthe

year, and are in no way predictable. However, in an analysis of over 400 years of whaling records,aclearincreaseintheincidenceofgrindadrpisseenfromJunetoOctober,peakingin August(Figure6.18).OversixtyfourpercentofallrecordedgrindadrphaveoccurredinJuly, August,orSeptember.Onereasonforthisincreaseingrindadrpoccurrenceissimplythatthe weatherismoreagreeableformarineactivityinFaroesewatersduringthesummerandearly autumnthanatothertimesoftheyear.Thepresenceofmorepeopleonthewaterincreases thechancesofsightingapodofwhales.

GrindadrpandWhales,byMonth
35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Grindadrp Whales

Figure6.18:Percentageoftotalgrindadrpandpercentageoftotalwhalesbymonthfortheperiod15872009. n(grindadrp)=1,886;n(whales)=258,067.Datasource:NationalWhalingStatisticsoftheFaroeIslands,Froya Nttrugripasavn.

Whenthesightingoccurs,aseriesofeventsisinitiatedthat,onehopes,willconclude with a hundred or more pilot whales being divided for food communally on a nearby beach. Thepossibilityofagrindadrptakespriorityoveranyotheractivity.Anecdotesaboundinthe 211

Faroe Islands of churches being emptied midsermon, barbers and their clients runningone apronedandtheotherhalfshavenfromtheshoptothewhalingbay,andevenofasurgeon leaving his patient on the table when word of the impending grindadrp arrived. (A more extremeversionofthelattertalehasthepatientrisingfromtheoperatingtableandjoiningthe doctor at the beach! [Millman 1990]) All of this excitement and haste is attributed to one word, grindabo, the most exciting word in the Faroese language (Wylie 1981, 98). Grindabo (GRINdaboa) literally means pilot whale message. It is the news that a pod of whaleshasbeensightedandagrindadrpwillbeattempted.Grindaborepresentsthesystem bywhichthemessageisdeliveredaswellasthemessageitself.Todaythemessageisusually delivered by mobile telephone, though in the past elaborate systems of runners, rowers, shouters,andsmokesignalswereused(Joensen2009). Whales are most often sighted from sea. When a sailor or fisherman sees a pod of whaleshetelephonesorradiosthedistrictsslumaur(SHOOSHlamawer),orsheriff(Figure 6.19). Upon hearing of the sighting, the sslumaur contacts one or more of the district grindaformennwhalingforementodiscusswhetherornottopursuethewhales,andifso, into which bay they should be driven. In an interview, one sslumaur called the district grindaformennhisprolongedarmintheregulationofthegrindadrp.Faroeselawstatesthat each whaling bay must have four grindaformenn and two deputies (Petersen and Mortensen 1998). Given their whaling experience and nautical knowledge, grindaformenn are the most qualified to decide how to best handle a particular pod of whales within particular oceanic, weather, and economic conditions. Any of a number of varied conditions could lead to a grindadrp being aborted. Uncooperative ocean currents, difficult whales, darkness, or the

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abundanceofwhalemeatinstoragethroughoutthedistricthaveallbeenreasonsthatpodsof whalesweredrivenbacktosea.

Figure6.19:AndrasMarrPoulsen,sslumaurofthedistrictthatincludesTrshavn.

After the sslumaur, in consultation with the grindaformenn, has decided that the grindadrp will be attempted and which bay will be the target of the drive, the grindabo is quicklysentoutandboatsofallkindsandsizesbegintogatherontheseawardsideofthepod of whales (Figure 6.20). Several of the district grindaformenn might participate in any given grindadrpbutitisthefirstgrindaformannonthescenewhohoiststhemerkionhismastand assumes the leadership role at sea in the whaling effort. The sslumaur normally stays on shoretoenforcethelawsaboutproperwhaling.Thoughtheauthorityofthesslumaurand the grindaformenn is not equalin an interview, one sslumaur referred to my foremen, and the latter must carry identification cards signed by the former (Figure 6.21)the two 213

support one another as the regulators of the grindadrp: the sslumaur on shore and the grindaformenn at sea. Faroese whaling regulations are very explicit on the authority of the sslumaurandthegrindaformann.Thechargeisrepeatedseveraltimesthroughoutthetext that, All boats and people on land must follow the instructions of the Sheriff and/or the whalingforeman(PetersenandMortensen1998,272280).

Figure6.20:Thepodofpilotwhaleshasbeensightedandboatsbegintoformasemicircleonitsseawardside. PhotographJoenRemmerandKatjaDyhrRemmer,usedbypermission.

Figure6.21:Agrindaformann'sidentificationcard(blank)fromtheFaroeIslands.Spacestobefilledinarefor theforemansname,hishomewhalingbay,andthesignatureofthesslumaur.

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Astheboatsarriveonthescene,thegrindaformanninstructstheothercaptains(each called a bturformann, or boat foreman [Joensen 2009, 100]) by marine radio, mobile telephone,orsimplybyshoutingfromboattoboathowtobeststeerthepodofwhalesinto the chosen bay. Boat crews throw stones into the water behind the whales to direct their course.Thetwotypesofstonesusedareleysakast,orloosestones,andfastakast,stonestied to a rope so they can be retrieved and thrown again. According to Bloch (2007, 26), these stonescreateawallofbubbleswhichthewhalesperceiveasasolidbarrierwhichtheymust avoid.Ithasbeenmyobservationthatpassengersridingforwardintheboatsalsocreatea greatdealofnoisethroughshouting,slappingthehullwiththeirbarehands,andbangingon therailswithmetaltools(Figure6.22).Allofthisismeanttokeepthewhalesmovingtoward thebeach.

Figure6.22:Agrindadrpparticipantridesinthebowofaboat,creatingnoisetodrivethepodofwhales forward.PhotographTerjiS.Johansen,usedbypermission.

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Whiletheboatsdrivethepodslowlyintothenarrowingfjord,acrowdbeginstogather attheselectedbeachinresponsetothegrindabo(Figure6.23).Themoodinthiscrowdisone ofhopefulanticipation.Podsofwhaleshavebeenlostwhentheybecamedisorientedinthe shallowwaterandthesuccessofthegrindadrpisbynomeanscertainuntilthewhaleshave actually beached. The whaling regulations give several conditions under which the pod of whalesinwholeorinpartmustbedrivenbacktosea.Thesituationthattheboatcaptains try hardest to avoid is one in which several unsuccessful attempts are made to drive the whales into the designated whale bay, and the whales can neither be forced ashore nor hooked(PetersenandMortensen1998,274275).

Figure6.23:Thecrowdgathersonthebeachtomeetthewhalesastheyaredriventoshore.Photograph JoenRemmerandKatjaDyhrRemmer,usedbypermission.

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Inwhalingbayswithrelativelysmall,uninterruptedbeacheslikeTorshavn,everyonecan gatherinoneplaceandwaitforthewhalestoarrive,butonlargebeaches,orinwhalingbays like Klaksvk that because of waterfront development have had their beaches fragmented, membersoftheshorepartyvietopredicttheexactlandingplaceofthefirstwhales.Onthese beaches, hookandrope teams of two men each are seen running along the waters edge or amongboathouseseverytimethepodofwhaleschangesitsintendedcourse. When the whales begin to strand in the shallow water, the grindaformann signals the menonshoretoenterthewaterandbeginthekill.Withvocalexpressionsofexcitement,joy, and pride, men rush into the frigid North Atlantic, sometimes wearing wetsuits but often in theirworkclothes,tomeetthepodofstrandingwhales(Figure6.24).

Figure6.24:Atthegrindaformann'ssignal,menrushintotheseatohookthestrandingwhales.Photograph JoenRemmerandKatjaDyhrRemmer,usedbypermission.

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Whenamanwithasknarongulreachesawhale,heraisesthehookabovehisheadand

bringsitdownforcefully,drivingitintothefleshofthewhale.Ihaveneverwitnessedtheuse ofablstrarongulbutIexpectthatitdoesnotinvolvethissameamountofforcetoplaceitin theblowhole.Whenawhaleissecuredtoahook,mengathertotakeupthelooseendofthe rope and haul it ashore (Figure 6.25 and Figure 6.26). Once ashore, or close enough for the whaletostrand,theropeteamwillholdthelivingwhalesecurewithtensionontheropeuntil another man can perform the task of the killing. After the whale is dead it will be hauled completelytoshore.

Figure6.25:Whalesarehookedanddraggedtowardtheshore.PhotographJoenRemmerandKatjaDyhr Remmer,usedbypermission.

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Figure6.26:Menhaulhookedwhalestoshoreasthewaterandthefacesarestainedwithblood. PhotographJoenRemmerandKatjaDyhrRemmer,usedbypermission.

To kill a whale, a man must make a series of cuts with his grindaknvur. Placing the

blade one handbreadth behind the blowhole, the whaler cuts through skin, blubber, and muscletoexposeandseverthemajorbloodsupplytothebrainandthespinalcord(Figure 6.27). According to the whaling regulations, deep cuts must be made in both sides and the veinsoftheneckmustbecut.Thenthespinalcordmustbesevered(PetersenandMortensen 1998,274).Theseinstructionsaretakendirectlyfromscientificfindingsabouttheanatomyof the pilot whale, which show the prescribed method to be the quickest way to paralyze, desensitize,andexsanguinatethewhale(Olsen1999;Bloch2007;foracritiqueofthismethod seeWDCSandHSUS2003).Othermethodshavebeenproposedandtried,butthetraditional severingofthespinalcordandbloodvesselshasproventobethemosteffective(Olsen1999). Aftereachwhaleiskilleditisleftintheshallowwaterandthemenmoveontoanotherwhale. 219


Figure6.27:Amankillsawhalewithagrindaknvurbyseveringitsbloodvesselsandbreakingitsspinalcord. PhotographJoenRemmerandKatjaDyhrRemmer,usedbypermission.

Asmorewhalesarekilled,theropeteamshaulthemintoorderlyrowsattheshoreline. Heretheylieintheincreasinglybloodywateruntiltheentirepodhasbeenkilled.Theoverall sceneisoneofconstantmotion:graduallyreddeningwaveswashovertheglossyblackskinof whale carcasses that lie in repose at the waters edge. As the work nears completion, some whalersbecomeobservers,takinginthesightofthegrindadrpasitwindstoaclose(Figure 6.28).Whentheentirepodhasbeenkilled,mostoftheparticipantsleavethescenetoreturn hometodryoff,warmup,andchangeclothes. 220

 Figure6.28:Thesceneofagrindadrpnearingcompletion.PhotographJoenRemmerandKatjaDyhr Remmer,usedbypermission.

Totheobserver,theentiregrindadrpseemstobeoververyquickly.Infact,ofthefour cetaceankillingsIhavewitnessedintheFaroeIslands(twoofpilotwhales,twoofdolphins),I onlywasabletoarriveonthesceneofonebeforethekillinghadcommenced.Twentyyears ago, a Faroese research team examined a variety of statistical measures kept at fortythree grindadrp during a twoyear period and found that the average time taken to kill the entire podwas28.4minutes(Blochetal.1990a).

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Distribution Attheendofthegrindadrp,weareleftwithdozensorhundredsofwhaleslyingdead in the shallow water or on the beach (Figure 6.29) and a comparable number of men (and increasingly in recent years, women) who feel the pride, exhaustion, and nationalism that a successfulgrindadrpengenders.Therearealsotheresidentsofthedistrictvillageswhohave beguntoarriveatthewhalingbaywithknivesandlargeplastictubs,eagertotakehometheir shareofmeatandblubber.

Figure6.29:Deadpilotwhaleslieintheshallowwater.PhotographJoenRemmerandKatjaDyhrRemmer, usedbypermission.

Faroese law prescribes a complex system of division by which grindadrp participants arerewardedfortheirwork,butthemeatandblubberaredistributedequallyandfairlytoall who desire it. Fairness and equality are the ideals of the system but often everyone is not 222

satisfiedwiththeirlot.Grindadrparesocialeventsandtimesofcelebrationandassuch,there is often a spirit of conviviality in the aftermath. Those present are often consuming alcohol (after the killing, not during, as some critics have suggested) and socializing with residents of neighboring villages as the whales are assessed and the divisions are calculated. Despite the socializing that it allows, the primary purpose for the grindadrp is food production and everyone expects to depart with large quantities of free meat and blubber after the event is finished. As the Faroese population grows and as communication networks and infrastructure improve,itbecomespossibleforlargecrowdsofnonparticipantstoassembleatthesiteofthe grindadrp after receiving the grindabo. Regulations for the division of the whales vary by districtandinsomedistrictsthereismuchroomforsubjectivityinhowthemeatandblubber will be divided. Final authority in all divisionrelated decisions rests with the sslumaur. AndrasPoulsen,sslumaurofthelargestandmostpopulousdistrict,toldmethatthedivision ofpilotwhalemeatandblubberistheonlysituationinwhichhecarrieshisservicepistolasa deterrent to any violence that may erupt, fueled by alcohol, greed, and excitement in the aftermathofagrindadrp. Thesslumaursfirststepinthemakingofafairdivisionistohaveallofthewhalesor dolphinslinedupandmeasuredintheplacewheretheywillbeprocessed.Adjacenttosome whaling bays, like Trshavn, there is a large paved area that serves as an ad hoc processing facility. In others, such as ravik, the catch is processed directly on the beach where it was driven.Ineithercase,thefirsttaskistohaulallofthewhales,eitherbyhand(Figure6.30)or bymachine(Figure6.31),intoorderlyrowsinthedesignatedassessmentarea.

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Figure6.30:Theauthorassistsinhaulingdolphinsashorebyhandafterakill.PhotographWilliamC.Rowe, usedbypermission.

Figure6.31:Adolphinisliftedbycranefromtheshallowstotheprocessingarea.

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Once the whales are lined up in the processing area, certain men appointed by the

sslumaur set to the task of measuring them (Figure 6.32; see also Appendix E). These metingarmenn,ormeasurementmen,chosenfortheirtrustworthinessandimpartiality,fillan ancientroleinFaroesesociety.Joensen(2009,125)citestheearliestreferencetothesemen andtheirjobfroma1710report,whichstatesthatafterthewhalesarekilled,thentheyareall assessed, small and large, by men who have been appointed by the sheriff, and each fish [is markedwith]itsnumberandvalue.

Figure6.32:Metingarmenn,appointedbythesslumaur,measurethedolphins.

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Themarkingofthewhales,withbothnumberandvaluecontinuestoday.Whalesare firstmarkedconsecutivelywithanArabicnumeralcarvedintotheirheads,identifyingeachas whalenumber1,whalenumber2etc.(Figure6.33).

Figure6.33:WhalesaremarkedontheheadwithaconsecutiveArabicnumeralforidentification...

Thenaftereachwhaleismeasuredwiththelogarithmicrod,itsvalueinskinnismarked ononepectoralfin,usingRomannumerals(Figure6.34).

Figure6.34:...andonthefinwithaRomannumeralshowingthewhale'smeasurement,inskinn.

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The tool used to mark the whales is called a grindajarn or pilot whale iron. It is a handheld cutting device with a round hole at one end through which the outermost layer of blackskinisremoved,leavingthewhiteblubbertoshowthrough.Themetingarmennmeasure the whales from the eye to the anus using the logarithmic rod (Figure 6.35). The measuring regulationsintwovillagesHvalbaonSuuroyandHvalvkonStreymoydifferfromthisnorm inthatthemeasurementismadefromthecutinthenecktotheanus.Anotherexceptionisin casesofdolphinkills,whereasimplemeasuringtapeisoftenusedinstead.Atthetimeofthe measuring, the metingarmenn or other helpers of the sslumaurs choosing open the body cavitiesofthewhalesandremovetheentrailstoallowthecarcassestocoolandtopreventthe meatfromspoiling(Figure6.36).

Figure 6.35: The metingarmenn measure a pilot whale killed at Gta. Photograph Mark Kouch, used by permission.

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 Figure6.36:PilotwhaleslieonthequayatGta,theirabdomensopenandentrailspartiallyremovedtoallow quickercoolingtopreventspoilage.PhotographMarkKouch,usedbypermission.

When the metingarmenn have finished their measurements, they present the tally to the sslumaur. He then retreats to his ad hoc officenormally a simple workspace with a deskinanearbybuildingorhousetocalculatethedivisions.Inthepast,sslumaurin(the plural form) performed all the arithmetic by hand but today most use spreadsheet software suchasMicrosoftExcel.Thepurposeofthecalculationsistoinsurethatthemeatandblubber aredividedfairlyamongalltheresidentsofthedistrictinwhichthegrindadrpoccurred,and thatanyspecialsharesareproperlyassigned.Specialsharesaregiventothepersonwhofirst sighted the whales, the grindaformenn, the metingarmenn, local schools and nursing homes, and others whom the sslumaur deems deserving. The sslumaur also completes a form

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detailing various data about the grindadrp for the Ministry of Fisheries (Appendix E), where theinformationisaddedtotheevergrowingdatabaseonFaroesewhaling. Whilethesslumaurisworkingonthedivision,nearlyeveryoneelsewhowasinvolved

in the grindadrp leaves the scene. Most who were in the water go home, or to a friends house, to bathe and change clothes. There is usually no work to be done and nothing interestingtoseeafterthewhaleshavebeenkilledandbeforethesharesareannounced.This massdeparturehasledtoaccusationsofabandonmentbyantiwhalinggroupswhopresentthe grindadrp as sport, with no practical purpose for the whales after the killing is complete (Olafsson1990;Sanderson1992).Onewouldgiveupthenotionofabandonmentquicklyifone weretoreturnattheappointedtimetoseethecrowdseagerlylisteningtothesslumauras hereadstheshares(Figure6.37).

Figure 6.37: A crowd gathers to hear the announcement of the sslumaur (center, obscured) regarding the sharesthatwillbedividedfromadolphindriveinravik.

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Despitetheexcitement,thecrowdisnotadisorganizedmob.Thedistributionofmeat

and blubber from the grindadrp is a highly organized, structured event. Ideally, anyone present at the grindadrp is eligible to receive a share of meat and blubber. In practice however,thesslumauroftendecidestolimitthesharestoonlyresidentsofthevillagewhere the grindadrp took place, or to the actual participants in the grindadrp and their families. These limitations depend solely upon the sslumaurs judgment and the number of whales available. The most traditional, and most egalitarian method of distribution is called the partahvalur(sharedwhale)orheimapartur(homeshare).Withthismethod,everyhomeinthe district receives an equal share of whale meat and blubber. These two share systems are merelythemostcommon.Inreality,thesslumaurhasawidemarginofflexibilityintheway thathedecidestodividetheproceedsfromagrindadrp.Sometimesparticipantswhohave comefromanothervillageordistrictareleftoutofthedistribution,ifthesslumaurdecides that the proceeds will go only to the residents of the village or district where the grindadrp occurred.Thoughthissituationisrare,itcanfomentangerandfeelingsofresentmentamong the grindadrp participants who feel that it is unfair for them to leave emptyhanded after contributingtowardthesuccessofthegrindadrp. The Faroe Islands are divided into nine grindadistrikter, or pilot whaling districts. The inhabitantsofeachdistrictareorganizedintogroupsofnomorethanfiftyindividuals.Inmost districts,thesegroupsarecalledbtarboats.Thissystemoforganizationwasbasedonthe assumptionthatthecrewofaneightmanboat,togetherwiththeirfamilies,comprisedtwenty fivepeople(Joensen2009).Abtur(thesingular)thenrepresentedtwoactualboatcrewsand theirfamilies.Today,actualboatscanbecrewedbyanynumberofpeoplebutthebturasa unitofhumanorganizationremainssetatfiftypeople.Whenthewhalesaredivided,theyare 230

assignedtoindividualbtar;furtherdivisionamongindividualsisleftuptothegroupleadership todecide. After the sslumaur has finished his calculationsoften several hours after the

grindadrpiscompletehecallstheparticipantsandallotherswhowillreceiveashareofthe meatandblubberforthetraditionaloralrecitationoftheamountstobedistributed.During this speech, the sslumaur gives a representative of each btur a slip of paper called a grindaseil, which lists the numbered whales or dolphins that one particular group of people willreceive(Figure6.38).Somewhaleswillbesetasidetoprovidefoodforschoolsandhomes fortheagedorthepoor(Joensen1990).Othersmaybesoldtopeopleinotherdistricts,the fundsthenusedtocovervariousexpensesinvolvedinthegrindadrp.Inthepast,oneormore whalesweresoldtocoverlossesincurredbytheparticipantsinthegrindadrp.Faroeselaw specifies the following damages that will be covered: damage to boats, broken or lost equipment, broken or lost false teeth or eyeglasses, and personal injury (Petersen and Mortensen1998).Todaythemunicipalgovernmentscovertheselossesthroughtaxes(Joensen 1990).Throughoutthehistoryofthegrindadrp,salesofwhaleshavebeentheexceptionto theruleofanoncommercialmethodoffoodproduction. At the time of processing, men, women, and children descend to the beach or the otherwisedesignatedprocessingareatoclaimtheirshares.Representativesfromeachbtur whowillsharethemeatandblubberfromanindividualwhalefirstmustlocatethatwhaleby theconsecutivenumbercarvedintoitshead.Oncethewhaleislocated,thebturmembers quickly cut the blubber into sheets and peel it back from the meat (Figure 6.39). Next they carveoffsectionsofmeatthatcanbeeasilytransportedandcutsmallerathome(Figure6.40).

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 Figure6.38:Agrindaseil,orshareticket.

Figure6.39:MenstripblubberfromadolphinonSuuroy.

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Figure6.40:Mencutlargeportionsofmeatfromadolphin.

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Whiletheprocessingisusuallylefttothosewithmoreexperience,childrencanoftenbe

seen helping, observing, and in some cases, practicing the skills needed to get meat and blubberfromawhaleordolphin(Figure6.41).

Figure6.41:Childrenareusuallypresent,oftenasobserversandsometimesasparticipants.

There are no formal lessons in the Faroe Islands through which people can learn the skills of the grindadrp. Children, or even adults who are interested are simply expected to 234

make themselves available and to learn from the experts. When veterinarians and biologists have introduced a new implement such as the mnustingari or the blstrarongul, they have held training sessions with the grindaformenn, who in turn, have trained those interested in theirowndistricts. As those working on the whales collect meat and blubber, they build stacks on the

ground: first blubber, skin side down, and then meat (Figure 6.42). This ordering is simply practicalasitkeepstheediblepartsseparatefromthedirtandkeepsthefoodmoresanitary.

Figure6.42:Blubberislaidskinsidedownandmeatisstackedontop.

Finally, the whales have been stripped of their meat and blubber and the leftover

partsheads, spines, fins, and organsare ready to be discarded. Faroese law states that thesepartsmustbecarriedouttoseawithin24hoursofthegrindaseildistribution(Petersen andMortensen1998).Thepeoplewhoperformthisjobandotherspecialtasksusuallyreceive an extra share as part of the sslumaurs calculations. As the members of each boat finish 235

processing their whales, the crowd at the beach or the processing area becomes thinner. People carry home meat and blubber in plastic buckets or pickup trucks to be processed at home. Nearlyalloftheblubberissaltedandlefttodryforthreemonthsormore(Bloch2007). Someofthemeatisfrozenorcookedfreshandtherestiscutintolong,thickstripstobedried in the wind. The Faroese dry their whale meat at home, or at the home of a neighbor, in a structure called a hjallur (CHUTler). These little rooms, sometimes separate from the house andsometimesattached,arebuiltwithopeningsofapproximately1centimeterbetweenthe slatsthatmakeupthewallssothatwindcanblowthroughanddrythemeat(Figure6.43).The hjallurisnotusedonlyforwhalemeat.Fishandsheepcanbedriedinthemaswellandthey canalsobeusedforstorage(Joensen1982).

Figure6.43:Ahjallur(right)behindahouse(left)inVestmanna.

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Consumption Whenthewhalemeatissufficientlydried,usuallyafterthreetofiveweeks,itisreadyto beeaten,curedbutuncooked.Themostcommon,andmosttraditional,waytoprepareameal ofwhalemeatintheFaroesistoslicethedriedmeatandsaltedblubberthinandtoserveboth togetherwithboiledpotatoes.Thisdishiscalledgrindogspkliterallypilotwhale(meat)and blubber. Another popular meal is a Faroese smorgasborda platter containing several traditional Faroese foods such as grind og spk along with dried fish, sheep, and other local delicacies (Figure 6.44). Together or separately, pilot whale meat and blubber are widely popular throughout the Faroe Islands. The majority of respondents to my survey affirmed eatingboth.

Figure6.44:Grindogspkdriedpilotwhalemeat(lowerright)andslicedblubber(upperandcenterright), servedwithdriedfish(center)andsmokedfish(left).

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Conflict AntiWhalingActivism Though the grindadrp has been well documented in travelers accounts and cultural studies of the Faroe Islands for centuries (Joensen 1976; Wylie 1981; Sanderson 1992), it remainedobscuretothepublicoutsideofScandinaviauntilthemid1980s.Sanderson(1990; 1992)describedthequickshiftthatthegrindadrpmadefromarelativelyunknownmethodof foodprocurementandsourceofnationaldistinctivenessandpride,toanallegedcrimeagainst natureandtargetofinternationalprotest.Thefollowingwillbeabriefsummaryoftheanti whalingmovementasithasaffectedthegrindadrp. In 1981 Greenpeace representatives visited the Faroes to document the (now ceased) commercial whaling operation. Their visit coincided with three large grindadrp. The representativesfinalreporttoGreenpeace(Glover1981)focusedprimarilyandcriticallyupon thegrindadrpratherthanuponthecommercialwhalingoperationthatwastheoriginalfocus oftheexpedition(Sanderson1990). The following year, the Scottish branch of the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society became aware of the grindadrp and alerted the organizations director, Paul Watson. Sea Shepherd sent a small group with inflatable boats to observe the grindadrp in 1983 (Paul Watson,personalcommunication). In1984aDanishtelevisioncompanyproducedadocumentaryfilmaboutthegrindadrp thatincreaseditsvisibilitywithinEurope(Sanderson1990). The commencement of broad public awareness ofand activism againstthe grindadrpdatesto1985.Thatyear,SeaShepherdsentalargercrewaboardtheSeaShepherd IItoattempttointerferewiththegrindadrp(PaulWatson,personalcommunication).Also,at 238

the annual meeting of the IWC in Bournemouth, England, the topic of the grindadrp was brought up and the IWC maintained its stance that it would not regulate small cetacean operations. Environmental organizations published campaign letters and journalistic pieces criticalofthegrindadrp.Alsoin1985,theHumaneSocietyoftheUnitedStatespublisheda shortarticlecallingforthecurtailmentoftheFaroehunt(Plowden1985,13).Asaresultof these campaigns, letters and preprinted postcards began to arrive at the Office of the Prime MinisterinTrshavn(Sanderson1990). In 1986 Paul Watson returned to the Faroe Islands with a BBC film crew, which produced a documentary film about the grindadrp (Paul Watson, personal communication; BlackHarvest1987).Alsothisyear,theFaroesegovernmentchangedtheregulationsregarding the grindadrp dramatically with the goal of ensuring a more humane death for the whales (Sanderson 1992; Olsen 1999). This action was in direct response to concerns of cruelty and inhumanekillingmethodsthattheantiwhalingorganizationsraised(Guttesen1996c;Joensen 2009). Intheearly1990s,twoorganizationsformedtoadvocateforthegrindadrp:regionally the High North Alliance in 1991, based in Reine, Norway, and locally in the Faroes, the Grindamannafelagi(GRINdamanafelleyeya),orPilotWhalersSociety,in1993.According to the former organizations website, the High North Alliance exists to protect the rights of whalers,sealersandfishermentoharvestrenewableresourcesinaccordancewiththeprinciple ofsustainablemanagement(HighNorthAlliance2008).TheGrindamannafelagiwasformed to establish regulations for more humane killing methods in the grindadrp and to educate grindadrp participants in proper whaling techniques. Also in 1993, environmental

239

organizations first began calling for a protest of Faroese products, especially seafood, which makesupovereightyninepercentofthecountrysexports(HagstovaFroya2010). Atits1995meetinginDublin,Ireland,theIWCcommendedtheimprovementsinkilling methods that were instituted on the recommendation of the Grindamannafelagi and encouragedtheFaroesegovernment, to continue its work monitoring the performance in the drive hunt and introducing training programmes in killing methods with a view to reducing timestodeath(IWC1995) In 2000 Paul Watson returned to the Faroes aboard the Ocean Warrior with more international press coverage than on the previous visits and patrolled the coastline with the goal of driving pods of whales away from the islands and thus, preventing grindadrp (Paul Watson,personalcommunication). During the twentyfirst century, some environmental organizations have ceased to oppose Faroese whaling. The majority of scientific organizations involved in studies of whale populations in the North Atlantic have endorsed the sustainability of the grindadrp. The International Council for the Exploration of the Sea, the North Atlantic Marine Mammal Commission, and the International Whaling Commission have concluded that, based upon population estimates and hunting pressure, the grindadrp will not deplete the whale population(Culik2004). The environmental organizations Greenpeace, Sea Shepherd, and the Whaleman Foundation maintain their positions against Faroese whaling. However these organizations concentrate most of their efforts on opposing other whaling operations, especially by the Japanese,andnonehasanactivecampaignagainsttheFaroeIslands.TheWorldWildlifeFund Denmark(WWF)haspreparedastandardresponsetoinquiriesthatreferstothesustainability 240

ofthegrindadrp,itslonghistoryinFaroeseculture,andtheeffortsbyFaroeseauthoritiesto reduce the suffering of individual whales that are killed. The statement concludes by noting thatWWFisaconservationorganizationandthequestionofcrueltyofthepilotwhalehuntis not a conservation issue (Christina Sabinsky, WWF spokesperson, personal communication). The Faroese government continues to respond individually to all personally written protest letters(KateSanderson,personalcommunication).Lettersareoccasionallydirectedtowardthe Danishgovernment,whichhaspreparedaseriesofstandardresponseletters(AppendixF). In the recent past, and especially during the late 1980s and early 1990s, it seemed to

someFaroesethattheinternationalprotestsandthreatenedboycottmightrequireacessation of the grindadrp. In August 2005, lavur Sjurarberg, president of Grindamannafelagi, remarked that the protest was the biggest threat to the continuance of the grindadrp (personalcommunication).AsrecentlyasMarch2008,RolfGuttesen,aFaroesegeographerat theUniversityofCopenhagenechoedthisopinion(personalcommunication). InMay2009,theWorldSocietyfortheProtectionofAnimals(WSPA)publishedapress releaselistingtwentytwointernationalanimalwelfareorganizationsthat continueto oppose thegrindadrp.However,theproposedboycottshavenothadanynoticeableimpactonthe FaroeseorDanisheconomies(rniOlafsson,personalcommunication).Itseemsthen,thatthe protest has not endedor even lessenedthe occurrence of the grindadrp in the Faroe Islands.Rather,itseffectwastocallattentiontosomeareasinwhichthegrindadrpcouldbe improvedandtoinstigatethenecessaryimprovements. EnvironmentalPollutants Inrecentdecades,anotherformofconflicthasarisenregardingthegrindadrp.Since

1977, scientists have been studying the problem of methylmercury (MeHg) and other 241

environmentalpollutantsintheblubberandmuscletissueofpilotwhales(Julshamnetal.1987; Weihe and Joensen 2008). According to the National Research Council of the United States (2000,147),thecentralnervoussystemistheorgansystemmostsensitivetoMeHg,butthe contaminantisalsoknowntobeacauseofcarcinogenic,immunological,reproductive,renal, cardiovascular,andhematopoietictoxicity. Beginning in 1985, a FaroeseDanishAmerican research team selected nearly 2,000 childrentoparticipateintheChildrensHealthandtheEnvironmentintheFaroesProject(CHEF 2010). As CHEF Project participants, the childrens mental and physical development is monitored,alongwiththeireatinghabitswithregardtopilotwhalemeatandblubberandthe levels of MeHg in their systems. Elevated levels of MeHg and other contaminants present in thetissuesofpilotwhaleshavebeenlinkedtoavarietyofhumanhealthproblemsintheFaroe Islands, including disorders of the cardiovascular (Srensen et al. 1999; Choi et al. 2009), immune(Hellmanetal.2006;Grandjeanetal.2007),neurological(Murataetal.2004;Debeset al.2006;Grandjeanetal.2007),andreproductive(Grandjeanetal.2007),systemsaswellas Parkinsonsdisease(Petersen2008;Petersenetal.2008). In1998,basedonthefindingsoftheCHEFproject,Dr.PlWeihe,ChiefMedicalOfficer of the Faroese Hospital System, published a set of dietary recommendations for pilot whale meat and blubber. In these recommendations, Weihe made it clear that no one should eat more than two meals of pilot whale meat and blubber per month, and that women of childbearingageshouldabstaincompletely(Weihe1998).Thiswasadifficultrecommendation for the Faroese people to accept. Pilot whale meat and blubber are otherwise healthy and popularfoodproductsgoodsourcesofprotein,vitaminsAandB,andfattyacids(Bloch2007). ShortlybeforetheCHEFprojectbegan,Faroesedoctorshadbeenrecommendingthatchildren 242

begivenmoreblubbertoeatbecauseofitsnutritionalvalue(WeiheandJoensen2008).The CHEFProjectedcontinuedtoproducedataandin2008Dr.Weihe,alongwithacolleague,Dr. Hgni Debes Joensen, prepared an update to the dietary recommendations to reflect new findings about increased concentrations of mercury and other pollutants in pilot whale meat andblubber.Theirconclusion,printedstarklyoffsetandinboldfacesimplyreads: Itisrecommendedthatpilotwhaleisnolongerusedforhumanconsumption. (WeiheandJoensen2008,3,emphasisintheoriginal) Though the recommendation to cease the consumption of pilot whale products is far from universallyacceptedindeed,Dr.Weiheisoftencalledupontodefendhisconclusionsinlocal debatesandpublicationstheFaroesepublic,ingeneral,doesunderstandthebasicprinciple thatpilotwhalemeatandblubbercanpresentcertainrisks,especiallytocertainpeople. The 2008 announcement is three pages long and speaks generally to the role of the grindadrpinFaroeseculture.ThepilotwhalehasservedtheFaroesewellformanyhundreds of years and has likely kept many Faroese alive through the centuries (Weihe and Joensen 2008,3).ButWeiheandJoensenacknowledgethattimesandenvironmentalconditionshave changed. The levels of MeHg and other contaminants are beyond what can be considered tolerable in a food source. One would think that environmentalists around the world would decry the presence of environmental toxins in a place as remote and unspoiled as the Faroe Islands.Howeverthishasnotproventobethecase.In2005,PaulWatsonoftheSeaShepherd ConservationSociety(personalcommunication)stated, Considering that pilot whale meat is the reason that the Faeroese have the highest level of toxic mercury in their bodies of any people in the world, the intelligentthingwouldbetonoteatwhalemeat.Traditionappearstooutweigh commonsenseintheFaroes. 243

Other environmental organizations have followed suit, citing the presence of marine toxins as another reason why the Faroese should give up the grindadrp, but rarely decrying thepresenceofthosetoxinsinthefirstplace.AlookathowMeHgcametobeprevalentinthe marineenvironmentmightofferanexplanationwhy:themajorcontributorstothepresenceof anthropogenic mercury in the environment are the industrialized nations, which, unlike the Faroe Islands, burn coal for energy. Most antiwhaling activist organizations are based in industrializednations.ToargueagainstwhalingistoimplicatetheFaroeseastheOther.To argueagainstmercurypollutionistoimplicatetheSelf. SomeMeHgoccursnaturally.Mercuryisreleasedfromtheearthscrustthroughslow degassing or explosively during volcanic eruptions. It is also a component of air pollution, primarily from coalburning power plants (Morel et al. 1998). Industrialized nations often experience localized deposition of mercury in their waterways (Joensuu 1971; Morel et al. 1998). However, true to its fleetfooted namesake, the Roman messenger god (Hamilton 1969), elemental mercury becomes widely dispersed in the upper atmosphere and dispersed globally,includinginotherwisepristineenvironments(Moreletal.1998;Boening2000). The 2008 statement made the point that the Faroese are without responsibility with regardtothemarinepollution(WeiheandJoensen2008,3).Instead,thedoctorsplacethe blameonindustrializednations,primarilyinEuropeandNorthAmerica,fortheproblemsthat haveaffectedtheFaroeseandtheirfavoritefoodsource.TheFaroeIslandsburnnocoaland generate only sixty percent of their electricity from fossil fuels, primarily through diesel generators(EIA2008;HagstovaFroya2009;EIA2010;SEV2010).Theremainingfortypercent isfromwindandhydroelectricgenerators.Ondayswhenthewindisstrong,ortheriversare flowingswiftly,thegeneratorsshutdownandtheFaroeseelectricalgridbecomes100percent 244

renewable. When an entire week goes by without turning on the generators, the accomplishmentisproudlyannouncedontheradio. Aftermercuryhasbeenreleasedfrompowerplantsanddispersedintheatmosphere, muchofiteventuallyreachestheocean,eitherthroughdirectrainfallorrunoff.Onceinthe ocean, the mercury, being much more dense than water, sinks to the bottom where it is methylated,thatis,changedchemicallyfromelementalmercurytomethylmercurybysulfate reducing bacteria in the marine sediment environment (Morel et al. 1998). Morel and colleaguesgoontoexplainthatMeHgisamoredangerousformofthepollutanttohumans. Unicellular organisms living in marine sediments absorb MeHg. The tiny animals that feedontheseorganismsingestthepollutantsaswell.Aslargerandlargeranimalsfeedonthe smaller, polluted organisms, the concentration of MeHg increasesa classic case of biomagnification.Becausetheoceansarenaturalsinksformercury,hightrophiclevelmarine animals such as sea birds and cetaceans often present high concentrations of MeHg in their tissues(DamandBloch2000;Gray2002).Peoplewhoeattheseanimalsarethenclaimingthe topspotonthefoodchainandthehighestlevelofMeHgofall. The human health effects of MeHg have been studied since the famous incident in Minamata, Japan, beginning in the 1950s (George 2001). People who live in fishing communities often have higher than average levels of MeHg and other biomagnified environmental contaminants (Grandjean and Weihe 2008). Additionally, many northern peoples have been found to have a high rate of exposure to marine toxins as a result of foodborne contamination and traditional diets (Weiss 2008). The Faroese, a northern populationthatreliesheavilyupontheseaasafoodsource,areespeciallyvulnerable.

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Despite environmentalist efforts, as more developing nations industrialize, marine pollution will likely increase. As pilot whale meat and blubber become more contaminated, theirriskwillincreasinglyoutweightheirbenefits.ThisisnottosaythattheFaroesewillgive uptheirnationaldisheasily.Ashasbeenshowninavarietyofcontexts,foodisapowerful reminder of a cultures distinctiveness and national identity (e.g. Wilk 1999, Cusack 2000, Raento 2006). Just as in other northern maritime communities (e.g. ONeil et al. 1997), the cultural connection to traditional local food and the opposition to contaminantbased diet restrictions in the Faroe Islands are strong. As part of the current study, surveys of Faroese youthindicateastrongresistancetotheideaoftotallyabandoningpilotwhalingasamethod offoodproduction,despitethewarningsofhealthrisks. One possible outcome that could balance the cultural connection to pilot whale meat andblubberwiththehealthrisksofitsconsumptionwouldbetoretainthefoodassomething ofaceremonialmeal,eatenonly(orprimarily)atspecialoccasionssuchasweddings,birthdays, and the Faroese national holiday, lavska (OHlavsookah). Results from surveys indicate thatthisshiftfrompilotwhalemeatandblubberasanordinarymealtoaceremonialmealis occurringtosomedegree,especiallyamongtheyoungurbanpopulationinTrshavn. TheFaroeseclingtightlytotheirculturebuttheyalsotakeseriouslytheadviceoftheir public health professionals. The third cohort of children in the CHEF Project, born between 1998and2000showedlowerconcentrationsofMeHgthanthefirstcohort,bornin1986and 1987. The directors of the project attribute this decrease to the obedience of the childrens mothers to the dietary recommendations (Grandjean and Weihe 2008). Dr. Weihe (personal communication)believesthattheresultsofhisstudyandthereviseddietaryrecommendations willeventuallyleadtoacessationofthegrindadrp,thoughhedoesnotadvocatelegislation 246

outlawingthepractice: Thereductionintheconsumptionofwhalemeatandblubbershouldbebased on an understanding for the toxicological risks. Not a decision from the politicians. I think what will happen is that the women first will stop eating it andthemenwillfollow.However,mybestpredictionisthatsporadickillings willtakeplaceoverthenextdecadeand[then]itwillbeaforgottenculture. Weihe,himselfagrindadrpparticipant,isnotenthusiasticabouthisroleinthepossible

declineofthistradition.Itiswithgreatsadnessthatthisrecommendationisprovided,begins theconcludingparagraphofthe2008dietaryrecommendation(WeiheandJoensen2008,3). Itisinterestingtonotethatamidthethreatsofprotestandpollution,overhuntinghas

not been an issue regarding the continuance of the grindadrp. Faroese and international researchers have deemed the eastern North Atlantic population of pilot whales plentiful and the hunting pressure does not seem to be too great (Buckland et al. 1993; NAMMCO 1997 [bothcitedinCulik2004]).Someresearchers(e.g.Jeffersonetal.1993)havecalledformore population studies to be conducted, stating that not enough is known about pilot whale populations worldwide, although the eastern North Atlantic population of longfinned pilot whalesisbetterunderstoodthanotherregionalpopulations. Therearenoquotasplacedon the grindadrp, rather, longstanding Faroese cultural traditions have been codified into laws thatservetoprotectthepopulationofpilotwhalesasaresource. Conservation WithintheFaroeselegalcode,theExecutiveOrderonPilotWhalingandtheExecutive

Order on Whale Bays set all the rules for when, where, and how the grindadrp may be conductedintheFaroeIslands.TheformerstatesthattheFaroeseGovernmentisthehighest authority in all matters pertaining to pilot whaling (Petersen and Mortensen 1998, 272). Throughoutmuchofthegrindadrpsearlyhistorythehuntwasregulatedlocallybythosewho 247

participatedandthoseuponwhoselandthewhaleswerelanded.In1779,theFaroesescholar Svabo called for the establishment of a kind of hierarchy by which one or two of the most responsiblemenfromeachwhalingbay,wouldeachbecometheabsoluteauthorityregarding all aspects of the hunt and subsequent division of the meat and blubber within his district (Svabo1779,51[citedinJoensen2009,66]).TheLgting,orFaroeseParliament,firstcodified pilot whaling regulations in the Faroe Islands in 1832including the establishment of grindaformenn,theanswertoSvaboscall. TheExecutiveOrderonPilotWhalingregulatesthehierarchicalorderofcontrolofthe

grindadrp,theequipmentthatcan/cannotbeused,thesendingofthegrindabo,thekilling processitself(includingprovisionsforcallingofftheprocess),theassessmentanddivision,the districtsbywhichthemeatandblubberaretobedivided,andthepenaltiesforviolatingthese rules.TheExecutiveOrderonWhaleBaysdefineswhichbaysmaybeusedforpilotwhaling, implicitlyforbiddingtheactivityanywhereelse(FaroeIslands2001[citedinJoensen2009]). Conservation and concern for humane killing methods are built into the Faroese pilot

whaling regulations. The Executive Order on Pilot Whaling forbids the use of unauthorized whalingequipmentsuchasthespearandtheharpoon,whichwereusedinthepastbutfound tobeinefficienttoolsthatinducedunnecessarysufferinginthewhales.Theregulationsdictate exactlyhowawhaleistobekilled(deepcutsmustbemadeinbothsidesandtheveinsofthe neck must be cut the spinal cord must be severed [Petersen and Mortensen 1998, 274]) based upon recommendations from biologists and veterinariansboth Faroese and foreign (Blochetal.1990a;Olafsson1990;Olsen1999). 248

AvoidingWastage OnOctober6,1940,1,200whalesweredrivenashoreinasinglegrindadrpinSandur.

This large pod was more than could be handled by those present and many whales went to wastespoiledbeforetheycouldbeprocessedformeatandblubber.ManyFaroesestillspeak oftheshameofthiseventandtheregulationsthatarenowinplacetoavoiditsrepetition. The Executive Order on Pilot Whaling gives the Faroese government the right to instituteanemergencybanonpilotwhalinginoneormoredistrict(PetersenandMortensen 1998,272).Additionally,thesslumaurmaycalloffagrindadrpinprogressifitisnotgoing wellorprovestobeunnecessary.Ifapodofwhalesistoolargetobedrivenintoachosenbay, orifthehomesinthedistrictarewellstockedwithwhalemeatandblubber,thesslumaur can either call of the grindadrp entirely (Bloch et al. 1990a), or negotiate a deal to give the meat and blubber to the inhabitants of another district in exchange for the payment of municipal expenses such as payments for injuries and loss or damage of property (Bloch 2007,45).TheFaroeserefertopilotwhalesasagiftfromGod(WeiheandJoensen2008).To wastesuchagiftthenwouldbesin,andtheFaroese,throughlawandtradition,seektoavoid anywastageofthisimportantresource. LimitingofBays AccordingtotheFaroeseeconomistrniOlafsson(1990,130),themostfundamental factorbehindFaroesewhaleandwhalingpolicyisgeography.Olafssonwasspeakingprimarily tothegeographicalisolationoftheFaroeIslandsintheNorthAtlanticOceanandthereliance upon marine natural resources that this location has engendered. However, the connection between whaling and geography goes much further. Hvalvgir, whale bays, are chosen for theirgentleslope,sandybottom,lackoflargerocksormud,andabsenceofthemarbakkia 249

steepshelfthatreflectsthewhalesecholocationsounds,alertingthemtotheapproachingland andoftencausingthepodtoturnbackordisperse(BlochandJoensen2001;Joensen2009). The Faroese government maintains a list of approved hvalvgir where grindadrp are allowed to occur (Faroe Islands 2001 [translated in Joensen 2009]). The government can removebaysfromthislistifchangestotheirphysicalstructureoccur.Thesechangescanbe either natural (e.g. silt from a river filling in a bay) or anthropogenic (e.g. the construction of harborfacilities).Bayscanalsobeaddedtothelistiftheyareshownindeedtobesuitable,orif they are made to be suitable through engineering projects that reshape the beach and the underwater topography. Today, the list consists of twentytwo approved hvalvgir (Figure 6.45).Oneofthesebays,Gta,hastwoseparatewhalingbeaches,bringingthetotalnumberof beachesuponwhichwhalescanbelegallydrivenintheFaroestotwentythree. Landscapechangingprojectsarerareonlylargermunicipalitiescanaffordthemand usuallyinvolveonlythepumpingofsandonshoreorthesmoothingoutofunderwaterfeatures. The largest, costliest, and greatest alteration to the landscape in the name of the grindadrp occurred in Vestmanna in 1992. Whales were formerly driven onto a natural, albeit rocky, beachatthebackofthefjord.Asthetowngrew,thisareawasdevelopedintoharborandfish processingfacilities.Ratherthangiveuptheirstatusasawhalebay,thetownofVestmanna funded the creation of a wholly artificial beach on the seaward side of a rocky breakwater (Figure6.46).Ithasoccasionallyrequiredreloadingwithsandpumpedfromtheseafloor,but the new beach has been the successful landing place for 8 whale or dolphin drives since its creation.

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 Figure 6.45: Map showing the 22 currently approved hvalvgir in the Faroe Islands, ranked by percentage of grindadrp that have occurred at each bay from 15872009. Data source: National Whaling Statistics, Froya Nttrugripasavn.

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 Figure6.46:TheartificialwhalingbeachatVestmanna.

The limitation of whaling to certain authorized bays is part of the larger system of

regulation and distribution that results in the measured use of whales as a resource. Grindadrparebynaturecommunityevents.Ittakesseveraldozentoseveralhundredactive participantstosuccessfullydriveandslaughterapodofwhales.Bylimitingtheplaceswhere this activity is allowed to occur, the government legitimizes whaling that is conducted on its terms,initsbays.Thecommunitynatureofthegrindadrpisreinforcedbytheequalsharing ofmeatand blubber throughoutthegrindadistrikt.Thegrindaformannand sslumaur have the authority to call off grindadrp that are unnecessary, too large, or are not going well. Through an active scientific program the Faroese leadership makes informed choices about local whaling decisions. Whales are treated as a renewable natural resource that must be conserved and used wisely if it is to be available in the future. The single greatest environmentalissuerelatedtothegrindadrpisthepresenceofMeHgandothertoxinsinthe tissuesofthewhalesandthehumanhealtheffectsthatthesetoxinsarecausing. 252

CHAPTER7:ANALYTICALRESULTS This chapter presents the results of the various experiments and inquiries conducted

duringthefieldworkforthisproject.Thestructureandorderofthischapterisbaseduponthat of the chapter on research methods. Much of the data gathered during the observation, participation,interview,andarchivalphasesofthefieldworkareintegratedintothetextofthe descriptivechaptersChapters5and6.Thisinformationisnotrepeatedhere;rather,specific points of investigation are presented that were not covered in the more general descriptions above. First,theresultsofthestudentsurveysarepresentedandanalyzed.Thesesurveyswere designedtodetecttrendsintheconsumptionofwhaleproductsineachlocation.IntheFaroe Islands,theelementofparticipationinwhalingactivitiesisalsoimportant,althoughthereisnot a ready analog to Faroese communal whaling in the context of St. Vincent, owing to the professionalnatureandlimitedworkforceoftheVincentianwhalingoperation. The catch records of the Faroese andVincentianwhaling operations formthe basis of

thenextsectionofthischapter.Asmentionedabove,theFaroesewhalingrecordsspanalong history,theearliestrecordedgrindadrpoccurringin1587.Bycontrast,inSt.Vincent,detailed whalingrecords,thosecontainingmoredatathansimpleannualtotalsofwhalesanddolphins caught, exist only from 2007and even then must be extrapolated from the records of only oneboat.However,lessspecificbutstillusefulrecordsofSt.Vincentwhalingcanbeobtained from previous scholarship. While many of these figures are admittedly only approximations, theydoprovideinsightintothelevelsofeffortandimpactoftheSt.Vincentoperationandwill allowsomecomparisonwithFaroesewhaling. 253

Finally, this chapter examines the data gathered through spatial analytical methods,

specificallyGISinSt.VincentandcoastalsurveysintheFaroeIslands.Tobetterunderstandthe interactions between human activity and the natural environment, it is important to gather physicaldataalongsidethetypesofdatainwhichhumangeographersnormallydeal. StudentSurveys St.Vincent Among Vincentian students, cetacean meat and blubber are relatively popular foods

(Figure 7.1). Blubber cooked in its own oil (referred to herein by the local name, crisps) is slightly less popular than meat, but is still consumed by a majority of the youths surveyed. Cetaceanoilisnotverypopular.

ConsumpOonofCetaceanProducts
100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% Meat Crisps Oil
Figure 7.1: Responses given by students when asked if they consume/use the specified cetacean products. Vincentianyouthsurvey(n=211).

Yes No NoResponse

Although the majority of participants report consuming cetacean meat, it is not an

especiallypreferredfood(Figure7.2).Onlytenpercentprefercetaceanmeattoothermeats. Thirtyfive percent rank cetacean meat equal to other meats in desirability and twentyfive

254

percentpreferothermeatstocetaceanmeat.Ninepercentofparticipantsdonotlikecetacean meatatall.Overallitseemstobeacommonfood,butnotaparticularlyfavoritefood.

HowMuchDoYouLikeCetaceanMeat?
40% 35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Morethan Sameasother Lessthanother othermeats meats meats Notatall Nevertried Noresponse

Figure7.2:Responsestothequestionaskingparticipantstoranktheirpreferenceforcetaceanmeatvs.other meats.Vincentianyouthsurvey(n=211).

Gender plays an important role in the consumption of whale products in St. Vincent

(Figure7.3).Malestudentsaremorelikelythanfemalestoeatcetaceanmeatandtouseoil, butstudentsofbothgendersareequallylikelytoconsumecrisps.Genderalsohelpsdetermine the frequency with which whale products are consumed (Figure 7.4). Of those who do consumetheproducts,malestendtoeatmoremeatperyearthanfemaleswhilefemalesuse oilsignificantlymorefrequentlythanmales.Bothgendersconsumecrispswithrelativelyequal frequencies.Inanalyzingthefrequencyofconsumption,Ididnottakeintoaccountthezero valuesaddedbythosewhoabstainfromtheproductscompletely.

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ConsumpOonofCetaceanProducts,byGender
80% 70% %answeringyes 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Meat Crisps Oil Male Female

Figure7.3:Percentageofmalesandfemalesansweringintheaffirmativewhenaskediftheyconsume/usethe specifiedcetaceanproducts.Vincentianyouthsurvey(n=211).

FrequencyofCetaceanProductConsumpOon,by Gender
Genderofrespondent Male Meat Female Crisps Oil 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90

NumberofOmesperyearproductisconsumed

Figure7.4:AveragenumberoftimesperyearthatstudentsinSt.VincentandtheGrenadinesconsumecetacean meat,crisps,andoil,shownbygender.Vincentianyouthsurvey(n=211).

Geography also plays an important role in whale product consumption (Figure 7.5).

When analyzing survey responses by region, it is clear that students on the windward and leewardsidesoftheislandwhoeatcetaceanmeatconsumeitmostfrequently.Amongthose 256

thateatcrispsanduseoil,studentsontheleewardsideandthesouthcoastconsumethemost crisps,andthoseontheleewardsideuseoilthemostregularly.

FrequencyofCetaceanProductConsumpOon,byRegion
Leeward HomeRegionofRespondent

Kingstown

South

Meat Crisps Oil

Windward

Grenadines 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 120

NumberofOmesperyearproductisconsumed

Figure7.5:Averagenumberoftimesperyearthatcetaceanmeat,crisps,andoilareconsumedinSt.Vincent andtheGrenadines.Shownbyregion.Vincentianyouthsurvey(n=211).

This geographical disparity in whale product consumption could be attributed to a

regionality in Vincentian cuisine and preference, but is more likely due to a simple lack of availability in certain areas. Cetacean products are sold regularly from the fish market in KingstownandfromthehomesandsmallshopsofvendorsinBarrouallie.Theonlytimethe productsarenotsoldfromthesevenuesiswhentherehasbeenalengthydearthofcatches. Besides these two relatively permanent outlets, mobile vendors handle the majority of cetacean product distribution throughout St. Vincent. Each vendor establishes her preferred routeofsales,takingtheproductsfromvillagetovillagebyprivatecar,oftenannouncingher 257

presencebyblowingaconchshell.Ifavendordoesnotincludeacertainvillageonhersales circuit, the residents of that village must travel to Kingstown, Barrouallie, or a village that is servedbyamobilevendor. Students who responded that they do not consume whale products were asked why

not.Thiswaspresentedasanopenendedquestion,butmoststudentsresponsesfallintoone ofeightgeneralcategories(Table7.1).
Table7.1:Reasonsgivenfornotconsumingcetaceanproductsandpercentageofrespondentsgivingeach reason.Vincentianyouthsurvey(n=211). Unavailable Unfamiliar Taste Smell Texture Religion Unnecessary Unhealthy Other Meat 26 5 18 10 5 19 2 16 Crisps 22 19 19 3 10 17 2 8 Oil 25 25 11 19 3 13 3

Forastudenttoanswerthathe/sheisunfamiliarwiththeproductsinquestionindicates

that the whale products may not be available in the students home village. Therefore, if a large number of students report not consuming whale products because the products are unavailableorunfamiliar,wecanbereasonablysurethatthesestudentshomevillagesarenot regularlyservedbyavendor.Ageographicalanalysisoftheregionalvariationinavailabilityof whaleproductsisgiveninFigure7.6. It is clear then, that cetacean meat is least available on the windward side and that crispsandoilareleastavailableonthesouthcoast.Popularresponsetothelackofavailability of these products is generally negative, that is, most students would prefer to have greater accesstocetaceanproducts.Regionally,thisdissatisfactionisvaried,withslightlymorethan 258

average desire for greater availability among students from the leeward side and the Grenadines,andslightlylessthanaverageamongthosefromthesouthcoast(Figure7.7).

UnavailabilityofCetaceanProducts,byRegion
Leeward Kingstown South Windward Grenadines NotRecorded 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%
Figure 7.6: Percentage of participants indicating that cetacean products are unavailable or unfamiliar in their homearea,byregion.Vincentianyouthsurvey(n=211).

Meat Crisps Oil

DesireforGreaterCetaceanMeatAvailability,by Region
80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Leeward Kingstown South WindwardGrenadines Yes No NotSure NoResponse

Figure7.7:Responsestothequestionregardingwhethertheparticipantwouldlikeforcetaceanmeattobe moreavailable.Vincentianyouthsurvey(n=211).

259

Otherreasonsfornotconsumingwhaleproductsincludesimplemattersofpreference

suchasthetaste,smell,andtextureoftheproductsaswellasculturalreasonssuchastheuse of other oils in place of whale oil for traditional purposes or religious beliefs prohibiting the consumption of whalederived food products. Traditional uses for cetacean oil are shown in Figure7.8.Itshouldbenotedthatmedicinalusesoftheoilincludebothoralconsumptionand topicalapplication.

UsesofCetaceanOil

13% 10% Medicine Cooking Petfoodaddiive 77%

Figure7.8:Reportedusesofcetaceanoil.Vincentianyouthsurvey(n=211).

Moststudentssurveyedconsidercetaceanmeattobeahealthyfood.Reactionswere

mixedonthehealthinessofcrispsandalargenumberofparticipantswereunsureofwhether oilisahealthyproductornot(Figure7.9).Thosewhoreportconsumingorusingtheproducts arepredictablymorelikelytoendorsetheirhealthbenefitsthanthosewhodonot.Surprisingly however, a significant percentage of those who deem the products unhealthy continue to partake: thirtyeight percent of those who believe cetacean meat is unhealthy, sixtytwo percent of those who believe crisps are unhealthy, and eleven percent of those who believe 260

whaleoilisunhealthycontinuetouseorconsumetheproducts.Perhapsfortheseparticipants, whale meat, crisps, and oil constitute guilty pleasures or perhaps they simply do not have control over their own dietsa very likely scenario for students still living at home with parents.

PerceivedHealthinessofCetaceanProducts
100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Meat Crisps Oil Healthy NotHealthy Don'tknow NoResponse

Figure7.9:Responsestothequestionsaskingwhethercetaceanmeat,blubber(crisps),andoilarehealthy products.Vincentianyouthsurvey(n=211).

The next series of questions were intended to address the familiarity of the student

participantswithSt.Vincentsartisanalwhalingoperation.Studentswereaskediftheyknew anywhalersorvendors,iftheyhadbeentoBarrouallietoseetheprocedureofbutcheringand processingthewhales,andwhethertheyhadseenadolphinorapilotwhale,deadoralive,but wholeandunprocessed.Severalparticipantsaddedcommentstotheeffectthattheyhadnot seen these things in person, but on television. Answers lean strongly toward unfamiliarity, even when knowledge through television is included (Figure 7.10). The element of the whaling operation most familiar to the survey participants is the vendors. This is most likely 261

due to the mobility of the vendors throughout the villages of the island, whereas witnessing otherelementsoftheoperationwouldlikelyrequireatriptoBarrouallie.

IndicatorsofFamiliaritywithWhalingOperaOon
90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% SeenProcess? SeenWhale/ Dolphin? KnowFisherman? KnowVendor?
Figure 7.10: Responses indicating familiarity with elements of the Vincentian artisanal whaling operation. VincentianYouthSurvey(n=211).

Yes No NoResponse

Even more uniform than the participants unfamiliarity with the Barroualliebased

elementsofthewhalingoperationisthenearconsensusthatacareerintheindustryeither as a whaler or a vendoris not something to be considered. Only one percent of students indicated that they would consider such a career; ninetyseven percent answered in the negativeandonepercentwereundecided. This overwhelming lack of desire to work in the whaling operation should be seen as indicativeonlyoftheperceptionsofthesesurveyparticipants.Mostwhalersandvendorsdo not attain the level of education that these students are currently on track to complete. Indeed, many whalers and vendors do not have the education that these postsecondary 262

students have already completed. To be sure, some whalers and vendors are indeed educatedSamuel Hazelwood has completed secondary school and has attended fisheries colleges in Japan and Canadahowever, neither whaling nor vending is a job that requires a greatdealofeducationalcredentials. AccordingtoChiefFisheriesOfficerRaymondRyan,pilotwhalemeatandbreadfruitisa nationaldishofSt.VincentandtheGrenadines(personalcommunication).AttheBaggaFish Fest,Ioftenheardthisclaimrepeated.However,amongthestudentparticipantsinthesurvey, only a minority would give the dish that honor (Figure 7.11). Many participants added commentsindicatingthatjackfish(Caranxspp.),notblackfishbestrepresentsSt.Vincentand theGrenadines.However,someparticipantsremarkedthatalthoughpilotwhalemeatisnot includedinthenationaldish,itshouldbe.

PilotWhaleasNaOonalDish?
3% 2% 20% Agree Disagree Notsure 75% NoResponse

Figure7.11:Ratesofagreementwiththestatementthat"blackfishandbreadfruit"isthenationaldishofSt. VincentandtheGrenadines.Vincentianyouthsurvey(n=211).

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Thefutureofartisanalwhalingisuncertain,worldwide.However,thecapitalisticnature

oftheoperationinSt.Vincentmayallowforeasierpredictionthanforwhalingoperationsin other places owing to the principle of supply and demand. Based upon the above data, it appearsthatthemarketforcetaceanproductsisstrong,althoughinequalitiesindemandexist bothgeographicallyandbygender.WhenaskeddirectlyifwhalingwillcontinueinSt.Vincent, the majority of survey participants express belief that it will (Figure 7.12). A significant percentage indicate uncertainty, but only a small fraction believe that whaling will not continue.

WillWhalingConOnueinSt.Vincent?
Notsure 16% No 2% Yes 78% No Response 4%

Figure7.12:ResponsestothequestionofwhetherartisanalwhalingwillcontinueinSt.Vincent.Vincentian youthsurvey(n=211).

FaroeIslands In the Faroe Islands there are two main roles that one may play with regard to the

artisanalwhalingoperation:consumerandparticipant.Oftentheserolesoverlap,buttheywill beaddressedherefirstindividually,beforebeingexaminedwithrelationtooneanother. AvastmajorityofFaroesesurveyparticipantsreporteatingcetaceanmeatandasmaller majority report eating blubber (Figure 7.13). Males are only slightly more likely to consume 264

cetacean meat than females. Blubber, however, is significantly more popular amongst males thanfemales(Figure7.14)

ConsumpOonofCetaceanProducts
100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% Meat Blubber
Figure7.13:Responsesgivenbystudentswhenaskediftheyconsumethespecifiedcetaceanproducts.Faroese youthsurvey(n=225).

Yes No

ConsumpOonofCetaceanProducts,byGender
100% %answeringyes 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% Meat Blubber Male Female

Figure 7.14: Percentage of males and females answering in the affirmative when asked if they consume the specifiedcetaceanproducts.Faroeseyouthsurvey(n=225).

On average, survey participants report consuming cetacean meat and/or blubber 21.4

times per year. This takes into account only frequencies reported by those who do affirm

265

eatingtheproducts(i.e.zerovaluesarenotcalculatedintotheaverage).Themostsignificant variablesindeterminingconsumptionfrequencyareapersonsgender(Figure7.15)andplace oforigindichotomizedasbeingfromthecapitalareaorelsewhere(Figure7.16).

FrequencyofCetaceanProduct ConsumpOon,byGender
Male Female 0 5 10 15 20 25 30

AveragenumberofOmesperyearcetaceanproductsare consumed
Figure7.15:Averagenumberoftimesperyearthatcetaceanproductsareconsumed,shownbygender. Faroeseyouthsurvey(n=225).

FrequencyofCetaceanProduct ConsumpOon,byPlaceofOrigin
CapitalArea Elsewhere 0 5 10 15 20 25 30

AveragenumberofOmesperyearcetaceanproducts areconsumed
Figure7.16:Averagenumberoftimesperyearthatcetaceanproductsareconsumed,shownbyplaceoforigin. Faroeseyouthsurvey(n=225).

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When asked how often they consume cetacean products, many of the survey participants provided qualitative, rather than quantifiable answers. In retrospect, the survey should have been designed in such a way that it required a quantifiable value rather than allowingaqualitativeassessment.Nonetheless,valuableinformationcanstillbedrawnfrom thesequalitativedata.Studentsgaveresponsesindicatingthattheyconsumecetaceanmeat andblubberveryfrequently(answerssuchasallthetimeorasoftenaspossible)orrarely (answers such as not often or only once in a while) in geographical and genderbased patternsthatgenerallycorroboratetheresponsesofthosewhoprovidedquantitativeanswers. Anotherdemographicfactorindeterminingconsumptionpatterniswhetherthesurvey

participantusesaFaroeseorDanishpassport.BecauseeveryFaroesecitizenisgiventhechoice of which passport to carry, and because a Danish (EU) passport arguably makes international travel easier owing to its higher level of recognizability, I take the view that carrying a green Faroesepassportisastatementofnationalidentity. Sincethegrindadrphasformerlybeen usedasasymbolofFaroesenationalidentity(andtosomedegreeremainsso)itisinteresting toseehowthesetwoattributescoexist(Figure7.17). Thedifferencesbetweenholdersofgreenandredpassportsineatingwhalemeatand

participating in the grindadrp are slight. Greater distinction exists regarding blubber consumptionandenjoymentofthegrindadrp.Whaleblubberisanacquiredtastetobesure, and has, in my personal experience, been offered to foreign researchers as a way of gauging theirobjectivity.(Theassumptionbeingthatanundercoverantiwhalingactivist,whichIwas occasionallysuspectedofbeing,wouldnotconsumewhaleblubberbutthatapureintentioned academicresearcherwould.IalsofoundthistactictobeusedinSt.Vincentaswellasduring mybriefvisittoawhalingvillageinSt.Lucia.)Blubber,byitsstatusasauniqueandsometimes 267

unappetizing food product takes on a new meaning, transcending that of ordinary food, to becomeasymbolofFaroesesolidarity.

GrindadrpandPassports
100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% EatMeat EatBlubber Paricipate Enjoy
Figure7.17:Consumption,participation,andenjoymentpatternsofsurveyparticipants,dichotomizedby chosenpassport:greenFaroeseorredDanish(EU).Faroeseyouthsurvey(n=225).Note:Allsurvey participantsweregiventheoptiontochoosebetweenthetwopassports.

Faroese Danish

Similarly,participationinthegrindadrpmaybeconsideredadutyofanyablebodied Faroesemale,butenjoymentoftheactivityiscertainlyoptional.Perhapsthosewhoidentify more strongly with their Faroese nationality, as evidenced by their choice of passport, also express their nationalism through their enjoyment of the grindadrp and consumption of the productsitproduces. Despitethepossibleexistenceofculturalandnationalisticpressures,participationinthe

grindadrpiscompletelyvoluntary.Whetheroneparticipatesornotusuallyhasnobearingon theamountofmeatandblubberthatonereceives.Incertainrareinstances,usuallyinvolvinga small catch in a relatively populous area, the sslumaur may decide to distribute only a 268

drpspartara killers sharemeaning that the meat and blubber are divided only among those that participated in the grindadrp. The drpspartar is a controversial and recent developmentinthelongstandingtraditionaldivisionofthecatchafteragrindadrpandhasno sanctioninthewhalingregulations,thusshouldnotbeconsiderednormative(Joensen2009, 145).Neitherparticipationinthegrindadrpnorevenpresenceatthebeachwheretheactivity takesplaceisusuallyrequiredinordertoreceiveashareofthemeatandblubber. Still, a majority of survey participants acknowledge participating in the grindadrp

(Figure 7.18). Many regard simply being at the site of the grindadrp and observing the activitiesasopposedtostayinghomeasparticipation,andthesemustbesegregatedfrom themoreactiverolesforthisanalysis(Figure7.19).

GrindadrpParOcipaOon

36% Paricipate DoNotParicipate 64%

Figure7.18:Participationinthegrindadrp.Faroeseyouthsurvey(n=225).

269

RolesPlayedbyGrindadrpParOcipants
40% 35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Watchonly Haulrope Rideinboat Killwhales Butcherwhales
Figure 7.19: Roles played by survey participants who do participate in the grindadrp. Faroese youth survey (n=225).Note:Totalisgreaterthan100percentbecausesomeparticipantsplaymorethanonerole.

The various roles played in the grindadrp are dependent to a large degree upon the

participantsgender(Figure7.20).Malesaremorethanfourtimesmorelikelythanfemalesto participateinactiverolessuchashaulinghookedwhalesonropes,ridingintheboats,killing, andbutcheringwhales.

GrindadrpRoles,byGender
70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Norole Passiverole Aciverole
Figure7.20:Activeandpassiverolesplayedbysurveyparticipantswhotakepartinthegrindadrp.Faroese youthsurvey(n=225).

Male Female

270

Analysis of the participants hometownseither dichotomized as being part of the

capitalareaornot,orasawhalingvillageornotrevealsnotrendsastoplayingofactiveor passiverolesinthegrindadrp.ComparingparticipantsholdingFaroesepassportswiththose holding Danish passports also produced no significant differences in the active or passive participationinthegrindadrp. The health risks associated with eating cetacean meat and blubber have been well

documentedandpublicizedintheFaroeIslands(Weihe1998,2009;WeiheandJoensen2008). Despite these public health warnings, relatively few survey participants have changed their dietary habits in response. The 1998 health recommendations came at a time when the averageageofthe2009surveyrespondentswasonly7years,sofewcouldbeexpectedtohave abidedbythemortohavebeenincontroloftheirowndietsatthattime.However,the2008 recommendationswerebothrecentandwellpublicizedbythetimeofthissurvey.Still,eighty onepercentofparticipantsinthissurveydidnotchangetheirdietaryhabitsasaresultofthe 2008recommendations. Aselfreportedunderstandingofthesciencebehindthedietaryrecommendationshas

no effect upon actual dietary changes. Of those who report that they do understand the science, only twenty percent changed their dietary habits as a result of the 2008 recommendationsan insignificant increase over the eighteen percent of those who report that they do not understand the science, yet still changed their diets in compliance with the healthrecommendations. Asforfamiliaritywiththeauthoritiesinvolvedinthegrindadrp,slightlyunderonethird

(thirtyone percent) of the survey participants indicated that they know one or more

271

grindaformann. This value was not significantly affected by the participants hometown whether an approved whaling bay or nota point mediated by the fact that it is not a prerequisiteforgrindaformenntoliveinavillagewithanapprovedwhalingbay. Finally, given the health recommendations and the predictions of the physicican upon whoseresearchtheyarebasedthatthegrindadrpwilldecreaseinfrequencyandthencease altogetherduringthenextfewdecadesitisinterestingtoseetheviewoftheFaroeseyouth on the subject of the future of the grindadrp (Figure 7.21). When asked if the grindadrp would continue, fiftyone percent of the survey participants are optimistic that it will. An additional thirtyseven percent are hopeful, but not confident enough to answer in the affirmative.Onlysixpercentofparticipantsbelievethatthegrindadrpwillcease.

WilltheGrindadrpConOnueintheFaroe Islands?
Don'tKnow 5% No 6% NoResponse 1%

Hopefully 37%

Yes 51%

Figure7.21:Responsestothequestion,"WillthegrindadrpcontinueintheFaroeIslands?"fromtheFaroese youthsurvey.Faroeseyouthsurvey(n=225).

272

If the grindadrp were to come to an end it would leave a void in both the Faroese

economyandculture.Economicconcernsandthecostsandbenefitsofalternativestothefree food supply that the grindadrp provides are discussed below. To fill the gap left if the grindadrpweretoceasecompletely,anotherlocalfoodwouldbepromotedtothestatusof national symbol now held by dried pilot whale meat and blubber (Table 7.2). According to a majority(sixtytwopercent)oftheparticipantsinthissurvey,thebestalternativewouldbea local dish made from dried lamb called skerpikjt (SHESHpachet). Other suggestions were nearlyalleitherfromalocallycaughtfishoroneofthemanyedibleseabirdsthatnestonthe FaroeIslands. Aminorityofsurveyparticipantsansweredthatnothingcouldreplacepilotwhalemeat andblubber.Itisinterestingtonotethatseventyonepercentofthoseforwhomthereisno possiblereplacementfortheirnationaldishcamefromavillagewithanapprovedwhalingbay.
Table 7.2: Responses to the question, "What would replace pilot whale meat and blubber as the Faroese nationaldish,ifpilotwhalingweretocease?"andpercentageofparticipantsgivingeachresponseNote:Total isgreaterthan100percentbecausemultipleanswerswereallowed.Faroeseyouthsurvey(n=225).

ReplacementNationalDish Sheep Fish Bird Other Nothing AnalysisofWhalingRecords 62 41 15 5 4

Theuseofwhalingrecordsisacommonapproachtodeduceinformationonsuchtopics as past species abundance, habitat range, migration patterns, and physical oceanography (Maury 1852, 1857; Townsend 1931, 1935; Ross 1974; Tillman and Donovan 1983). Whaling

273

records have continued to provide valuable information on these topics in recent years, and have aided our understanding of the longterm effects of whaling and species recovery rates (e.g. Baker and Clapham 2004; Clapham et al. 2004; Shelden et al. 2005; Smith and Reeves 2005;Bannisteretal.2008;Josephsonetal.2008;Smithetal.2008). In this section, I analyze the available whaling records from St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands, looking specifically at three topics: hunting pressure, or the effects of the whaling operationsonthelocalcetaceanstocks;timetodeath,ortheeffectsofwhalingonindividual whales; and the economics of whaling, or the effects of the whaling operations on the local humansocieties.InthissectionIrelyupondatacollectedthroughavarietyofmeansandover alongtemporalspan.AttheoneextremeishistoricaldatafromtheFaroeIslandsdatingback tothesixteenthcentury.AttheotherisdatathatIcollectedmyselfinbothlocationsduring fieldworkconductedoverthepastfiveyears. HuntingPressure St.Vincent There is no central repository for whaling records in St. Vincent, nor do whalers keep

their own records for very long. The best sources of whaling records are the various studies that have been conducted by academic researchers over the years. This underscores the importanceofresearcherspublishingnotonlytheirresultsandanalyses,buttheirdataaswell (see Appendix G and Appendix H). Beginning with Caldwell and Caldwell in 1971, whose recordsdatebackto1962,itispossibletoreconstructtheannualcatchesofpilotwhalesand dolphinsfromthatyeartothepresent. When a researcher is present in St. Vincent, he or she has access only to the current records and the records dating back a few years. For example, I began my fieldwork in St. 274

Vincentinthesummerof2008atimeatwhichtheextantrecordsdatedbackonlytoJanuary 2007.Thus,whenreconstructingthecatchesfrom1962tothepresent(Figure7.22),oneisleft withgapsinthedata.Gapsthatexistindicateyearsduringwhichtherewerenoresearchers presentinthefield.

600 numberofcetaceanscaught 500 400 300 NoData 200 100 0 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 PilotWhale Dolphin

Figure7.22:CatchstatisticsforGlobicephalamacrorhychus(shortfinnedpilotwhale)andcombinedvarious dolphinspeciesinSt.Vincent,19622009.Annualaverage(pilotwhale)=141.15,(dolphin)=159.29.Totalsnot calculatedbecauseofmissingdata.Sources:CaldwellandCaldwell1971,Price1985,Adams1994,Scott1995, andthefinancialrecordsofSamuelHazelwood.Note:Fortheyears19751977,nodolphincatchdataexists.

ThetotalcatchinSt.Vincent,throughoutitsrecordedhistory,hasalwaysconsistedof

both pilot whales and dolphins. It is important to note that the records for dolphin catches between 1962 and 1974 are based upon estimates provided by the Caldwells (1971; Scott 1995).Basedupontheseestimates,itappearsthat1963wastheyearinwhichthepercentage ofthecatchmadeupofpilotwhaleswasthegreatest(sixtyeightpercent).However,thedata baseduponrecordedcatchesofdolphinsinsteadofestimatesshowsthecatchconsistingofthe greatestpercentageofpilotwhales(sixtysevenpercent)in1983.

275

The most recent year for which complete records are available, 2009, saw the largest

annualcatchofdolphins,564,sincetheavailablerecordsbeganin1962.In2009dolphinsalso madeupthelargestpercentageofthetotalcatch(eightyfourpercent),ascomparedtopilot whales. The general recent trend has been toward dolphins making up an increasing percentageofthetotalcatch(Figure7.23).However,thecatchhasconsistedofgreaterthan fiftypercentdolphinsinallbuteightofthetwentyfivediscontinuousyearsforwhichrecords exist,despiteMitchells(1975,18)assessmentthatpilotwhales(blackfish)formthebulkof thecatch.
100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 1962 1966 1970 1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010

Dolphin PilotWhale

Figure7.23:Percentageofcatch,pilotwhalesanddolphins.19622009.Gapsindicatenodataavailable. Sources:CaldwellandCaldwell1971,Price1985,Adams1994,Scott1995,andthefinancialrecordsofSamuel Hazelwood.

Perhapsoneofthebestmethodsofgaugingthesustainabilityofthewhalingoperation,

intheabsenceofcetaceanpopulationdataistoexaminetheoperationsefficiency,thatis,the sizeofthecatchdividedbytheamountofeffortdefinedasthenumberofboatsinoperation duringagivenyear.Althoughthismethodisimpreciseandinferiortothedatathatcouldbe collected through a sighting survey, it has been used in research with historical (Townsend 276

1931,1935;Ross1974)andcontemporarywhalingrecords(Scott1995)intheabsenceofstock assessments.Thisefficiencydata(Figure7.24)indicatesthatthenumberofpilotwhalescaught per boat has fluctuated less than the number of dolphins caught per boatthe latter figure havingincreaseddramaticallyduringthepasttwodecades.

cetaceanstakenannually,perboat

200 180 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 1960

EciencyofWhalingOperaOon

PilotWhale Dolphin

2000

1970

1980

1990

2010

Figure7.24:Pilotwhalesanddolphinstakenannually,dividedbythenumberofboatsoperatingeachyear. Sources:CaldwellandCaldwell1971,Price1985,Adams1994,Scott1995,andthefinancialrecordsofSamuel Hazelwood.

Previousscholarshaverarelymadedistinctionsamongthevariousspeciesofdolphins

caughtintheirpresentationofwhalingrecords.Itiscommontofindtwotalliesintherecords for cetacean catches in St. Vincent: blackfish, almost always exclusively pilot whales, and porpoise, meaning any species of dolphin (there are no true porpoises in the Caribbean Sea [Ward et al. 2001]). Use of the latter term is almost certainly derived from the Vincentian Creolepapas(avariantofporpoise),usedbywhalersandotherstogenericallysignifycetaceans 277

from a number of dolphin species. In the scientific literature, porpoise usually indicates a cetaceanofanyspeciesexceptGlobicephalamacrorhychus. OccasionallywhalersfromBarrouallietakecetaceansthatareneitherpilotwhalesnor dolphins.DuringthethreeyearsofrecordstowhichIhaveaccess,twelveorcaswerecaught onein2007andelevenin2008.Barroualliewhalerscaughtnoorcasin2009.Theorcaisnot anIWCspeciessothesameprinciplesofmanagementonanationallevelapplytothisspecies astopilotwhalesanddolphins.However,localsourcesinformedmethatSt.Vincentwhalers occasionally take whales of IWC species. In 2000 a Brydes whale (Balaenoptera edeni) was taken(Wardetal.2001)andspermwhalesaretakenveryrarely,perhapsoneeverytenyears. The takes of these IWC whales are in violation of the moratorium and are addressed by the completion of a Report on Infractions (Appendix C) and usually the assessment of a fine againstthewhalers.TheFisheriesDivisionusuallyalsoconfiscatesthecarcasssothatwhalers cannotearnaprofitfromtheseillegaltakes. Duringmyfieldwork,Iwaspresentforthecaptureofseventysixcetaceansbythethree boatsworking;thespeciesmakeupoftheseispresentedbelow(Table7.3).Idonotclaimthat the makeup of the catch that I witnessed is representative of any longterm averages. However, it does provide an idea of a possible species makeup for the portion of the catch simplylabeleddolphinintheabovechartsorporpoiseintheliterature.

278

Table7.3:Speciesmakeupofthedolphinscaughtduringfieldwork,2009.

Species Commonname(Scientificname) Spinnerdolphin(Stenellalongirostris) Atlanticspotteddolphin(Stenellafrontalis) Melonheadedwhale(Peoponocephalaelectra) Dwarfspermwhale(Kogiasima) unknown

PercentageofTotal Catch (JuneJuly2009) 69 24 5 1 1

During June and July 2009, the primary species of dolphin caught was Stenella longirostris, the spinner dolphin. The second most frequently caught species was Stenella frontalis, the Atlantic spotted dolphin. Less often caught were Peoponocephala electra, the melonheadedwhale;Kogiasima,thedwarfspermwhale;andonedolphinthatwasprocessed intomeatandcrispsbeforeIwasabletoidentifyitsspecies. FaroeIslands IfVincentianwhalingrecordsaresparseandofashorttermnature,theFaroeserecords

are exactly the opposite. Spanning over four centuries, the records compiled by Faroese biologistsandhistorianshavebeencalledsurelyoneofthelongestrunsofwhalingstatistics availableanywhereintheworld(Mitchell1975,77).Therecordsdateto1587forpilotwhales (Figure 7.25) and to 1584 for bottlenose whales (Figure 7.26; see discussion in Chapter 6 regarding the disagreement over the identification of the species represented by the earliest record).Recordsforthesetwospeciesareunbrokenfrom1709topresent.Recordsalsoexist from1803forbottlenosedolphins(Figure7.27)andfrom1872forwhitesideddolphins(Figure 7.28).

279

4500 4000 numberofcetaceanscaught 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 1580 1590 1600 1610 1620 1630 1640 1650 1660 1670 1680 1690 1700 1710 1720 1730 1740 1750 1760 1770 1780 1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Figure7.25:CatchstatisticsforGlobicephalamelas(longfinnedpilotwhale)intheFaroeIslands,15872009. Total=258,063.Annualaverage(17092009)=838.32.Source:NationalWhalingStatistics,Froya Nttrugripasavn.

NoData

30 25 20 15 10 5 0 1580 1590 1600 1610 1620 1630 1640 1650 1660 1670 1680 1690 1700 1710 1720 1730 1740 1750 1760 1770 1780 1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010

numberofcetaceanscaught

NoData

Figure7.26:CatchstatisticsforHyperoodonampullatus(northernbottlenosewhale)intheFaroeIslands,1584 2009.Total=748.Annualaverage(17092009)=2.41.Source:NationalWhalingStatistics,Froya Nttrugripasavn.

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Figure7.27:CatchstatisticsforTursiopstruncatus(bottlenosedolphin)intheFaroeIslands,18032009.Total= 1,000.Annualaverage=4.83.Notebrokenyaxisforoutlier.Source:NationalWhalingStatistics,Froya Nttrugripasavn.

800 numberofcetaceanscaught 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 0 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Figure7.28:CatchstatisticsforLagenorhynchusacutus(Atlanticwhitesideddolphin)intheFaroeIslands,1872 2009.Total=9,403.Annualaverage=68.14.Source:NationalWhalingStatistics,FroyaNttrugripasavn.

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Several researchers have examined the longterm cyclical nature of the grindadrp

(Joensen and Zachariassen 1982; Hoydal 1986; Bloch et al. 1990b). Periodicity of the grindadrpisestimatedtooccuratjustoveracentury(JoensenandZachariassen1982;Bloch etal.1990b).Attheendof2009,theoccurrenceofgrindadrpcurrentlyseemedtobeonthe decline,mostnotablyinlocalperceptionbecause2008passedwithoutanypilotwhalesatall. Northern bottlenose whales are not actively driven ashore, as are the other cetacean

speciesintheFaroes,rather,theyoccasionallystrandinsmallgroupsontheislandofSuuroy and are taken for food. Two or three bottlenose whales, on average, strand each year on Suuroy. However, the nineteenth century saw an increase in both the frequency of the strandingsandthenumberofindividualwhalesinvolved. Bottlenose dolphins are often taken by being driven ashore along with a pod of pilot

whales or other dolphins. Most grindadrp do not involve bottlenose dolphins; indeed, very few are taken annually, on average. In 1898, however, over 400 bottlenose dolphins were drivenashoreintwoseparatedrives.Thisyearstandsoutintherecordsofbottlenosedolphin catchesattwoordersofmagnitudegreaterthanthelongtermannualaverage. Finally,drivesofAtlanticwhitesideddolphinshavebeenincreasinginoccurrencesince

thelate1980s.SomeFaroesepreferthetasteofthemeatfromthesedolphinstothatofpilot whale meat. However, owing to their small size, dolphins provide a quantity of meat that is considerablylessthanthatwhichcanbegottenfromanequalnumberofpilotwhales. PilotwhalesformthemainstayoftheartisanalwhalingoperationintheFaroeIslands,

withthethreeothercetaceanspeciesplayingsupplementaryroles(Figure7.29).Sincethelate 1980s, however, these other species have comprised an increasing percentage of the total catch.Periodsofincreasedrelianceuponspeciesotherthanthepilotwhaleare notwithout 282

precedence, however. Other species made up significant percentages of the annual catch throughout the late 1890s, 1900s, and 1920s. The antiquity of the Faroese whaling records servestotemperpotentialworriesaboutthechangingnatureofthecatch.

OtherCetaceansAsPercentageofAnnualCatch
100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Figure7.29:PercentageofannualFaroesecetaceancatchmadeupofspeciesotherthanpilotwhales(i.e. Lagenorhynchusacutus,Hyperoodonampullatus,andTursiopstruncatus),18722009.Source:NationalWhaling Statistics,FroyaNttrugripasavn.

Timetodeath The time that it takes for an animal to die when it is slaughtered is one of the most

widelyusedmeasuresofhumanekillingmethodsformanyanimalspecies(Burt2006;Grandin and Deesing 2008), including whales (IWC 1980; Bowles and Lonsdale 1994; WDCS and HSUS 2003;Kalland2009).Unsurprisinglythen,oneofthemajorcriticismsofwhalingisthatthetime thatittakesforawhaletodieafterfirstbeingstruckbyaharpoonisexcessive.Accordingtoa leadinganimalrightsadvocate,fromanethicalperspective,themostblatantlyinsupportable aspectofwhalingistheslowandpainfuldeathinflicteduponthewhales(Singer1978,9[cited

283

inSanderson1992,2]).Forthepurposeofresearchintothehumanenessofkillingmethods, slowgenerallyequalspainful.Thus,atleastfromthepointofviewofWesternscience,a quicker death is generally seen as a better death (for nonWestern views on proper killing methodsforwhales,seeMarker2006andSakakibara2009). St.Vincent While observing whaling activities in St. Vincent, I measured the timetodeath for twentytwodolphins(seventeenStenellalongirostrisandfiveS.frontalis),takingasastarting pointthefirstharpoonstrike.Determiningtheexacttimeofdeathisdifficultintheconditions of the field, especially given the atmosphere onboard a whaling boatrolling waves; quick movements all around; the occasional need to stop everything and help haul, bail, or pass equipment; and several captured dolphins still alive in the hold of the boat simultaneously. Giventhesedifficulties,Ididnotincludeinmyanalysistimetodeathdataforanydolphinfor whichthetimeofthefirstharpoonstrikeorthetimeofdeathwasuncertain. Of the twentytwo dolphins for which timetodeath was measured (Table 7.4), one

(#22below)diedalmostimmediatelyuponbeingstruckbythefirstharpoon.Thiswasprobably duetotheruptureofavitalorganorthespinalcord,consideringthelocationoftheharpoon strike (dorsal side of the upper thorax). At the other extreme, one unfortunate dolphin (#6 below),afterbeingstruck,remainedalivefortheremainderofthevoyageandwasdispatched onthedockwithaknifebehindtheblowhole.Afterdroppingtheseoutliersfromthedata,the averagetimetodeathwas6minutes,57seconds.Iftheoutliersareincluded,theaverageis9 minutes,34seconds(Figure7.30).

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Table7.4:Timetodeathdatarecordedfor22cetaceanscaughtbySt.Vincentwhalers.

ID# 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

Species Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellafrontalis Stenellafrontalis Stenellafrontalis Stenellafrontalis Stenellafrontalis Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris Stenellalongirostris

Timetodeath (MM:SS) 1:40 3:47 7:38 13:21 16:00 71:17 4:35 8:26 3:20 2:38 8:59 6:55 2:15 7:37 4:18 5:49 9:05 14:47 14:37 1:58 1:23 0:00

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TimetoDeath
10 numberofdolphins 8 6 4 2 0 <2 25 610 1120 >20
Figure7.30:Timetodeathmeasuredfor22dolphinskilledbySt.Vincentwhalersin2009.

Ometodeath(minutes)

While timetodeath is an important datum to researchers, conservationists, and anti

whalingactivists,whalersinSt.Vincentseemtotakenoconsiderationofit.Whilethewhalers are aware of certaintechniques bywhichtheycan killdolphinsand whalesquickly,decisions regarding the application of these techniques seems to be based solely on whether a live dolphinorwhalewillbemoredifficulttotransportthanadeadone.Therealsoappearstobea preference among the vendors for the meat of a cetacean that is delivered alive, or very recentlydead.Thismeatisoftendeemedsuperiortothatofacetaceanthathasdiedearlierin theday.Thispreferencecanhavefinancialimplicationstowhalers:theybelievethattheymay bepaidmorefordolphinsthatarenotkilledimmediatelybutleftalivethroughoutmostofthe daysvoyage.WhilemostcetaceansdielongbeforetheboatreturnstoBarrouallie,thisbelief canofteninfluencethewhalerstoavoidintentionallykillingthecetaceanssothattheirmeat mightbeasfreshaspossibleuponarrivalforwholesale. FaroeIslands

286

ComparedtoVincentianwhaling,theFaroesegrindadrpismorecomplicated,thatis, therearemorestepsintheprocessofkillingthewhalesandmoreindividualwhalesbeingkilled at once. Within published scholarship, two methods of measuring timetodeath have been usedintheFaroesecontext.Thefirstistomeasurethedurationoftheentiregrindadrpfrom thekillingofthefirstwhaletothekillingofthelast.Thismethodisbaseduponthewhalepod asafundamentalunit.Thesecondmethodistomeasurethetimetodeathforeachwhale;the fundamentalunitinthiscaseistheindividualcetacean. Blochandcollegues(1990a),followingthefirstmethod,presentdatarecordedatfoty threegrindadrpoveratwoyearperiodfromJuly1986toJuly1988.Includedinthesedataare records for each grindadrp of the number of whales killed, the number of people involved (bothonshoreandinboats),andthetotalelapsedtimefromthekillingofthefirstwhaletothe killingofthelast.Thesedataaremoreusefulindeterminingtrendsoftimetodeaththanare the various anecdotal accounts of single grindadrp witnessed by observers from environmentalorganizations(e.g.Glover1981;Gibsonetal.1987;BowlesandLonsdale1994). TheaveragenumberofwhaleskilledinagrindadrpaccordingtoBlochsdatasetis84.6 (Blochetal.1990a).Thisislessthanthelongterm(15872009)averageof136.9whalesper grindadrp.Theaveragetimefromthekillingofthefirstwhaletothekillingofthelastis28.4 minutes (after correcting an arithmetic error in the original). The average timetodeath per whaleiscalculatedat29.5seconds.Thisrepresentsonlyatheoreticalaveragebasedupona divisionofthetotalamountoftimetakentokillallthewhalesbythenumberofwhaleskilled; inrealitymanywhalesarekilledsimultaneouslybydifferentteamsofwhalers. FromBlochsdataset(1990a)thereappearstobenoconnectionbetweentheduration of the grindadrp and the number of whales killed (Figure 7.31) or the number of whalers 287

participating (Figure 7.32). The grindadrp that took the longest to complete (2.5 hours) involved 139 whalesmore than the average for Blochs dataset but far from the maximum. Indeed,thelargestgrindadrp,intermsofthenumberofwhales(225),tookonly35minutesto completethekilling.
160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 0 50 100 150 200 250
Figure7.31:Numberofwhaleskilledineachgrindadrpplottedagainstdurationofthegrindadrp.Eachcircle representsonegrindadrp.Source:Blochetal.1990a.

totalOme(minutes)

numberofwhales

70 totalOme(minutes) 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 100 200 300 400 500

Figure7.32:Numberofpeopleinvolvedineachgrindadrpplottedagainstdurationofthegrindadrp.Each circlerepresentsonegrindadrp.Source:Blochetal.1990a.

peopleonshore

TheonlyvariablewithinBlochsdatasetthatmayhaveaneffectonthedurationofthe grindadrpistheratioofpeopletowhales.Evenwiththeinterferenceoftwooutliers,Blochs

288

recordsdoshowadecreaseinthetotaltimeofthegrindadrpastheratioofmentowhales moves from 1:2 to 4:1 (Figure 7.33). This trend points to the value of collaboration and communality and supports the view that grindadrp are indeed community events that rely upontheworkofmanywhalersjoiningtogether.
160 140 totalOme(minutes) 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5
Figure7.33:Ratioofpeopletowhalesinvolvedineachgrindadrpplottedagainstdurationofthegrindadrp. Eachcirclerepresentsonegrindadrp.Source:Blochetal.1990a.

people:whalesraOo

Jstines Olsen (1999), the Faroese veterinarian and inventor of the mnustingari, or

spinal cord knife, has examined both the duration of entire grindadrp and timetodeath of individualwhales.Olsenmeasuredtimestodeathfor251individualpilotwhaleskilledinforty seven grindadrp occurring between 1995 and 1998. He divided his timetodeath data into twophases.Thefirstphasebeginsatthemomentthewhaleissecuredwiththehookandends with the first incision by the grindaknvur. The second phase begins with the grindaknvur incisionandendswhenthewhale,havinghaditsspinalcordseveredandthebloodsupplytoits braininterrupted,isdead,asevidencedbyimmediateandviolentmusclespasms,followedby totalparalysis(Olsen1999,8). 289

The way in which these two stages are used to determine total timetodeath has fosteredsomecriticismofOlsensmethods.Distinguishingbaseduponwhichstyleofhookhad beenused,Olsen(1999,8)statedregardinghismethodthat [w]henthetraditionalwhalinghook[thesharphook,orsknarongul]isusedto secure the whale, the total timetodeath is the sum of the first and second phases.Whentheblowholehook[blstrarongul]isused,thetotaltimetodeath is the second phase only... as the whales are not wounded with the blowhole hook. AccordingtoabookletpublishedjointlybytheWhaleandDolphinConservationSociety

andtheHumaneSocietyoftheUnitedStates(2003),criticalofOlsensmethodology, Thenewgaff[blstrarongul]causesnoexternalbleedingandconsequently,asit is presumed no wounding results from the insertion of this device into the blowhole,huntersmaynotcountthisasthestartingpointformeasuringTime todeath.However,thebluntendedgaffmaycauseinternalwounding,suchas damaging the complex organs and tissue that lie below the blowhole (a particularly sensitive region in cetaceans) and burst blood vessels. It may also preventthewhalefrombreathingproperly. Nevertheless, Olsen maintains that the timetodeath should not begin with the

application of the blstrarongul. Inside the blowhole, according to Olsen (1999, 5), the blubber is very tough and fibrous and will withstand considerable pressure. Noting this disagreementoverOlsensmethods,butlackingadatasetthatissuperiorandunproblematic,I present the calculations of measured timestodeath following Olsens method of differentiationaccordingtotheuseoftheblstrarongulorsknarongulseparately(Table7.5).

290

Table7.5:Timetodeath,inseconds,of251pilotwhales(199securedwiththesknaronguland52secured withtheblstrarongul),measuredasdescribedabove.Source:Olsen1999. Minimum Maximum Average Minimum Maximum Average Stage1 (sknarongul) 0.0 132.0 29.3 Stage1 (blstrarongul) 3.0 90.0 20.1 Stage2 (knife) 6.0 211.0 29.2 Stage2 (knife) 3.5 195.0 36.1 Total 6.0 211.0 29.2 Total 8.0 290 65.4

SecondIpresentOlsensresultsonthedurationofeachofthefortysevengrindadrp occurring during his study period, combined with the duration of each of the fortythree grindadrpfromBlochandcolleagues(1990a)studyperiod(Figure7.34).

DuraOonofGrindadrp
numberofgrindadrp 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 210 1120 2130 3140 4150 5160 61+
Figure7.34:Durationof43grindadrpoccurringbetween1986and1988(Bloch)andfortysevengrindadrp occurringbetween1995and1998(Olsen).Durationisdefinedasthetimeelapsedfromthewhenthekilling ofthefirstwhalebeginstowhenthekillingofthelastwhaleiscomplete.Totalnumberofgrindadrpincluded inthiscomparisonisninety.Sources:Blochetal.1990a;Olsen1999.

Bloch Olsen Total

duraOon(minutes)

By analyzing the combined data from these two studies, we find that the largest percentage (forty percent) of grindadrp were completed in ten minutes or less. The vast majority(seventysevenpercent)lastedlessthan20minutes.Onlyninepercentlastedlonger than30minutes. 291

EconomicAnalysis Inbothlocations,whalingisaneconomicactivity.ThisisperhapsmoreobviousinSt.

Vincent, where certain men and women specialize as whalers and vendors, make initial investments in training and equipment, and conduct their business for profit. In the Faroe Islands, the economic value of whaling is not as clear because it does not usually involve monetarytransactionsorprofessionalwhalersandvendors.However,asaguidepublishedby theFaroesePrimeMinistersOfficepointsout,theeconomicvalueofpilotwhalesismeasured against the economic value and environmental costs of importing the same amount of food (Lgmansskrivstovan2002,13).Thissectionpresentsresultsfromananalysisoftheeconomics ofwhaling,inSt.VincentandtheFaroeIslands. The section on St. Vincent focuses primarily upon the monetary value of whaling to thoseengagedintheoccupationaswhalersandvendors.Itdrawsheavilyupontherecordsof Samuel Hazelwood. In the Faroe Islands, since the abandonment of the grindadrp is a real possibility,giventheadviceofthetophealthofficials(WeiheandJoensen2008),thesectionon Faroese whaling economics focuses primarily upon the economic and environmental costs of replacingwhalingwithinlocalfoodproductionstrategies. St.Vincent WhalinginSt.Vincentisasixorsevendayperweekventure.TheboatwithwhichI

was most closely associated during my fieldwork, Samuel Hazelwoods Sea Hunter, generally sails every day except Sunday. To spend a day whaling is to make a considerable initial investment. The average daily cost of operating the boat is EC$190.49 (US$70.95). This amount is almost entirely made up of the cost for fuel and oil but there are several indirect 292

coststhatarenotincludedsuchaswearandtearontheboatandequipment,lostordamaged harpoons, food, and opportunity cost, that is, lost earnings on other work that was not done because the crew chose to go whaling. A day with no catch is a day with no income. Even somedayswithacatchprovidenonetincomebecausethewholesalepriceofthecatchdoes not cover the expense of fuel. Occasionally the whalers will catch enough fish with their handlinestomakeupforadayinwhichnocetaceanswerecaught,butthesedaysarerare. During the threeyear period from January 2007 through December 2009 (1,096 days)

forwhichmyrecordscover,theSeaHuntersailedon693days.Therewere360days(fiftytwo percent)onwhichatleastonecetaceanwascaught.However,thisisnoguaranteeofaprofit. Particularlyifthecatchismadeuponlyofafewsmalldolphins,thenetresultoftheincome fromthesaleofthecatchandthecostofthefuelmaynotbepositive.Ofthe360catchdays (meaningdaysonwhichatleastonecetaceanwascaught)withinmyrecords,theboatmadea profiton249days(sixtyninepercent).Theboatoperatedatalosson49ofthesecatchdays (thirteenpercent)andbrokeevenon64days(eighteenpercent).Whenoneconsidersallthe dayswhentheboatsailed,whetheracatchwasmadeornot,coincidentallythereareexactly the same number of days when the boat operated at a loss as when it earned a profit (314 days,fortyfivepercenteach).On65days(tenpercent)theboatbrokeeven(Table7.6).
Table7.6:Whalingdays,byprofitabilityandrecordofatleastonecetaceancatch,20072009(n=693).

Catch NoCatch Total

Profit 248days(69%) 66days(20%) 314days(45%)

Loss 48days(13%) 266days(80%) 314days(45%)

Even 64days(18%) 1day(<1%) 65days(10%)

Total 360days(52%) 333days(48%) 693days(100%)

Although the number of days on which the whaling boat earned a profit and the numberofdaysonwhichitoperatedatalossareequal,themarginsofprofitsandlossesare 293

not.Theaveragedailyprofitonwhalingdaysforthe20072009periodwasEC$948(US$353) and the average daily loss was EC$231 (US$86). Viewed over the course of the threeyear recordperiod,bymonth,itisclearthatthebusinessofwhalingisprofitableinthelongterm (Figure7.35).Onlyonemonthineachtwelvemonthperiodshowsaloss.
20000 15000 netincome(EC$) 10000 5000 0 5000 10000

JFMAMJJASOND

JFMAMJJASOND

JFMAMJJASOND

200720082009

Figure7.35:Netprofitorloss,bymonth,inEasternCaribbeanDollars(EC$)forthewhalingboat,SeaHunter. Source:FinancialRecordsofSamuelHazelwood.

Basedupontheextrapolationformulaofmultiplyingtheavailablerecordsby1.5,Ican

estimatefromSamuelHazelwoodsrecordsthattheentirepilotwhalingindustryinSt.Vincent earns between EC$75,000 (US$27,933) and EC$160,000 (US$59,590) per year, wholesale (Figure7.36). Afterthevendorshaveprocessedthecatchintofoodproducts,norecordsarekeptof thesales,expenditures,orotherfinancialdatainvolved.NigelScott(1995)estimatesthatthe vendorsearnmorethanthewhalers,baseduponthestyleandfurnishingsofthehousesthat theyareabletoafford.Heacknowledges,though,thatitisextremelydifficulttoestimatethe earningsofblackfishvendorsowingtothelackoffinancialrecordsavailable(Scott1995,76).

294

PerhapsafutureethnographicstudyoftheartisanalwhalingoperationatBarroualliecanfocus uponthevendorsandtheeconomicsoftheirlivelihoods.

WholesaleEarningsofArOsanalWhaling OperaOon
200000 ValueinEC$ 150000 100000 50000 0 2007 2008 2009
Figure7.36:TotalannualwholesaleincomeoftheartisanalwhalingoperationinSt.Vincent,ascalculatedfrom thefinancialrecordsofSamuelHazelwood.

FaroeIslands In2002,thegrindadrpwasfoundtosupplythirtypercentofthemeatproducedlocallyinthe Faroe Islands (Lgmansskrivstovan 2002). When one considers the possible cessation of the grindadrpduetotheincreasedtoxicityofthewhalemeatandblubberandthegapthatits absence would leave in the Faroese food supply, one must consider environmental and economiccostsoffillingthatgap. Several alternative methods of food production and/or acquisition are currently being discussedintheFaroeIslands.Amongthesethemostprominentincurrentdiscoursearean increaseofimports,anintensificationoflocalfoodproduction,andtheshiftingofsomeofthe fishthatiscurrentlyexportedtoavailabilityforlocalconsumption.

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First, regarding imports, the major country trading with the Faroe Islands is Denmark. Although Denmark and the Faroe Islands are not actually separate states, Hagstova Froya theFaroesegovernmentalstatisticsbureautreatstradewithDenmarkjustliketradewithany otherforeigncountry.In2009,theFaroeIslandsimportedoverDKK1.5billion(US$262million) worthofgoodsfromDenmark(HagstovaFroya2010).Thisamountrepresents31.7percentof theentirevalueofallimportstotheFaroeIslands.Inadditiontoimportingfromseveralother European nations, the Faroe Islands also have longdistance trade partners, often importing meatespeciallylambfromasfarawayasNewZealand(Brandt1996). Asthecostsoffoodandfuelincrease,theseimportcostswillcertainlyincreaseaswell eveniftheamountoffoodimportedremainsconstant.IftheFaroeIslandsweretoincrease theirimportstofillthegapleftbythecessationofthegrindadrp,theywouldalsoincurhigher costfortransportationandwouldbecontributing,throughtheincreaseduseoffossilfuels,to thesamesourcesofmarinepollutionthatwouldhaveledthemtoabandonthegrindadrpin thefirstplace. Second,withregardstolocalfoodproduction,twoFaroeseindustriespresentthemost potential:theancienttraditionsofsheepraisingandhaying,establishedintheFaroeIslands sincethetimeofthefirstNorsesettlement(Joensen1999;AdderlyandSimpson2005),andthe relativelynewefforttowardaquaculture(FaroeIslands2008). When the Norse arrived in the Faroe Islands during the ninth century, they brought primarilysheep,butalsosomecattle,andestablishedEuropeangrazingmanagementpractices (Thomsonetal.2005).Theirlimitednumbersandexperienceworkinginnorthernsettingsled toasystemthatdidnotexceedthelandscapacity(Edwards2005b).However,populationhas increaseddramaticallysincethetimeofNorsesettlement.Aspopulationincreased,sodidthe 296

intensity of farming, well into the nineteenth century. In 1865, farming (primarily livestock raising) was the main occupation in the Faroe Islands, employing some sixtyeight percent of theworkforce.In1996,farmingemployedonlytwopercentoftheworkforce,withcommercial tradesandservicesmakingupthelargestsectoroftheeconomy(Guttesen1996a). LivestockmanagementremainsaimportantindustryintheFaroeIslands,primarilythe raisingofsheepforwoolandmeat.However,althoughsheepstillgreatlyoutnumberhuman inhabitants,theirimportancetotheFaroeseeconomyisindecline.AccordingtoBrandt(1996), mutton and lamb imported from Iceland and New Zealand supplement local production, but culturalpreferencesallowlocallyraisedmeattosellforamuchhigherprice.Brandt(1996)also suggested that the Faroe Islands could support a larger sheep industry but that cultural acceptance of a shift from traditionally pastoral to industrial sheeprearing would need to happenfirst. If the Faroese are to use their land resources to replace the meat lost by a potential closure of the grindadrp, they will have to reassert livestock as a major industry while maintaining the sustainable practices with which Faroese farming was begun by the original Norsesettlers.Brandt(1996)hassuggestedthatthecurrentpatternoflandtenure,whichhas ledtoascatteringoftiny,irregularlyshapedparcelsthatareincompatiblewithmodernfarm machinery, needs to be reformed. Whether the society will accept these changes, and the associatedmodificationsthattheywouldproduceintheFaroeselandscape,isyettobeseen. Anotherindustrythatmayprovideanincreasingamountoffoodforlocalconsumption intheFaroeIslandsisaquaculture(FaroeIslands2008).AquaculturefirstbeganintheFaroe Islandsin1966(FiskaalingP/F2010)andincreasedinintensitythroughoutthe1990s(Hagstova Froya 2010). The major species being raised are Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar) and rainbow 297

trout(Oncorhynchusmykiss).Fisheriesscientistsarecurrentlyexperimentingwithmethodsof raisingAtlanticcod(Gadusmorhua)incaptivityaswell. Followingaprecipitousdeclinebeginningin2003,theFaroeseaquacultureindustryhas increasedtonearitshighesthistoricallevelofproduction(Figure7.37).The20032006decline was due in part to economic factors surrounding the industrys management procedures (Zdonko2004)andalsototheescapeofhundredsofthousandsoffishduringstorms,anall toocommon occurrence among aquaculture operations in the North Atlantic (Hansen et al. 1999; Walker et al. 2006). While the economic principles behind aquaculture management haveundergonereview(FaroeIslands2008),therestillremainnoregulationsforpreventingor mitigatingfutureescapes(Nayloretal.2005).

FaroeIslandsAquaculture
45 40 35 tons(x1000) 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009
Figure7.37:ProductionofAtlanticsalmonandrainbowtroutinFaroeseaquaculture,19962009.Source: HagstovaFroya2010.

Salmon Trout

Third, there is the option to divert some of the commercial fisheries catch from the export market to the local market. Some fish and sea mammals show much higher levels of MeHg and other contaminants than do other species. Pl Weihe of the Faroese Hospital 298

SystemstatesthatthedifferenceinMeHgconcentrationbetweencodandpilotwhalemeatis such that, for every portion of whale you could eat 100 portions of cod (personal communication). He advocates replacing whale meat in the Faroese diet with fish caught by theFaroesefishingfleet. In2009theFaroeIslandsexportedoverDKK3.6billion(US$603million)offish,which comprisedovereightyninepercentofthevalueofallFaroeseexports(HagstovaFroya2010). Perhaps some of these exports could be kept at home for local consumption. A shift from foreigntolocalmarketsforaportionoftheFaroesefishcatchwouldprovidelocallyproduced foodthatishighinproteinandfattyacids(asarecetaceanmeatandblubber)butlowinMeHg and other contaminants, and would not incur the environmental or economic cost of transportingtheproductsfromEuropeorbeyond.Norwouldthelimitedamountofavailable land be taxed by intensified usage in the farming and livestock industries. The Faroese economywouldbeaffectedbythelossofaportionofforeigntradeandexportpower,butif the fish were sold in Faroese markets, the local economy would also be stimulated by the additionofacashcommodityinplaceofanoncommercialmeatsource.Theeconomicimpact wouldthenbetransferredtotheindividualswhobuythefishinplaceofthewhalemeatthat theyhadformerlyreceivedatnocost. SpatialAnalysis St.Vincent The goal of applying spatial analysis methods to the research in St. Vincent is to

determine where whales and dolphins are most frequently sighted and caught, the areal distribution of whaling efficiency, and the role of the physical oceanographic environment in whaling.UsingacombinationofGPSdatathatIcollectedwhileaboardthewhalingboatsand 299

publicly available GIS bathymetry data, I present the following spatial analysis of Vincentian whalingactivities. Figure7.38presentsabasicchartdepictingthesightinglocationsofsevenspeciesthat

arehuntedbyVincentianwhalers,aswellasthelocationsofdolphinswhosespeciescouldnot beidentified.Thereisnospatialpatterntospeciessightingsevidentfromthischart. Figure7.39doesnotaddressthespeciesofsightedcetaceans,rathertheirspatiality.I

overlaidagridlayerwithsquarescovering0.05degree2totheareaoftheoceaninwhichall chartedwhalingcoursestookplace.Thissizewaschosenbecauseitallowedforarealanalysis appropriatetothesizeofthedataset.Fromthischartitisevidentthatcertainareasarethe locationofconsiderablymoresightingsthanothers. Figure 7.40 expands upon this information by quantifying the percentage of whaling coursestakingplacewithineachunitareaofthegrid.Thispercentageisrepresentedbyshade. Thepercentageofcetaceansightingsoccurringineachsquareisrepresentednumerically. Figure 7.41 completes the analysis of whaling efficiency by quantifying the calculated efficiencyforeachunitareaofthegrid.Thisvalueisobtainedbydividingthepercentageof cetacean sightings in each unit by the percentage of whaling courses recorded in that unit. Analysis of this chart reveals that some heavily traveled units are quite inefficient, especially towardthecenterofthemostoftenwhaledarea.Anoptimalstrategyforthewhalerswould betoconcentratetheireffortsinareaswherewhalingefficiencyishighest. Figure 7.42 introduces bathymetric data to examine the influence of the physical environmentontheefficiencyofwhalingincertainareasoffthecoastofSt.Vincent.

300

 Figure7.38:Locationsofcetaceansightings.Onlyspeciesthatarehuntedhavebeenmarked.Inmostcases,a largepodwassighted,ratherthanasolitaryanimal.

301

 Figure7.39:Whalingcoursesanddensityofcetaceansightings,usingagridwithareasof0.05decimaldegree .
2

302

 Figure7.40:Percentageofwhalingvoyagesandpercentageofcetaceansightingsinagridwithboxesmeasuring 2 0.05decimaldegree .

303

 Figure7.41:Efficiencyofwhalingeffortperunitarea.Darkergridunitsrepresentareasofmoreefficient whaling.Onlyunitsinwhichcetaceansweresightedareshaded.

304

 Figure7.42:OceanbathymetrydatawithwhalingGPSdataoverlaid.

St.VincentandSt.Luciaarebothrelativelylargeislands,partofthesamevolcanicarc.

Between these islands lies a relatively shallow (generally less than 600 meters [1969 feet]) channelknownastheSt.VincentPassage.Thecurrentswithinthepassage,whicharestrong andalmostalwaysflowfromtheeast,formlargeeddiesontheleewardsideoftheislands cyclonictothesouthofthepassageandanticyclonictothenorth(Heburnetal.1982).Ingham andMahnken(1966)foundtheseeddiestobeareasofhighprimaryproductivityasevidenced by high concentrations of plankton and the presence of many fish and seabirds. Vincentian whalersoftenlookforseabirdsasindicatorsofwherecetaceansmightbefound.Theeddies

305

thatformwhenthewaterthatwasforcedthroughthenarrowSt.VincentPassageisrelievedof itspressureareoftenwherespeciesofmanytrophiclevelsfromplanktontowhalescanbe found. However, these eddies also produce turbulent seas and the whalers will often direct theireffortsinareasmorefullywithintheleeofSt.Vincentnotonlyforsafetybutbecauseit canbeverydifficulttoaimtheharpoonguninheavyseas. TotheleewardsideofSt.Vincent,theunderseatopographydeclinesverysteeplyinto

theGrenadaBasin.Within30kilometers[18.6miles]fromthewestcoastoftheisland,whalers findthemselvesinwaterover3,000meters(9,843feet)deep.Iftheproductive,yetturbulent watersoftheSt.VincentPassageandtheeddiesthatitproducesaretooroughforthewhalers tohuntsafelyandeffectively,theywilloftenheadforthedeep,calmwatersdirectlywestof Barrouallie. Duringmyparticipatoryfieldwork,Irecordedthelocationsoffortycetaceansightings.

Mostofthesesightingsinvolvedlargepodsratherthansolitarydolphinsorwhales.Withinthe GIS, it is possible to determine the exact depth of the water at the location of each sighting, representedbythecirclesonthechartabove.Whilethecetaceansthemselveswereallcaught atthesurface,thedepthofthewaterisvitaltotheirmovementpatternsbecauseitstrongly influencestheconcentrationsofthefishandsquiduponwhichthecetaceansprey. As Figure 7.43 shows, the majority of cetacean sightings took place in water that was between 2,000 and 2,500 meters (6,5628,202 feet) in depth. The average depth of all the points where cetaceans were sighted is 1,828.45 meters (5,999 feet). Although, the one recordedforayintotheshallower,moreturbidwatersoftheSt.VincentPassagedidresultin the sighting of two pods of cetaceansone of dolphins and one of pilot whalesin waters between500and600meters(1,6401,968feet)deep. 306

OceanDepthsatSighOngLocaOons
18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 numberofcetaceans

oceandepth(meters)
Figure7.43:Numberofcetaceanssightedinlocationsofvariousdepths(n=40).

Whenweconsiderthemethodusedtorecordthecetaceansightingsthemarkingof

waypoints from a boatbased GPSthe question of accuracy arises. At times, I marked the locationofapodthatwasstillmanymetersfromtheboat,dolphinsorwhalesthatthewhalers pursuedbutneverapproachedcloselyenoughtoattempttoharpoon.Atothertimes,Imarked thepodslocationwhenhundredsofdolphinswereliterallysurroundingtheboat.Becauseof the discrepancies in the locations of the subjects being georeferenced, and to avoid the interference of small aberrations in the general undersea topography, it is appropriate to examine not only the point locations where cetaceans were sighted but also the bathymetric conditionsinthegeneralvicinitiesofthesightings.Forthis,wereturntothe0.5degree2grid used above to analyze whaling efficiency (Figure 7.44). By calculating the average depth of each grid unit in which cetaceans were sighted, we obtain a more general idea of the bathymetricconditionsoftheplacesthatthesewhalesanddolphinsinhabit(Figure7.45).

307

 Figure7.44:Oceanbathymetrydatagridanalysisofcetaceansightingsoverlaid.Gridunitsinwhichatleastone cetaceansightingoccurredaremarked.LetterscorrespondtodatapresentedinFigure7.45.

308

ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQR 0
500 Depth(meters) 1000 3 1500 2000 2500 3000 1 1 1 1 2 3 6 6 2 2 2

2 3

4 2

Figure7.45:Averagedepthwithineachgridsectionwhereatleastonecetaceansightingoccurred.Letters correspondwiththemarkedgridunitsinFigure7.44.Columnlengthindicatesdepth,inmeters;numbersbelow columnsindicatenumberofsightingsineachgridunit.

309

Theresultsfromthegridanalysisofsightinglocationscorroboratetheresultsfromthe pointanalysis,withmostsuccessfulgridunitshavingaveragedepthsbetween2,000and2,500 meters(6,5628,202feet)(Figure7.46).Theaverageoftheaveragedepthsforsuccessfulgrid unitsis1,946.77meters(6,387feet),afigureabout6.5percentdeeperthantheaveragefound inthepointanalysis.

AverageOceanDepthsofSuccessulGrid Units
numberofgridsquares 8 6 4 2 0

averagedepth(meters)
Figure7.46:Numberofsuccessfulgridunitswithvariousaveragedepths(n=18).

Taken together, these data indicate a preference for deep and/or turbulent water amongcetaceansofthevariousspecieshuntedbyVincentianwhalers.Thispreferenceisfirmly linkedtothepresenceofthefishandsquiduponwhichthecetaceansprey.Thelocationofthe squid and fish, in turn, is linked to their prey, and so on. Thus, the areas of highest primary productivity, as identified by Ingham and Mahnken (1966), also represent the areas in which whalingeffortsfindtheirhighestdegreeofproductivity. 310

FaroeIslands ThegoalofapplyingspatialanalysismethodstotheresearchintheFaroeIslandsisto

testthehypothesisthatthephysicalstructureofabeachisthekeyfactortoitsselectionasan approved hvalvgir, or whale bay. The specific physical features of interest are the beachs slope(m)andsmoothness(r2).ThefollowingfourdatapointsarepresentedbelowinTable7.7 forapprovedhvalvgirandinTable7.8fornonapprovedbeaches:m1(slopeofthebeachon land), m2 (slope of the beach underwater), r21 (smoothness of the beach on land), and r22 (smoothnessofthebeachunderwater).
Table7.7:Approvedwhalingbayswithdatafromcoastalsurveys.m1=slopebeforewaterline(landward),r 1= 2 variancebeforewaterline,m2=slopeafterwaterline(seaward),r 2=varianceafterwaterline.
2

Beach Bur Fmjin Fuglafjrur Gta,north Gta,south Hsavk Hvalba Hvalvk Hvannasund Klaksvk Leynar Midvgur ravk Sandavgur Sandur Tjrnuvk Trshavn Vestmanna

m1

r21

m2

r22

0.1416 0.80072 0.0754 0.60406 0.0547 0.88159 0.0192 0.109 0.4886 0.9306 0.0531 0.45725 0.0474 0.85816 0.0712 0.61012 0.001 0.00947 0.0315 0.55334 0.0185 0.6987 0.1161 0.78993 0.0456 0.31273 0.0214 0.0021 0.0348 0.72434 0.0239 0.15738 0.0223 0.5891 0.0606 0.71251

0.1112 0.87151 0.0259 0.43391 0.0017 0.0067 0.0667 0.0694

0.0183 0.36721 0.0047 0.01772 0.0414 0.87891 0.0551 0.56948 0.352 0.67188 0.0151 0.90987 0.0261 0.83429 0.0459 0.93798 0.0602 0.77699 0.0262 0.47352 0.0509 0.22127 0.0023 0.06442 0.013 0.8927 0.0357 0.88497 311

Table7.8:Baysnotapprovedforwhalingwithdatafromcoastalsurveys.m1=slopebeforewaterline 2 2 (landward),r 1=variancebeforewaterline,m2=slopeafterwaterline(seaward),r 2=varianceafterwaterline.

Beach Arnafjrur Boroyarvk Dalvik Haraldsund Hosvk Kaldbak Lambi Saksun Sandvk Srvgur Sumba

m1 0.068 0.1973 0.1818 0.1447 0.0806 0.0875 0.0889 0.0091 0.0288 0.0001 0.1553

r21 0.6316

m2

r22

0.79822 0.0696 0.8704 0.1377 0.56002 0.90392 0.1244 0.87046 0.84765 0.0777 0.9629 0.93926 0.0161 0.05907 0.91733 0.0463 0.85081 0.96706 0.0647 0.58429 0.1103 0.0718 0.0004 0.0313 0.6498 0.0349 1 0.0098 0.78121

0.96835 0.1017 0.96734

Theidealbeach,baseduponpreviousliterature,shouldbeverysmoothwithagradual

slope.Inthetrendlinedatasetsabove,thesecharacteristicswouldberepresentedbyanm value closely approaching zero and an r2value closely approaching 1. The values from the tablesareplottedbelowinFigure7.47andFigure7.48. Onthegraphsbelow,thebestbeachesforwhalingshouldbeclusteredtowardthe(0,1)

point(indicatedoneachgraphbyastar).Fortheonshoreportionofthebeaches,itappears fromthegraphinFigure7.48thattheapprovedbeachesareindeedclusteredtowardtheideal coordinates and that the nonapproved beaches are further from this ideal. The underwater portionislessdefinite,withbothapprovedandnonapprovedbeachesclusteringnearthe(0,1) coordinate,aswellasseveraloutliersofbothbeachtypes.

312

Slopevs.SmoothnessonLand
1.2 1 Variance(r21) 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0 0.25 0.2 0.15 0.1 Slope(m1) 0.05 0 0.05

Approved NonApproved

Figure7.47:Plotofvaluesforslopeandvarianceoftheonshoreportionofallmeasuredbeaches.

Slopevs.SmoothnessUnderwater
1.2 1 Variance(r21) 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0 0.4 0.35 0.3 0.25 0.2 0.15 0.1 0.05 0 0.05
Figure7.48:Plotofvaluesforslopeandvarianceoftheunderwaterportionofallmeasuredbeaches.

Approved NonApproved

Slope(m1)

313

Becausethedatacannotbeintuitivelydistinguished,Iturntostatisticaltestingmethods

todeterminewhetherthereisastatisticallysignificantdifferenceinacomparisonoftheslopes andsmoothnessvaluesofapprovedandnonapprovedbeaches.Usingthenullhypothesisthat there is no difference between the measured values of approved beaches and those of non approvedbeaches,IconductedatwosamplettestandaWilcoxonranksumtesttotestthe null hypothesis that, there is no significant difference in slope and smoothness between approvedandnonapprovedbeaches.Thepvaluesthatresultedfromthesetestsaregiven below(Table7.9).
Table7.9:Thepvaluesfortwotestsofthenullhypothesis.

m1 m2 r21 r22

ttest 0.1009 0.4891 0.2016 0.0411

ranksumtest 0.1015 0.0613 0.0922 0.0836

According to both tests, the onshore slopes (m1) do differ significantly between

approvedandnonapprovedbeaches.Thesignificanceofthedifferencebetweenunderwater slopes (m2) is less certain. The differences in the measurements of smoothness underwater (r22) are not significant, while the differences in the smoothness onshore (r21) are marginally significant. Of the four beach measurements, two differ in marginally significant ways, one differssignificantly,andonedoesnotdiffersignificantly.Inall,itisreasonabletoprovisionally rejectthenullhypothesis,andtoconcludethatthephysicalstructureofthebeaches,defined hereastheslopeandsmoothness,bothonshoreandunderwater,doesplayarolealthough notamajoroneintheclassificationofapprovedandnonapprovedwhalingbays.

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CHAPTER8:COMPARISONSANDCONCLUSION This chapter presents a final analysis and comparison between the artisanal whaling operations in St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands. The broad criteria through which this comparison is made are the three themes of this dissertation: culture, conflict, and conservation.Thechapterconcludesbyaddressingtheresearchquestionsdirectly:Whydoes AtlanticartisanalwhalingoccurtodayonlyintheFaroeIslandsandSt.Vincent?Andhowhave the Vincentian and Faroese whalers managed to maintain sustainable take levels, based primarilyuponculturallyembeddedconservationstrategies? Culture The cultures of St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands are influential in the continuation of

artisanalwhaling.Whalingbecameimportanttotheculturesinitiallybecauseofitsprovision for the subsistence needs of the people. This basic and very real connection to whaling continuestoday,asevidencedbythedailywhalingvoyagesandsalesofcetaceanproductsin St.Vincent,andtheeverpresentpossibilitythatagrindadrpcouldoccuronanygivendayin theFaroeIslands. Througheconomicsystems,whalingalsocametoprovideawayoflifeforsomepeople andthroughsystemsofreligionandotherinteractionswiththesupernatural,whalinghascome tomaintainasymbolicposition,inadditiontoitspracticalprovisionoffoodproducts.Eachof thesespecialrolesofwhalingwillbeexaminedbelow. WhalingandPersonalReward IntheFaroeIslandsandSt.Vincent,whalingprovidesanopportunitybothforpersonal reward and for acts of generosity. The anthropologist Jonathan Wylie (1993) describes 315

situationsintheFaroeIslandsandDominica,aCaribbeanislandnearSt.Vincent,thatresultin animmediateabundanceoffoodascrisesofglut.Howthesecrisesarehandledisbased ontheformsandtraditionsofthelocalculture. In St. Vincent, a whale brings immediate cash reward to the boat owner and his crew but also provides food for the community. When whales are butchered, the blubber is promptlycutintosmallcubesandfriedtoproducecrisps,afavoritesnackthatisusuallygiven awaytopeoplewhohavequeuednearthecookingfacilityawaitingtheirhandout.IntheFaroe Islands,whalemeatandblubberaredistributedamongthehouseholdsofthedistrictinwhich the grindadrp took place. In both contexts, people in the local communities who have not participatedinwhalingactivitiesarerecipientsofproceedsfromtheeffortsofthosewhohave. Thissituationservestoreinforcethestatusandpopularityofthewhalersandalsoengenders goodcommunityrelations,socialactivity,andfeelingsofmutualdependence. Thewhalersarealsorewardedwithaperiodofrestandrelaxationafteralargecatch. InthevillageofSoufrireonSt.Lucia,whereartisanalfishermenoccasionallytakepilotwhales andothercetaceansopportunistically,Ispoketoa48yearoldfishermanwhohadharpooneda large pilot whale the previous day. He had sold the whale to a local vendor for EC$9,000 (US$3,564).Thewhalertoldmethatthewindfallhadallowedhimtospendthenextweekto two weeks on vacationan aspect of labor not enjoyed by many Caribbean peasants. Similarly, according to the financial records of Samuel Hazelwood, my main Vincentian informant, on thirtytwo percent of the days after catching at least one pilot whale, and on fortytwo percent of the days after grossing at least EC$1,000 (US$372), the crew of the Sea Huntertookthedayoff.

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In the Faroe Islands, great personal rewardan entire whaleis given to the person whofirstsightsapodthatiseventuallykilledina grindadrp.Usually,allparticipantsinthe grindadrpreceivelargeportionsofmeatandblubber,withmuchleftovertodistributetothe nonparticipating members of the community. Persons with special tasks, such as the metingarmenn or the sslumaur, receive rewards of extra portions of meat and blubber for theirwork.However,whalersandthosewithspecialjobsarenottheonlyonestobenefitfrom agrindadrp. A successful grindadrp has been historically followed by a community celebration. Afterthewhaleswerebroughtashore,astheywerebeingcounted,measured,andassessedby theauthorities,thewhalersandothercommunitymembersheldatraditionalgrindadansur,or pilotwhaledance.Inthepast,thesecelebrationsofacommunitysgoodfortuneprovidedthe peasants with welcome breaks from a mostly solitary life of farming or fishing. Today this tradition is fading but the convivial spirit and celebratory tone surrounding the grindadrp remainasculturalvestiges.Menwhoconsistentlyperformwellduringthegrindadrpreceive admiration for their skills and are often sought by the sslumaur to fill the roles of metingarmann and grindaformann, and to serve as informal teachers to those who desire to learntheskillsnecessarytoconductasuccessfulgrindadrp. Whalinghasprovidedopportunitiesfortheestablishmentofelevatedstatus,areliable food source, acts of generosity, and personal and community recreation in both locations. Whalersthemselvesarepersonallyrewardedfortheireffortsbothfinanciallyandthroughthe elevationofsocialstanding.Whalingisdangerousanddifficultworkandthosewhoundertake itarerewardedfortheirskillsandbravery.Theseincentivesareconstructedandmaintainedin

317

theFaroeIslandsandSt.Vincent,andhavecontributedtotheestablishmentandenduranceof whalingasaculturalexpressionintheselocations. WhalingandtheSupernatural InboththeFaroeIslandsandSt.Vincent,beliefinthesupernaturalplaysanimportant

role in whaling customs. Spiritual influences include the dietary proscriptions of organized religious denominations, culturally embedded traditional rules of behavior before and during whalingactivities,andthesubjectiveinterpretationsofdreamsandmyriadseeminglyunrelated goingsonastheyinformtheknowledgenecessaryforsuccessfulwhaling. From at least the time of the Basque whalers, whale flesh has resisted definite

classificationasmeat.AccordingtoTheCatholicEncyclopediasentrytitledFasttheRoman Catholic Church has traditionally forbidden the eating of fleshmeat during fast days, which included the forty days of Lent, every Friday, and certain other holidays (Herbermann et al. 1913).However,theexactapplicationofthelawsoffastingissubjecttothesituationsinwhich they are found and must be understood and applied with due regard for the customs of various times and places (Herbemann et al. 1913, 790). In Europe, where protein sources alternativetothemeatoflivestockorotherlandmammalswerereadilyavailable,thetradition of eating fish on fast days developed. As whales were grouped together with fish, at least within doctrinal taxonomy, the Basque whaling industry grew profitable, in part owing to the saleofwhalemeattoCatholicsonfastdays. Today, religious doctrine more frequently proscribes whale meat than specially

permitting its consumption. In St. Vincent, both the Rastafarian and SeventhDay Adventist groupsconformtoLeviticaldietaryguidelinesandthereforeprohibittheconsumptionofwhale

318

meat and blubber. Adherents to both faiths seem to be more free to use pilot whale oil, perhapsbecauseitisprimarilyusedasamedicine,ratherthanafoodproduct. IntheFaroeIslands,wefindnoexampleofareligious/culturalrevitalizationmovement analogous to Rastafarianism in St. Vincent and the wider Caribbean. Neither the satr movement,whichhasbeencalledarebirthofNordicpaganism(Strmiska2000,106)andhas attractedamodestfollowinginIceland(Erlendsdttir2001),norFornSir,aDanishreligious community that worships the old Nordic powers (Konijnendijk 2008, 31) is represented within the Faroese religious landscape. However, a small (about seventy members in 2009) SeventhDay Adventist church has been established in Trshavn since the early twentieth century. According to the current pastor of this church, the Adventist diet is relaxed here (JensDanielsen,personalcommunication).Citingthesocialsignificanceofparticipationinthe grindadrpaswellasthehighmonetarycostofadherencetotheAdventistrecommendeddiet of total vegetarianism since most vegetables are imported to the Faroe Islands, Danielsen concedesthatchoicesofwhethertoparticipateinwhalingactivitiesandwhethertoconsume whaleproductsarebestlefttotheindividual. Ineachofthisstudyslocations,formalreligiousprinciplesarebuttressedbyaloosely

definedbodyofsuperstitiousormysticalbeliefs.Onseveraloccasions,whalersinSt.Vincent confided with me that they had dreamt of whales the night before and therefore expected a goodcatchonthedaysvoyage.Whethertheoccurrenceofthesedreamshasanycorrelation to the catch records is irrelevant. The belief that such correlation exists is evidence of a supernaturalconnectionbetweendreamsandwhalingsuccessinthemindsofsomeVincentian whalers. The interpretation of dreams is especially important to adherents of the Spiritual

319

Baptist faitha religion endemic to St. Vincent (Zane 1999)however, dreams seem to be especiallyprescientforwhalersinparticular,regardlessoftheirdenominationalaffiliation. In the Faroe Islands, several superstitious beliefs have arisen with regard to the

grindadrp. Along with certain forbidden behaviors (e.g. urinating into the sea, pointing directly at the whales with whaling tools or a finger, or the viewing of whaling activities by clergy or womenespecially pregnant women) there are several forbidden words that, if spoken, are thought to reduce the chances of successfully driving the pod of whales ashore (BlochandJoensen2001).Inplaceofthesewords,Faroesewhalersdevelopedaseriesofnoa wordsoreuphemisms,torefertoobjects,animals,oractivitiesthatwereforbiddentobecalled by their proper names (Lockwood 1955). The development of a euphemistic vocabulary to avoid the supposed negative results of speaking forbidden words, used during periods of transition (van Gennep 1909), while hunting (Bulmer 1967), or while at sea (Hurgronje 1906; Flom1925;Knooihuizen2008)isbynomeansanexclusivelyFaroesetradition.However,itwas widespreadintheFaroeIslandsuntilatleastthelatenineteenthcentury(Lockwood1955)and remainsintheculturalmemory,ifnotinactualpractice,today. These beliefs regarding the interpretation of dreams or the proscription of certain

wordsoractionsarelikelytheresultofattemptstofindorderinanactivitythatoccursbeyond thecontrolofthepeopleacknowledgedasexperts.Thereligiousrestrictions,firstadvocating, thenprohibitingtheconsumptionofcetaceanproductswiththecuriousexceptionsmadein the case of oil in St. Vincent and the optional nature of the regulations in the Faroe Islands indicatethecoevolutionofwhalingtraditionsandthemoresoftheculturesinwhichtheyare found. The institutions of religion in both St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands have, to some degree,foundwaystoaccommodatewhalingwithintheirtraditions. 320

Conflict Twodistincttypesofconflictwereintroducedaspotentialthreatstothecontinuationof

whaling operations in St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands: antiwhaling activism and the ecological issue of marine pollution and its effects upon human health. The similarities and inequalitiesinvolvedineachoftheseconflictswillnowbediscussed. AntiWhalingActivism Thetensionbetweentheseartisanalwhalingsocietiesandtheantiwhalingmovement can be understood, in part, because of this symbolic value of the pilot whale within both whaling and antiwhaling cultural groups. Pilot whales have come to hold the position of CulturalKeystoneSpeciesamongtheFaroeseandVincentianpeoples,whileatthesametime joining the broad concept of Whale in its ascent to totemic status among nonwhaling specificallyantiwhalingcultures(Kalland1993a;1994a).Theremovalofthepilotwhalefrom the conceptualization and experience of what it is to be Vincentian or Faroese would entail significantculturaldisruptions(CristanchoandVining2004,155).Atthesametime,toimbue this species with a reverence approaching kinship (LviStrauss 1963; Kalland 1993a; 1994a; Simoons 1994; Durkheim 2001; Sakakibara 2009) and to see it hunted by members of a different cultural group, or even to know that such activities occur, can be understandably horrifying(seeSanderson1990;1994).Assuch,theabilityofwhalingoperationstopeacefully coexist with forms of humanwhale interactions better suited to those who totemize whales, such as whalewatching, has been strongly questioned (Anonymous 1994; Orams 2001; Hoyt andHvenegaard2002;ParsonsandRawles2003;HighamandLusseau2007). However,St.VincentandtheFaroeIslandshavenotreceivedequalattentionbythose opposedtowhaling.Withinantiwhalingenvironmentalistliterature,oftexploitedclassesthat 321

arelowerinsocioeconomicstandingarechastisedlessforusingwhalesasafoodsourcethan are the more socioeconomically advantaged classes. Higher socioeconomic classes are expected to produce food by relying to a higher degree on agriculture and the raising of livestock. This lack of equivalence in the granting of public approval for whaling activities is seenthroughtherelativelackofpublicoppositiontoaboriginalsubsistencewhaling(asdefined bytheIWC)aswellasthroughtheinequalityofprotestsandboycottsinoppositiontowhaling inSt.VincentandtowhalingintheFaroeIslands. St.Vincent,apoorCaribbeannation(US$18,100GDPpercapita),doesnotreceivethe samevolumeofcriticismforitswhalingactivitiesastheFaroeIslands,aEuropeannationwitha relatively high (US$48,200) GDP per capita (St. Vincent and the Grenadines 2005; Hagstova Froya2010).KateSanderson(1994,187),inheranalysisoftheFaroeseexperiencewiththe antiwhalingmovement,citesatypicalargument: Ifthey[theFaroese]wanttokillwhalesinthetraditionalway,thatsfinewithus, ifnothingelseabouttheirwayoflife,significantlyanyway,haschanged. Sean Whyte, Chief Executive, Whale and Dolphin Conservation Society, TV Interview,1991.

Sanderson(1994,195)acknowledgestheuniquenessofFaroesepilotwhalingas,asubsistence hunt for food in what is now, in most other respects, a modern technological society. She singles out this ambiguity for critical analysis, challenging scholars and other outsiders to reconsidertheirassumptions: Pilotwhalingrepresentsameetingandmergingofboundariesbetweenlandand sea,betweenthesocialandthewild,betweencultureandnature,betweenthe premodernandthepostmodern,betweenthehistoricalcontinuityandmodern function of a traditional form of food production and prevailing perceptions of modern society. As a result it also challenges us to rethink our all too rigid definitionofwhatitistobemodernandcivilised,andourincreasinglyartificial relationship with nature. Pilot whaling in the Faroes provides Faroe Islanders 322

with food; for others, it may also provide some food for thought. (Sanderson 1994,199) WhyhavetheFaroeIslandsbeeninvolvedinadisproportionateamountofantiwhaling

conflict, as compared to St. Vincent? An analysis of the whaling records from each location showsthattheFaroesedotakesignificantlymorecetaceansannually,onaverage,thandothe Vincentians. The annual average since 1962 for St. Vincent is 305, compared with 1,358 annually for the Faroe Islands during this same time period. But the size of the pilot whale populationisknowninFaroesewatersandthetakeisshowntobesustainable(Bucklandetal. 1993;NAMMCO1997[bothcitedinCulik2004]).Caribbeanwhalepopulations,ontheother hand, remain unmeasured (Reeves and Leatherwood 1994; Reeves 2005) and sustainability must be inferred from effort and catch data (Scott 1995). Timetodeath data show that Faroesewhalinginvolvesquickerandpresumablythen,morehumanedeathsforthewhales than does Vincentian whaling. Based upon these measures, it would seem that whaling opponents making both ethical and environmental arguments would more strongly oppose VincentianwhalingthanFaroese.Thishasnotbeenthecase. Rather than the standard environmental or ethical argument, I would point out two

great differences that affect antiwhaling discourse regarding these locations. The first is directly related to the method of whaling. Due primarily to the physical morphology of the Faroeselandscape,whalingthereisconductedonthebeach,usuallyinornearavillage,andin full view of the Faroese public, foreign tourists, activists with cameras, and anyone else who happenstobeonthescene.Additionally,thoughgrindadrpoccuronlyafewtimesperyear (the longterm average is seven annually), the scene of any one grindadrp is one of mass slaughtermanywhaleskilledatonce.Thisspectacle,certainlyenhancedbythereddeningof 323

the water as blood is spilled from the whales, has served as the subject of many a shocking photographagreatnumberofwhichhavebeenused,withorwithouttheircopyrightholders permission,inantiwhalingliterature. Bycomparison,Vincentianwhalinginvolvesamuchsmallernumberofindividualwhales perwhalingeventandmostoftheactiontakesplacefarfromshore,undertheeyesofthe whalers alone. In the context of Vincentian whaling, the opportunities for obtaining subjects for visual display of spectacle are simply not as readily available. Thus, Faroese whaling has beenthesubjectofasignificantlygreateramountofgraphicvisualantiwhalingliterature. The second difference that has led to the lack of parity in antiwhaling sentiment directedatSt.VincentandtheFaroeIslandshasmoretodowiththecultures,aswholes,within which these whaling operations are found. Arne Kalland (1993a; 1993b; 1994a; 1998; 1999; 2009) and Milton Freeman (1990; Freeman and Kreuter 1994) have shown that public perceptionsofwhalingareleastsupportiveinpredominatelywhite,Englishspeaking,affluent societies such as the USA, UK, and Australia. Richard Bulliets (2007) identification of these areasastheheartlandsofthepostdomesticeracharacterizedbythephysicalandintellectual separation of consumers from most methods of food productionsupports the views of Kalland and Freeman. Additionally, those who generally oppose whaling may be more permissive of the activity when it occurs in societies most unlike their own (Freeman 1993b, 1998; Kalland 1994b). Aboriginal subsistence whaling by Inuit peoples is less contested than Japanesewhaling,forexample,becausetheformerisperceivedtobeoneofthefewmethods offoodproductionavailabletothosebywhomitispracticed. Along this line of reasoning, whaling is something that is done by the Other: those without access to western methods of food production or commodity imports. Vincentian 324

whalers, in their poverty and blackness, are perhaps perceived by white North Americans, Europeans,andAustraliansashavingnootherchoicebuttoexploitnearbywhalepopulations. TheFaroese,ontheotherhand,arewhite,European,andaffluentcertainlynotthemodelof apeoplethatmustwhaletosurvive. Thesepositionsareproblematicinseveralways.First,whyshouldthelocationofthe whaling activitiesonshore or at seadetermine their morality? While the locations are primarily selected out of practicalityphysical geography limits the Vincentians to offshore whaling and permits drivestyle whaling by the Faroesethe fact that so many approved whaling bays are found in or near population centers in the Faroe Islands indicates an openness,anunashamedness,andawillingnessforgrindadrptobeviewed,documented,and evenparticipatedin,bythepublic.Thisdifferencehasaffectedtherelativevolumeofconflict over issues of whaling simply by making documentary evidence much easier to obtain in the FaroeIslandsthaninSt.Vincent. Second,theunspokenassumptionintheargumentthatwhalingisonlytobedoneby the Other is that whales should be a food source of last resort. Paul Watson of the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society (personal communication) speaks for many who oppose Faroesewhalingwhenhecallsitunjustifiedandnotnecessaryforsubsistenceandgoeson to say that you cannot compare the materially wealthy communities in the Faeroes with subsistencecommunitiesinGreenlandorNorthernCanada. Why, though, should a sustainable operation targeting a stable whale population be conducted only by a people without other options? Even if this ostensibly functionalist argumentwerevalid,St.Vincent,withitstropicalclimateandcomparativelymorefertilesoils supports significantly more options for agriculture than do the Faroe Islands, yet the Faroese 325

are the recipients of far more antiwhaling protest than the Vincentians. The argument of necessity, then, is exposed as merely an argument of prejudice. The Vincentians, in their perceived Otherness, are excused for taking a few small whales each day in order that they might survive. The Faroese, in their European sameness, are castigated as anachronistic practitioners of a mass slaughter that could easily be replaced by the importation of foreign foodstuffs. Vincentian whalers, it is perceived then, conduct an objectionable method of food productionoutofnecessityandatleasthavetheunintendeddecencytodoitoutofsightof land.TheFaroeseontheotherhand,immodestlyslaughterentirepodsofwhalesinfullviewof thepublic,turningtheirharborstobloodsotheycanbephotographed.Althoughmostspecies of Caribbean cetaceans remain uncounted, and thus sustainable take levels can only be estimated through an analysis of historical catch records and levels of effort, Vincentians are perceivedtobetterfittheroleoftheecologicallynoblesavage(Redford1990)andarethus nottargetedasmuchastheFaroesebyantiwhalingactivists. Kalland (1993a, 126) has shown that, despite the wide variety in population levels of various cetacean species, many people believe simply that whales are endangered. This sociallyconstructed belief about nature allows the restriction of whaling only to those who cannotsurvivewithoutit.Underanalysis,however,thedifferencesinwhalingandantiwhaling in St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands can be reduced to physical geography and cultural prejudice. These conflicts, inequalities, and prejudices, then, are not based upon a scientific study of some pure interaction between humans and the natural environment, but upon sociallyconstructedrolesofhumaninteractionwithanequallysociallyconstructednature.

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Kalland(1994b)showsthatthosewhoadvocatespecialrightsforwhalesanddolphins often portray cetaceans as having positive human qualities. These qualitiessuch as intelligence,familybonding,andcommunicativeabilitieshaveallowedwhalesanddolphinsto holdaspecialstatuswithinhumananimalrelations.ThisallowancedoesnotfollowWolchand Emels (1995b) model of bringing the animals back in, by which the sociallyconstructed dichotomyseparatinghumansandnonhumananimalswouldbebrokendown.Rather,itisa slightly more inclusive form of Singers (1976, 235ff) speciesism. Simply bringing in the orderCetaceaandallowingtheseanimalstosharethespaceformerlyoccupiedonlybyHomo sapiens does little to change speciesist thinking, except where this one taxonomic order is concerned. Advocates of special rights for whales, who do not grant those rights to other animals, construct essentially the same dichotomy that Wolch and Emel sought to move beyond.Ratherthanquestioningsocietysspeciesistconstructionsingeneral,whaleadvocates simplyquibbleoverwhichspeciesshouldbeoneithersideofthedichotomybetweenusand them. EnvironmentalPollutants Whilethesubjectsofmarinepollution,bioaccumulation,andhumanhealthhavebeen

more conclusively investigated in the context of the Faroe Islands than in St. Vincent, Vincentians are not ignorant of the risks posed by pollutants in their waters. A 1992 paper written for a course at the St. Vincents Teachers College, on file at the St. Vincent and the GrenadinesNationalArchive,(Dalton1992)indicatestherisksposedbyaship,theM/VEdwina, which had run aground and was thought to be introducing copper to the local marine environment.Thepapersauthorsummarizedpublicconcernoverthesituationbynotingthat fishes and ultimately humans will be affected as the food chain becomes infected (Dalton 327

1992,43).However,beyondacuteandvisibleincidentssuchastherunningagroundofaship, thereappearstobelittleconcernamongstVincentianscholarsorhealthauthoritiesregarding thepotentialeffectsofmarinepollutantsonhumanhealth.Indeed,ofthestudentssurveyed forthisstudy,sixtyeightpercentstatedthatpilotwhalemeatisahealthyfoodandfortyfive percenthadthesameopinionofblubber. In the Faroe Islands, we find such a concern over the potentially harmful effects of

marine pollutants that the official government position is to advocate for the closure of the grindadrp, arguably the most ubiquitous identifier of Faroese culture and national identity. Even more, since the grindadrp is primarily a method of food production and not simply a symbolic element of the culture, its potential closure would result in a shortfall of necessary goods,whichwouldneedtobereplaced.Sincethegrindadrpproducesfoodatalmostlittle costtotheFaroesepeople(boatfuel,time,andthetaxthatcoversinjuriesanddamagesare the major costs involved), any replacement would come with an attached economic burden. The fact that some of the Faroese national budget is partially subsidized by Denmark would thenbecomeapointofcontention.Thecreationofaneedforfundswherepreviouslynone existedmayservetoconvincesomewithintheFaroesegovernmentandpublicalikethatthe Faroe Islands are not yet financially ready to establish full independence from Denmark as financial concerns are already a major point of debate regarding the possibility of Faroese independence(stergaard1992;Ackrn2006).Inthisscenario,thegrindadrpwouldnotonly represent Faroese national identity, it may serve to enable the Faroese to proceed toward political independence. Without the grindadrp, the Faroe Islands may be less likely to establishcompleteindependencefromtheoversightandsubsidiesoftheDanishcrown.

328

Acallforcontinuedresearchisinorder.Themostrecentstudythatinvestigatedlevels

of toxic pollutants in cetaceans from the waters surrounding St. Vincent is now over three decadesold(Gaskinetal.1974).Marinebiologistsmustsoonundertakeresearchtodetermine thelevelofcontaminationbyMeHgandothertoxinsinthetissuesofthecetaceanscaughtby Vincentian whalers and physicians must study the associated human heath risks in the consumptionofthefoodproductsthatcomefromthesecetaceans.Certainlythepublichealth officials in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, if provided with the necessary data, would create dietary guidelines that would lessen the risk of health problems. Perhaps the Faroese researchspanningmorethanthreedecadescouldprovideastartingpointtotheVincentian healthofficialsinformingtheirownconclusionsforahealthyandnutritiousfuture. Conservation Whalingoperationsinbothlocationsaregovernedonlybylocalregulations.Becauseof the species targeted, no international conservation treaties applyexcept to regulate international export of cetacean products, which rarely occurs. In St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands,culturaltraditionsdictatetheprimarystrategiesofconservation.Thesetraditionshave beencodifiedinFaroeselegislation(PetersenandMortensen1998;FaroeIslands2001),while in St. Vincent they remain unwritten. Indeed the fisheries regulations of St. Vincent and the Grenadinesdonotmentionpilotwhales,blackfish,oranyothermarinemammal(SVG2001; 2006). Baseduponculturaltraditionsthatpredatethewrittenlaws,whalingregulationsinthe FaroeIslandsservetoensurethatgrindadrparequickandorderly,occuronlywhenthereisa needforthemeatandblubber,areconductedonlyinapprovedlocations,andprovidefoodat nocosttothelocalresidents.Thiscombinationofstrategiesideallylimitsthetimetodeathfor 329

each whale, moderates the number of whales killed annually, and ensures that a system of monitoringandevaluationremainsinplace. In St. Vincent, the traditionalbut not formalizedrestriction of whaling activities to

onlyBarroualliecontrolsthenumberofwhaleskilledbecauseitlimitsthenumberofwhaling boatscompetingforthesameresource.Italsorestrictsthesupplyofwhalemeatandblubber toonlythatwhichcanbebought,processed,andsoldbyBarroualliesvendors.Additionally, theunwillingnessoftheVincentianwhalersandtheFisheriesDivisiontoupgradethewhaling technology limits the expansion and efficiency of the operation. While sustainability in the context of St. Vincent whaling is difficult to determine, owing to the lack of official cetacean populationestimates,therelativeconsistencyofthehistoricalwhalingrecords,whenadjusted foreffort,indicatethattheregionalwhaleanddolphinpopulationsarelikelylargeenoughto adjusttocurrenttakelevels(Scott1995). The cultures in both St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands have produced their own

conservation strategies for managing the whaling operations and encouraging sustainable huntingpressures.However,thehumanpopulationineachlocationisincreasingand,asthe results from the student surveys show, pilot whale meat and other products remain popular amongboththeFaroeseandVincentianyouth. IntheFaroeIslandssince2008,theofficialgovernmentpositionistodiscouragewhaling because of the human health effects of marine toxins present in whale meat and blubber (Weihe and Joensen 2008). Consumption levels have decreased as a result of the 1998 and 2008healthrecommendationsandthereissomeindicationthatpilotwhalemeatandblubber isundergoingatransformationfromanordinarymealtoaceremonialmeal,eatenonlyinsmall amounts on special occasions. Twenty percent of the students surveyed in the Faroe Islands 330

noweatpilotwhalemeatandblubberonlyforspecialoccasionsratherthanasanordinary meal.ThispercentagewilllikelyincreaseasmoreFaroeseseektoresolvethetensionbetween their respect for the official health recommendations and their cultural attachment to their national dish. In fact, the very physician whose work led to the health recommendations confided to me that he continues to eat pilot whale meat and blubber at weddings and on lavska, the Faroese national holiday (Pl Weihe, personal communication). In St. Vincent, however, where no research into toxicity has been conducted for decades, the government, throughgrantsandloans,activelyencouragestheexpansionofthewhalingoperationasalegal alternativetomarijuanaproduction. Looking toward the future, it is conceivable that pilot whaling could decrease in regularity and intensity in the Faroe Islands, while at the same time it may increase in St. Vincent, especially given the desire for greater whale product availability among Vincentian youth.Ifsuchchangesoccur,itisallthemorevitalforsomeoftheknowledgegainedduring the long Faroese history of pilot whaling to be transferred to the Vincentian context. St. Vincents whalers and policymakers alike could benefit from lessons learned about marine pollutants, cetacean population dynamics, humane killing methods, and handling protests, boycotts,andotherformsofantiwhalingactivism. ResearchQuestions Finally, I shall directly address the research questions posed at the beginning of this

dissertation.First,whydoeswhalingcontinueinSt.VincentandtheFaroeswhileithasceased throughoutmostoftheAtlantic?Theanswerstothisquestionlieinseveralcharacteristicsof thesetwolocationsandtheirpeoples.Despitetheirvastcultural,economic,andgeographical differences, St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands have in common a reliance upon culturally 331

derivedconservationstrategies,asdescribedabove;culturalprideintheactivityofwhaling resulting from the long whaling histories and vital role in survival that whaling has played in bothlocations;andamarginalitywithrespecttodailyconsciousnessofinternationaltourism, commerce, and transportation. The first of these similarities speaks to the ability of each culturetoregulateitsownwhalinginsuchawaythatitdoesnotovertaxtheresource,ashas occurredinmanyotherwhalingoperations.Second,theprideinwhalingthatisevidentamong young Faroese and Vincentians will continue to strongly encourage a market for whale productsperhaps only token amounts, fulfilling ceremonial, rather than subsistence requirementsastherisksofMeHgandothercontaminantsbecomegreaterandbetterknown. The marginality and peripheral status of both locations serve to insulate them from overtures of antiwhaling sentiment that might arise from increased contact with tourists or otherinterlopersfromabroadwhomayimporttheirownethicsorenvironmentalknowledge regardingwhalesandwhalingregardlessofwherethisknowledgemayfallonthecontinuum between social construction and scientific empiricism. This similarity is best attributed to a characteristicsharedbybothSt.VincentandtheFaroeIslands,theirislandnessatermcoined inEnglishduringtheearly1980s(thoughthecorrespondingFrenchtermilitmaypredateit). Islandnessrefersoftheinsularity,vulnerability,anduniquenessthatcomefromaplacethatis boundedbywaterandseparatedfromthemainlandsofcultureandcommerce(Selwyn1980; Anckar 1982; Weale 1991; Baldacchino 2004; Conkling 2007; Stratford 2008). Islandness is certainly a leading factor in the retention of whaling traditions in St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands, as is the adherence to culturally derived conservation strategies, the importance of whalingtothelocalcultures,andwhalingslonghistoryofprovisionforVincentianandFaroese needsofsubsistence. 332

However, it is true that other Atlantic islands have supported whaling traditions, now ceased. Many of these, including Trinidad, Dominica, and Grenada in the Caribbean, and Ireland,theShetlandIslands,andNewfoundlandintheNorthAtlanticpursuedsmallcetaceans using much the same methods as their contemporaries in St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands. Thedifference liesin theimportance oftheproducts derivedfrom whalingactivitiesin these otherlocations.Themajordifference,andaprimaryreasonthatwhalinghascontinuedinSt. VincentandtheFaroeIslandswhileitceasedintheselocations,isthatVincentianandFaroese whalinghasalwaysproducedfoodastheprimaryproduct,asopposedtooilorothernonfood commodities.Tobesure,boththeVincentiansandtheFaroesehaveproducedandexported whaleoil.However,thewhalingoperationsintheseotherlocationsproducedfoodonlyasa byproduct, if at all, while the Vincentian and Faroese whaling operations have always been primarilyaboutfoodproduction. The second research question seeks to explain how the Vincentians and Faroese regulate their whaling activities to maintain sustainable take levels despite a lack of international regulations governing the activity. There is evidence to suggest that take levels withinbothwhalingoperationsaresustainableaclaimmorecertainintheFaroeIslandsthan inSt.Vincent.However,inbothlocations,whalershavebeenexploitinglocalwhalestocksfor generationsusingtechniquesthathavebeenlittlealteredsincetheywerefirstintroducedand notrequiringsignificantlymoreefforttomaintainsteadyannualtakes. In both locations, whaling activities are strictly regulated by culturally embedded conservationstrategies.NeithertheVincentiansnortheFaroesewanttoseetheirwhalestocks decline.Additionally,althoughcatchesofothercetaceansareincreasinginbothlocations,the pilot whale remains a Cultural Keystone Species, owing to its prominence in the language, 333

consciousness,andselfrepresentationofbothcultures(CristanchoandVining2004;Garibaldi and Turner 2004). The cultural and subsistence value of the whales as a food source encouragesastrictadherencetothelocaltraditionalstrategiesofconservation.Insomecases, the direct link between the traditional practices and their conservatory potential has been obscuredandmanyaresimplyunderstoodtobetradition(seeStevens1997).Nevertheless, these traditional practices do promote conservation, whether those who abide by them are awareofitornot.AsHenrikMollerandcolleagues(2004)suggest,intodayschangingcultural and ecological environments, a successful management strategy must take into account not only the traditional, culturally embedded conservation strategies of the local population, but also the best scientific monitoring methods available (see also Freeman 1992; Becker and Ghimire2003).ThiscombinationofapproacheshasbeenmorethoroughlyappliedintheFaroe IslandsthaninSt.Vincent,butthisinequalityshouldbeseenasacallformore collaboration amongnorthernandsouthernscientists,ratherthanacriticismofthecurrentstateofscience andmanagementinSt.Vincent. EnvironmentalChangeandtheEndofWhaling Finally, in both St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands, the physical environment affects whaling activities in a profound way. Samuel Hazelwood, the harpooner with whom I spent much time in St. Vincent, during the postlunch rest break of one of our many long whaling days,askedmetodescribetohimhowtheFaroesewereabletogetsomanywhalestobeach themselves at one time. He listened, hopeful that there would be some way to apply the Faroesetechniquestohisoperation,perhapsincreasinghiscatchahundredfold.Istartedby explainingthattheFaroesecoastlineisverydifferentfromthatofSt.Vincent.Whilethelatter ismadeupofsteepcliffsandbroadbeaches,withoffshoreslopesthatdroppedquicklytogreat 334

depths,theformerconsistsoffjordsandgentlyslopingsandybayswithin.Drivestylewhaling came almost intuitively to the earliest Faroese, or their Norse ancestors. It would be nearly impossibleinSt.Vincent.ThephysicalenvironmentoftheFaroeIslandspreventswhales,when trappedinafjordaheadofaflotillaofboats,fromswimminginanydirectionexcepttowardthe beach.InSt.Vincent,notonlywouldthewhalesbealertedtothesteeplyapproachinglandby theirecholocation,theywouldalsohaveopportunitytoescapetotherightorleftofthebroad, openbeach.However,inSt.Vincentthepresenceofverydeepwaterwhichisthepreferred environment of the targeted whale and dolphin populationsa relatively short distance offshore, makes possible the daily whaling voyages that can bring the harpooners within striking distance of large pods of cetaceans without excessive expenditures of either time or boat fuel. The whaling traditions and specific hunting methods in St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands have arisen in direct response to the conditions and possibilities presented by the physicalenvironmentofeachlocation. This reasoning should not be seen as supportive of the popular neoenvironmental determinism that is currently underfoot (Sluyter 2003; Judkins et al. 2008). Indeed, it is apparent from the examples in the Faroe Islands that shorelines not conducive to drivestyle whalingcanbereshapedthroughlargeengineeringprojectsifthepayoffisdeemedworthyof thecapitalinvestment.OthertropicallocationssuchasHawaii(Peale1848[citedinBrownell 2008])andtheSolomonIslands(Dawbin1966;Takekawa1996a,1996b)havehosteddrivestyle whaling in the past, eliminating the possibility that the practice is restricted to northern locations. While not strictly determining human behavior, the physical landscapes of St. Vincent and the Faroe Islands do present certain methods of whaling as having a greater likelihoodofsuccessthanothers. 335

However, it may be that the physical environment, or the pollution that now contaminatesit,couldputanendtoartisanalwhalinginSt.VincentandtheFaroeIslands,ifnot entirely, at least as a major method of food production. While the ecological crisis resulting fromtheconfluenceofmarinepollution,bioaccumulation,andhumanhealthhazardsisbetter understoodintheFaroeIslandsthaninSt.Vincent,itissimplyoneofmanydegradationsthat human activity has caused to the environment. The lack of knowledge in St. Vincent of the levels of MeHg and other pollutants in the tissues of the marine mammals should only be attributedtothelackofresearchinthatcontextandnotasanindicatorthatalliswell.While thepresenceofthesecontaminantsintheFaroeIslandsdoesnotnecessarilymeanthatthey will be found in St. Vincent, it should serve to encourage ongoing research and the open exchangeofideasbetweenthesetworemainingartisanalwhalingculturesintheAtlantic. From the perspective of conservation geography, the most important prescription for theseartisanalwhalingcommunitiesistocontinuetherelianceupontraditionalconservation strategieswhileincreasingtherelevanceofcuttingedgescientificresearchintheformationof whaling policy. This prescription is stronger for St. Vincent than for the Faroe Islands. Vincentianpolicymakersmustincludescientificknowledgeintheirregulationsofwhalingand the consumption of whale products. Perhaps the establishment of increased communication betweenSt.VincentandtheFaroeIslandswouldfosteranexchangeofknowledgethatmight giveVincentianscholarsabaselinefromwhichtobegintheirownresearch. AccordingtotheUNFoodandAgriculturalOrganization(2007,7),themaximumwild capturefisheriespotentialfromtheworldsoceanshasprobablybeenreached.WhiletheFAO is concerned primarily with commercially caught fish species and less with artisanal whaling, thewarningshouldservetoalertallcommunitieswhorelyuponmarinenaturalresourcesthat 336

the state of the worlds oceans is not good. As crises stemming from the scarcity of natural resourcesincrease,everyscholarlydisciplinemustbecomeinvolvedinresearchinghumanitys impact upon the natural environment. It is imperative that we turn to the communities who havethelongestassociationwiththeseaislandersandcoastalgroupsaroundtheworldto examinetheirpractices,andmakecomparisonsamongthemsothatwecanbetterunderstand thelongtermeffectsofourownattemptstomakewiseuseofmarinenaturalresources. Towardthisgoal,thisresearchhasprovidedacomparativestudyoftwoexamplesofthe roles humans play in their environment, of the complex exchange of influences that occurs whenacontestedfoodsourceisobtainedlocallybutwithglobalimplications,andoftheunique and endangered cultures that develop hardy and selfsufficient ways of life on their remote islandhomes.

337

EPILOGUE In September 2002, a 32yearold Faroese man named Erik Niclasen flew to Portof Spain,Trinidad,tovolunteeraboardtheMVLogosII,aMalteseregisteredshipmakingaworld missionarytour.Soonafterhisarrival,Erikbeganmeetinghisfellowvolunteercrewmembers over200youngChristiansrepresentingfortyfivedifferentcountries.Theyhadallsignedupfor a twoyear journey throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, participating in service projects and distributing Bibles, literature, and other resources among the communities they wouldvisit. Shortly before the trip commenced, Erik noticed a pretty young woman among the crew.NeliaDaizewasbornonSt.VincentinthevillageofRoseHall,nearBarrouallie,andgrew upamongfamilyonthatislandandonTrinidad.ShehadjoinedthecrewoftheLogosformuch the same reasons as Erik; she wanted to be of service while having a bit of adventure and gettingtoknowotherChristiansfromaroundtheworld.WhenshemetErik,whosheclaimsto have noticed before he noticed her, Nelia had never heard of the Faroe Islandshe told her thathecamefromapartofDenmark.OnboardtheLogos,ErikandNeliawerebothassignedto the engine room where they worked together and got to know one another. Their twoyear volunteer period took them throughout the Caribbean and Central America, through the PanamaCanaltotheWestcoastsofNorthandSouthAmerica,andfinallybacktoPortofSpain. Afteroneyearonboard,ErikandNeliabegandating.Whenthevoyagewascompleted inSeptember2004,theymarriedinTrinidadandonemonthlatermovedtotheFaroesevillage ofLeirvk.WhenImetErikandNeliain2009,theyhadtwodaughters,AnitaandVictoria,and wereprobablytheonlyFaroeseVincentianfamilyintheworld(Figure9.1). 338

 Figure9.1:NeliaandErikNiclasen,withtheirdaughtersVictoria(left)andAnita(right).

In May 2009, Nelias mother, Anita Daizeher granddaughters namesaketraveled from St. Vincent to the Faroe Islands to visit her daughters family. During Anitas visit there wasagrindadrp:188whaleskilledatHvalvk.Uponreceivingthegrindabo,Erikrushedto gethisfamilyintothecaranddrovefromtheirvillageofLeirvkonEysturoyacrossthebridge totheislandofStreymoysotheycouldwitnessthisuniquelyFaroeseactivity.Standingamong the crowd of onlookers, Anita must have watched with a certain degree of familiarity as the pilotwhalesweredrivenashore,killedwithsimpletools,andprocessedintofoodonthebeach. Of course the number of whales was much greater than the largest catch she had ever seen landed at Barrouallie. And the actual process of killing was unfamiliar to her, since in St. Vincentthisnormallyhappensoutatsearatherthanonshoreinfullviewofthepublic.Butthe ideaofcapturingandkillinglargemarinemammalsforfoodwasnotatallforeigntoAnita,asit 339

musthavebeenforanyothernonFaroesepersonstandinginthecrowdthatday.Shewould have understood the methodical urgency with which the whalers were working; shared the celebratoryspiritamongthecrowdwhocouldalreadyimaginethetasteofthatnightsdinner; sympathized with the glances of slight concern being directed at her, a foreigner andwho knows?maybeanantiwhalingactivist;andknowntheconnectionstohistoryandthenatural environment that were being reinforcedand taught to her granddaughtersby the activity thatwashappeningalongtheshorelineinfrontofthem.Thecrowdthathadgatheredonthe beachatHvalvkmusthaveremindedAnitaofthecrowdsatBarrouallie,eagerlywatchingas the crew of the whaling boat unloads the days catch. The entire scene would have blended foreignnesswithfamiliarity. In both the Faroe Islands and St. Vincent, pilot whales are turned to food in liminal spaces.Aswhalersandprocessorsworkintheswashzones,theebbandflowofoceanwaves washesthebloodbacktosea.Beyondthisphysicalliminality,artisanalwhalingintheAtlantic todayoccursinaspaceofculturalandhistoricalliminality.Mostoftheworldhasgivenup,not onlywhaling,buttheapprovalofwhaling.Thisattitudinalshiftoccurredinresponsetohistory andecology:theunrestrainedcapitalistichuntingoflargecetaceansthatdroveseveralspecies toorbeyondthepointofextinction. But artisanal whalers have their own histories. They have their own ecological pasts separate from those of the commercial whalers. In the cases of the Faroe Islands and St. Vincent, the whalers appear to have struck equilibria with the local whale and dolphin populations. While both operations have room for improvement, neither should be cast equallyalongsidethecommercialwhalers,whoseveryhistoryanswersthequestionposedby Melville(1851,432), 340

whether Leviathan can long endure so wide a chase, and so remorseless a havoc; whether he must not at last be exterminated from the waters, and the lastwhale,likethelastman,smokehislastpipe,andthenhimselfevaporatein thefinalpuff. Because of their culturally embedded conservation strategies and commitment to subsistencewhalingoperations,itisunlikelythattheFaroeseandVincentianartisanalwhalers willeverexterminatethelastpilotwhalefromtheirwaters.However,itisuncertainwhether whalingwillcontinueintheseplacesthroughoutyoungAnitaandVictoriaslifetimes. Owing primarily to the increase in marine pollutants, but also to the effects of anti whalingactivism,thesegirlsmaybeofthelastgenerationthatknowsthetasteofeithergrind og spk or blackfish and breadfruit (or in the case of the Niclasen family in particular, both). However, geographers and other researchers have been predicting the demise of artisanal whalingfordecades(e.g.Price1985;Adams1994;Johnson2000;WeiheandJoensen2008)and I do not wish to add my name to that list. Islanders are resourceful people. Whether the Faroese and the Vincentians are able to continue whaling or not is unclear. However, their insular resourcefulness will allow them to provide a nutritious future in which their food will likelycomefromtheseathatsurroundsthemand,liketheseafaringpeoplethattheyare,they willlikelycharttheirowncoursetothatfuture.

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Wallace,AlfredRussel.1880.IslandLife,or,thePhenomenaandCausesofInsularFaunasand Floras.London:Macmillan. Walton,Kenneth.1974.AGeographersViewoftheSea.ScottishGeographicalJournal90(1): 413. Ward,Nathalie.1988.TheWhalersofBequia.Oceanus30(4):8993 __________.1995.Blows,Mon,Blows!AHistoryofBequiaWhaling.WoodsHole:Gecko Productions. Ward,NathalieF.R.andAnnaMoscrop.1999.MarineMammalsoftheWiderCaribbean Region:AReviewofTheirConservationStatus.PaperpresentedattheFourth MeetingoftheInterimScientificandTechnicalAdvisoryCommittee(ISTAC)tothe ProtocolConcerningSpeciallyProtectedAreasandWildlife(SPAW)intheWider CaribbeanRegion.Havana,Cuba36August. Ward,NathalieF.R.,AnnaMoscrop,andCaroleCarson.2001.ElementsfortheDevelopmentof aMarineMammalActionPlanfortheWiderCaribbean:AReviewofMarineMammal Distribution.ReportfromtheFirstMeetingoftheContractingParties(COP)tothe ProtocolConcerningSpeciallyProtectedAreasandWildlife(SPAW)intheWider CaribbeanRegion.Havana,Cuba,2425September2001.NewYork:UnitedNations EnvironmentProgramme. Ward,RobertD.1918.TheDifferentMeaningsoftheTermsLeewardIslandsandWindward Islands.TheGeographicalReview6(1):7173. Watson,Lyall.1981.SeaGuidetotheWhalesoftheWorld.Boston:Dutton. Watts,David.1987.TheWestIndies:PatternsofDevelopment,Culture,andEnvironmental Changesince1492.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress. Watts,Michael.1983.SilentViolence:Food,FamineandPeasantryinNorthernNigeria. Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress. Whlin,Vagn.1989.FaroeseHistoryandIdentityNationalHistoricalWriting.NorthAtlantic Studies1(1):2132. Weale,David.1991.Islandness.IslandJournal8:8182. Weekley,Ernest.1967.AnEtymologicalDictionaryofModernEnglish.NewYork:Courier DoverPublications. Weihe,Pl.1998.DietRecommendationConcerningPilotWhaleMeatandBlubberFaroe IslandsAugust1998.Trshavn:HeilsufriligaStarvsstovan. 394

__________.2009.TErGrindVandamikilfyriTnaHeilsu.Fri1:3037. Weihe,PlandHgniDebesJoensen.2008.RecommendationstotheGovernmentoftheFaroe IslandsConcerningthePilotWhale,EnglishTranslationReleased1December2008. Trshavn:Landslgen. Weiss,L.D.2008.BackgroundPaperontheHumanHealthConsequencesofClimate ChangeintheCircumpolarNorth.PositionPaperforthe5thNRFOpenAssembly, 2427September2008. West,JohnFrederick.1972.Faroe:theEmergenceofaNation.London:Hurst. West,RobertC.1979.CarlSauersFieldworkinLatinAmerica.DellplainLatinAmerican Studies,3.AnnArbor,Michigan:UniversityMicrofilmsInternational. Westergaard,Elisabeth(ed).1990.NorthAtlanticStudies2(12). Weyler,Rex.2004.Greenpeace:HowaGroupofJournalists,EcologistsandVisionaries ChangedtheWorld.NewYork:Rodale. WhaleandDolphinConservationSociety(WDCS).2008.Whaling:DefyingInternational CommitmentstoAnimalWelfare?Chippenham,UK:WDCS. WhaleandDolphinConservationSociety(WDCS)andtheHumaneSocietyoftheUnitedStates (HSUS).2003.HuntedDeadorStillAlive:AReportontheCrueltyofWhaling. Chippenham,UK:WDCS. Whatmore,Sarah.1999.HybridGeographies:RethinkingtheHumaninHumanGeography. InDoreenB.Massey,JohnAllen,PhilipSarre(eds).HumanGeographyToday.Malden, Massachusetts:WileyBlackwell.2242. __________.2002.HybridGeographies:Natures,Cultures,Spaces.London:Sage. White,Lynn,Jr.1967.TheHistoricalRootsofOurEcologicCrisis.Science155(3767):1203 1207. White,ThomasI.2009.DolphinDriveHuntsandtheSocraticDicutm:ViceHarmstheDoer. InAndrewLinzey(ed).TheLinkBetweenAnimalAbuseandHumanViolence.Portland, Oregon:SussexAcademicPress.329340. Whitmore,ThomasM.andB.L.Turner,II.1992.LandscapesofCultivationinMesoamericaon theEveofConquest.AnnalsoftheAssociationofAmericanGeographers82(3):402 425. 395

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398

APPENDIXA:SURVEYFORM,ST.VINCENT

BlackfishSurvey
Thank you for helping me with my research. Your answers will be completely anonymous. You can skip any question that you do not want to answer. Please contact me by telephone (7844978171) or by email rfield2@lsu.eduifyouhaveanyquestions. RussellFielding DepartmentofGeographyandAnthropology LouisianaStateUniversity BatonRouge,Louisiana,USA

1. Whatisyourage? 2. Whatisyourgender?(circleone) a. Male b. Female 3. Whatisyourhometown? 4. Doyoueatblackfish? a. Ifyes,abouthowmanytimespermonth? b. Ifno,whynot? 5. Doyoueatcrisps? a. Ifyes,abouthowmanytimespermonth? b. Ifno,whynot? 6. Doyouuseblackfishoil? a. Ifyes,abouthowmanytimespermonth? b. Andifyes,forwhatpurpose?

399

 c. Ifno,whynot? 7. Wouldyoulikeforblackfishtobeavailablemoreoften? 8. Howmuchdoyoulikeblackfish?(circleone) a. b. c. d. e. 9. Isblackfishmeatahealthyfood? 10. Arecrispsahealthyfood? 11. Isitgoodforyourhealthtouseblackfishoil? 12. HaveyoueverseentheblackfishcorningproductioninBarrouallie? 13. Haveyoueverseenawholeblackfishorporpoise(beforeitiscutup)? 14. Doyouknowanyblackfishfishermen? 15. Doyouknowanyblackfishvendors? 16. Wouldyouconsideracareerforyourselfaseitherablackfishfishermanorvendor? 17. WillblackfishingcontinueinSt.Vincentinthefuture? 18. TouristsaresometimestoldthatblackfishandbreadfruitisthenationaldishofSVG.Wouldyou agree? Comments: morethanothermeats aboutthesameasothermeats lessthanothermeats Idontlikeitatall Ihavenevertriedit

400

APPENDIXB:SURVEYFORM,FAROEISLANDS

FAROEISLANDSGRINDSURVEY
Thank you for helping me with my research. Your answers will be completely anonymous. You can skip any questionthatyoudonotwanttoanswer.Pleasecontactmeatrfield2@lsu.eduifyouhaveanyquestions. RussellFielding,Ph.D.Candidate DepartmentofGeographyandAnthropology LouisianaStateUniversity BatonRouge,Louisiana,USA

Demographics: 1. Howoldareyou? 2. Whatisyourgender? a. Male b. Female 3. Whatisyourhometown? 4. Whatisyouroccupationortrade? 5. Whichcolorisyourpassport? a. Red(Denmark/EU) b. Green(FaroeIslands) c. Other/NoPassport/Idontknow Questions: 1. Doyoueatgrindtvst? Doyoueatspik? 2. Whengrindisavailable,howoftendoyoueatit? 3. Doyoueatgrindforaspecialoccasionorforanormalmeal? 4. Doyoueverbuygrindand/orspikintheshops?

401

5. Doyoueatmoreorlessgrindnow,comparedtowhenyouwereyoung? 6. Doyouparticipateinthegrindadrp? 7. Ifso,whatisyournormalroleinthegrindadrp? 8. Doyouenjoythegrindadrp? 9. Ifyouparticipate,whatisthemainreason? 10. Doyouknowanyofthegrindaforemennforyourdistrict? 11. Willthegrindcontinueinthefuture? 12. Howdotheyoungpeopleinyourareacontributetothegrindadrp? 13. Aretherestillprotestsandthreatsofboycott? 14. In2008,Landslgenrecommendedthatgrindandspikarenolongersafeforhuman consumption.Willthisrecommendationchangeyoureatinghabits? 15. DoyouunderstandthesciencebehindLandslgensrecommendations? 16. Driedgrind,spik,andpotatoesispresentedtotouristsastheFaroesenationaldish.Ifthegrind wastostop,whatwouldreplacethisasthenewFaroesenationaldish? Comments:

402

APPENDIXC:INTERNATIONALWHALINGCOMMISSIONDOCUMENTS ChecklistforIWCWhalesTakenbyAboriginalExceptiontotheMoratorium

403

404

FormforReportingInfractionsagainstIWCRegulations

405

406

407

APPENDIXD:ST.VINCENTANDTHEGRENADINESFIREARMSPERMITDOCUMENTS OriginalApplicationForm

408

409

AnnualRenewalApplicationForm

410

APPENDIXE:FAROEISLANDSGRINDADRPFORMS FormtoReportGrindadrptotheGovernment

411

FormforMetingarmenntoEnterMeasuredData

412

AppendixF:STANDARDPROTESTLETTERRESPONSEFROMDANISHGOVERNMENT
ConcerningprotestaboutcatchingofpilotwhalesintheFaroeIslands TheDanishForeignMinistryhavereceivedyourletterwhereyouexpressyourfeelingscausedbymailyouhave receivedwhichhascontainedselectedpicturesfromthecatchingofpilotwhalesintheFaroeIslands, accompaniedbyinflammatorycomments,andludicrousassertions,suchasthehuntbeingsomesortof adulthoodritual. Wetakenoteofthefactthatyouhavefoundtheabovementionedpictures,andtheaccompanyingtext, disturbing.However,beforepassinganyjudgmentonewillneedtosupplementapossiblynegativeaestheticfirst handimpression,andfalseinformationreceived,withconsiderationsoftherealfactsofthematteraswellasofa numberofissuesofprinciple. FactsabouttheFaroesepilotwhaledrivefisherycanbeobtainedfromthehomepagewww.whaling.fo.Thereone mayfindanumberofinterestingfacts,includingthefollowing: Thepurposeofthecatchistoproducefood, Thecatchisregulatedbytheauthorities, Thecatchisbiologicallysustainable, TheFaroeseauthoritiestaketheanimalwelfareaspectofthecatchseriously. Itmayalsobeusefultoconsiderthiswayofprovidingfoodinabroadercontext: Theanimalwelfareissue:Howdoesthiswhalecatchcomparewithotherhuntsoflargemammalsinthe wild,withthetreatmentoffarmedanimalsthroughouttheirlifecycle,andofanimalswhichare regardedasanuisance; Ethicsoffoodproduction:Doesamealofpilotwhalemeatrepresentmoreorlesscumulatedmanmade animalpainthandishesnormallyeateninonesowncountry? Geographicandnutritionalfactors,availabilityofalternativefoodsources,notablyinislandsandremote coastalareas,notleastinarcticorsubarcticpartsoftheworld. Culturaldiversity,andtolerance/intolerancetowardspeoplewithdifferentfoodpreferencesand/or differentattitudestowardsdifferentanimals; Senseofproportions:Howimportantisthisparticularissuecomparedtootherenvironmentaloranimal welfareconcernsfacingthecontemporaryworld? TheFaroeIslandshaveautonomywithintheKingdomofDenmark.TheislandsarenotincludedinDenmarks membershipoftheEuropeanUnion.Affairsregardingindustry,agriculture,theenvironment,fishingandwhaling, aresubjecttoFaroeseautonomy. Ifanyone,afterhavingacquaintedoneselfwiththefactsofthematter,shouldwanttoaddresstheFaroese authoritiesregardingpilotwhaling,theemailaddressoftheForeignDepartmentoftheFaroeseGovernmentis mfa@mfa.fo;TheemailaddressoftheFaroesedepartmentofFisheriesandMaritimeAffairsisfisk@fisk.fo; Yourssincerely rniOlafsson SpecialistonFaroeIslandsAffairs

413

APPENDIXG:ST.VINCENTWHALINGRECORDS Note: the 20072009 records are estimates extrapolated from the records of Samuel Hazelwood.Thesourcesforthehistoricalrecordsareasfollows:
Period 19621970 19711983 19901992 Source CaldwellandCaldwell1971 Price1985;Adams1994 Scott1995 PilotWhales 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1990 1991 1992 1993 2001 2007 2008 2009 2010 97 425 275 183 323 269 387 176 232 153 155 151 86 135 117 65 52 25 9 39 13 82 55 46 39 96 126 104 Dolphins 200(est.) 200(est.) 200(est.) 200(est.) 200(est.) 200(est.) 200(est.) 200(est.) 200(est.) 200(est.) 200(est.) 200(est.) 200(est.) 55 113 17 21 34 41 104 71 62 432 273 564 TotalCetaceans 297 625 475 383 523 469 587 376 432 353 355 351 286 107 138 26 60 47 123 159 117 101 528 399 668 4 3 3 3 4 2 2 2 2 BoatsinOperation 16 16 16 14 14 14 12 12 12 10 8 4 3 4 4 4 3 2 2 2 3 4

Year

414

APPENDIXH:FAROEISLANDSWHALINGRECORDS Source:NationalWhalingStatistics,FroyaNttrugripasavnandDoreteBloch.
PilotWhale (Globicephala melas) 300 115 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 90 24 0 60 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 80 159 507 280 120 210 155 291 1000 AtlanticWhitesided Dolphin (Lagenorhynchusacutus) NorthernBottlenose Total BottlenoseDolphin Whale(Hyperoodon Cetaceans (Tursiops ampullatus) truncates) 4 4 0 0 300 115 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 90 24 0 60 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 80 159 507 280 120 2 212 0 155 0 291 0 1000

Year 1584 1585 1586 1587 1588 1589 1590 1591 1592 1593 1594 1595 1596 1597 1598 1599 1600 1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610 1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620 1621

415

FaroeseWhalingRecords,continued
Year 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630 1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1664 1709 1710 1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720 1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 PilotWhale AtlanticWhitesided (Globicephala Dolphin melas) (Lagenorhynchusacutus) 200 32 180 0 103 0 200 20 87 0 0 0 0 400 0 60 56 1000 1448 1430 715 385 1090 635 625 728 720 409 726 803 905 317 1320 1063 1359 688 835 236 1423 NorthernBottlenose Total Whale(Hyperoodon BottlenoseDolphin Cetaceans ampullatus) (Tursiopstruncates) 6 206 2 34 0 180 0 0 1 104 0 0 0 200 0 20 0 87 3 3 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 400 0 0 2 62 0 56 Nodata 0 1000 Nodata 5 1453 0 1430 4 719 0 385 1 1091 0 635 3 628 3 731 2 722 0 409 7 733 5 808 3 908 2 319 6 1326 1 1064 2 1361 4 692 0 835 4 240 2 1425

416

FaroeseWhalingRecords,continued
Year 1730 1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770 PilotWhale AtlanticWhitesided (Globicephala Dolphin melas) (Lagenorhynchusacutus) 915 2188 277 1186 696 559 391 350 214 313 0 1460 0 622 1017 0 100 647 165 212 0 0 194 0 172 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 16 NorthernBottlenose Total Whale(Hyperoodon BottlenoseDolphin Cetaceans ampullatus) (Tursiopstruncates) 0 915 0 2188 3 280 0 1186 3 699 1 560 0 391 3 353 3 217 0 313 0 0 1 1461 2 2 0 622 0 1017 0 0 6 106 0 647 3 168 0 212 1 1 0 0 2 196 0 0 3 175 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 3 0 0 0 0 0 16

417

FaroeseWhalingRecords,continued
Year 1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780 1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 PilotWhale (Globicephala melas) 0 0 0 0 0 743 0 0 0 0 434 50 0 0 0 0 262 0 0 0 0 152 148 288 0 545 100 91 1370 53 154 752 1063 953 206 550 367 1145 226 429 510 AtlanticWhitesided Dolphin (Lagenorhynchusacutus) NorthernBottlenose Total Whale(Hyperoodon BottlenoseDolphin Cetaceans ampullatus) (Tursiopstruncates) 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 743 1 1 3 3 0 0 0 0 0 434 2 52 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 262 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 152 0 148 0 288 0 0 3 548 0 100 0 91 0 1370 0 53 0 154 1 753 2 13 1078 0 0 953 0 0 206 0 0 550 1 0 368 0 0 1145 0 0 226 0 0 429 0 0 510

418

FaroeseWhalingRecords,continued
Year 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 1839 1840 1841 1842 1843 1844 1845 1846 1847 1848 1849 1850 1851 1852 PilotWhale AtlanticWhitesided (Globicephala Dolphin melas) (Lagenorhynchusacutus) 834 281 261 543 812 652 917 1448 787 263 1647 1098 442 1935 714 711 725 556 1149 695 391 1455 1569 1338 1183 1221 1332 1614 2193 1651 645 3142 2171 2541 1039 2675 1181 769 502 474 2230 NorthernBottlenose Total Whale(Hyperoodon BottlenoseDolphin Cetaceans ampullatus) (Tursiopstruncates) 0 35 869 0 0 281 2 0 263 1 0 544 5 0 817 4 0 656 0 0 917 7 0 1455 0 0 787 3 0 266 3 0 1650 0 0 1098 0 0 442 2 0 1937 6 6 726 0 0 711 0 0 725 2 0 558 2 0 1151 2 0 697 0 0 391 2 0 1457 2 0 1571 8 0 1346 2 0 1185 0 0 1221 2 0 1334 7 0 1621 0 0 2193 5 0 1656 1 0 646 4 0 3146 2 0 2173 6 0 2547 6 0 1045 4 5 2684 1 7 1189 3 0 772 5 0 507 1 3 478 6 0 2236

419

FaroeseWhalingRecords,continued
Year 1853 1854 1855 1856 1857 1858 1859 1860 1861 1862 1863 1864 1865 1866 1867 1868 1869 1870 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 1892 1893 PilotWhale AtlanticWhitesided (Globicephala Dolphin melas) (Lagenorhynchusacutus) 1120 794 1368 411 328 757 836 640 341 1129 709 574 1269 1758 398 478 716 842 796 2315 26 1682 0 652 0 780 0 802 0 383 0 329 0 1920 0 628 0 390 0 521 0 151 0 368 0 977 0 734 0 854 0 476 0 695 6 0 0 0 0 34 1 840 0 NorthernBottlenose Total Whale(Hyperoodon BottlenoseDolphin Cetaceans ampullatus) (Tursiopstruncates) 14 0 1134 0 9 803 9 4 1381 7 2 420 6 0 334 6 44 807 3 0 839 9 0 649 12 3 356 6 1 1136 8 2 719 14 0 588 4 0 1273 4 4 1766 2 5 405 10 0 488 6 1 723 6 4 852 7 1 804 12 41 2394 2 0 1684 16 0 668 2 0 782 10 0 812 7 0 390 3 0 332 9 0 1929 11 0 639 7 19 416 14 0 535 12 0 163 7 32 407 2 0 979 9 0 743 12 0 866 29 0 505 1 1 703 5 0 5 4 0 4 9 0 44 11 0 851

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FaroeseWhalingRecords,continued
Year 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 PilotWhale AtlanticWhitesided (Globicephala Dolphin melas) (Lagenorhynchusacutus) 498 0 542 0 128 0 342 0 1336 0 2377 0 797 0 0 0 481 10 212 0 566 308 221 143 414 0 242 27 1793 0 985 0 1324 6 1650 237 669 0 168 0 291 0 1203 0 397 0 263 0 848 22 153 0 802 2 1076 0 473 0 1047 0 0 3 468 0 347 0 0 0 480 335 17 344 266 80 2386 20 1282 172 959 110 178 30 NorthernBottlenose Total Whale(Hyperoodon BottlenoseDolphin Cetaceans ampullatus) (Tursiopstruncates) 7 0 505 1 0 543 19 0 147 4 0 346 2 409 1747 5 0 2382 8 0 805 2 2 4 4 0 495 4 0 216 0 2 876 11 0 375 0 0 414 4 0 273 0 0 1793 5 0 990 4 0 1334 0 0 1887 0 0 669 2 0 170 0 0 291 1 0 1204 0 0 397 0 1 264 2 0 872 0 0 153 0 0 804 0 0 1076 0 0 473 0 1 1048 0 0 3 0 0 468 3 0 350 1 0 1 2 0 817 2 0 363 0 0 346 2 0 2408 0 0 1454 0 0 1069 1 0 209

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FaroeseWhalingRecords,continued
Year 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 PilotWhale AtlanticWhitesided (Globicephala Dolphin melas) (Lagenorhynchusacutus) 652 0 1633 37 886 0 2094 0 3384 0 2847 226 4482 0 1864 0 1047 0 1386 156 1555 0 1040 0 1839 0 587 440 957 0 569 0 2786 20 1242 0 2099 0 2015 0 885 0 1843 0 2105 0 2619 0 1428 0 1783 137 1892 27 1764 0 2204 0 1364 0 1620 176 1485 0 1973 0 1650 9 1394 0 388 59 1015 50 511 0 1050 0 679 0 1086 5 NorthernBottlenose Total Whale(Hyperoodon BottlenoseDolphin Cetaceans ampullatus) (Tursiopstruncates) 2 0 654 0 0 1670 5 0 891 0 0 2094 0 0 3384 3 0 3076 0 7 4489 1 0 1865 2 0 1049 0 0 1542 0 0 1555 4 0 1044 3 0 1842 0 0 1027 0 0 957 0 0 569 0 0 2806 0 0 1242 2 0 2101 1 0 2016 0 0 885 0 0 1843 1 0 2106 0 0 2619 0 0 1428 0 40 1960 0 59 1978 0 0 1764 3 16 2223 3 17 1384 0 4 1800 4 7 1496 3 0 1976 0 10 1669 0 0 1394 1 0 448 0 0 1065 0 0 511 0 0 1050 4 0 683 0 0 1091

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FaroeseWhalingRecords,continued
Year 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 PilotWhale AtlanticWhitesided (Globicephala Dolphin melas) (Lagenorhynchusacutus) 532 14 897 30 1192 0 1674 0 2775 8 2909 0 2649 0 1685 10 1926 0 2596 32 1676 185 1450 76 1738 603 1260 0 917 55 722 0 1572 47 808 377 1201 263 227 157 1513 357 1162 350 812 438 607 0 588 265 918 546 626 773 503 186 1012 333 302 312 856 617 633 0 0 1 287 144 NorthernBottlenose Total Whale(Hyperoodon BottlenoseDolphin Cetaceans ampullatus) (Tursiopstruncates) 0 0 546 0 2 929 2 0 1194 0 14 1688 0 0 2783 3 2 2914 3 0 2652 0 0 1695 0 0 1926 0 0 2628 0 0 1861 0 1 1527 3 11 2355 2 0 1262 0 0 972 0 62 784 2 0 1621 8 16 1209 0 8 1472 5 0 389 0 21 1891 0 0 1512 0 0 1250 0 0 607 3 0 856 1 13 1478 6 11 1416 1 3 693 0 0 1345 0 0 614 0 17 1490 3 0 636 7 1 9 2 1 434

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VITA RussellFieldingwasborninTampa,Florida,in1977.Hislovefortheseabeganatan earlyageandgrewintoanacademicandecologicalinterest.HereceivedaBachelorofScience degreeincomputersciencefromtheUniversityofFloridain2000.Afterthreeyearsofworking and traveling, he began studying geography at the postgraduate level at the University of Montana,whereheearnedaMasterofArtsdegree.FollowingaoneyearFulbrightfellowship at the University of Prince Edward Island in Canada, he enrolled in the doctoral program in geographyatLouisianaStateUniversity. ThenatureofhisfieldworkfortheMasterofArtsandDoctorofPhilosophydegreeshas followedtheHeimatkundeAuslandskundepattern,traditionalwithinthefieldofgeography,in which the first postgraduate research project is conducted within the students home region; thesecondisbasedfaraway,oftenwithinamuchdifferentculturalandphysicalenvironment. RussellsMasterofArtsthesiswasacomparativestudyofthegeographicaldifferencesamong three islands off the Gulf Coast of Florida, near Tampa: one linked by causeway to the mainland,anotherwithregularferryservice,andthethirdonlyaccessiblebyprivatevessel.His doctoral fieldwork, the basis for this dissertation, was carried out much further afield, in the Caribbean and North Atlantic. Both projects have instilled in him what will likely become a lifelonginterestinquestionsofnatureandsociety,especiallyinthecoastalandinsularareasof theAtlantic.

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