RELIGION, STATE, AND SOCIETY IN MEDIEVAL INDIA Collected Works of S. Nurul Hasan Edited and with an Introduction by Satish Chandra OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS20 The Morphology of a Medieval Indian City A Case Study of Shahjahanabad in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Century It is a welcome sign that Indian historians have turned their serious attention to urban history, at a time when the fast chang ing landscape of cities, has left many of the old recognizable features still intact. Sooner, rather than later, many of these would also disappear, leaving behind a few important monte ments. It would, however, be difficult then, to appreciate fully the meaning of the written record or to fill up the gaps on the basis of surviving features. [As is well known, Delhi was populated several times; each time a new part was populated, the earlier part lost its glory, though was never depopulated. The ancient Indraprastha (Inderpat) was repopulated when Humayun rebuilt its old fort and the township (Din Panah). The cities of the Tomars survived as three suburban villages, the fort of Prithviraj Chauhan; wag never fully depopulated as it retained a part of its importance due to Qutb Minar, QuwwatulIslam Mosque, and the Alai Darwaza. Hautz Khas and the tomb of Shaikh Qutb-Din Bakhtiyar Kak: in Mehrauli, Ghiyaspur (which acquired fame due to the tomb of Shaikh Nizamud-Din Auliya), Kilokheri, Siri, Mubarakpar, 9 © Proceedings of pp. 807-17 lan History Congress, Stan Session, Kurukshetra, 1983) The Morphology of a Medieval Indian Gity 233. Tughlaqabad, Firozabad, Khizrabad, Sher Mandal, Salimgarh etc,, have all survived through the centuries in one form or the other. The last Mughal capital was, of course, Shahjahanabad, whose foundation stone was laid by Shahjahan on 9 Muharram 1049H/12 May 1639. The construction of the main buildin, of the fort was completed in nine years. Where the city of Shahjahanabad now stands, some monuments of the Sultanate period have survived, such as the dargah of Shah Turkman Biyabani (d. 632H/1234-5) or the Kalan Masjid, now called Kali Masjid, built by KhaniJahan Maqbul in 789H/1387, Another important landmark is the Khari Bawri (Baoli as it is called today which bears two inscriptions of Islam Shah's reign 952H/ 1545) and another of 958H/1551 (being the date of the comple: tion of the Baoli) This paper, however, deals only with Shahjahanabad. Apart from the still existing old names, and some early eighteenth and nineteenth century works, extensive use has been made of two early Persian works, both of which are published but not used in the present context One is MuraggaiDethi by Dargah Quli Khan, who wrote the work as a travelogue when he visited Delhi in 1151 H/1738-9 along with Nizam-ul Mulk Asaf Jah.' This work deals with shrines, monuments, important men and women in the arts, especially music, etc. Its principal value is for the study of social life in Delhi and for the monuments 0 the city and its suburbs, but it has also been found to be valuable for the study of the layout of the city and the functional features of the different landmarks, The other work which has been used is the Sair-ulManazil? of Sangin Beg, son of Ali Akbar Beg, which was written at the instance of Charles Metcalf, who was the Resident at Delhi in 1811-19 and again from 1825-7 and completed around the year 1827. The name of William Frazer, Deputy Superintendent, was 1lso added to that of Metcalf, though perhaps later. This work seeks to describe the various localities, districts, layout, streets, and some of the monuments. Written about twenty years before Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s famous work Asarus-Sanadid, it has uutracted much less attention of scholars. It is beyond the scope of this brief paper to give a description of the city of Shahjahanabad during the period under study234. Religion, State, and Society in Medieval India However, certain broad functional features may be pointed out, The number of streets and mohallas which have continued to exist under the same name is remakably large. Some of these have retained their traditional features, while in many other cases though the names have survived, the type of activity and. the character of the population have undergone a complete change. For example, in Paiwalan near Jami Masjid, one can still buy fireworks; similarly, in Chawri Bazar, shops selling copper or brass utensils are still to be found.” ‘One of the most significant features of Shahjahanabad is that there is no segregation of the houses of the rich and poor, or of residential parts and the commercial parts, a feature that devel opedunder the British. While many localities were perdominantly inhabited by a single community, the localities where people of the other communities lived in close proximity were interspersed, This was as true of religious communities as of caste or profes: sional groups. For example, the following description may be From the south of Hau: Quzi till Turkman Gate, along with streets oon the both sides are: On one side, the shop of a haluai (sweetmeat seller), Kucha Bazar Imli Mohalla, and Kucha of Pati Ram, Bangla of Hafiz Fida, Kucha Murghian (birds and fowl), residences of ryots (Mastan-riya), houses of Kashmiri pandits, Haveli of Dudhadbari, house of Lala Gulab Rai Pandit, the Tahsildar of Palam proper, Kucha. of Mai Das, Than of Panj Piram, Kucha of Shidi Qasim, which leads to Kucha of Pati Ram. In the latter Kucha (Shidi Qasim) there is the residence of Govardhan Kashmiri and of Mir Khan Tunda, who is lunsursassable in singing and dancing, the house of Mirza Fathullah Beg hela, haveli of Maulavi Fath Ali Sahib Jagirlar, houses of other ryots (riayd), the well of Naurang Rai, havelis of banias (bagga-i-an), And in the Kucha going, towards the city wall, there is the property (niyasaf) of hiatiks who work with leather (clirm sazan), the small garden of Tansukh Rai Kaghazi, the hauz (tank) of Nawab Muzaffar Khan and the residences of ryots (riaya). From the Than of Panj Piran, may be found haves of Lala Basanti Ram and Sadasukh Pandit, and Bazar Sita Ram, the Katra of Jani Khan and the riyasat (properties) of the ry0ts. On the opposite side there is a Kucha going towards the Chhatta of Shah Haj. Before that there is a doraha (bifurcated road): one goes towarils mohalla of Churigaran (bangle-m the hemmam (public bath) of Sital Das, who lived at the tin ers) and the other towards if Shah Alam, Further down is the haveli of Rai Shambhu Nath, the stables (tavela) of Murtaza Khan, haveli of Raja Kedar Nath and the katra of The Morphology of « Medieval Indian Gity 235 gari-banan (cart drivers). One road is adjacent to the above-mentioned well with saline water, and the other is towards the dangla of Shidi Fawlad Khan, the kucha of Imam and the houses of the ryots.* Ithas been mentioned above that though sometime the localities where Hindus and Muslims lived were separated, there was nevertheless a great deal of intermixture between the two communities. Only some examples of joint celebra festivals and the absence of distinction between SI Sunnis in the observance of Muharram may be quoted here Although the tomb of Shaikh Nasirad Din Chiragh+iDelhi was situated at the distance of 3 krohs from Shahjahanabad, it was considered sacred by both Hindus and Muslims (presumably of the city as well) who celebrated in large number the festival of ‘light’ every year at the tomb during the month of Diwali Muhammad Shah had built a pucca enclosure, and musical preformances were of great importance.* The other example is that of a person who was held in great veneratio Muslims alike, namely, Majnun Nanak Shahi Similarly the celebration of Basant (Basant Panchmi) was started from the shrine of the footprint of the Prophet and joined in by musicians and public of both the communities.” About the celebration of Muharram, similarly, there is: no indication that its observance was confined only to one sect. For example, the followers of the saint Majnun Nanak Shahi observed in their own way the tenth of Mubrram where every one participated.* In the Ashur Khana managed by Jawed Khan, the famous Marsia Khawn (reciter of e'egies on Imam Husain) every one assembled.? The popularity of the marsias, written in relhta (early Urdu) by three brothers, Miskin, Hazin, and Ghamgin was considerable, Tazia keeping was fairly common and people from all walks of life came to Taziakhana of Imam Husain." Although the word Imambara is not used in Muragga in Delhi it isused in Sair-ul:Manasil for example, Imambara of Mir Askari.!! The city of Shahjahanabad centred basically rounel the fort (which was the Imperial Palace) and the Jami Masjid. It was surrounded by the city walls, many parts of which still survive along with the city gates, for example, Delhi darwaza, Ajmeri darwaza, Turkman darwaza, Kashmiri darwaza, Lahori darwaza Mori darwaza. The famous Chandni Chowk going from west to cast, (starting by the side of Jami Masjid towards the west and by Hindus and236 Religion, State, and Society in Medieval India going towards the fort in the east) was for all purposes what a ‘down town’ or city ‘centrum’ would be called in the West. A howk is a ‘square’ though in many cases it would be a rectangle. It is a central marketing place with many streets joining it. It also serves as a meeting place, as well as a centre f professional entertainment. The most important place im Shahjahanabad was Chandni Chowk, still retaining its impor tance, but much changed during the last fifty years. A descrip: ion given by Dargah Quli Khan in 1737, is quite interesting. Chandni Chowk ‘Chandai Chowk’ is most pleasant and entertaining than the other chowks, and compared to other streets and roads, much more decorated. It is a place where important people come for entertainment and pleasure, and sight seeing for beauty and elegance. Articles of every description are found in its adjoining streets, and goods from every locality are available here in plenty. In the middle of it is a beautiful canal, On one street are. jewellers where rubies and pearls and all the gems are available in plenty. On another side are the perfumeries, oils, and apoth= ecaries. On yet another side are arms and daggers, Chinaware is also readily available along with glassware of different shapes and sizes, whose decoration defies all description. They have arranged such attractive (wine) glasses that an austere and pious man, hundred years olel, would feel tempted to drink wine Several other articles of common use are sold here which would probably never be available even in the karkhanas of the nobles, Apart from the merchandise, it isa place which is extremely pleasant for an evening stroll, It is attractive to the eye and its fragrance provides great freshness, so much so that going through a pleasure garden would not be so enjoyable. In its many coffe houses, literary personalities gather every day and recite their pisces to each other. It is such a pleasure resort that the great amirs, in spite of their elevated status, enjoy the sight of this chowk, and if they wish to purchase its novelties, even the great wealth of Qarun would disappear. If the son of an amit wishes (o visit this chowk for enjoying life, his mother would secretly give him a lakh of rupees out of the monies left by his father, even though she would offer the excuse that she did not The Morphology of a Medieval Indian City 237 have enough money, hoping that the son would buy novelties from the chowk, but the pleasure loving young man would blow up the money in things that attract his fancy Sacred Places Of the sacred places, largest number was, naturally, that of mosques, of which apart from Jami Masjid and Kalan Masjid Kali Masjid) there were many. The next, in numbers, were.the combs, variously referred to as just gabr or if the superstructure was imposing, as magbara, or Rauza (as of Shah Turkman Biyabani). Other names for tombs were Turbat Kada, dargah (as Qudam Sharif) astana, taklya, and mazar. Kashana could be used for a place where quovwali was recitéd, while for places con: nected with the observance of Muharram, the names used were Chauki Khana, Aza Khana, Tazia Khana, Ashur Khana, and presumably latter, Imambara and Panja. Karbala was naturally not mentioned within the city walls of Shahjahanabad, though it existed outside, Majlis Khana are also mentioned, Among the charitable places were madrasas, of which quite a few have been mentioned in Shahjahanabad. There is only one hospital mentioned, the darush-shafa, founded by Shahjahan, No temples are recorded, in either of the two works, within the city walls of Shahjahanabad, though there are references to Rajghat, Nigambodh Ghat, and Ghat Kela, as well as to mandirs of Paras Nath, Jogmayaji, Kalkaji, Hanumanji, and Makan Shitla.'* In the Chhatta of Nigambodh Ghat there were houses of Gosains, Thakurdwaras, chhatris, and places held sacred by the Hindus. Streets, Lanes, and Roads The most common word for streets was kucha which, quit frequently, is used along with the word bazar. It could be named ifter a person ot of the dominant community residing there or a profession, Examples would be kuchai-Bulagi Begum or kuchai-Pati Ram, Kuchai-Balli Maran, kucha-iJogiwara, etc Sarak is not mentioned in either of the qwo works. In common parlance, some of the kuchas are now called gali, such as kucha Samosa’ is called Samose wali gali or kucha batasha walah is popularly called Batashe wali gali. Gandhi gali (not gaandhi)'238 Religion, State, and Society in Medieval India is mentioned by that name, Where a road bifureates, it is called sihraha, sich as Sihraha Bairam Khan.' Localities, Districts, and Market The most commonly used term for a locality is mohatla. It could be named after an individual, such as Mohalla Hakim Muhsin Khan or Mohalla Muhammad Ali Khan, but the commonest are those named after artisans, such as Mohalla churigaran (men- tioned above), Mohalla Dhobiwala (quarters of washermen) or Mohalla kashtibanan (boatmen). Some of the mohallas bear the name of some characteristic feature of the place such as mohalla imli (tamarind) or mohalla chah-trahat (well with a Persian wheel). In the case of Matia Mahal, mohalla changes its form: In the same way, the markets were generally known as bazar, though the largest ones, as mentioned before, were chowks, such as Chandni Chowk or chowk Saadullah Khan, Bazar is hardly ever used in the context of Shahajahanabad as a covered ma ket, but there are shops on both sides of a street and behind the shops are res es. Most derive their names from persons, such as Bazar Sita Ram or Bazar Nawab Mir (Amir?) aghta or Faiz. Bazar or from crafts, such as Jauhari jewellers) Bazar or Bazar Mazid Parcha. Markerplaces which were specially built for retail or whole sale shops were referred to as Ganj, but their names were not sociated with any particular feature, such as Daryaganj, Paharganj, Jahangirganj, and Rakabganj. Shops were sometimes collectively referred to as dakakin such as dakakin-bisatiyan (general merchants), dakakin-chirimaran (bird catchers), dakakin-hakeaiyan (sweetmeat sellers); or, where an individual shop gave its name to many adjoining shops, as dukan as in the case of dukan Thancle Baqqal or dukan Tek Chand or dukan Kishan Chand Sarraf. Yet another name for a market would be mandi or mandi, usually a wholesale market of commodity, as in the case of Sabzimandi (vegetable market) or Mandvi pan or Mandi gubfaroshan (market for flower sellers). Two interesting names are chhatta and katra. Chhatta literally means a covered lane or a bazar, but it frequently refers to the locality where artisans practising a particular craft lived and/or worked, such as Chhatta mimaran (masons), or Chhatta The Morphology of a Mecieval Indian City 239 momgaran (wax makers). In many cases, a chhatta would be named after the person who built it, or with a place with which it may otherwise have been associated, such as Chhatta Lala Tansukh Rai or Chhatea Jan Nisar Khan, or Chhatta Nigambodh Ghat or Chhatta Lahori darwaza. Katra literally means a small square bazar, but quite often it refers to a wholesale market or where stocks were kept. There is a nishan of Nurjahan Begum ordering officers not to interfere with the merchants stocking their merchandise in a katva.!* Some of these were named after ‘merchants of a particulars commodity, such as Katra bazzazan (cloth merchants) aghav Zard or Ghi kackatra (clarified butter), Katra nil (indigo) but quite often it was named after the builder oF the owner, such as Katra Adina Beg Khan, or Katra Munshi Kanwal Nain Tripolia (literally three gates) was also used as a tet ing a locality. In tripolia were the makan of Shagunchand Sahu, mandvi gul faroshan, a sharabkhana (wine house), Mumtazgani the habitation of garibanan (cart owners or drivers), later the royal artillery, going up to Kauriapul (bridge over Faiz canal). Nagar Seth Unfortunately, not much is known about the institution of the Nagar Seth in Shahjahanabad, but that the institution existed here may be deduced from the reference to Haveli Nay in SairulManazil! Presumably his duties and privi the same as those of the famous Nagar Seth of Ahmedabad. We may also assume that what has been described in Ain:-Kotwal” as the appointment of a notable of each community of artisans and a headman of each mohalla, must have existed in Shahjahanabad, though its form may have changed. An indica. tion may be had from the fact that even now there is supposed to be only one entrance to a mohalla or katra bazar Residences It seems that the residences were generally named according to the plan, size, and the status of the person who built/owned it, First would come the haveli, such as haveli Ibrahim Ali Khan, or haveli Azam Khan or haveli Bakhshi Shanker. But there are240 Religion, Stare, and Society in Medieval India certain obvious exceptions which the present writer is unable to explain, like haveli Puran Khaiyat (tailor) or haveli Zeenat Tawaif (dancing girl and/or prostitute), or haveli mimaran (masons) or haveliyat baggalan (hanias). A haveli was a house complex with its deorhi (entrance), Sahn (courtyard), mahab savas (living quarters), balakhana (the upper story), jilawkhana (upper storey with a projecting balcony and external access), and diwankhana (office room). Bala-khana Shaikh Badrul-Din Muhr-kun or Bale khana Nawab Fathulla Beg Khan are mens tioned. Similarly, Diwan-khana Hakim Qudratullah Khan and Diwan-khana Nawab Faizullah Khan are also mentioned, while a filaw khana in Chowk Sadullah Khan is mentioned in Muraggas iDiNie" A tur) (engaged quoin or tower with rooms) was also an important feature of many havelis; for various reasons it occasionally acquired an independent position.” Other names, lower in the hierarchy were just makan as those of Bajne tawaif, or of Bag Singh. As in the case of haveli, makan would also be sometimes used for important people, as in the case of makan Raja Jai Singh, or makan Nawwab Fathullah Beg Khan. Makanat (pl. of makan) was a collection of houses, used: either for a social entity or for houses owned by an individual Makanat-i-Panditan-i-Kashmiri, makanat Qaum Khatri op makanatMurshidzadaha (princes) would be examples of the former, while makanattMahammad Amin Khan, makanati Nawab Faiz Muhammad Khan, and makanat-:Nawwab Qamare ud-Din would be examples of the lawtet Manzil, so common among Urdu-speaking people today, was rarely used; the only example we have is in the plural—manazil Nawab Jahan Ara Begum. Kothi, which literally is a diminutive of fort, and was commonly used in the sense of ‘factories’ owned, by the European companies, or kothars used in the same period, as godown (for example, kothar of Hathras or of Marchra“) has not been used in either of the two works, nor is it used today im the walled city except in its dimunitive form hothri (for a very small room or even a cell). Kathi, however, is frequently used ag denoting an upper class residence, whether of Indians or the Europeans, Examples would be Kothi Nawab Ahmad Baksh Khan, Kothi Nawab Faiz Muhammad Khan Bahadur, Kothi Lala rar Mal, Kothi Lala Mangat Rai. In the c 110 igh most of these residences were outside the city The Morphology of a Medieval Indian City 241 walls, they were a part of the city, such as Kothi Daktar Ludlow Saheb (Ludlow Castle), and Kothi Col. James Skinner ete The term bangla seems to have come from B wal. Its use in MuraqgaiDihli where it is stated that there were banglas in every locality,"* suggests that it had been used for long, though the term and the type of the houses it denoted appear to have been popularized by the British. Among the many names mentioned in SairulManazil, Bangla Saiyid Firoz, Bangla Shidi Faulad Khan, and Bangla Sukunati-Angrez (residences of Englishmen may be mentioned here). In contrast to a haveli, a bangla (bungalow) was essentially a detached house. Parks and Gardens Gardens were presumably laid by individuals, as pleasure resorts, but in course of time became public gardens, such as Bagh Begum Saheba. Bagh of Begum Sumroo wes just outside the city walls. Smaller gardens or parks were Baghicha Tansukh Rai Kaghazi (paper manufacturer or dealer), Baghicha Guruji Pandit, Baghicha Muhammad Karora, Zeenat Bari, etc Water Bodies There were mainly hau: or talab (tanks), nahr (canal), chah (wells), and Bari or Baoli (step-wells) in Shahjahanabad, for these provided water to the city. Some of these were fitted with Persian wheels (rahat) Conclusion When we look at the eighteenth as a vibrant city with artisans, trade, and commerce with residences of wealthy jagivdars and merchants, a city of pleasure and sin, as well as of sacred edifices and momments. Then came the catastrophes: Nadir Shah’s invasion, Ahmad Shah Durrani’s invasions, the domination of the Marathas and the Afghans, virtual independences of the Governors and, finally the establishment of the British domination in 1803. This was the time of which the poets expressed their grief, such as Sauda, who wrote his Shahr Ashok, or the migration of Mir Taqi Mir to Lucknow and his famous lines, written in anguish. century, we find Shahjahanabad2 Religion, State, and Society in Medieval India Dehli, which w: Where th a city Select of the World elite of the Times lived It has been robbed and destroyed by circumstances; I belong to that very desolate city. The evidence of decline cannot be overlooked; the loss of source of power and wealth of the landed aristocracy and the impoverishment of the king took their toll in terms of the city prosperity. And yet it remained a well populated city marked by its graces and culture. Notes and References 1. The printed version in the library of An New Delhi, has been used. ed by Sharif Husain Qasimi of Dethi Uni published by Ghalib Institute, New Delhi in 1982 has been 3, Suir Manasil, Editors’ introduction, 4, Suirul Manas, p. 2 5. Murayga-iDihk, pp. 7-8, 6. Ibid, p. 3. 7. Wid, p. 30. 8. Ibid, p. 35 9. tbid., p. 50. 10. Ibid, pp. 5 11. SeinubManazit p. 9 12. MuraggatDihi, pp. 17-19. 13, Both MuraggeDihli and SairutMan ‘except Imamba Taraqqt+Urdu, Hind, 2. The text edi sity and dl mention all the places, are mentioned by the latter 88, 93, 107, ‘and Panja which 14, SairaulManasi, pp. 43, 15. Seirub-Manasi 16. id. p. 36, 7. Ibid., pp. 28, 33 18, SAL. Tirmizi, Edicis from the Mughal Harem, Delhi, 1979, p, 29. 19. SairautManazi, p. 29 20, Aini-Akban, tx. Jarrett, Vol. I, Delhi, 1978, p. 44 21. Muraqqa-éDihi, p14. 2. Ibid. 23. Ibid, 24. Ibid., pp. 12-13, 21 Thoughts on Agrarian Relations in Mughal India* Problems, Sources, and Method Tam happy to have the privilege of addressing a distinguished gathering on the problems of agrarian history of medieval India with special reference to agrarian relations. To a learned audi ence like this I need hardly spell out the problems of agrarian history which are worrying the students of medieval India, Briefly 1 shall indicate what appears to me to be some of the most baffling problems. First of all—I am saying this not in order of importance— is the question whether the relationships in India could be considered to be feudal in character and, if so, what was the nature of this feudalism? In what ways was it different from the ype of feudalism that had existed in India in the earlier phase And what are the changes, if any, that were taking place in feudal structure’ There is no doubt that in medieval India the surplus produce was controlled by the intermediaries and also a part of it was appropriated by them. By all accounts the major share of the surplus went to the amirs, although the process of cultivation and the rural life was certainly controlled by the zamindar. ‘The amir could not exist independently of the zamindar. This is a system which can only be described as feudal if we accept a totally + UGC. Nati Delhi, 1973, Lectures, Patna University, Peoples’ Publishing House