International Journal of Management, Social Sciences, Peace and Conflict Studies (IJMSSPCS), Vol.5 No.

2 June, 2022;
p.g. 109- 123; ISSN: 2682-6135

ETHNICITY, RELIGION AND CONFLICTS IN NIGERIA, 1999 – 2021: AN

EXPOSITORY ANALYSIS OF YOUTHS’ INVOLVEMENT

BRIGHT E. NWAMUO
Department of History & Strategic Studies,
Alex Ekwume Federal University, Ndufu Alike
Ebonyi State
Email: brightnwamuo@gmail.com
Phone: +2348065598591

OKONKWO C. EZE
Department of History & Strategic Studies,
Alex Ekwume Fed. University, Ndufu Alike
Ebonyi State
Email: okochriseze@gmail.com
Phone: +2348036867099

EMMANUEL C. ALAKU
Department of History & Strategic Studies,
Alex Ekwume Fed. University, Ndufu Alike
Ebonyi State
Email: immanence2013@gmail.com
Phone: +2348054237945

&
DODO, EL-ZULKIFLU ALIYU
Department of History & Diplomatic Studies,
Fedreral University Wukari, Taraba State
elzukiflualiyu@gmail.com
Phone: +2348023493857

Abstract
Conflicts have remained very important and recurring aspects of inter-group relations
all over the world. Nigeria, as a country, is both multi-ethnic and multi-religious; a
development that has become a fault line. In as much as the two variables are considered
centripetal they are, on the other hand, centrifugal forces propelling Nigeria’s
disintegration. This study is an attempt at x-raying the nexus between ethnicity and
religion, and the prevalent violent conflicts that have dotted Nigeria’s geo-political
space in recent times. The trios are not only antithetical to democratic ethos but also a
threat to fragile strings of Nigerian federalism. All these have made Nigeria one of the
difficult and complex countries where sectional interests have been upheld and
defended at the detriment of national cohesion. The attendant protests and conflicts,
undeniably, have been perpetuated by youths mobilized, as it were, by some political
and religious leaders. This aspect of inter-group relations among Nigerians does not
seem to enjoy robust scholarly investigations, thereby leaving a lacuna in our

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comprehensive knowledge of Nigerian history. It is, therefore, worthwhile to establish

siamese interconnectedness between conflicts and ethno-religious diversity in this age
of insurrection and insurgency. The study argues that the pluralism and diversity of
ethnicity and religion have to be harnessed so as to create a level playing ground for all
to contribute to nation-building efforts. The study adopted multidisciplinary approach
to historiography together with lived-experience to update the account.

Keywords: Ethnicity, Religion, Youths, Conflicts, Nigeria.

Introduction
Nigeria as a geo-political entity is a home to about 500 ethnic nationalities that are further
divided along three main religious lines such as African Traditional Religion (ATR), Islam and
Christianity. Each of the ethnic nationalities was (still is) identified with one or two of the
religious faiths thereby creating room for religious antagonism. Put in other words,
‘differences in religion, education, customs, and history were made into rigid means of
separation rather than the natural process of human life’ (Salamone 1997, 303-333). Added to
this scenario has been the disparate ethnic groupings’ struggle for forms of government that
guarantee a greater degree of control of their internal affairs (Vickers 2010, 9). However, it
stands to reason to argue that the persisting and unresolved ethnic demands that threaten the
current fragile nature of Nigeria’s government and political institutions (Vickers 2010, 9) can
hardly be attributed to ethnicity or religion separately but collectively.

In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed waves of devastating religious conflicts tinged with
ethnic chauvinism. These waves of ethno-religious conflicts appear to have been encouraged
by the nascent democracy after many decades of military rule. The emergent political class,
on assumption of office, has brought groupthink identities to bear on governance.
Consequently, ‘ethno-religious animosities (or identities) have led to the phenomenon of
armed militias (made up of youths) in virtually all parts of the country’ (Ebo 2005, 1-35). Since
the restoration of democracy in 1999, Nigeria has witnessed a series of self-made terrorism
and self-made wars all in defence of ethnic nationality or religion. In other words, ethnic
diversity and religious pluralism have contributed fundamentally to the atmosphere of
hostility and mutual suspicion that have characterized Nigeria’s socio-political life.

The collapse and disintegration of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic- USSR- in 1991 came
soon after the introduction of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) into Nigeria as a
result of which ‘job creation became limited or almost absent’ (Usman 2012, 32-50). The two
events had enormous effects on youth crises in Nigeria because while the first made small
arms and light weapons available, the second threw up jobless youths who readily took up
these SALW to defend what ordinarily would been a none-issue. In fact, it has been observed
that Nigeria has led in arms smuggling and that 350 million of the 500 million illegal arms
circulating in West Africa are found in the country (Ikhatalor 2021, 15). The political elite,
religious extremists and other merchants of violence took advantage of illicit instruments of
violence to fuel ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria. This has made it possible for ‘all of
Nigeria’s six geo-political zones to have witnessed violent ethnic conflicts revolving
essentially around…religion’ (Ebo 2005, 1-35).

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The Nigerian state structure itself, its failures and deficiencies (Adamo 2020, 1-21) have
thrown up leaders who derive their legitimacy from politics of identity. The introduction of
Sharia law in 12 states of the North soon after the return of democracy in 1999, gave rise to
‘new wars’ without boundary fought mainly by non-state actors such as militias, terrorists
and so forth (See Adamo 2020, 1-21). It can further be said that democracy appears to have
provided fertile grounds for civil disturbances and contestation for the broader issues of
identity (ethnic and religion), participation and citizenship’ (Alubo 2005, 10). All told, the
youths have been the vanguards of all ethno-religious conflicts because of the wide spread
frustration occasioned by joblessness being experienced by Nigerian youths. For instance, out
of a population of 80 million youths, 64 million of them are unemployed while 16 million are
underemployed (Usman 2012, 33-50). All these ethno-religious conflicts have been the bane
of nation-building efforts of Nigerians.

Ethnic and Religious Conflicts: The Nuances

Ethnic conflict is described as a disagreement, misunderstanding, violent and non-violent
between various ethnic groups. Ethnic conflict is also seen as a situation where the
relationship between members of one ethnic nationality and another of such group in a multi-
ethnic society is characterized by lack of cordiality, mutual suspicion, fear and a tendency
towards violent confrontation. (Ali and Yahaya 2019:7). Ethnic conflict is a type of group
conflict in which the group participating in the conflict interprets the conflict, its causes and
consequences along ethnic lines. In this type of conflict, it is organized around ethnic identity.
Ethnic sentiments have made it difficult for these conflicts to abate or be resolved easily.
Ethnicity encourages segregation, discrimination and polarization of the society characterized
by “we” or “them”.

On the religious aspect, conflict arises when each of the two different religious persons in the
same religious space claim monopoly of religious truth or idea. The two of them cannot hold
the same truth at the same time, hence the occurrence of opposition, friction, incompatibility,
antagonism, hostility, clash, dispute, fight, quarrel and war between them (Ayantoya 19,
2005).

Religious conflicts comes in different dimensions, in discussing ethnic and religious conflicts
in Nigeria, we need to give a brief insight into the pre-colonial and colonial history of Nigeria
as this will enable us have a clearer understanding of ethnic and religious conflicts in Nigeria.
The amalgamation of Nigeria could be seen as the beginning of ethnic rivalry and religious
conflicts and other conflicts in Nigeria. By 1914, Britain had succeeded in making herself the
new paramount ruler over most ethnic nationalities in Nigeria. Before 1914, there was no
country called Nigeria but different ethnic nationalities existed within the Nigerian
geographical space. Nigeria as a political and social entity has, therefore main histories, the
history of the different peoples who make up the country and the history of Nigeria as one
political entity. (Emefiena Ezeani 2012:17). Historically, indigenous societies ante-dates
Nigerian and the later history of Nigeria is quite recent, the political state or entity known
today as Nigeria was born in 1914.

Numerous pre-existing African nations, states or ethno-political communities or units, with

hundreds of different languages came to be recreated by Britain as one single state, ignoring

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the wider and deeper historical and sociological divergences between them. Schwarz as cited
by Emefiena, posits that "the arid, predominantly Muslim North and the tropical,
predominantly Christian South are different countries”. (Water in Ezeani 2012:18.) These
differences as pointed out by Schwarz remained even after the amalgamation. The interest of
the British was paramount in the amalgamation of 1914. Some political analysts are of the
view that the British government had joined these nationalities of mutually incompatible
peoples together to create a nation in its own image and likeness. (Crowder 1966: 19)

In assessing the incident of 1914, Okpeh (2006) asserts that “there is no contradicting the fact
that Nigeria has a problematic existence”. This problematic foundation has created room for
ethnic and religious conflicts and the ethnic division we experience today in Nigeria can be
traced to this faulty beginning. Over the years, the underlying forces for this problem have
been left to eat too deep into the caprice of the nation. Unfortunately this has seriously affected
and is still affecting the process of nation building. Okpeh is in support of the view that the
structural composition of the country provides the basis for conflict. The way and manner this
structure has been managed over the years by the ruling class worsened the situation. The
cumulus of contradictions this structure has generated calls to order the essence, nature and
character of the nation.

Obafemi Awolowo in 1947 said this about Nigeria:

Nigeria is not a nation. It is a mere geographical expression. There are no
“Nigerians” in the same sense as there are “English”, Welsh, or French. The
word “Nigerian” is merely a distinctive appellation to distinguish those who
live within the boundaries of Nigeria and those who do not (Awolowo, 1947).

Tafawa Balewa in 1948 described the amalgamation of Nigeria thus:

Since 1914 the British Government has been trying to make Nigeria into one
country, but the Nigerian people themselves are historically different in their
backgrounds, in their religious beliefs and customs and do not show
themselves any signs of willingness to unite… Nigerian unity is only a British
invention (Balewa, 1948).

Nnamdi Azikiwe in 1964 called for a peaceful dissolution of the amalgamated Nigeria:
It is better for us and many admirers abroad that we should disintegrate
in peace and not in pieces. Should the politicians fail to heed this
warning, then I will venture the prediction that the experience of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo will be a child’s play if it ever comes
to our turn to play such a tragic role (Azikiwe, 1964).

These feelings have permeated the minds of Nigerians even after so many years of coexistence
as a country. In Nigeria today people prefer to be identified with the name of their ethnic
nationality than with the name of the country Nigeria and this has not helped in fostering the
unity and love required for nation building.

Nnoli (1980, 98) believes that the contemporary ethnic phenomenon of Nigeria is not the mere
agglomeration of disparate linguistic and cultural groups. The social boundaries of the

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various language groups drastically changed from its pre-colonial character to its colonial
form. People who did not share a common ethnic identity during the former period began to
do so during the latter. Nnoli traced the gestation period of ethnic identity and the birth period
of contemporary ethnic politics in Nigeria to the colonial period.

In order to foster ethnic unity, in the 1920’s, kinship and communal unions became visible in
main urban centers of Nigeria. They were known by various names such as Naze Family
Meeting, Ngwa Clan Union, Owerri Divisional Union, Calabar Improvement League, Igbirra
Progressive Union, Urhobo Renascent Convention etc. These unions were established in
several urban centers in the South and North. In 1918, the Egba Society was formed in Lagos
to promote the interest of Egba land. Throughout the interwar years, similar associations were
formed first in Lagos and then in other urban centers in Yoruba land and elsewhere. These
groups included the Union of Ijebu Young men formed in 1923, the Yoruba Union established
in 1924, the Egbado Union, the Ekiti National Union, the Ife Union, the Ijaye National Society,
the Owo Progressive Union and the Oyo progressive Union. In the late 1930s these associations
formed federations. In 1942 the Yoruba Language Society was formed. This development of
Yoruba associations paralleled a similar development among the Igbo. (Nnoli 1980:98). The
formation of these associations which focused on the interest of these nationalities affected the
foundation and unity of the country and encouraged ethnic/communal sentiment among
these groups.

The British colonial administration encouraged communal sentiments among Nigerians. It

seized every available opportunity to spread the myth and propaganda that they were
“separated from one another by great distance, by differences of history and tradition and by
ethnological, racial, tribal, political, social and religious barriers” (See Nnoli 1980: 113). These
differences the British colonial administration did not consider before bringing the people
together but were emphasized sometimes for their own benefit. In fact, in 1920, Sir Hugh
Clifford, the colonial Governor of the country at the time, made it abundantly clear that his
administration would seek to secure “to each separate people the right to maintain its identity,
its individuality and its nationality, its chosen form of government and the peculiar political
and social institutions which have been evolved for it by the wisdom and accumulated
experiences of generations of its forbearers” (Coleman in Nnoli: 113.)

This was reflected structurally by the administrative system of indirect rule and
regionalization. Indirect rule started out as an instrument for overcoming the pervasive
financial, personnel and communications problems of the colonial administration in Northern
Nigeria and ended up as a means for reinforcing communal identity and providing a new
symbolic and ethnocentric focus for the urban population. In the view of James Coleman as
highlighted by O. Nnoli, “the overwhelming emphasis has been upon greater tribal
integration… there can be little doubt that it has complicated the task of welding diverse
elements into a Nigerian nation. Indirect rule widened the social distance among the
communal groups in Nigeria, thereby reinforcing the ethnocentric factor in the emergence of
ethnicity (Nnoli: 113). It is evident that the British did not make conscientious effort to unite
the Nigerian people at least politically.

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During the colonial period, Lugard believed that for him to succeed, Islamic religion/belief
should not be tampered with and in his negotiations with the leaders of the defunct Caliphate,
he assured them that their religion and customs would not be interfered with and all the
structures would remain except that effective power was now effectively in the hands of the
British. The implication of this was that the feudal class participated with the British in the
oppression and exploitation of the people in return for a guarantee of their positions and
privileges. This laid the foundation of the present Muslim versus Christian socio-economic
and political distrust and conflicts in the North (Mejida 2012: 405-406). As it has been pointed
out, the favourable disposition of the British towards the Muslims affected peaceful co-
existence between the Muslims and non-Muslims who suffered oppression in the hands of the
Muslims. This attitude of the British increased hatred and division among these groups.

Nigerians belong to one religion or the other and religion plays an important role in the
Nigerian society and most times religion is expressed in national issues. In Nigeria the two
dominant religions have been associated with certain regions. For example Islam is associated
with the north while Christianity is associated with the south. Ethno-religious conflicts are
complex and common in Nigeria.

Some of these conflicts occur in the Middle-Belt and along the cultural borderline states of the
predominantly Muslim North, and also take place between Hausa-Fulani groups and non-
Muslim ethnic nationalities in the South (Osaghae and Suberu 2005:19). Sometimes these
conflicts spread beyond the area where they started. Most of these conflicts are deadly. In
conflicts of this nature occurring along the confluence of ethnic and religious lines, it is often
very difficult to tell the differences between religious and ethnic crises because the dividing
line between them is very slim.

Examples of such ethnic and religious conflicts include the July 1999 conflict among the Oro
cult group in Sagamu of Ogun State who alleged that some Hausa women came outside when
these traditional worshippers were observing their traditional ceremony. This resulted to
serious argument which later degenerated into a full-scale crisis. Many Yorubas and Hausas
were killed before a dusk to dawn curfew was imposed on the small town of Sagamu. Reprisal
attacks occurred in Kano, leading to deaths and destruction of property worth billions of
Naira (Kura 2010:33-34). The Kafanchan-Kaduna crisis of the 1980s and 1990s, the Kaduna
Sharia riots of 2000, the Jos riots of 2001 (Osaghae and Suberu 2005:19), several hundreds of
lives were lost during these crises. The effect of these crises was felt beyond the scenes of these
incidents.

Before 1990, one religious conflict of note was the Maitatsine revolt of 1980. Maitatsine’s
original name was Mohammed Marwa, he was a religious preacher willing to impose his sui-
generis religious ideology on the people. His militants called ‘Yan Tatsine’, attacked other
religious groups in 1980. And later the Nigerian army was involved in the dispute and
throughout the fights approximately 5,000 people were killed. Maitatsine also lost his life in
the revolt (Human Rights Watch: 2001).

Again the Idi-Araba/Oko-Oba ethnic conflict in October 2000, led to the death of both Yorubas
and Hausas in Lagos and later spread to Kano. (Enukora 2005:633; Kura 2010:34). In

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September 2001, ethnic conflict occurred between the Tivs and the Junkuns in Benue state as
result of what was regarded as ‘mistaken identity’. In this case some Tiv indigenes mistakenly
saw some nineteen soldiers as Junkuns in fake army uniform. These Tiv youths captured them
and killed all the nineteen soldiers (Kura 2010:34-35). The Nigerian army thereafter embarked
on a devastating reprisal attacks in Saki-Biam, Benue state. According to report at least a
hundred people died during the reprisal (Human Rights Watch: 2001).

Another ethno-religious conflict that left a remarkable mark in Nigeria was the
Kaduna/Enugu riots. The major cause of these riots was the introduction of the Islamic legal
code (Sharia) by some northern governors. For example Governor Ahmed Yerima of Zamfara
State was the first to introduce the Islamic legal code in October 1999. This did not go down
well with the people mostly Christians. However, the fire of this religious adventure was
ignited when Governor Mohammed Makarfi of Kaduna state attempted in February 2000 to
introduce sharia in Kaduna. Because of the already established hatred between the Muslims
and Christians in Kaduna State, coupled with the fact that both are almost at par in
population, this resulted to a serious conflict that led to the death of many people. (Salawu).

Ethnic and religious conflicts in Nigeria are common in all parts of the country. However the
structure of the country has inadvertently influenced these crises. Since independence, the
leaders of the country have made little effort to remove the dividing agents but have further
created more division among the people. Major drivers of ethnic and religious conflicts in
Nigeria are suspicion, marginalization, neglect, oppression, nepotism, domination,
exploitation, illiteracy, victimization, discrimination, religious bigotry and unemployment.
Politics, ethnicism and religion are connected in these conflicts and youths are always used as
instruments to facilitate the conflicts. However, conflicts are more visible in the Northern
region of the country. The incessant outbreak of ethnic and religious conflicts in the North has
been attributed to their unflinching attachment to religion, dogged ethnic sentiments, clash of
culture and clash of religious ideas.

Frequent and persistent ethnic and religious clashes between the two dominant religions
(Islam and Christianity), present the country with a major security challenge. In all parts of
Nigeria, there exist ethnic and religious conflict and these have emerged as a result of new
and particularistic form of political consciousness and identity often structured around ethno-
religious identities. Usman (1987:2) believes that ethnic conflict has its origin from the past
due to suspicion, unemployment, selfishness, poverty, envy, ignorance and mistrust between
ethnic groups in Nigeria.

Religious, ethnic altercations and differences in value system such as inherited modes of
behavior or belief systems pose a lot of challenge to the nation. However, Egwu (2004) believes
that “ethnic conflict is difficult to understand when it is believed that the state has taken side
or the conflict is serving the interest of the powerful or influential group while claiming to
represent the interest of all the groups. Ethnic and religious conflicts are persistent in Nigeria
because of the fact that ethnic and religious loyalty serve as the ember of these conflicts. In
other words, there is so much attachment to ethnic and religious ideals than national values.
People support their ethnic nationality and their religion even when the goals of their struggle
are faulty.

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According to Ali and Yahaya (2019:7), ethnic conflict is very sensitive, complex and difficult
to resolve because the affected persons experience loss of lives and property which if not
properly managed, may lead to grudges, revenge, hatred, counter attack and the reemergence
of such conflicts. He further averred that the heterogeneous nature of the Nigerian population
has influenced ethnic conflict.

Ethno-Religious Conflicts and Nation-Building in Nigeria

Nation-building drive in the Nigeria’s post military era has faced many challenges. These
challenges appear to suggest that the emergent political class was ill-equipped for the
demands of democratic governance hence its members drew their legitimacy from ethno-
religious identity and sentiments. In other words, the prebendal politics of the political elite
has used ethnic and religious considerations to browbeat the citizens into line as found in
some states in Northern Nigeria. The culture of ‘we’ and ‘they’ in a country like Nigeria is as
preposterous as it is unconscionable towards genuine efforts at nation-building.

Nation-building has become increasingly more difficult in the present democratic era than
under the military because of the politics of inclusion and exclusion. It is in the view of some
analysts that the pervasive violent conflicts in the country are the result of the freedom
associated with democracy which Nigerians are unequipped to manage effectively (Dansonka
and Yiolokun 2016, 3). The use, misuse and abuse of identities had always been allowed to
play out with the resultant paroxysm of clashes and conflicts between various interest groups
to the detriment of a common nationhood. There are evidences in Nigeria of where people
were excluded from active participation in the political process of a state or a place on account
of their ethnic or religious identities. The purpose is essentially to safeguard a group interest
against the intense competition for who controls what position and the economic benefits
thereof (Ozoeze 2005, 9).

Because of the intermittent ethno-religious conflicts in the Middle Belt, George Akume has
described the zone as a ‘triangle of crises’; a development that ‘threatens the tangible and
intangible threads that hold a political entity together and give it a sense of purpose’ Gambari
2008, 2). Put differently, the ethno-religious conflicts prosecuted by some misguided youths
not only erected barriers between Nigerian citizens but also stunted the nation-building
efforts. The type of political and religious leaders needed in Nigeria should be able to inculcate
‘a better understanding of ourselves and of our interconnections and intergroup relations
(which) is bound to make us …less parochial, less insular in our thinking as well as advance
our group nationalism into the nationalism of the integrated whole or nation (Igbafe 2006, 14).

As it is today, ethno-religious identities have tended to shift loyalty from Nigerian nation-
state to ethnic nationality or individual religion or both. But for the politicization of religion
in Nigeria, it would have addressed ‘the problem of holding together growing numbers of
people once the immediate ties of family and clan had ceased to be adequate’ (Ranger 1972,
9). It is therefore plausible to argue that religion which should have been an indispensable
tool for nation-building by bringing out the best in individuals in a multi-ethno-religious
society like Nigeria has become a factor of division and irredentism (Eze, Adihikon and
Chinweuba 2015, 71-82). Nigerian leaders should be able to harness the positive potentials of

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religion for nation-building rather than ‘us’ and ‘them’ phenomenon which created a
‘divided-self’ among Nigerians.

The ethnic diversity of Nigeria which ordinarily should have been a source of strength and
pride in the committee of nations has generated prejudice, tension and rivalry in the country.
It is clear that national leaders have not been able to inculcate in the youths sufficient sense of
Nigerian project over and above the sharp edges of ethnicity and religious pluralism (Eze
2014, 1-12). Undoubtedly, ethno-religious conflicts are not only a threat to the fragile political
unity of Nigeria but also mortgage the future of its young citizens. Great nations such as Great
Britain and the United States of America which are also amalgams of many people have
attained grandeur and common nationhood devoid of primordial sentiments and attachment.
There is strength in diversity.

Democracy and New Wave of Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Nigeria

Democracy is essentially a direct and active participation of the citizens of a country in the
decision of their own affairs. It also entails meaningful and extensive competition among
individuals and organized groups especially political parties, either directly or indirectly for
the major position to governmental power (Haruna, 2010; Ikyase et. al, 2014). Democracy is
rooted in several key values or norms and give its institutions and procedures their normative
purpose which include freedom, equity, inclusion, welfare, respect for human life, negotiation
and compromise, and rule of law (Frank et. al, 2012:288). Democracy, Sartori (1987:34) notes,
exists when relations between the governed and government abides by the principal that the
state is at the service of the citizens and not the citizens at the services of the state.

Against this backdrop, Nigeria’s democracy is characterized by great deal of anti democratic
practices as the process is replete with ethnicity, tribalism, nepotism, regionalism, and ethnic
conflicts. Since Nigeria independence in 1960, democratic structure of the first republic was
ethnically-based with lots of sentiments which became highly politicized. Each ethnic group
was administered by political party organized along ethnic lines that vowed to protect the
people’s interest (Ikyase et.al, 2014:35). Democracy, since the inception of Fourth Republic in
1999 has become a political death trap because elections conducted in Nigeria since then,
always ended in protest and gruesome killings of perceived enemies and innocent citizens for
lack of free and fair elections and manipulations of votes in favour of the power-that-be or the
cash and carry politicians. This democratic dispensation has manifested trait of poor ethno
religious mechanism based on conflicts and mutual suspicion that exist not only between the
north and south but also within the religious realm. Countries with such diverse ethnic
nationalities like USA have taken the advantage to become great nations but it has become an
up-hill task in Nigeria and continued to threaten the unity of country and thus make the future
of the country bleak (Adetoye and Omilusi, 2015:51).

New Wave of Ethno-Religious Conflicts

The return of civil rule in 1999 has opened up the space for interrogating political and social
phenomena in Nigeria. The perceived imbalance and unanswered questions within Nigeria
federal political system contributed fundamentally to the atmosphere of hostility and ethno-
religious conflict. However, in the absence of a systematic attempt to resolve most of these
fundamental contradictions or differences facing the country’s political structure, the newly

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enlarged political space is fast becoming filled with ethnic or other primordial identities and
sentiments. The net effect of these strong feelings arising from the ethnic groups entrenched
an atmosphere of hostility and antagonism, with each group alleging political and economic
marginalization in the hands of others.

Since 1999, there have also been waves of ethno-religious conflicts and sharia instigated riots
as well as the emergence of the Boko Haram Jihadist. The frequency of conflicts in Nigeria
stimulated the proliferation of ethno-religious movements with pronounced political agenda.
These associations were formed largely for the interests of ethnic and religious groups. Such
associations include the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP), Ijaw National
Council, Niger Delta Peoples Volunteer Force (NDPVF), the Odu’a People’s Congress (OPC),
Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), Middle Belt Forum (BLF), Indigenous People of Biafra
(IPOB) and the Boko Haram Jihadists. These organizations make claims that have far-reaching
implications on the state. Their claims and demands include those for more equitable
distribution and sharing of power and economic resources, Islamization of the country, and
demand for reconfiguration of the state or self-determination.

The wave of ethno-religious conflicts not only resulted in the loss of human and material
resources that cannot be quantified in monetary terms but breed state of anarchy and
emergence of parallel government both in the north and the south and threatens the unity and
corporate existence of Nigeria. Statistics on religious conflicts across the country reveals that
at least 95% of religious violence took place in northern Nigeria and out of the 178 conflict
outbreaks between 1990 and 2004, 104 had religious undertones while the rest of the conflicts
probably might be ethnic (Agbiboa, 2014:50). The local conflicts that arose primarily out of
ethnic differences in Jos between Hausa settlers and the indigenes of Afizere, Berom, Anaguta
resulted in the decimation of 3,000 people and 25,000 people displaced in 2008 because of
election manipulations in Jos North LGA (Ojie and Ewhrudjakpor, 2009:8).

In fact, it is sad to mention that the authorities have not yet prosecuted security officers both
police and army for the unlawful killings of more than 130 people during the 2008 sectarian
violence in Jos, Plateau state nor had the federal government brought to book the soldiers who
massacred 200 people in Benue since 2001 (Agbiboa, 2014:50). The failure of Nigeria
government to address the widespread social ills as well as the police and army longstanding
impunity for the range of crime not only showed government’s complicity but have created
fertile ground for ethnic violence and pseudo-government.

The plethora of ethno-religious conflicts abound especially between the Hausa/Fulani and the
Yoruba people in Shagamu; Hausa/Fulani and Igbo in Aba (2019, 2020); Herdsmen and Igbo
people in Enugu State (2018, 2019); Kano and Lagos Crisis and the Sharia Crisis. In Shagamu
crisis, the police officers deployed to quell the gruesome massacre turned out to be
Hausa/Fulani security men who, instead of arresting the situation employed their tribal ego
to assist the minority Hausa/Fulani indigenes resident in Shagamu to overpower the Yoruba
side (Isiaka, 2006:195). The whole of Shagamu became a gory sight as human remains littered
in the streets with so many dead bodies hidden in burnt houses. More than 40 people lost their
lives in the mayhem while 1,000 people were rendered homeless. The Shagamu crisis
provoked a retaliatory attack in Kano of which the Hausa-Fulani avenged the killings of their

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kith and kin. The unfortunate incident resulted in another bloodbath between the two
dominant ethnic nationalities in Nigeria where more than 160 Yoruba in the North were burnt
or hacked to death (Isiaka 2006:195).

Furthermore, the attempt to launch the Biafran State in Aba town in South East Nigeria
resulted in bloody clash between the police and MASSOB members leading to the arrest of
the militia leader, Ralph Uwazuruike. Frequent clashes between the group and law
enforcement agencies always led to the death of MASSOB members. Despite the arrest,
incarceration and death of its members, the association has continued with its separatist zeal
and agitation. Since 2017, the activities of ethnic-oriented militia movement, IPOB, had
assumed a higher dimension. The federal government as a result of the agitation of this group,
announced its proscription, the leader Mazi Nnamdi Kanu is currently facing alleged
terrorism charges at the Federal High Court, Abuja. Since then, federal government has
declared full scale war on IPOB and the police and army engages in secret and routine extra-
judicial execution of IPOB members for their peaceful request of self-rule (Falana, 2021:17).

With the zeal for primitive accumulation of wealth, the political stakeholders made or turned
election process into Obasanjo’s “do-or-die affair” where every contestant tries at all cost to
undo his perceived political rival. The process of election in Nigeria, rather than serving as
means of exercising legitimate political rights, has turned out to be serious political liability
that encouraged and generate crisis. From 2003–2019, general elections in Nigeria were
marked with conflicts just as their processes and end-products encountered credibility and
legitimacy crisis (Obialor and Ozuzu, 2019:126). The political elite in their desperate need for
power use the instrumentality of force such as thugs, political bandits, and government
security forces to rig elections in favour of a particular candidate.

In 2011, the build-up tension that followed general elections degenerated into violent
explosion and protests mainly in northern Nigeria states of Kaduna, Bauchi, Katsina, Kano,
Adamawa, Gombe, Taraba, Niger, and Plateau States. The crisis not only led to the burning
of Christian worship centres, public buildings, and houses of politicians of the ruling PDP
party and religious leaders suspected to be related to the party but the gruesome murder of
NYSC members who served as ad hoc INEC staff in Bauchi (The Nation, 2011:35). The violence
that followed the 2011 presidential elections in the country led to the death of over 800 people
and massive loss of property worth billions of naira coupled with the Boko Haram insurgency
(Ugbudian, et. al, 2012:2452).

The divisive campaign that preceded the 2011 election in the office of the president further
polarized the country along ethnic, religious and regional lines (Albert, 2012; Ugbudian, 2015).
The dimensions the electioneering campaign of President Goodluck Jonathan and General M.
Buhari witnessed mass killings of southerners in the north and the subsequent rejection of
6696 batch B, NYSC members from serving in some states in the Northern part of the country
(Daily Trust, 2012). The violent attacks led the President’s declaration of State of Emergency
on July 2013 in Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe (Agbiboa, 2014:48).

Though Boko Haram became noticed in 2009 but the rising profile of its foot soldiers (Fulani
Herdsmen) and criminal atrocities gained greater momentum during the administration of

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Buhari. Across the length and breadth of Nigeria, criminal attacks on communities have
rendered villages empty, property destroyed while farm lands have been abandoned (Eke,
2017:29). Government inability to halt their criminal atrocities appeared to have provided the
fulcrum for their increased impunity and wanton destruction of lives and property. The
activities of Fulani Herdsmen were evident in all the 36 states including Abuja between 2016
and 2020. Enugu and Benue were worst hit. The spate of attacks against churches,
communities nationwide since 2011, suggest a strategy of provocation through which the
groups seek to spark a large scale of ethno-religious conflict that will destabilize the country.

Conclusion
Ethnic and religious conflicts have remained visible in Nigeria; a development that has
become a fault line. Ethnic demands that threaten the current fragile nature of Nigeria’s
government and political institutions can hardly be attributed to ethnicity or religion
separately but collectively. In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed waves of devastating
religious conflicts tinged with ethnic chauvinism. Frequent and persistent ethnic and religious
clashes between the two dominant religions (Islam and Christianity), present the country with
a major security challenge. In all parts of Nigeria, there exist ethnic and religious conflict and
these have emerged as a result of political and ethnic consciousness and identity often
structured around ethno-religious identities. Since 1999, there have been waves of ethno-
religious conflicts. The frequency of conflicts in Nigeria has stimulated the proliferation of
ethno-religious movements with pronounced political agenda.

Nation-building has become increasingly more difficult in the present democratic

dispensation because of the politics of inclusion and exclusion. It is in the view of some
analysts that the pervasive violent conflicts in the country are the result of the freedom
associated with democracy which Nigerians are unequipped to manage effectively.
Government’s inability to halt the activities of criminal groups appears to have provided
fulcrum for increased impunity and wanton destruction of lives and property. However,
majority of the participants in these conflicts are youths who are manipulated by the religious,
community and political leaders. These youths are available instruments in the hand of these
leaders because of illiteracy, unemployment and poverty. In ethnic and religious conflicts
young people are commonly perceived as either perpetrators or victims of violence. Therefore,
the government should make conscious effort to educate, empower, engage, dialogue,
deradicalize and create job opportunities for the youths. This will help in reducing the spate
of violence in Nigeria.

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