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 International Union of Forest Research Organizations
Union Internationale des Instituts de Recherches Forestières
Internationaler Verband Forstlicher Forschungsanstalten
Unión Internacional de Organizaciones de Investigación Forestal

IUFRO World Series Vol. 21

Sustainable Forest
Management and Poverty
Alleviation:
Roles of Traditional
Forest-related Knowledge

Editors:
John A Parrotta
Liu Jinlong
Sim Heok-Choh

Extended abstracts from the conference held

in Kunming, China, 17-20 December 2007

Jointly organized by the International Union of

Forest Research Organizations (IUFRO) Task
Force on Traditional Forest Knowledge, the
Chinese Academy of Forestry (CAF) and the
Asia-Pacific Association of Forestry Research
Institutions (APAFRI)

ISSN 1016-3263

ISBN 978-3-901347-67-2

IUFRO, Vienna 2008

Recommended catalogue entry:
Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation: Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge.
Extended Abstracts from the conference held in Kunming, China, 17-20 December 2007, jointly organized
by the International Union of Forest Research Organizations (IUFRO) Task Force on Traditional Forest
Knowledge, the Chinese Academy of Forestry (CAF), and the Asia-Pacific Association of Forestry Research
Institutions (APAFRI). John A. Parrotta, Liu Jinlong, Sim Heok-Choh (editors). Vienna, IUFRO, 2008 – 223 p.
– (IUFRO World Series Vol. 21).

ISSN 1016-3263
ISBN 978-3-901347-67-2

Cover photos (from left to right):

1. Tapping of resin by local people in Cambodia - Ly Chou Beang & Lao Sethaphal
2. Woman tapping wild rubber tree in Indonesia - Zuraida
3. Collecting vines by indigenous tribal woman in the Philippines - A.B. Ella

Published by:
IUFRO Headquarters, Vienna, Austria, 2008

© 2008 IUFRO and the editors

Available from:
IUFRO Headquarters
Secretariat
c/o Mariabrunn (BFW)
Hauptstrasse 7
1140 Vienna
Austria

Tel.: +43-1-8770151-0
Fax: +43-1-8770151-50

E-mail: office@iufro.org
Web site: www.iufro.org

Price:
EUR 20.-
plus mailing costs

Printed by:
Ferdinand Berger & Söhne GmbH, 3580 Horn, Austria
 CONTENTS

Page

Introduction and Meeting Report 1

Extended Abstracts

Mouals’ traditional resource utilization in the Sundarbans of Bangladesh:

a case of mangrove forest people
Md. Mustafa Kamal Akand and A B M Rasheduzzaman 5

Food insecurity and dependency of Chepang communities on

wild edible plants.
Rishi Bastakoti, Lila Nath Sharma and Vivek Dhar Sharma 8

The role of Íbú ódó sacred pools in preserving riparian forest structure and
diversity along the Ouèmé and Okpara Rivers of Central Benin
Natalie Ceperley 11

Traditional knowledge on utilization of natural resources among the Penan

communities in northern Sarawak, Malaysia
Paul P.K. Chai, Endela Tipot and Jacqualine Henry 16

Participatory vegetation analysis in a forest landscape in the

Nilgiri Biosphere Researve
U.M. Chandrashekara 19

Poverty and biodiversity loss: rhetoric and reality

Pashupati Chaudhary, Kamal P. Aryal and Kamaljit S. Bawa 23

Traditional knowledge: intellectual property rights and benefit sharing

Chee Yoke-Ling 27

The impact of the Tibetan traditional culture on ecological protection

in the Tibetan Altiplano
Chen Xutu and Xin Yongquan 28

Traditional knowledge on firewood and fodder values corresponds

to scientific assessment
Nakul Chettri and Eklabya Sharma 31

Envisioning ecological and cultural place for sustainable livelihoods:

pre-step to the realization of traditional forest-related knowledge
Cho Kyoung Mann 36

Songgye, Korea's traditional knowledge for sustainable forest management

Young-Woo Chun and Kwang-Il Tak 39

Diversity and ethnozoological study of small mammals in villages

surrounding the Pendjari Biosphere Reserve in northern Benin
C. A. M. S. Djagoun and B. Sinsin 41

iii
Almaciga resin gathering by indigenous people of Palawan Province
in the Philippines
Arsenio B. Ella 46

Indigenous collection and marketing of wild honey and almaciga

resin in Palawan: the NATRIPAL experience
Arsenio B. Ella 49

Impacts of knowledge based decision support systems on

forest management
NourEldin Mohamed Elshaiekh Osman and Peter Charles Woods 52

Traditional weather forecasting for sustainable agro-forest management and

poverty alleviation in Ilocos Norte – Philippines
Evangeline S. Galacgac and Criselda M. Balisacan 55

Funds for community development through traditional knowledge:

an experience of community forestry in Nepal
Sishir Gautam and Surya B. Magar 58

Traditional knowledge of Tharu of Nepal on medicinal plants and healthcare

systems
Kalpana Ghimire and Rishi Bastakoti 61

Multifunctional uses of indigenous and exotic woody species as fodder

trees, fuel source, and in soil fertility restoration in the Ethiopian Highlands.
Glatzel Gerhard and Mekonnen Kindu 64

Integrating traditional knowledge systems, local institutions, and forest

conservation for sustainable forest management in Indian Himalayas
Hemant K .Gupta 67

Knowledge innovation in agroforestry landscape: participatory technology

development for the Sloping Land Conversion Program in Yunnan,
southwest China
He Jun, Xu Jianchu, Zhou Zhimei and Horst Weyerhaeuser 71

Traditional knowledge on forest resource management by Kasepuhan

people in the upland area of West Java, Indonesia
Latipah Hendarti and Youn Yeo-Chang 73

Indigenous catechu production and survival strategies of producers in

Bangladesh: a forest resource management study
M. Zulfiquar Ali Islam and M. Khursheed Anwar 77

Protecting Africa’s rainforest through the use of indigenous knowledge and

Western techniques: examples from Nigeria and Ghana
Valentine Udoh James 80

Challenges in applying traditional forest-related knowledge in sustainable

forest management and poverty alleviation in Malaysia: a case study of a
fish farming project with the Jakun community in the south-east Pahang
peat swamp project
Kamal Solhaimi Fadzil and Khali A. Hamzah 82

iv
An overview of land use and management in Bala Village
Ke Suo 85

Towards best practices incorporating traditional knowledge and

western science in Clayoquot Sound
Inae Kim and Ronald Trosper 86

Co-management of biodiversity: Traditional knowledge and

forest rights of the Soliga in South India
Siddhartha Krishnan, Nitin Rai, C. Made Gowda, Sushmita Mandal and
Siddappa Setty 88

Traditional Forest-related Knowledge and the Current International

Forest Policy
Andrey Laletin 91

Utilization of macrofungi by some indigenous communities for food

and medicine in Peninsular Malaysia
Lee Su See, Chang Yu Shyun and Noraswati Mohd. Nor Rashid 94

Building on traditional shifting cultivation for rotational agroforestry:

experiences from Yunnan, China
Luohui Liang, Lixin Shen and Yang Xinkai 98

Enhancing the value of forest traditional knowledge through forest

certification
Lim Hin Fui 101

The effects of traditional culture on the modes of forest management

in ethnic communities: a case study of a Miao village
Liu Shunqing, Lai Li, Guan Yuhe and Wang Tie 104

Traditional Forest-Related Knowledge and its Implications for China’s

Forestry Development – development anthropological perspectives
Liu Jinlong 107

Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Forest Management in the

Jinuo Society
Chunlin Long, Yilan Zhou, Dayuan Xue and Zhe Chen 110

The role of traditional beliefs of the ‘White Horse’ Tibetan people in

biodiversity conservation at Bai-Shui-Jiang Nature Reserve
Luo Yaofeng and Liu Jinlong 111

Local agricultural biodiversity knowledge and adaptive capacity to

household consumption and market preferences in southern Cameroon
William A. Mala, R. Prabhu, C. J. Geldenhuys and M. C. Diaw 114

Traditional indigenous knowledge based conservation and livelihood

strategies for sustainable forest resources management in the uplands of
Bangladesh
Khaled Misbahuzzaman and Chailau Marma 116

v
An enabling policy framework for harmonizing traditional forest-related
knowledge with sustainable forest management standards
V.P. Mohan 118

Knowledge and use of local plants from ‘Simpukng’ or forest gardens

among the Dayak community in East Kalimantan
Elok Mulyoutami, Ratna Rismawan and Laxman Joshi 121

The economic value of indigenous environmental knowledge in ensuring

sustainable livelihood needs and protecting local ecological services:
a case study of Nagarhole National Park, India
C. Nanjundaiah 124

Contemporary and traditional concepts of spatial units in Korean

mountainous landscape: understanding of landscape and memory,
GIS data, and community forests (Maeulsoop – the Korean village groves)
Jeong-Hak Oh, Jino Kwon and Joon-Hwan Shin 127

Beyond the traditional-scientific knowledge divide: multi-actor knowledge

systems and deliberative interface in natural resources management
in Nepal
Hemant Ojha, Ram Chhetri and Netra Timsina 130

Strategies for conservation of sacred forests of Kolli Hills, Tamil Nadu,

India: a study on botany, ecology and community interactions
E.D.Israel Oliver King 133

The protection of traditional knowledge from commercial exploitation

and income generation in the Western Ghats, South India
Paimpillil Sebastian Joseph and K. Shadanan Nair 137

Application of traditional knowledge in forest management: ethnobotanical

indicators for sustainable forest use
Pei Shengji 139

Perceptions of sclerophyllous evergreen oak forest by indigenous

communities in northwest Yunnan, China – consequences for sustainable
forest management in mountainous regions
Peng Shengjing, Sun Zhenhua and Ou Xiaokun 142

Traditional practices on the utilization of Kakawate (Gliricidia sepium (Jacq.)

Kunth ex Walp.) for sustainable development in the Philippines
Alfredo R. Rabena 146

Knowledge systems: the basis for sustainable forestry and linked food
security in the Asian region
P.S. Ramakrishnan 150

Lisu ethnic traditional culture restoration and biodiversity conservation

in Henghe Village in Mt. Gaoligong of Yunnan province
Ren Wanzhu 153

Transformation of traditional forest management in the mountainous

area of mainland Southeast Asia: past experiences and lessons
Kanok Rerkasem, Narit Yimyam and Benjavan Rerkasem 156

vi
Indigenous forest management systems of the Ikalahan
Delbert Rice 159

With our own hands: barefoot trainers, local knowledge and sustainable
livelihoods among the Higaonon tribal communities in the Philippines
Elmer Velasco Sayre and Cora Zayas Sayre 161

Knowledge of wild plants for human and veterinary use in West Bengal
Bharati Sen 164

Evaluation of a participatory monitoring system for non-timber forest

products: the case of Amla (Phyllanthus spp.) fruit harvest by the Soliga
in South India
Siddappa Setty, R, Kamal Bawa, Tamara Ticktin and C. Madegowda 167

Strengthening the Aeta-Magantsi ecological values for sustainable

development
Marinor C. Soriano 170

Lessons and challenges from community-based forest management

in Indonesia
Shimako Takahashi 173

Changing role of forestry in sustaining livelihoods and environment,

and utilization of ITK in forest management
V. P. Tewari 176

Forest related policy implications in Bhutan with special reference to the

Brokpas
Pankaj Thapa and Jigme Nidup 179

Forest management practices of the tribal people of Meghalaya,

North-East India
B. K. Tiwari, H. Tynsong and M. B. Lynser 183

The current status of old and valuable trees in rural Guizhou and a
discussion of protection measures
Wu Qiaoming Chen Tongxuan Wu Zhao-ming and Pan Lin 185

Kam’s traditional business knowledge and sustainable livelihoods

Wu Quanxin 189

Setting a price on indigenous knowledge? A case of the medicinal tree

(Alstonia scholaris) in Southwest China
Zhaolu Wu 192

Traditional ecological knowledge for forest management in the uplands

of Asia: implications for ecosystem restoration and ecosystem services
in the Asian Water Tower
Xu Jianchu 193

vii
 Community-based conservation of traditional culture and biodiversity:
A case study in buffer zone of Baima Snow Mountain Nature Reserve in
northwest Yunnan, China
Yang Lixin and Pei Shengji 195

Access to forest resources, traditional forest-related knowledge and

livelihood of mountain villagers: cases in Korea
Youn Yeo-Chang 198

Historic introduction of Fengshui forests and their role in environmental

protection - A case study of the Buyi ethnic minority in Southern
Guizhou Province
Yuan Juanwen and Liu Jinlong 201

Traditional Forestry-Related knowledge and its contribution to

development in the Yi nationality regions: a case from Nanhua County
of Yunnan province
Zhang Renhua and Liu Jinlong 204

The traditional forest management knowledge of Jingpo People in

Yunnan
Zhang Yunke 207

Conservation and utilization of traditional forest-related knowledge

for achieving sustainable livelihoods of local communities – a case
study in Jambi Province, Indonesia
Zuraida 210

Appendix I. Conference Sponsors and Organizers 213

Appendix II. Conference Programme 214

Appendix III. Conference Participants 217

viii
 Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation: Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge
IUFRO World Series Volume 21

Introduction and Meeting Report

Traditional Forest Knowledge in the Asian Context

Traditional knowledge is a combination of ancient indigenous practices and techniques,

locally adapted and distinctive to a territory or a community, which is typically packaged in
folk songs, stories, dances, poetry, and carvings and paintings, and passed on through the
generations. It has greatly contributed, and still does, to the world’s natural and cultural
heritage by sustaining the production of multiple goods and services that enhance livelihood
security and quality of life. Together with its cultural values and historical perspectives,
traditional knowledge has gained an increasingly important role in shaping policies towards
achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) of alleviating poverty and ensuring
economic, social and environmental sustainability.

Traditional knowledge has been used for managing the utilization of many natural resources,
such as water, soil and forests, and for organizing rural and urban communities. Traditional
Forest-Related Knowledge (TFRK) has long been known to have important implications for forest
management and conservation of forest biodiversity, as well as identification of valuable genetic
resources. This knowledge has historically been dynamic, responding to changing environmental,
social, economic and political conditions to maintain forest health naturally and ensure that forest
resources continue to provide tangible (foods, medicines, wood and other non-timber forest
products, water and fertile soils) and intangible (spiritual, social and psychological health) benefits
for present and future generations.

The political commitments on increasing the role of TFRK and practices in the protection of
landscapes and conservation of biological diversity were reaffirmed by many of the member
states of the United Nations Forum on Forests. During its Sixth Session in 2006, countries agreed
to four Global Objectives on Forests aimed at enhancing sustainable forest management (SFM)
and the contributions of forests to the achievement of the MDGs. The increasing emphasis on
SFM, which includes ecological, social, cultural, spiritual, and economic sustainability, has
prompted greater emphasis on all relevant knowledge about forest ecosystems and approaches
for their management.

The Asia-Pacific region has some of the world’s highest diversity of ethnicities, languages and
cultures. The region is the home of very rich ancient wisdom that had been passed down through
the generations. A major portion of this is directly or indirectly linked to its vast stretches of forests,
which have been the lifeline for the millions of people living in and around them. Although many of
these age-old techniques and practices have previously been discarded as being outdated and
no longer relevant to present day forestry, increasingly they are being re-discovered and explored
for solving current problems. In the process, issues such as equitable sharing of benefits and
protection of intellectual property rights have surfaced.

Traditional knowledge and practices have sustained the livelihoods, cultures and the forest
and agricultural resources of local and indigenous communities throughout Asia for
centuries. Despite their importance and contributions to sustainable rural livelihoods,
traditional forest-related knowledge and practices are fast disappearing in most Asian
countries, (and indeed worldwide) for a number of reasons. Government policies and
regulations within and outside of the forest sector restricting access and traditional use of
forest resources, have led to a general erosion of traditional culture and of traditional land
and forest management knowledge and practices. The expansion of the increasingly
globalized market economies is undermining demand for traditional products and increasing
the need for cash incomes in previously self-sufficient rural areas. Greater exposure to mass
media and other cultural influences from metropolitan centers have led to an erosion of

1
 Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation: Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge
IUFRO World Series Volume 21

traditional culture and beliefs, and declining interest in traditional wisdom, knowledge, and
lifestyles among younger generations. The negative implications of this loss of TFRK on
livelihoods, cultural and biological diversity, and the capacity of forested landscapes to
provide forest goods and services remain poorly understood, largely unappreciated, and
undervalued by policy-makers and the general public in most countries.

Against this backdrop, the international conference “Sustainable Forest Management and
Poverty Alleviation: Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge”, was convened in
Kunming, Yunnan Province, China, 17-20 December 2007. For the IUFRO Task Force on
Traditional Forest Knowledge, this meeting was the third in a series of regional conferences
to be held between 2005 and 2010.

The Conference

The conference was jointly organized by the Chinese Academy of Forestry, the IUFRO’s
Task Force on Traditional Forest Knowledge, and the Asia-Pacific Association of Forestry
Research Institutions (APAFRI) in cooperation with several other organizations in Asia. The
conference was made possible through the financial support generously provided by the
Korea Forest Research Institute, the State Forest Administration of PR China, the Food and
Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the Austrian Federal Ministry of
Agriculture, Forestry, Environment and Water Management, and several other organizations
that provided logistical support and travel assistance to a number of conference participants.
These proceedings are published with support from the U.S. Forest Service’s Research and
Development branch. Appendix I contains a list of sponsors, as well as a list of the
members of the Scientific Committee for this conference.

A total of 70 papers and posters were presented during the three days of formal sessions.
Presentations covered a wide range of local case studies, historical analyses, and multi-site
study syntheses. The conference programme also included a full-day field trip to the
Zixishan National Forest Park organized by the Kunming Institute of Botany and an evening
cultural program in township of the Chuxiong Yi Ethnic Minority Prefecture. The detailed
programme is appended as Appendix II.

The conference was attended by approximately 150 participants from 14 countries in Asia
plus delegates from an additional 7 countries in the Western Pacific, Europe, and North
America. The full list of participants with their contact details is in Appendix III. Delegates
included researchers from numerous biophysical and social science disciplines,
academicians and teachers, students, representatives from NGOs, national forest
management agencies and intergovernmental organizations and bodies, as well as a
significant representation of local and indigenous community members from China and
several other Asian countries .

This conference also served as the venue for side meetings of Task Force core group
members able to attend from Asia, Australia, Russia, and North America to finalize plans for
the preparation of a global State-of-Knowledge Report to be published in 2010 – this
publication will include regional overviews of key questions and issues related to traditional
forest knowledge and its application to sustainable forest management as well as global
syntheses and special chapters on TFRK and climate change, traditional knowledge in
international forest policy discussions, IPR and access and benefit sharing issues, scientific
ethics and best practices in TFRK research, among others.

2
 Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation: Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge
IUFRO World Series Volume 21

Major Topics and Findings

The principal topics explored during the conference included:

• Traditional knowledge contributions to achieving poverty reduction and related
Millennium Development Goals;
• The roles of traditional knowledge and management practices in sustaining cultural
identity and rural livelihoods;
• Application of traditional knowledge in management of forest and agricultural
ecosystems for food, forest products and environmental services;
• Challenges and opportunities for the study, preservation and enhancement of
traditional knowledge to contribute to sustainable rural livelihoods and sustainable use
of forest biodiversity under conditions of accelerating socioeconomic and
environmental change; and,
• Policy issues and processes affecting the preservation and development of traditional
forest knowledge.

Owing to the diversity of scientific disciplines, cultural perspectives, backgrounds,

experiences and philosophies of the participants, the program and associated discussions
were rich, dynamic and thought-provoking. From these presentations and discussions,
several topics and issues emerged that appear to be common to most regions and situations
regarding the cultural, economic, and ecological importance of traditional forest-related
knowledge, the challenges faced by local and indigenous communities to strengthen and
preserve their traditional knowledge and lifestyles in the face of global change, prerequisites
for sustaining traditional forest management practices, and the appropriate role of formal
forest science in helping to resolve these issues.

For example, a large number of case studies examined the rapid erosion of traditional forest-
related knowledge and its connection to social, economic, and governance trends arising
from within these communities and impinging on them from the broader society. These
trends are associated with the influence of expanding market economies, the effects of the
mass media on popular cultural values and lifestyle expectations, and land-use,
transportation, economic and other policies that very often restrict opportunities for traditional
forms of agricultural and forest management (traditional shifting cultivation, for example),
undermine traditional communal decision-making institutions, and limit market access to
forest products based on traditional practices. Lack of awareness among the general public,
the media, and decision-makers about the values (environmental, social, economic, cultural)
of forests to local communities and the larger society that benefits from traditional forest
management practices is widespread, and opportunities for involvement of local and
indigenous communities in development of forest and land-use policies that directly affect
their livelihoods are rare.

On the other hand, the conference highlighted a number of encouraging local and national
examples and strategies for reversing these trends. Partnerships with NGOs, government
forest agencies, universities and research organizations, business enterprises, and others
have helped in some cases to preserve or restore traditional use rights and access for
forest-dependent communities, yielded effective joint forest management arrangements,
improved rural incomes by expanding marketing access for traditional forest products, and
enhanced the profile and prestige of traditional forest-related knowledge within and outside
of local and indigenous communities. The conference urged governments to mainstream
traditional forest-related knowledge into sustainable forest management and poverty
alleviation development strategies, policies, and legislative agendas.

3
 Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation: Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge
IUFRO World Series Volume 21

The Role of Forest Science

The actual and potential importance of forest science to helping protect and realize the full
potential of traditional forest-related knowledge was given considerable attention during the
conference. Among the major points echoed throughout the conference participants were
the importance of multi-disciplinary, participatory, research (both biophysical and social
sciences); the critical issue of trust and respect (for communities, their cultures, beliefs and
practices) in research on traditional knowledge, and the need for such research to help solve
immediate, practical problems faced by the communities in which they work.

Working with local and indigenous communities, the forest science community can
contribute to the revitalization of traditional forest-related knowledge in several important
ways, including:
• Documentation of TFRK in close partnership with holders and users of this knowledge,
using ethically appropriate study methods;
• Research on traditional forest management conservation and practices that help to
elucidate and generalize the ecological underpinnings of traditional knowledge;
• Economics, marketing and policy research aimed at improving opportunities for
increasing rural incomes from products and services provided by application of TFRK;
• Integration of TFRK into forestry curricula, and partnership with the holders and users
of traditional knowledge for education of the general public and decision-makers on the
livelihood and environmental values of TFRK.

4
 Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation: Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge
IUFRO World Series Volume 21

MOUALS’ TRADITIONAL RESOURCE UTILIZATION IN THE

SUNDARBANS OF BANGLADESH: A CASE OF MANGROVE
FOREST PEOPLE

Md. Mustafa Kamal Akand1 and A B M Rasheduzzaman2

1
Department of Anthropology, University of Rajshahi. Rajshahi 6205, Bangladesh;
Email: drakand@gmail.com, mkakand@yahoo.com
2
Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), Mymenshigh, Bangladesh

Introduction
The Sundarbans Mangrove Forest (SMF) is a densely populated, green and deeply forested
archipelago in the South Asian region. Sundarbans is the largest contiguous mangrove forest in the
world and has been regarded as one of the most unique regions facing a furious sea belt - Bay of
Bengal. This forest provides a livelihood during certain seasons of the year for an estimated 300 000
people, working variously as gatherers of honey (Mouals), woodcutters(Kathure), collectors of
golpatta leaves, hantal and grass (Bawalis) and large numbers of fishermen (Amin & Khan 2001). The
Mouals, the honey hunters of the Sundarbans, have tracked the bounty of the giant honeybee for a
thousand years amid man-eating tigers, saltwater crocodiles, pirates, pythons and many other
unknown dangers. To continue the livelihood, Mouals, practise a kind of interaction with the
surrounding environment on the basis of local knowledge, which is unique and deeply rooted into the
historical context of the Sundarbans Mangrove Forest. The traditional environmental knowledge ot the
Mouals, also shapes up their social organizations, rituals, values, institutions and laws in using the
natural resources continuously.

Methodology and Study Area

The present paper is an outcome of a field-based data collection from two villages: Kalinchi and
Jotindranagar of Shamnagar Upazila under the Satkheera District. Participant observations,
ethnographic interviews, FGDs and case studies were the principal tools of data collection.

Study Findings and Discussion

Although the Mouals are the permanent inhabitants within the forest area of Sundarbans, they never
enjoy the free exploitation of Sundarbans’ resources according to their needs and desire. The Mouals
belongs to the poorer section of people in the study area, and the resources of Sundarbans are not
easily accessible due to their socio-economic position among the others. Most of the Mouals’ families
are landless and they remain indebted largely to the Mahajons (money lender) who enjoy a monopoly
over the resources collected by poor Mouals. The Mahajons provide cash loans at a very high interest
rate to be paid in cash or the honey collected from the forest. The Mouals hire the boats −most
important vehicle of honey collection from Mahajons on condition to sell their collection to them at a
lower-than-normal price.
Giant Honey Bees of Sundarbans
The great deltaic Sundarbans is abundant with thousands of trees which help to produce a lot of
nectar and pollen. For many thousands of years, this rich floral resource has been used by a species
of bee called Giant Honey Bee (Apis dorsata) − the inch-and-a-half-long creatures migrate from
mountains to the mangroves and build their nests relatively close to the ground, only 1 to 5 m high. An
exceptional colony of giant honeybees can produce up to 30-40 kg of honey, although an individual
colony more frequently possesses 5 to 10 kg.

5
 Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation: Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge
IUFRO World Series Volume 21

Potential Areas of Beehives

Beehives are only found abundantly in some particular areas, and the distribution is not even
throughout the whole Sundarbans forest area. Borigoalini range and its southwestern part in between
the Raimangal and Malancho rivers in Bangladesh section of Sundarbans have the largest number of
beehives.
Availability and Quality of Honey
The Mouals choose some definite months of the almanac and April (Bengali month- Choitra and
Boishakh) is considered the most successful month to collect the best quality honey called Padma
Modhu. The yellowish nectar honey of Khalshi (Aegicers corniculatum) flowers are known to be
another quality variety of honey. In terms of the quantity of collection, plenty of lal Modhu (red honey)
particularly from the Goran (Ceriops decandra) flowers is collected in the month of May and continues
toward the end of June as millions and millions of the Goran flowers bloom during this period.
Another reddish variety of honey also found in the forest from the flowers of Garjon (Dipterocarpus
species.) and Kankra (Bruguiera gymnorhiza) trees.
The Beginning of Expedition
Before the commencement of monsoon, the Mouals enter the forest in search of giant honeybee
colonies. They always follow the lunar calendar to get the best result of harvesting honey. Expedition
for honey collection is designed on the basis of the commencement of lunar calendar. From their
experience, they know that honeybees preserve nectar in their colony for a certain period of time and
bees consume the nectar themselves during the new moon period. The honey collector uses small
boat, as the tidal mangrove ecosystem possesses no roads connected with surrounding locality.
Taking sufficient food, water and other necessities with them to sustain themselves during the
arduous spent in the forest searching the honeybees and the Mouals roam many kilometers away
from their home village and of course, spend many days (not less than two weeks).
The Formation of Hunting Groups
The ideal formation of a Mouals group is 10 to 12. But sometimes it varies from 8 to 12 on the
availability of Mouals laborers. The Sajoni (an elderly expert team leader) selects team members from
his close kin (affinal kin get priority) for the honey expedition and four or five members are coming
from first kin. Others are expert neighbors.
Action in the Forest
The Mouals divide the forest into several territories and they have to traverse every inch of the forest
land ignoring impenetrable mud and slush. Sometimes they have to swim across the creeks and
canals at a high risk. The honeybees build their nest where sunlight cannot reach easily; that is,
especially in the deep forest. In the deep forest area, the Mouals have to work within the access of
dangerous wild animals like tigers, wild pigs, snakes, etc. With no roads or landmarks, it is very easy
to get lost. Therefore, to ensure the connectivity of group members, a man stays on the boat and
periodically blows a buffalo’s horn to help orient the hunters When they find a hive of honeybees,
they produce a kind of sound:wa, wa to seek the advice from Sajoni. A clear and predetermined
division of labor existed among the workers and each member performs their duty under the control of
Sajon. First of all, Mouals try to chase out the bees from the colony by using kadu (a stick with a
bundle of dry leaves). The Mouals cut the anterior part of the colony by hasua(sharp edge) and leave
behind the posterior section of the comb where the infant bees remain unaffected. In fact, the honey
hunters return to a good honey spot a month later when the bees have rebuilt the comb and they will
harvest the honey for a second time. The giant honeybee population could then be sustained, and the
ecolosystem maintained. Generally, 7-10 colonies are harvested in day.

Conclusions and Policy Recommendations

As mentioned earlier, the Mouals are the permanent inhabitants within the forest area of Sundarbans,
but they never enjoy the free exploitation of Sundarbans’ resources according to their needs and
desire. Most of the Mouals’ families are landless and they remain indebted largely to the Mahajons
(money lender) who enjoy a monopoly over the resources collected by poor Mouals. The Mahajons
provide cash loans at a very high rate of interest which to be paid in cash or the belongings of honey
collected from the forest. The Mouals hire the boats from Mahajons on condition to sell their

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collection at a lower-than-normal price. The problem of merchandising of honey and absence of

competitive price are the major difficulties and obstacles to receive the due share of arduous honey
collection in the study area.. To reduce poverty, the Mouals should have better access to the forest
round the year and the aforesaid barriers should be eliminated through proper policies and planning.

References
Akand, M.K., 2004. Traditional Environmental Knowledge of Bawalis: A Case Study of the
Sundarbans Mangrove Forest. International Journal of Environment and Development, Vol: 1, New
Delhi, (India), Serials Publications.
Akand, M.K and Karim, 2002. The Munda and Mahato People in the Sundarbans Mangrove Forest
area of Bangladesh and Their Environmental Adaptation, In Nasir et al Environmental Issues in
Bangladesh: An Anthropological Perspectives, ECOMAC, Bangladesh.
Amin, M.N. and Khan, 2001. A primer on the nature and Management of resources of the
Sundarbans. Grassroots Voice: A Journal of Indigenous Knowledge and Development, 4: 87-92.
Hunter, W. W. 1875. A Statistical Account of Bengal. Vols. I & II, London.

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FOOD INSECURITY AND DEPENDENCY OF CHEPANG

COMMUNITIES ON WILD EDIBLE PLANTS

Rishi Bastakoti1, Lila Nath Sharma2 and Vivek Dhar Sharma3

1
Resource Identification and Management Society (RIMS-Nepal), GPO Box 2464
Kathmandu Nepal; Email: rishibastakoti@hotmail.com
2
Nepal Forestry Resources and Institutions Research Program, Kathmandu, Nepal
3
UNDP/GEF/SGP Nepal

Introduction
Chepangs are one of the most primitive communities of Nepal having their own language, culture and
social characteristics. They inhabit the rugged terrains of the Mahabharat Hills of central Nepal along
the Trisuli, Narayani and Rapti Rivers and in the catchments of their tributaries, covering the adjoining
frontiers of Dhading, Makawanpur, Chitwan & Gorkha. Agriculture has been only recently introduced
to the Chepangs (Hodgson 1848, Uprety 1967; Caughley et al. 1971).They were hunter-gatherer until
recently. So there is considerable extent of interaction between the Chepangs and forests. Currently
many efforts are being made to uplift their livelihoods by various agencies. In spite of these various
efforts; their food security at household level has not been assured. They often do not have enough
food to eat. It is common perception that Chepangs who have round-the-year food supplies are called
‘rich.’ Food culture among the Chepangs can be explained in relevance with ecosystem of the area
(Gurung 1995, Manandhar 2002). They normally rely on cereal crops for about six months and for the
other months, they have to depend on wild resources and work as labourers for subsistence. They
collect many wild foods like Gittha, Bhyakur, Bharlang, Sisnu, etc. not as ‘foods of famine’, but as part
of regular food.
This study was carried out in Chepang communities with the aim of documenting their wild and
traditional food, food culture and dependency on wild food sources.

Methodology
Study area
The present study was carried out in two Village Development Committees (VDC), namely Dhusa and
Jogimara, of Dhading District, Nepal. Both of the VDCs lie on the slope of the east-west oriented
Mahabharat Range in central Nepal, which geologically is a part of the Lesser Himalaya. Many
streams, like Jawangkhola, Hugdikhola and Mowakhola, had cut gorges here. The climate of this area
is tropical at lower elevations up to 800m and subtropical above this elevation up to 1500m. The forest
area has suffered from heavy disturbances. Forest area has been converted into exposed cultivated
land (Khoriya). Dense forest area with original tree species is degraded. People dwelling in this area
are mostly subsistence farmers. Agriculture, livestock raising, wild food gathering and wage laborer
are their important economic activities. Maize is the main crop, supplemented by millet. They also
grow their traditional foods like upland rice, sorghum and yams to supplement the maize. Other
indigenous crops grown by them include foxtail millet (Kaguno), horse gram (Gahat), rice bean
(Masyam) and buckwheat (Phapar).

Methods
The data from the fields were collected by conducting five field visits between April and September in
2007. Two basic approaches were carried out to study the ethnobotany of wild and traditional foods of
the Chepang communities. The first approach, known as the artifact interview technique, involved
asking key respondents about the uses and methods of preparation of plants for various purposes,
and the nature, availability and status of plants in the wild. The second approach,the inventory

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interviewing technique, included exhibition of collected plant specimens and then obtaining
information on the name and use of these plants by group discussion or interviews with the local
people. During data collection respondents were selected from all groups of people, especially elderly
people, traditional healers, women and educated persons. To ensure the consistency of data,
inconsistent data were verified by informal group discussions and cross verification with
knowledgeable persons. Beside the above approaches, Agrobiodiversity Conservation Blocks and
Community Biodiversity Register (CBR) maintained by the local communities in support of
UNDP/GEF/SGP through local NGO RIMS Nepal were observed. Plant specimens were collected and
herbarium specimens were identified with the aid of standard taxonomic literatures (Noltie 1994,
Zhengyi & Raven 2000).

Results and Discussion

Food calendar and food habit of Chepangs
Chepangs had lived a semi-nomadic life for generations. Today agriculture is the mainstay of their
livelihoods. Due to the barren, rugged and infertile land, and primitive agricultural practices,
productivity is very low. Therefore they do not get enough food. Most of the Chepangs normally can
survive only for five to six months from the maize and millet they produced. Almost 50 percent of the
cereal is fermented to make Jand which is an integral part of their food culture that eliminates
wastage. For the rest of the year, they have to depend on food gathered from the wild, which is as
important as agriculture, as well as by fishing, hunting and wages earned as laborers. Wild foods
make up almost 40 percent of the Chepang’s diet. They also play a major role in the survival
strategies of Chepang communities, especially during food shortages. During the food deficit months,
the majority of households collect wild food crops to meet their food requirements. Most of these are
the tuber crops such as Gittha, Bhyakur, Tarul and Bharlang; and foliage of Tanki, Koiralo, Niguro;
and stinging nettle. Curries prepared from bats, crabs, and larva and pupae of hornet and bees are
other traditional foods of Chepangs.

Diversity of Dioscorea and ethnic affinity of Chepang

Tuberous root crops are of central importance to Chepangs. Chepangs possess a sound knowledge
of the occurrence of roots and tubers. Wild yams (Dioscorea spp.) make a significant contribution to
diets of Chepangs in Nepal. The species of Dioscorea collected from the wild by locals are given in
Table1. Nepal has 14 species of Dioscorea reported (Press et al. 2000). Information on nine species
(two species cultivated) of Dioscorea were collected from the comparatively small study area. Such
high species diversity of Dioscorea is indication of their ethnic affinity with wild tubers.

Table 1. Species of Dioscorea collected from wild.

Scientific name Chepang name Nepali name

Dioscorea bulbifera Lac Tito githa
Dioscorea bulbifera Lac Mitho githa
Dioscorea deltoidea Kui goi Kukur tarul
Dioscorea hispida Hung Bharlang
Dioscorea pentaphylla Pas Bhyakur
Dioscorea Kamoonensis Gli Tyaguna
Dioscorea sp. Jyar Choya
Dioscorea belophylla Ban goi Ban tarul

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Collection and mode of consumption

The severe food scarcity occurs during the period between April and June. During this period, they
collect the tubers from forest. Generally people of all active age groups participate in collection,
usually accompanied by children. Collective harvesting is not in practice. Disputes are very rare
during collection. In most of the cases the collected tubers are sliced and boiled. Sometimes the
sliced tubers are dried and grinded into powder to make a popular Nepali dish locally called Dhindo. A
few of the tubers have medicinal value, which are being used by the local people for therapeutic
purpose.
Local knowledge regarding use
Local people can precisely identify the wild plant which is close to our taxonomic distinction. Beside
this, they have appreciable knowledge to process and consume even deadly poisonous species like
D. hispida, which has sap which can cause skin irritation ..

Future Prospects
In addition to sustenance, the Chepangs depend upon the wild edibles for their spiritual, cultural and
religious needs. They not only utilize but also conserve the life sustaining resources. Erosion of either
of the diversity would greatly affect the human kind hence conservation of both the biological diversity
and cultural diversity is crucial.. Moreover, the rich biodiversity and its relatively unexplored current
status represent a big potential for bioprospecting for the modern world. It can benefit the local
indigenous people for their efforts and pains they have taken to conserve the valuable resources and
indigenous knowledge on their use that lead to the development of useful commercial products.

References
Caughley, R.C., B.M. Dahal & C.M. Bandhu. 1971. Notes on Chepang Culture , Journal of Tribhuvan
University. 6:1, 77-89.
Gurung, G.M. 1995. Report from Chepang Village: Society, Culture and Environment. S. Gurung,
Kathmandu.
Hodgson, B. H. 1848. On the Chepang and Kusunda tribe of Nepal. Journal of Asiatic Society of
Bengal, 17 (II).
Manandhar, N.P. 2002. Plants and People of Nepal. Timber Press Inc. Portland,Oregon.
Noltie, H.J.1994. Flora of Bhutan including a records of Plants from Sikkim and Darjeeling. Vol 3, Part
1, Royal Botanical Garden, Edinburgh.
Press, J.R., K.K. Shrestha & D.A. Sutton. 2000. Annonated Checklist of Flowering Plants of Nepal.
The Natural History Museum, London.
Uprety, D.R. 1967. Chepang Bhanne Nepali Jati. Hamro Sanskriti, 2: 29-33.
Zhengyi, W. & P.H. Raven, 2000. Flora of China. Vol.24. Science Press (Beijing) and Missouri
Botanical Garden Press.

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THE ROLE OF ÍBÚ ÓDÓ SACRED POOLS IN PRESERVING

RIPARIAN FOREST STRUCTURE AND DIVERSITY ALONG THE
OUÈMÉ AND OKPARA RIVERS OF CENTRAL BENIN

Natalie Ceperley

Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies

205 Prospect St, New Haven, CT 06511 USA
Email: natalie.ceperley@yale.edu

Introduction
In the center of the Ouèmé River Basin that spans the Republics of Benin, Togo, and Nigeria lays the
Tchabé Kingdom. The legends of the origin of this kingdom and the communities that lie within it are
many, but some tell of the people emerging from the waters of the Ouèmé and Okpara rivers. Even
those who say people arrived overland reference historical events around specific points or pools in
the river, Íbú ódó. These sacred pools are subject to rules that influence conservation practice,
including the prohibition of fish poison, over fishing, pollution and the discouragement of grazing cattle
and destructive burning. Respected not only by resident populations but also by migrants to the area,
they may contribute to riparian forest and water conservation. This study examines the value of Íbú
ódó sacred sites for riparian forest conservation and indirectly for flood and runoff buffering.
The vegetation on the borders of rivers and streams both filters nutrients and sediment from entering
waterways and lowers flood damage, however these and other ecological functions are dependent on
the width of the riparian zone, forest structure and species composition (Piegay & Bravard 1997).
Because of its spatial heterogeneity and position, the riparian zone houses a high level of diversity,
productivity and conductivity and is valued for its ecosystem services. Characteristics, such as the
basal area, species composition and density of riparian vegetation increase its resistance capacity to
floods, particularly in the more susceptible lower reaches (Piegay & Bravard 1997).
Like any forest, riparian zones are degraded by human activities, although they may be more resilient
due to their productivity, diversity and connectivity (Naiman et al. 2005). Global disturbances to
riparian vegetation include logging, fire, changes in flood regime, and encroaching farmland (Goetz et
al. 2006) with consequences including a rise in silt loads, erratic flows, river cover decrease,
temperature increase, river bank erosion and deterioration of aquatic vertebrate and invertebrate biota,
which are more apparent in low-order streams compared to high-order rivers (Allan et al. 2002).
Degradation returns full circle, negatively impacting the people benefiting from their diminishing
services. For example, central Benin is susceptible to floods that result in loss of lives, homes,
infrastructure, cropland and food (UNDHA 1985-2006).
Social values of riparian values are both economic, such as Pentadesma butyracea, in the case of
Benin (Natta 2003) and spiritual (Ojo 1967). How has human use impacted riparian structure and
diversity? And more poignantly, do the Íbú ódó sacred pools conserve the ecological function of their
riparian location? This study assesses riparian forests near three villages and adjacent to four land
uses - heavily human used, agricultural, sacred and state-protected - in central Benin for
characteristics correlating with the riparian forest’s ability to reduce the kinetic energy of floods -
species composition, tree density, buffer width and tree age class - thus indirectly this study will
assess the ability of these forests to buffer floods.
Three sites in the Ouèmé Basin, Idadjo, Monka and Djabata, were chosen for their ecological and
cultural similarity, varying level of conservation and economic activity and presence of significant
riparian forest and sacred sites (see Map). All study sites were in the Soudano-Guinean transition
zone receiving between 1100 and 1200 mm annual precipitation in two rainy seasons peaking in June
and September, the same vegetation gradient, the same ethno-linguistic group of Tchabe-Yoruba, and
populations between 692 and 1128 (Adomou 2005, INSAE 2004). The State Foret des Monts Kouffe,
managed by PAMF, is opposite Idadjo.

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Map. Study area showing situation of three study sites in regional map.

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Methodology
All trees with a breast height diameter greater than ten centimeters in three circular plots of four meter
radiuses located along the riverbank, in the center and on the forest edge on 163 transects laid
perpendicular to the river near the three village sites, were identified and measured at breast height.
Transects were spaced semi-randomly 50 to 100 meters apart and they spanned areas adjacent to the
villages, sacred sites and state-protected forests (Foret Classé de Ouari Maro). Interviews with more
than 30 elders, hunters, women and men in each site concerning values of the riparian forests, sacred
forest, and land management situated the riparian forest inventory in a social context.

Results and Discussion

Sacred sites were found to be a significant element of conservation for Djabata, where there were both
a large number of sacred sites and riparian forest diversity and density (Figure 1). Monka’s position on
the main Nigerian transport road and resulting accessibility for economic exploitation can explain its
low richness whereas Djabata and Idadjo, which are much further from main roads, have higher
species richness. In Idadjo, conservation has been promoted by a non-governmental organization,
PAMPF, for the last decade. There was an observed effect due to adjacent land in classified forest, but
little differentiation between forests adjacent to savannas of heavy human use, sacred forests, and
agricultural land (Figure 2). Further work will continue to differentiate these classes to reveal if there is
in fact no difference in the riparian vegetation.

Figure 1. Density (trees per ha), riparian buffer width (m), average basal area (m2), Shannon
diversity index, Simpson diversity index, and the number of sacred sites mentioned by
multiple people according to site. Error bars show one standard error.

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Figure 2. Density (trees per ha), riparian buffer width (m), average basal area (m2), Shannon
diversity index, and the Simpson diversity index according to adjacent land use. Error bars
show one standard error.

The sacred pools occur where the river is particularly deep, the water gurgles, fishing is good, an
historical event occurred, or where there is an interesting formation such as a suspended rock. Pools
are home to spirits and upsetting them can have dire consequences including floods, drought, disease
and infertility. Most are surrounded by taboos ranging from the manner one must behave or dress
nearby to specific rules regarding what one can or cannot do. In most cases, people can make
requests to the spirit for example to improve business, conceive a child, or make a good harvest.
There is usually an elder who is responsible for organizing the sacrifices and communicating with each
particular spirit.
Several taboos were identified that spoke specifically to the need to conserve these forests. However
will these cultural and spiritual motivations for conservation stand up against the economic and
demographic changes that are driving land use change? Major drivers of change of riparian
vegetation include field expansion adjacent to riparian forest, timber harvests and cattle grazing.
Migrants who come from northern Benin to farm in the central Oueme Basin are responsible for the
majority of field expansion. The village king designates land far from the village for their use; often it is
in the riskier, more fertile floodplain. Ceiba pentandra, Diospyros mespilliformes and the vulnerable
Albizia ferruginea (IUCN 2007) are harvested for timber to be sold in southern Benin by outsiders who
pay a nominal fee the local king. Cattle grazing has increased in the last decade as Peulh herders
have been driven into the area due to regional droughts. They are perceived as the most severe threat
to the landscape and water quality.
Climate change manifests in West Africa as less regular precipitation that results in frequent and
severe floods and droughts (Ledger 1964). Respect for riparian forests may be instrumental in
preventing potential disasters caused by the changing precipitation. When combined with the social
assessment of the importance of these pools, this study provides the argument for respecting and
reinforcing Íbú ódó. Encouraging respect for sacred sites is particularly crucial among younger

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generations and migrants to the area. If Íbú ódó can be incorporated into a long lasting local
conservation strategy, they could be instrumental in preventing destruction of the riparian forest.

References
Allan, J.D., D.L. Erikson and J. Fay. 1997. The influence of catchment land use on stream integrity
across multiple spatial scales. Fresh. Biol. 37, 140-161.
Goetz, D., B. Horsch and S. Porembski. 2006. Dynamics of forest-savanna mosaics in north-eastern
Ivory Coast from 1954 to 2002.” J. Biog. 33, 653-664.
Institut National de la Statistique et de l’Analyse Economique (INSAE), 2004. Cahier des villages et
quartiers de ville, Département des Collines, Direction des Etudes Démographiques, Cotonou.
International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) 2007, Red List of Threatened Species.
Retrieved October 20, 2007, from http://www.iucnredlist.org/.
Ledger DC. 1964. Some Hydrological Characteristics of West African Rivers. Trans. & Pap. (Inst. Brit.
Geog.) 35, 73-90.
Naiman, R.J., H. Decamps and M.E. McClain. 2005. Riparia: Ecology, Conservation and Management
of Streamside Communities. Elsevier, Amsterdam.
Natta, A.K., 2003. Ecological Assessment of Riparian Forests in Benin. Ph.D. Thesis. Wageningen
University, Netherlands.
Piegay, H. and J.P. Bravard. 1997. Reponse of a Mediterranean riparian forest to a 1 in 400 year
flood, Ouveze River, Drome, Vaucluse, France. Ear. Surf. Proc. and Landf. 22, 31-43.
United Nations Department of Humanitarian Affairs, 1985-2006. http://www.reliefweb.org.

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TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE ON UTILIZATION OF NATURAL

RESOURCES AMONG THE PENAN COMMUNITIES IN
NORTHERN SARAWAK, MALAYSIA

Paul P.K. Chai 1, Endela Tipot2 and Jacqualine Henry1

1
International Tropical Timber Organization (ITTO)
Forest Department, Wisma Sumber Alam,
93660, Petra Jaya, Kuching, Sarawak, Malaysia.
2
Sarawak Forestry, Forest Research Centre
Km 10, Jln Datuk Amar Kalong Ningkan, 93250 Kuching, Sarawak, Malaysia
Email: endela@sarawakforestry.com

Introduction
Traditional knowledge has been a subject of much interest and discussion in recent years, due to
increasing realization of its importance in biodiversity conservation and potential contributions to
research and biotechnology. In particular, the future well-being or even survival of mankind may
depend on our present knowledge of numerous forest plant and even animal species for food and
medicine. Due to the fast depletion of resources, changing lifestyles, urbanization and lack of interest
among the younger generations, much of the knowledge is gradually being lost before it can be
recorded. Realizing this, Sarawak has in recent years embarked on several studies to document
numerous plants that possess ethnobotanical properties from the local communities (Christensen
2000, Chai 2007, Endela et. al. 2007).
The present study on the Penan community has been conducted under a transboundary biodiversity
conservation project supported by the International Tropical Timber Organization (ITTO). The Penan
are a minority tribe with a small population living in small villages at the periphery of the Pulong Tau
National Park – the site of the ITTO project. The Penan are a minority tribe among 26 native
communities in Sarawak, with a population of about 13,000 individuals. Their ancestors were nomads
of the Bornean tropical rain forests that provided them with their every need. Today, even though all
but about 500 have chosen to live a settled life, they are still to a large extent dependent on nature –
their small villages are located close to the edge of the forests. Their long associations with nature
have enabled them to learn and acquire a tremendous amount of knowledge on forest plants their
uses.

Methodology
The survey depended heavily on the assistance of local experts to provide information on the plants
and their uses. For documentation purposes, we only recorded information from plants that were
encountered in the forest so that scientific identification could be made and voucher specimens
collected for reference and herbarium records. The sources are natural forests- both primary and
secondary - around the villages. The plants were categorized based on their uses.

Results
A diverse variety of species were recorded, with uses ranging from materials for construction,
firewood, weapons and handicrafts, to food and herbal medicine. The categories of uses are
summarized, in order of importance according to the Penan, as follows:
Food Plants
The women are responsible for both gathering and preparation of food and therefore have a better
knowledge than the men. They regularly use 41 species of the plants for vegetables and fruits. The
vegetables include leaves, shoots, stems, flowers and tubers. Starch from the palm Eugeisonna utilis
is their most important staple food. Wild fruits make up an important diet during the fruiting seasons

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especially among nomadic groups. Some examples are Durio, Nephelium and Baccaurea. To ensure
continuous supply, the fruits are collected by climbing the trees. Settled villagers have begun to plant
popular species in the gardens.
Firewood
Firewood is a must for cooking and ranks second in importance. Gathering firewood is also an
important daily activity. Among the most popular of the 23 species used are Lithocarpus, Chionanthus
and Tristaniopsis. The most sought after species are those that burn easily even when fresh.
Construction Materials
Timber and leaves for jungle huts and furniture are obtained from 16 species of forest plants.
Preferred species for timber are Agathis, Tristaniopsis and Cratoxylum, while bamboo is also used.
Palm leaves (from Licuala spp.) are the most popular roofing and walling materials. Rattan is used for
tying.
Materials for Tools, Handicrafts and Instruments
Fifty nine species are used for various purposes such as blowpipes, knife sheaths and handles,
mortars, hats, baskets, mats and musical instruments. Some examples are Koompassia, Strychnos,
Memecylon, Ixora, bamboo, rattan and palm leaves.
Medicine
For the Penan, food and materials for daily needs and survival are a priority, while health care is
probably of secondary concern. Nevertheless, the forest has a ready supply of herbal remedies - 77
species were recorded – to solve their health problems whenever the need arises. Common uses are
for headache, sore eyes, sprains, diarrhoea, asthma, toothache and fever. Many species belong to
the botanical families of Annonaceae, Fabaceae, and Menispermaceae.

Knowledge for Man’s Future Needs

Two problems that the human societies are likely to encounter in the future will be food to feed our
exploding populations and medicines to combat new diseases. Tropical rain forest contains potential
genetic stocks for research on biotechnology for foods and health care. Food production is increasing
being hampered by shortage of suitable land, over-use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides, and
diseases and pests. Man will suffer from new diseases brought about by environmental pollution and
unhealthy lifestyles. There will also be increasing demands for preventive medicines from natural
sources as the people are becoming more health conscious (Chai 2000). By sharing their traditional
knowledge, local communities such as the Penan can contribute immensely to research and
biotechnology on which man’s future needs and well being may depend.

Knowledge of the types of naturally occurring food and medicinal plants is vital to survival in the
forest. The Penan’s knowledge of nature conservation and sustainable resource management is
noteworthy, as testified by the following quote from one community leader: “The forest is our
supermarket; we collect only what we need”. By sharing their knowledge, the Penan people can
potentially contribute to research and development in food science, pharmaceutical and health
products to satisfy man’s increasing needs. Preservation of local knowledge comes with conservation.
In this respect, Sarawak has made significant efforts through documentation and research, support to
ITTO’s call for sustainable management of tropical natural forests and biodiversity conservation.

Conclusions
There are altogether 24 native tribes in Sarawak that possess the traditional knowledge on an
estimated 2,000 species of plants with ethnobotanical properties (Christensen 2000, Chai 2007,
Endela et. al. 2007). The knowledge on medicinal plants for 16 of the 24 tribes has been documented
(Chai 2007). While useful species are documented, appropriate steps must be taken to ensure their
conservation and survival in the wild, as deforestation and habitat degradation are occurring at a rapid
rate.

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References
Chai, Paul P.K. 2000. Global Perspectives on the Herbs and Medicinal Plants Industry. Paper
presented at Seminar on Traditional Herbs and Medicinal Plants in Sarawak, Sarawak Development
Institute, 10 October, 2000, Kuching, Malaysia.

Chai, Paul P.K. 2007. Medicinal Plants of Sarawak. Lee Miing Press, Kuching, Sarawak.

Christensen, H. 2000. Ethnobotany of the Iban and Kelabit. Forest Department Sarawak, Malaysia,
NEPCon, Denmark & University of Aarhus, Denmark.

Endela T., Jack L. and Sayok, A.K. 2007. Tumbuhan Ubatan di Taman Negara Loagan Bunut. PSF
Technical Series No. 7. Projek Hutan Paya gambut UNDP/GEF, Forest Department Sarawak &
Sarawak Forestry Corporation.

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PARTICIPATORY VEGETATION ANALYSIS IN A FOREST

LANDSCAPE IN THE NILGIRI BIOSPHERE RESERVE
U.M. Chandrashekara

Kerala Forest Research Institute Sub Centre, Nilambur,

Chandakunnu-679 342, Kerala, India.
Email: umchandra@rediffmail.com

Introduction
Deforestation and degradation of forest ecosystems in the tropics have received much attention at
local and global levels due to their consequences - human poverty, loss of plant and animal genetic
wealth, erosion of landscapes, siltation of water courses, drought and flooding (Singh 1988). A
number of factors - mainly human and physical factors such as over-exploitation, fire, soil
erosion, grazing and unscientific resource management - have been identified as contributors
to the degradation process (Schreckenberg et al. 1990). As a result of these anthropogenic
disturbances, mosaic landscapes composed of stages or phases of ecosystem degradation can be
seen in many regions (Diaz 1996). Since the impact of these degradation processes is devastating
both in socio-economic and ecological terms, management and rehabilitation of degraded forests
should be seek to recover and maintain the basic structure and functions of ecological systems and
at the same time help to provide the basic needs of the people (Anderson et. al. 1998). In addition,
in a mosaic landscape with several landscape elements such as non-degraded forests,
degraded forests, plantations, village ecosystems etc., there will be inter-linkages and interactions
between these elements and also with those across the landscape. In this context, the
conventional methods of vegetation analysis by forest managers or scientists alone is inadequate to
develop and implement rehabilitation programmes. Thus, in the present study, an attempt has been
made to undertake a participatory vegetation analysis in the forest landscape units around a tribal
settlement in the Kerala part of Nilgiri Biosphere Reserve. The major goals of the participatory
vegetation analysis were to assess the status of the forest patches in the landscape of the tribal
community and to identify suitable forest management strategies which can be considered while
implementing participatory forest management programmes.

Methodology
The study was undertaken in the Vaniampuzha forest tract (11o26.94’-11o28.38’N and 76o12.49’–
76o14.22’ E). Here, the Panians, a forest-dwelling tribal community, resides near the Vaniampuzha
River. A participatory transect diagram was prepared for exploring the spatial pattern of foraging and
gathering by the Panians. During the mapping process, five main types of habitats were recorded:
relatively undisturbed evergreen forests (UEG), disturbed evergreen forests (DEG), relatively
undisturbed moist deciduous forests (UMDF), moist deciduous forests disturbed due to collection of
fire wood and non-wood forest products (DMDF), and forest patches within 100-200 m radius from the
tribal settlement (TSF). In each habitat type, three replicate plots of 0.5 ha each were randomly
selected and boundaries were marked. In each plot, density, basal area and girth class of distribution
pattern of tree species were estimated by following standard field methods (Misra 1968). While the
educated youths from the tribal settlements were involved in quantification and data processing, the
elder citizens were involved in the tree identification processes. A meeting was conducted for the
shared presentation of data by the team members (project staff and tribal youths), to discuss the key
findings, and also to identify strategies for rehabilitation of degraded forests.

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Results and Discussion

The density of tree seedlings and saplings (i.e., stem girths < 10.1 cm) was much greater in the
relatively undisturbed evergreen forest than in the disturbed plots (14,467 vs 4,613 individuals ha-1).
On the other hand, mature tree (gbh >10.1 cm) density was more in disturbed plots (UEG: 975
individuals ha-1, DEG: 1399 individuals ha-1) due to presence of large numbers of individuals of light
demanding species. In both plots, girth class distribution pattern of the tree component showed a
negative exponential curve with clear preponderance of stems in smaller girth classes (Figure 1).
However, in the disturbed plots, such a girth class distribution is due to the better regeneration of
species characteristic of secondary forests rather than those of primary forests.

In moist deciduous forest, plots disturbed by firewood and NWFP collection did not show much
variation from the undisturbed plots in terms of seedling/sapling density (UMDF: 4280 individuals ha-1,
DMDF: 4560 individuals ha-1). However, the girths of most of the trees in this size class were less
than 5 cm and thus recruitment to higher girth classes seemed to be very low as indicated by
comparatively low densities of larger trees in the disturbed plots (UMDF: 389 individuals ha-1, DMDF:
260 individuals ha-1) .
Forests near the tribal settlement did not show significant difference from the relatively undisturbed
moist deciduous forests in terms of tree density (TSF: 401 individuals ha-1) although the total tree
basal area was comparatively less. This suggested that the number of trees of higher girth classes is
less near the tribal settlement, as also indicated in the girth class distribution pattern (Figure 2). Lower
numbers of larger trees is an indication of intensive cutting of poles and small trees in the recent past.

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High dependence of the tribal people on the forests for their livelihood and survival is recognised as a
key factor for the forest degradation. In fact, the dependence on forest for livelihood and survival also
makes this tribal population the true stakeholder. Since the population in Vaniampuzha is
homogenous in nature, there is a favourable situation to initiate participatory forest management. The
option for rehabilitation therefore is to entrust and empower the tribal community to manage its own
NWFP resources. In this context, during the meetings of shared presentation of vegetation analysis
data, the stakeholder group identified following strategies for the rehabilitation of the degraded forest
lands around them.
• Planting of medicinal plants such as Asparagus racemosus, Cyclea peltata, Desmodium
gangeticum, Coscinium fenestratum, Piper longum, Piper nigrum, and Pseudarthria viscida, and
wild varieties of fruit trees such as mango (Mangifera indica, particularly the Kannimanga variety),
jackfruit (Artocarpus heterophyllus) and several other native species in the forests near the tribal
settlements for providing immediate employment to the people but also to increase the resource
base.
• Promotion of bee keeping around the tribal settlement to reduce the damage during honey
collection from trees bearing honey combs in evergreen and moist deciduous forests.
• Effective management of lianas and climbers growing over the trees, particularly in the disturbed
forest patches. However, Acacia intsia should be carefully managed, as it is an important
medicinal plant being collected and sold by the local people.

The study clearly demonstrated that the participatory vegetation analysis is a useful tool for tapping
the primary stakeholders’ knowledge on the vegetation structure and composition, and for combining
that knowledge with modern scientific expertise. Thus, this method of vegetation analysis should be
regarded as an essential first step for the initiation of participatory forest management programmes.

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Acknowledgements
I am grateful to Dr. R.Gnanaharan, Director and Dr. J.K. Sharma, former Director for their
encouragements. Thanks are due to Prof. KG Saxena, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi for his
constant support and valuable suggestions. I am thankful to the Kerala State Planning and Economic
Affairs Department and the UNEP-GEF-CIAT-TSBF-JNU for financial support.

References
Anderson, J., Clement, J., and Crowder, L.V.,1998. Accommodating conflicting interests in forestry-
concepts emerging from pluralism. Unasylva, 49, 3-10.
Diaz, N.M., 1996. Landscape metrics: a new tool for forest ecologists. J. Forestry, 94,12-16.
Misra, R. 1968. Ecology Workbook. Oxford and IBH Publication, New Delhi.
Schreckenberg, K., Hadley, M., and Dyer, M.I., 1990. Management and Restoration of Human
Impacted Resources: Approaches to Ecosystem Rehabilitation. MAB Digest 5, UNESCO, Paris.
Singh, S.P. 1988. Chronic disturbance, a principal cause of environmental degradation in developing
countries. Environmental Conservation, 25, 1-2.

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POVERTY AND BIODIVERSITY LOSS: RHETORIC AND REALITY

Pashupati Chaudhary 1, Kamal P. Aryal 2 and Kamaljit S. Bawa 3
1, 3
Dept. of Biology, University of Massachusetts Boston, 100 Morrissey Blvd., Boston MA
02125, USA, Email: pashupati.chaudhary@umb.edu
2
Swedish Biodiversity Centre, Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, Uppsala, Sweden

A real conservation success is possible only when the complexity of both social (poverty reduction)
and ecological (biodiversity conservation) goals is well addressed. To effectively combine both goals,
it is important to understand how poverty triggers biodiversity loss and how exogenous forces such as
market and policy incentives motivate poor or non-poor to further fuel extraction of natural resources.
Mixed views are found about the role of poverty in environmental degradation and biodiversity loss
(Adams et al. 2004). Scientists believe that poor and low income households rely on freely available
forest resources to fulfill their needs. It is also argued that the impact of rich people is much higher
than the poor counterparts, because the earlier consume more per capita and use the resources less
judiciously compared to the later (WRI 2007). Various data and figures supporting these facts are
presented. The data are primarily drawn from literatures, but personal visit and field observations are
also accounted for.

Forests are the mainstay of livelihoods of vast majority of poor people throughout the developing
world. Poverty, low income and food deficiency drive poor people to extract forest resources for
various livelihoods needs. Slightly more than two-thirds and about one billion of the people worldwide
live on less than 2 dollars and on 1 dollar a day, respectively (FAO 1999). More than three-fourths
(78%) of those living on one dollar a day (extremely poor) live in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia,
and more than 90% of them depend upon forest products. Similarly, the World Bank (Ahmed et al.
2007) reports that 162 million people live on less than 50 cents a day (ultra poor) and half a billion live
on less than 75 cents a day. Most of ultra poor people also live in Sub-Saharan Africa (76%) and
South Asia (12%). Geist and Lambin (2006) have summarized 16 poverty-related factors associated
with ultimate causes of deforestation. They found 42% of all cases report poverty as being the
underlying cause of deforestation.

At least 60% of tropical deforestation is caused by subsistence activities on a local level (FAO 1999).
Some 10-15 millions hectare of forestland is destructed every year, largely in the South (80%) where
most of the world’s biological diversity and poor people live. Small farming families account for 2/3 of
all deforestation. Close to 42% of the world’s population depend upon firewood for primary energy
sources (Figure 1B) and nearly 80% of them live in developing countries. Its consumption has
increased by 250% since 1960s (Figure 1C). About 350 million poor people depend on forest for
supplemental income and for the dwellers of forest-fringe areas its contribution is considerably high—
22% of all population (WRI 2005). Some 3.5 billion people in developing countries rely on plant-based
medicines for their primary health care (Figure 1D). Due to high population growth, the rate of overall
pressure is increasing rapidly in developing countries. Nearly 145 people are added every minute on
earth, of which 99% occurs in less-developing countries (Figure 1F). “A 10% increase in the
population growth rate increases the rate of deforestation by 10.6%” (Rock 1996), implying that to
meet food demand a large amount of new land must be converted into agriculture, mainly in Sub-
Saharan Africa and Latin America. It is thus obvious that poverty contributes to deforestation and
biodiversity loss.

Role of market and policy in degrading the environment and destroying biodiversity is more acute
(Tables 1 & 2). Commercial logging is ranked as the biggest agent of tropical deforestation.
International Tropical Timber Organization estimates less than 1% of logging in the tropics is truly
sustainable. It is estimated that for every tree harvested, as many as 27 trees are killed or severely
damaged (Verissimo et al. 1995). In South America, forests are cleared to plant forage and raise
cattle (fueled by government subsidy), induced by beef hamburger demand in the West (Figure 2A;
FAO 2006a). About 38% of deforestation during 1966-1990 in Brazil was done by large-scale cattle
ranchers. Demand of palm oil (Figure 2B), rubber, timber, soya, and corn in international markets also

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involves the similar fate, so does the demand of meat and body parts of some flagship species.
Roads constructed in forests increase access to loggers, commercial hunters, and small farmers.
International agencies fueled poor nation’s forest destruction activities by introducing forest as a debt-
payment option (FAO 1999). Above all, per capita consumption rate is significantly higher among
developed countries compared to underdeveloped ones (WRI 2007; Table 1), suggesting that
ecological footprint is higher among the former. “A 10% increase in income per capita increases
deforestation by 49.5%” (Rock 1996). Majority of anthropogenic CO2 emissions are also contributed
by developed countries (WRI 2007).

8% A B 400 350 C
11% 42%
300

60% 200
21% 58% 100
100
Subsistence cultivators Population depending upon
Commercial logging firewood 0
Com. Agric. and ranching Population not depending FY1996 FY2000
Other activities upon firewood

D E 1 F

Population in billions
45% 0 Industrial countries
46% 8
Developingcountries
54% 55%
6 Source: FAO, 2006b
4

2
Depending upon Plant- Directly reliant on local
0
based (PB) medicines environment for food
1750

1900

1950
1850

2000
Not depending upon PB Not directly reliant on local 1800
medicines environment

Figure 1. (A) Important causes of deforestation; (B) Total world population relying on
firewood for primary energy sources; (C) Ratio of firewood consumption in 1996 and 2000;
(D) World population relying on plant-based medicines; (E) Population relying on local
environment for food; F: Population growth in industrial and developing countries (Sources:
FAO, 1999, 2006b; WRI 2005)

Table 1. Comparison between high- and low-income countries (Adapted from WRI 2007)

Variables High-income countries Low-income countries

Total population 972 million 2.7 billion
Population density 31.1 people/km2 83.4 people/km2
Annual CO2 emission per person 13 metric tons 1 metric ton
Annual per capital consumption of:
Meat 94 kg 9kg
Water 970 m3 556 m3
Energy 5.4 tons of equivalent 0.5 tons equivalent

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2500 4000
A B
3000
1500
2000

500 1000
Source: FAO 2006
Source: FAO 2006
0
1500 1975 1990 2006 1975 1989 4000

Figure 2. (A) Beef production in Central America (‘000 mt); (B) Areas of palm oil plantation
in Indonesia (‘000ha)

Table 2. Manufacture of forest products in developing countries (2004); Source: FAO 2006b.

Product Developing countries Percentage of

production (million) world population
Total wood production 2,019 cubic meters 59%
Wood fuel 1,599 cubic meters 90%
Sawn wood 99 cubic meters 24%
Wood-based panels 80 cubic meters 36%
Pulp for paper 46 tons 24%
Paper and paperboard 86 tons 26%

In summary, deforestation and biodiversity loss are attributable to several poverty-related factors. Yet,
poverty-led destruction is small in scale; its impact is low and easily recoverable. Contrarily,
deforestation induced by hamburger and timber demand, subsidy, debt payment, road-opening,
consumption per capita, etc., is more intensive and precarious. Poverty-led deforestation is a
compulsion, while non-poverty related deforestation is a motivation-driven coerce. Alternative sources
of livelihoods need to be introduced for poor people, while making consumption pattern of rich people
and industrial countries more judicious and sustainable. A combined efforts of informed, engaged, and
cooperative global citizenry is necessary to meet this end. However, more quantitative studies are
needed to understand how various endogenous and exogenous factors drive poor people to degrade
forest and decline biological resources before we take any concrete initiative to curb these losses.

References
Adams, W.M., Aveling, R., Brockington, D., Dickson, B., Elliott, J., Hutton, J., Roe, D., Vira, B.,
Wolmer, W., 2004. Biodiversity conservation and the eradication of poverty. Science, 306:1146-1149
Ahmed, A.U., Hill, R.V., Smith, L.C., Wiesmann, D.M., Frankenberger, T., Gulati, K., Quabili, W.,
Yohannes, Y., 2007. The world’s most deprived: characteristics and causes of extreme poverty and
hunger. 2020 Discussion Paper 43, International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, D. C.
FAO, 1999. Food Insecurity: when people must live with hunger and fear starvation: The state of food
insecurity in the world 1999. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Rome Italy
FAO, 2006a. The state of food insecurity in the world 2006. Food and Agriculture Organization of the
United Nations, Rome Italy
FAO, 2006b. FAOSTAT: FAO Statistical Databases: Forestry, http://faostat.fao.org/
Geist, H.J, Lambin, E.F., 2001. Proximate causes and underlying driving forces of tropical
deforestation. Bioscience, 52:143-150

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Rock, M.T., 1996. The stork, the plow, rural social structure and tropical deforestation in poor
countries: Ecological Economics, 18:113-131
Verissimo, A., Barreto, P., Tarifa, R., Uhl, C., 1995. Extraction of a high-value natural resource in
Amazonia: the case of mahogany. Forest Ecology and Management, 72: 39-60.
WRI, 2005. World Resources 2005—the wealth of the poor: managing ecosystems to fight poverty.
UNDP, UNEP, The World Bank and WRI publication
WRI, 2007. Featured topic: Sustainable development and the state of the planet. Earth Trend
Updates, March 13, 2006. The Earth Institute, Columbia University, USA

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TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE: INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS

AND BENEFIT SHARING

Chee Yoke-Ling

Third World Network

#4-1-132 Jianguomenwai, 100600 Beijing, China
Email: yokeling@myjaring.net

Forest-related traditional knowledge constitutes a major part of the heritage of indigenous peoples
and local communities in developing countries. Such knowledge includes knowledge on the
conservation of forest resources and the use of forest resources for food, medicines, household and
community products as well cultural expressions. The paper highlights the key issues related to (1)
preventing misappropriation of such traditional knowledge in the research, development and
commercialisation of forest resources; and (2) ensuring that there is fair and equitable sharing of
benefits with the holders of such knowledge.

Part 1 reviews the current international discussion and debate in the following arena: Convention on
Biological Diversity, World Intellectual Property Organisation, the World Trade Organisation and
UNESCO. A central issue is the limitations of current intellectual property rights regimes such as
patents, copyrights, trademarks and geographical indications in effectively protecting the rights of
holders of traditional knowledge. Sui generis frameworks for the protection of traditional knowledge
are discussed as an option. The recent adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples in September 2007 is significant, in particular Article 31:

“1. Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain, control, protect and develop their cultural
heritage, traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions, as well as the manifestations
of their sciences, technologies and cultures, including human and genetic resources, seeds,
medicines, knowledge of the properties of fauna and flora, oral traditions, literatures, designs,
sports and traditional games and visual and performing arts. They also have the right to
maintain, control, protect and develop their intellectual property over such cultural heritage,
traditional knowledge, and traditional cultural expressions.

2. In conjunction with indigenous peoples, States shall take effective measures to recognize and
protect the exercise of these rights.”

In the current debate at the international level on , and some country experiences from
developing countries”.

Part 2 of the paper highlights some experiences in developing countries in addressing the issues of
intellectual property rights and benefit sharing related to forest resources and associated traditional
knowledge.

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THE IMPACT OF THE TIBETAN TRADITIONAL CULTURE ON

ECOLOGICAL PROTECTION IN THE TIBETAN ALTIPLANO

Chen Xutu1 and Xin Yongquan2

1
Economic & Management College, Beijing Forestry University, 10083,mailbox: 425;
Email: chenxutu@sina.com
2
The Communist Youth League's Office，Beijing Forestry University, 100083, mailbox :54;
Email: xinyongquan@tom.com

Introduction
Stressing the subjectivity of human and the objectiveness of nature has led the human race to choose an
economic development model without considering the ecological benefits or ecological constraints. Many
ecological problems have since then emerged, including global warming, increasing frequency of extreme
climatic events, sharp decline of biodiversity, rapid desertification, etc. In light of all these, the rationality
and sustainability of the economic behavior under the framework of industrial civilization are being re-
examined (Lu Feng 2001). How to solve these problems? Redefining the relationship between human
and nature is one of the critical issues towards solving these problems.
In the traditional economic model: land, labor, capital and technology constitute all the production factors.
With the development of classical and new institute economics, institution is thought to be one of the
production factors. In recent years, some studies had focused on the impact of the informal institute,
including the culture, effect on the economic behavior and ecological behavior. The Tibetan traditional
culture is an important influential factor for the stability and development of Tibet. From material,
institutional and spiritual aspects, the Tibetan traditional culture molds the ecological and moral
constraints of economic choices (Nan Wenyuan 2000, Zhao Zhen 2006).To some extent, this traditional
culture has made steady headway and marked achievements in the ecological protection of Tibetan
Altiplano (Nan Wenyuan 2001, Huarui Dongzhi 2003).

Methodology
The paper is based on field research conducted in the Lalu Wetland National Reserve in Lhala, NaMuCuo
National Reserve. Fifty communities or rural areas in Lhala, Linzhi, Rikaze Region were surveyed using a
set of questionnaires. Some traditional stories and taboos were documented from Lhala Municipal
Administration of Environment, Lhala Municipal Administration of Tourism and The Tibet Museum.

Discussion and Conclusion

Three conclusions could be drawn from this study. First, the study had collected sufficient evidence that
demonstrates that Tibetan traditional culture is an important influential factor in the ecological protection
on the Tibetan Altiplano. The relationship between them is interactive and closely entwined. The Tibetan
traditional culture has a unique philosophy about nature, life and the world, which has far-reaching
impacts. Some ecological viewpoints have positive impacts on the ecological protection of the Tibetan
Altiplano. Some religious taboos and traditional notions have made steady headway and marked
achievements towards these.
Second, the Tibetan traditional culture contains three elements, such as material culture, spiritual culture,
institutional culture, and the relationship among these elements of the Tibetan traditional culture is
interacting and entwining. These independent elements jointly influence ecological protection on the
Tibetan Altiplano. Material, institutional and spiritual elements constitute the Tibetan traditional culture.

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These factors interact and constrain one another. At one time, the institutional culture and the spiritual
culture are up to the material culture, while the institutional culture safeguards the material culture and the
spiritual culture. The spiritual culture stands the highest level among the three kinds of culture. If the
spiritual culture keeps in line with the material culture and the institutional culture, the spiritual culture will
put forward the development of the other kinds of culture. Or, the spiritual culture will constrain the
function of the other kinds of culture. Or worse, it will induce the reverse change of the other kinds of
culture.
Third, because some contents of the Tibetan traditional knowledge is unscientific, the ecological concepts
from the Tibetan traditional culture need abstracting and advancing. On the basis of modern technological
knowledge and current ecological thought, the ecological concepts from the Tibetan traditional culture
should be systematized and theorized. Regarding the relationship between humans and nature, most of
the ecological concepts from the Tibetan traditional culture also stay the stage of upholding nature. From
the partial, short time and static levels, the ecological concepts from the Tibetan traditional culture may
bring the ecological effects of expectation, but from the whole, long time and dynamic levels, the culture
concepts of the upholding nature may be invaded by the unsound economic development. To sum up, in
order to protect the ecology and environment, we should use modern technology and scientific thought to
abstract and enhance the ecological concepts from the Tibetan traditional culture.
Acknowledgment
During July and August in 2007, as an important member of the group named ‘The Green Long March in
Tibetan Altiplano’ supported by the New Generation, whose leader was Xin Yongquan, I surveyed and
investigated the state of ecology and environment protection in Tibet. During that time, especially, in the
course of the investigation, Mr. Xin taught me how to make the questionnaire, how to conduct interviews
with the rural people, and how to devise the line of the investigation. Also, I want give my billion thanks to
Mr. Liu Jinlong for providing me with so good opportunity.

References
A Wangjiacuo. 2007. View of Traditional Ecosystem in the Culture of Tibetan. Journal of Kangding
Nationality Teachers College, 1: 123-125. (in Chinese)
Huarui Dongzhi. 2003. On the Contributions of Traditional Tibetan Taboo Culture to Environmental
Protection and Ideological Progress．North West Ethno-national Studies, 1: 183-189．(in Chinese)
Lin Youbing. 2006. Religious Faith and Eco1ogical Protection of Chinese Minorities. Journal of Yunnan
University Nationalities (Social Sciences Edition), 21: 9-10. (in Chinese)
Lu Feng. 2001. On the Subjectship of Nature and Value of Nature. Journal of Wuhan University of
Science and Technology (Social Science Edition), 4: 99-101. (in Chinese)
Nan Wenyuan. 2000. Construction of Tibetan Ecological Culture and Tibetan Ecological Civilization in the
Tibetan Region. Journal of Qinghai Nationalities Institute (Social Sciences), 4: 1-7. (in Chinese)
Nan Wenyuan. 2001. The Taboos in Tibetan Areas and the Role They have Played in Environmental
Protection. North West Ethno-national Studies, 3: 21-29．(in Chinese)
Nan Wenyuan. 2002. Notion and Function On Nature Worship of Ancient Tibetan Nationality. Nationalities
Research in Qinghai, 3: 176-186. (in Chinese)
Nan Wenyuan. 2003. Several approaches to the coordinational relationship between man and nature in
the Tibetan traditional culture. Journal of Qinghai Nationalities Institute (Social Sciences). 2: 13-17. (in
Chinese)
Suo Nancao. 2002. Environmental Protection Concept in the Culture of Tibetan Custom. Journal of Tibet
University, 4: 52-61. (in Chinese)
Wang Yongli. 2006. The Relationship Between ecological culture in southwest of china and the
Environment Protection. Journal of Southwest University for Nationalities, 7: 32-36. (in Chinese)

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Xing Quancheng.1991. The Basic Features of the Tibetan Traditional Culture. Journal of Qinghai
Nationalities Institute, 3: 24-30. (in Chinese)
Zhao Zhen. 2006. The Eco-environment Protection and the Religious Conventions on the Qinghai - Tibet
Plateau during the Qing Dynasty. China Tibetology, 4:15-21. (in Chinese)

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TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE ON FIREWOOD AND FODDER VALUES

CORRESPONDS TO SCIENTIFIC ASSESSMENT
Nakul Chettri and Eklabya Sharma

International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development

Khumaltar, Lalitpur, G P O Box 3226, Kathmandu, Nepal
Email: nchettri@icimod.org

Introduction
Conversion of natural habitats through different land utilisation practices is the largest single cause of
loss of biological diversity in Sikkim (Chettri & Sharma 2006). In the Sikkim Himalaya, 76% of the total
resources needs are derived from natural as well as agro-forestry system due to free and easy access
and simplicity in their use (Sundriyal & Sharma 1996, Chettri et al. 2002). The ever-increasing human
and livestock populations in rural areas exerts immense pressure on forests and aggravate directly on
livelihood by causing shortage of resources such as firewood and fodder. Utilisation of resources by
selection of species with preference is widely practised in the Sikkim Himalaya (Rai et al. 2002, Chettri
& Sharma 2006, Chettri & Sharma 2007). These practices have created immense pressure on the
preferred species leading to change in species composition and distribution of these preferred species
in natural forests (Chettri et al. 2002). However, farmers have made very little efforts in understanding
the basis of such preferences of plant species. This paper is an attempt to compare the firewood and
fodder quality of different plant species, with reference to people’s ranking and their chemical
properties.

Methodology
Study on firewood and fodder preferences by the local communities and their chemical properties
were made in the Yuksam and Tshoka villages of west Sikkim. Matrix ranking tool of Participatory
Rural Appraisal (PRA) was used for people’s preference ranking on firewood and fodder species; and
the chemical properties for firewood were tested by various methods used by Purohit & Nautiyal
(1986), Rai et al. (2002), and Chettri & Sharma (2007). In addition, 25 fodder species were considered
for another set of chemical analysis where crude protein (CP) and ether extraction (EE) of fodder
species were estimated in dry matter basis following Anderson and Ingram (1993). Fodder value index
was developed to assess the quality of fodder species with consideration of calorific value, dry matter
(DM), crude protein (CP), ash content, and moisture content (MS), following suggested relationship by
Saha et al. (1997). These attributes were then compared with the people’s scores among the 17
widely used firewood species of the study area. Initially, Pearson’s Correlation analysis was performed
among the people’s score, Fuelwood Value Index (FVI) and Fodder Value Index (FoVI), along with
other wood attributes. A stepwise backward regression was also used for these two variables keeping
the people’s score as dependent variable and the wood attributes as independent variables to see the
relationship between people’s preference and wood and fodder characteristics.

Results
Baseline information gathered using Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) tools showed that the
communities living at Yuksam-Dzongri trekking corridor use a wide variety of species for firewood and
fodder. Due to the ability to recognise and the knowledge on quality of species, the communities living
in these areas practised selective resource collection, and compensate with other species if the
preferred species are not available. The research also revealed that the local people’s preferences for
firewood (Y=3.30+0.48x, R= 0.48, P<0.05) and fodder (Y=0.74 +0.39x, R= 0.62, P<0.05) were
significantly related to the FVI and FoVI.

Firewood and fodder: preference ranking

Sixteen firewood and 23 fodder species were recorded as preferred species during the PRA session
at Yuksam. Quercus lieata and Q. lamellose were ranked the highest firewood species followed by
Schima wallichii, Betula alnoides and Eurya acuminate (Table 1). Among the 23 fodder species, 59%

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were tree fodder, 14% shrubs, 18% herbs and 9% climbers. Thysanolaena maxima was the highest
ranked fodder species followed by Ficus nemoralis and Q. lamellosa. However, Prunus cerasoides
and Artemisia vulgaris were among the least preferred species.

Firewood and fodder: Chemical properties

Among the 16 widely used woody tree species, rhododendrons were found with high calorific value
and the FVI. Among them, Rhododendron arboreum showed the highest value followed by Q.
lamellose and the least was recorded from Alnus nepalensis and Litsea elongate. Among the fodder
species, Thysanolaena maxima showed the highest calorific values as well as the FoVI (Table 2). The
other attributes also varied among the species corresponding to the FVI and FoVI. Interestingly
stepwise regression supported the rationale behind people’s score, as the firewood and fodder
attributes are strongly correlated to the basis of preferences. This analysis clarified that energy value;
density, moisture and ash contents were the key attributes for people’s preference for firewood.
However, it revealed that moisture content is of least importance to the people’s choice. Similarly, the
calorific value, dry matter and nitrogen content were the most important distinguishing factor for
people’s preference.

Discussion
Chemical properties of plants provide important information about their values (Purohit & Nautiyal
1986). It is therefore, important to assess the quality as per preference. For ideal firewood, high heat
of combustion, high density, low ash content, and other combustion properties are the most desirable
(Purohit & Nautiyal 1986). Among firewood species Rhododendron spp. and Quercus spp. were found
to have high FVI which corresponded with the preference ranking scores. Similar report has been
reported from Central Himalaya (Purohit & Nautiyal 1986). Nitrogen contents in almost all the lower
ranking species were high. Higher nitrogen content produces more nitrogen oxides from the wood
during combustion thus reducing the acceptability as good firewood (Purohit & Nautiyal 1986). Due to
low ash content, high density and low moisture, R. arboreum was found to be the most desirable
firewood with the highest FVI value as discussed by Chettri & Sharma (2006).

Among the enlisted species for fodder, all the three high ranked species were tree fodders. Shrubs,
herbs and climbers showed comparatively low ranking for preference as also reported by Bajracharya
et al. (1985). This may attribute to the seasonal availability of these species. Thysanolaena maxima,
Ficus nemoralis, Quercus lamellose, Imperata cylindrica and Saurauia napaulensis were found to be
the highest ranking fodders with comparatively high calorific value and other characteristic supporting
the earlier studies of Saha et al. (1997) and Ranjhan (1977). In spite of high calorific value, many
shrubs and herbs species have low feed value. This may be due to low DM. The estimated data
revealed that the quality of fodder does not depend solely on one variable like calorific value nor the
protein content but the combination of such properties results in deciding the high feed value of
fodder, which corresponded with the report by Bajracharya et al. (1985). The attribute to ecological
factors including soil and climate, also influences the chemical composition of fodder plant (Wolf
1972). Most of the tree species ranked high as fodder by the local community have more than 30% dry
matter and less than 10% ash as suggested by Pandey (1975) and Ranjhan (1977), suggesting that
the local knowledge of preference are applicable for the selection of better fodder. Overall, the
chemical properties and preference rank agreement seems to be applicable for many of the tree
fodders but vary with herbs, shrubs and climber.

References
Bajracharya, D., Bhattarai, T. B., Dhakal, M. R., Mandal, T. N. Sharma, M. R. Sitaula, S., and Vimal, V.
K. 1985. Some feed values of fodder plants from Nepal. Angew. Botanik 59: 357-365.
Chettri, N. and Sharma, E. 2007. Firewood value assessment: a comparison on local preference and
wood constituent properties of species from a trekking corridor, West Sikkim, India. Current Science.
92(12): 1744-1747
Chettri, N., and Sharma, E. 2006. Assessment of natural resources use patterns: A case study along
a trekking corridor of Sikkim Himalaya. Resour, Ener. and Dev., 2006, 3(2), 21-34.

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Chettri, N., Sharma, E., Deb, D. C. and Sundriyal R. C. 2002. Effect of firewood extraction on tree
structure, regeneration, and woody biomass productivity in a trekking corridor of the Sikkim Himalaya.
Mt. Reser. Dev., 22(2):150-158.
Purohit, A. N. and Nautiyal A. R. 1987. Fuel wood value index of Indian Mountain tree species. The
Int. Tree Crops J. 4: 177-182.
Rai, Y.K., Chettri, N. and Sharma, E.2002. Fuelwood value index of woody tree species from forests of
Mamlay Watershed, South Sikkim, India. For. Trees and Livelihoods, 12: 209-219.
Ranjhan S. K. 1977. Animal nutrition and feeding practices in India. Vikas Publication, New Delhi.
Saha, R. C., Singh, R. B., Saha, R. N. and Chaudhary, A. B. 1997. Feed Resources and Milk
Production in the Eastern Region. National Diary Research Institute, ICAR, Karnal (Haryana).
Sundriyal, R.C. and Sharma, E. 1996. Anthropogenic pressure on tree structure and biomass in the
temperate forest on Mamlay Watershed in Sikkim, For. Ecol. Manage, 81: 113-134.
Wolf H. 1972. Research on the protein and the mineral content of pasture land at certain stages of
growth. Landwritch. Foresch 27: 24-32.

Acknowledgements
Authors are thankful to the Director, G. B. Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment and Development,
and The Mountain Institute, USA for facilities, USAID and IDRC for financial support, and Dr Rita
Sharma helped in the lab-based analysis. The facility provided by ICIMOD, Kathmandu for preparation
of this paper is highly acknowledged.

33
 Table 1. Firewood Value Index (FVI) and other wood attributes of the firewood species enlisted from Yuksam-Dzongri trekking corridor, west Sikkim.

Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation: Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge
Moisture
Sl People’s Energy value content Density Ash content Biomass/
No Latin and local names in parenthesis scores (kJ/g) (%) (g/cm2) (%) ash ratio FVI
1 Rhododendron arboreum (Lali guras) 6 19.72 25 0.69 0.24 417 22678
2 Quercus lamellose (Bajrant) 10 20.47 39 0.72 0.23 435 16431
3 Rhododendron falconeri (Korling) 4 19.30 49 0.65 0.25 400 10241
4 Schima wallichii (Chilaune) 9 19.41 59 0.76 0.22 455 11365

IUFRO World Series Volume 21

5 Quercus lineata (Phalant) 11 20.21 47 0.69 0.28 357 10596
6 Prunus cerasoides (Panyun) 5 17.15 44 0.73 0.27 370 10538
7
Rhododendron barbatum (Lal chimal) 6 17.91 47 0.75 0.29 345 9855
34

8 Castanopsis hystrix (Jat katus) 4 18.78 43 0.79 0.38 263 9080

9 Prunus nepualensis (Arupate) 2 18.46 47 0.76 0.33 303 9046
10 Beilschmiedia sikkimensis (Tarsing) 5 15.79 41 0.58 0.25 400 8935
11 Acer oblongum (Phirphire) 4 17.78 35 0.67 0.63 159 5403
12 Betula alnoides (Saur) 8 18.91 56 0.67 0.47 213 4814
13 Eurya acuminata (Jhiguni) 8 16.75 50 0.72 0.67 149 3600
14 Symplocos ramosissima (Kharane) 1 15.24 76 0.67 1.3 77 1033
15 Alnus nepalensis (Uttis) 2 16.25 66 0.45 1.6 63 692
16 Litsaea elongata (Kali pahenli) 2 13.59 58 0.35 1.83 55 448
 Table 2. Calorific value and nutrient composition of 23 widely used fodder species of Yuksam-Dzongri trekking corridor.

Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation: Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge
Sl No Species (local name) People’s Calorific Ash free Dry matter Ash N CP FoVI
scores value (kJ/g) Calorific (%) (%) (%) (%)
value (kJ/g)
1 Thysanolaena maxima (Amliso) 22 22.04 21.99 38 8.9 2.54 15.8 18.18
2 Ficus nemoralis (Dudhilo) 20 20.92 22.42 30 11.2 2.24 14 16.81
3 Quercus lamellosa (Bajrant) 19 20.23 17.06 65 6.4 1.24 7.7 15.38
4 Imperata cylindrica (Seeru) 18 18.92 20.45 46.6 7.5 1.36 8.5 13.02
5 Saurauia napaulensis (Gagoon) 17 18.23 20.14 18.9 9.5 2.09 13.1 12.19
6 Rhaphidophora sp. (Kanchirna) 16 18.17 22.21 24 12.6 1.69 10.6 11.8

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7 Litsaea elongata (Pahenli) 17 19.35 20.69 42.2 6.5 2.25 14.1 11.49
8 Ficus roxburghii (Nebaro) 20 18.6 19.53 33.3 4.8 2.35 14.7 10.66
9 Arundanaria hookeriana (Parang) 11 19.85 22.15 48 5.9 1.38 8.6 10.55
10 Eragrostis tenella (Banso) 11 17.67 21.42 15.8 17.5 1.46 9.12 9.65
11 Cauteleya spicata (Pani saro) 8 18.04 20.31 21.2 11.2 1.78 11.1 7.81
35

12 Bambusa nutans (Malla bans) 9 19.23 21.06 33.8 8.7 1.42 8.87 6.75
13 Crysopogon gryllus (Salimo) 9 17.66 24.68 40 8.2 1.41 8.8 6.09
14 Ichnocarpus frutecens (Dudhe lahara) 8 18.86 19.6 35.5 3.8 1.88 11.7 6.04
15 Arundanaria racemosa (Mallingo) 9 18.86 22.05 56.7 14.5 1.37 8.6 5.47
16 Brassaiopsis mitis (Phutta) 8 16.23 21.32 27.9 5.1 1.38 8.6 4.96
17 Pantapanax leschenaultii (Chinde) 5 19.11 20.64 36.1 7.4 1.36 8.5 4.65
18 Solanum aculeatissum (Bhede ghans) 6 18.61 20.63 38.3 9.8 1.26 7.9 3.49
19 Aconogonum molle (Thotne) 9 19.98 22.6 32.5 11.6 1.78 11.1 3.46
20 Prunus cerasoides (Panyun) 3 20.04 22.59 32.3 11.3 1.69 10.6 3.36
21 Artemisia vulgaris (Tetey pattey) 2 17.17 19.33 24.1 11.2 1.7 10.6 1.94
22 Leucanthus pedicularis (Sanu gagleto) 4 14.73 18.69 14.5 21.2 1.94 12.13 1.54
23 Elastostemma sessile (Thulo gagleto) 5 15.73 17.11 12.7 8.1 1.56 9.7 1.03
 Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation: Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge
IUFRO World Series Volume 21

ENVISIONING ECOLOGICAL AND CULTURAL PLACE FOR

SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS: PRE-STEP TO THE REALIZATION
OF TRADITIONAL FOREST-RELATED KNOWLEDGE

Cho, Kyoung Mann

Division of History & Culture, Mokpo National University

61 Torimri, Cheonggyemyon,, Muangun, Jeollanamdo, Korea, 534-729
Email: chkm1@paran.com

Introduction
In Korea where Traditional Forest-related Knowledge (TFRK) has become quite rare or has not
become conspicuous even among the people who have retained it, it is not easy to tell 'how to use'.

The first step to discuss might be ' how to revitalize or activate’ TFRK in people's notion of forest, in
their experience of forest.

By evoking their forest experience, access to the consciousness of TFRK might be possible. In some
local societies of Korea, scholars and local elites are planning to define the composition of forest, other
ecosystems, cultural relics and practices as an ‘invented place of livings’ including human beings and
societies. They have ideational reliance and imagination on local people’s livelihoods and traditional
wisdom/knowledge of everyday ecology.

In some First Nations in Canada, the practices of 'cultural management' are emerging in which forest
and other spaces are defined as the places for all livings and for human experience. The cultural
management is an execution of the aboriginal right which is based on the people's notion of place and
all beings living there.

Though the historical, cultural and environmental contexts of the two cases are quite different, they tell
the same issues. The relationships between man and place, relationships between the beings in the
place, are important components constructing people's notion of the natural surroundings in present
situation.

Making cultural values of place and all livings: Korean southwestern coasts
The southern and southwestern Korean coasts and islands have rich biological diversity.
Representative vegetation is composed of evergreen broad-leaved woods and needle-leaved pines.
Camellia japonica, Magnolia hypoleuca, and other great variety of trees make these areas as
ecologically highlighted niches for the trees and surrounding livings.

Temples, village forests, village shrines have been the functional places of preserving the biodiversity.
People put stones in the forest as marks to express their aspiration. The stone mounds become
cultural landscape and sacred sites in the forest. They are mainly made in the natural cites in harmony
with ecological density.

The menhirs are religious protector of villages or Buddhist temples. They are the landmarks of
villagers' communal identity or temple territory. They represent cultural place with tangible marking in
the natural surrounding and spiritual protection of natural and human place.

All these sites have been formed in the scheme of ‘cultural construction of nature’. It means that they
have been formed to put meanings and cultural values of human and space in the natural world.

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Mihwang Buddhist Temple (established in AD 749) at the southwestern end of Korean peninsula is
another example. It is located among the coastal mountains with evergreen broad-leaved trees, facing
tidal flats and the Dadohae archipelago.

In Korea Mihwang temple is characterized as an epistemological and real linkage from an end of
Korean spinal mountains to the ocean and islands. Here, people's notion of mountains, oceans, and
other places, contributes to the preservation and sustainable use of these places.

Nowadays some villagers, local elites, and cultural NGOs, have tried to get concrete knowledge of the
mountain Dalma surrounding the temple. Local elites have produced cultural and ecological maps, and
plant lists. Villagers have made small performances, mountain temple concerts combined with
traditional Buddhist rituals. All of these facts were well known in Korea with their message of living
beings (saengmyoung) and spirituality.

Next year, Mihwang temple and villagers will launch religious tour from the Mihwang temple forest to
the Dadohae archipelago. It is a revitalization or invention of old tradition of making trip from the
temple to the islands. But presently it has new meaning. That is, people are reinterpreting ecological
meaning of Buddhism and animating power of people’s performance traveling the forests, oceans and
islands.

The theme is protection and evoking lively powers vitalizing all living beings by their visit. People are
envisioning the symbolic power of making community among all beings including human beings,
forests, earth and seas, linked by the trip. This is the people’s way of learning ecological and cultural
places and things. Way of learning other people making interactions with them. Knowledge will be
formed through this cultural pilgrimage.

Jang, Jin-Sook, 40 years old villager nearby the temple, has served the religious, cultural events of the
temple. As she grows up in the forest she has got the ways of seeing and ways of feeling of the forest
as an animated living world. She is planning to perform the storytelling of the forest, the intimate
relations between forest and human. As a traditional performer she is planning to reinvent Buddhist
traditional dance 'Jakbub' distributing the message of forest's giving birth to all living beings and
making people's livelihoods. ‘Sikdangjakbup', a kind of food ceremony will be reinterpreted as life-
giving to all living beings in the forest.

Oneness, respect and spirituality: First Nations in Canada

In the First Nations of Pacific coasts and islands, British Columbia, Canada, people frequently say that
'ocean is mountain'. The sentence tells a way of their interpretation of their ecological knowledge
based on their subsistence.

Young salmons hatched in the small fresh watersheds roam for a while in the fresh water, being
brought up by forest nourishment. After a while they proceed into the ocean heading for the far Pacific.
When they return four years after birth, they go up to the spawning grounds in the forest. They are
dead serving themselves as food for the bears, eagles and other living beings.

Also they serve as nourishing source for cedar, fir, bracken, moss, berries and various temperate rain
forest plants on which animals and human beings depend for their living.

Human beings appropriate salmon fishes and plants in this ecological relation. First Nation people
express this relation with abstract notion, 'ocean is mountain', defining all habitats as related by the
notion 'oneness'.

Chehalis Indian Band people at the Harrison River in the mainland have some words of this abstract
notion 'oneness'.

'Snowiyith' means one law of everything. At the same time it means 'respect'.

All beings are with 'shxweli' (spirit) and personified. Plants are 'plant people', salmons are 'salmon
people'.

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All beings are respected and regarded as spiritual people. So there is a great linkage with spirituality
under the umbrella of oneness. Forestry, fishery and other gathering activities are managed by the
notion of this communal, spiritual relationship.

Their economy depends upon the forestry (logging) and fishery. But they have protested against some
cases of outside corporate logging, for the corporations transgress the spiritual relationships with a
mountain area.

This area is the place where people's ritual gears have been put on the trees. In the 'Sasquatch'
passes, there are the burial mounds of ancestors. This mountain area is the place where so many
natural beings are believed as transformed ones from previous ones and where many people's totemic
animals are living.

Transformation is one of the essential modes of existence. The knowledge about natural beings
includes the story of transformation. So the knowledge is composed of multi-layers of time and
existence. The transformation also includes the change of living places.

The protest against outside corporate logging in the mountain area, the negotiation with corporations
on the other forests and the logging by the Chehalis Band people are all tied to the issues of aboriginal
rights. Knowledge about the existence of the place and natural beings, spiritual, ancestral connection
with them, reside in the aboriginal rights. They call the utilization of these notions as 'cultural
management'.

This utilization is based upon the spatial concept, that is, their 'place' (territory) where all beings are
linked together. These cases tell that, over the economic rationality or practical reason, people make
their place 'meaningful'. These activities are adding cultural values to the natural world, forming
cultural ecology, where the supernatural world joins with the cultural and ecological world.

Next step toward TFRK

In Korean and First Nation cases, people, living beings and place are related. The relational thinking
might be a fundamental scheme in which formation of traditional knowledge occurs.

People are trying to interpret traditional meanings, reinterpret them in this present society or reinvent
them envisioning the relational world. In the First Nations, present beings are transformed ones from
other ones in different times and sometimes in different places. Transformation is a kind of relation
between different beings, times and places.

The next step will be study of the process of traditional knowledge realized and transmitted in the
world of holistic, relational thinking, which includes both practical reasoning and symbolic or emotional
dimension. Forest is a place of livings not only as a practical resources but as a symbolic one which
make people quest for meanings to sustain their livelihoods in this holistic, relational place.

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IUFRO World Series Volume 21

SONGGYE, KOREA'S TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE FOR

SUSTAINABLE FOREST MANAGEMENT
Young-Woo Chun and Kwang-Il Tak1

Forest Resources Department, Kookmin University

861-1 Jeongneung-dong Seongbuk-gu, Seoul 136-702, Korea
1
Email: leotak@kookmin.ac.kr

Introduction
The collection of firewood for energy and fodder for domestic animals was the most important activity
of farmers during the Choson Dynasty (1392-1910) in pre-modern Korea, similar to farmers of other
parts of the world. As Korea is located in a climatic zone with long cold winters, securing firewood was
critical for people’s survival. Firewood and fodder, along with building and coffin materials, were
obtained from nearby forests around the village.. Under national policies during the early period of the
dynasty, landless peasant farmers were given free access to forest resources for securing firewood
and fodder. However, the landless rights to these open access resources was seriously threatened in
the later period of the dynasty by the royal family and elite class’ privatization and appropriation of free
access resources(Bae et al. 2002). Such misuse of forests by the powerful and elite class quickly
spread through Korea by the 16th century. Especially after the two invasions by Japan and China,
power groups such as high-ranking government officials and the army led such illegal privatization of
forests. These groups exercised their power and claimed exclusive rights to the use of forest
resources and prohibited others’ access to these resources. In rural areas, local governments issued
certificates of private ownership of the forest land to these power groups and fenced off the forests so
that others could not access these resources. Villagers around the forest were stripped of most of their
traditional rights to use forest resources. This growing privatization and appropriation of open access
forests by royal families and powerful elite class forced the villagers to seek measures to secure their
own raw materials from the forests.

Organization and operation of Songgye

Songgye was formed by villagers to secure communal use of the forests around their villages.
Songgye set up its own rules and regulations and formed a corresponding organization with its own
operational guidelines. Songgye rules describe how to appoint a board of directors, who were from the
membership of Songgye, how to be a member, how to tend and utilize various forest resources, and
how to manage the assets accumulated by the Songgye operation (Park 2000). Normally the eldest in
the village was elected to represent Songgye and he appointed today’s equivalents of general
secretary, treasurer, and auditor, who actually ran the organization and its various operations.
Normally, membership was compulsory so that every household residing in the village was a member.
Those who moved in from other villages or established a new household by marriage would become
members by paying extra dues (Kang 2002). All members would voluntarily pay a forest tax every
year.

The rules and regulations of Songgye also specified related issues on various forest management
activities such as forest patrol and policing, prevention and control of forest fire, pine logging, shifting
cultivation, collecting fodder, and building ancestral tombs. In the case of forest policing, each village
around a forest under Songgye was responsible to patrol a section of forests once every spring and
fall, and made extra patrols whenever necessary (Park 2001). Songgye not only assigned the area to
be patrolled but also specified related duties while on patrol. An emergency contact network was
formed to mobilize necessary manpower for combating forest fires. Entering into the forest was
prohibited when the risk of fire was high. Those who violated this rule were subject to punishment and
fines. When selling valuable pine trees, stumpage price was specified according to tree size. When the
log was purchased by non-villagers, a differential fee was imposed. Shifting cultivation within Songgye
forests was allowed only in limited areas on the condition of prevention of illegal logging and activities
prone to forest fire. When an ancestral tomb had to be located within Songgye forest, members were
required to pay certain fees and prohibited logging in surrounding areas. Songgye assigned

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designated forest areas to each village for collecting fodder and for conservation purposes while
prohibiting non-villagers from collecting in these areas.

Area of Songgye forests

Acquisition of forest land is a prerequisite to form a Songgye. Villagers collectively purchased a
forested mountain, or secured the access to forest through government lease. One study shows that
the area of the forest under Songgye system varied from 1 ha to 500 ha depending upon the type. In
case the forest was owned independently or by one village, Songgye forest was rarely larger than 50
ha whereas those Songgye joined by more than 5 villages could easily be larger than 100 ha. Some
largest joint Songgye exceeded 500 ha (Kang 2002).

Implications of Songgye for sustainable forest management

The values of Songgye which continued over the past 300 years can be reviewed from the following
forest management point of view. First, voluntary public participation sustainable forest management,
and second, social impacts of the privatization of forest land during the Choson Dynasty.

Voluntary public participation for sustainable forest management

Songgye was invented as an institution to meet the needs of the people. Songgye was a forest policy
tool to allow landless class securing access to forest resources in return to systematic protection of the
forests from illegal logging and clearing. The forests under Songgye system were reportedly well
protected with sizable timber according to one study conducted during the Japanese colonization
period (Park 2000). This supports the view that voluntary forest management by local community is
effective for forest utilization and protection. From the perspective of modern forest management,
Songgye managed the local forests, what are today called community forests. Songgye set up
voluntary rules and regulations and each member donated efforts for sustainable forest management
in the forms of money and labor. Songgye can be interpreted as an institution for sustainability,
because it allocated sustainable amount of timber for logging each year to avoid depletion of timber
supply. It is worthwhile to revisit the aspect of Songgye by which property rights to certain forested
area were granted by national government. In addition, national government empowered Songgye to
enforce forest use regulations. Songgye in many ways is the precursor of community based forest
management approaches recently developed in many western countries. Korean ancestors not only
invented but practiced sustainable forest management long before the term was coined (Chun 1997).

Social impacts of Songgye

What we can learn from Songgye is that the social impact of privatization of forests can be enormous.
The forests in Choson Dynasty were open access resources except for designated preserved forests.
Choson Dynasty government kept certain forests from public use for supplying timber for shipbuilding,
construction, and other uses. This forest land tenure system collapsed after the invasions by Japan
and China. Rapid privatization was introduced in the 18th century. As a result, the forest area
accessible to the general public was sharply reduced. Songgye, as an institution for sustainability, was
introduced in the midst of rapid social and economic transition of forest tenure systems. The rationale
of Songgye as an institution for sustainability implies a lot for modern day forest tenure system (KFS
1997).

References
Bae, J.S, Kim, S. K, Lee, K. B, Joo, R.W. 2002. The History of Forest Policy of Late Choson Dynasty.
Korea Forest Research Institute.
Chun, Y.W. 1997. Cultural Forestry. Kookmin University Press.
Kang, S.B. 2002. Songgye of Kumsan. Kumsan Cultural Center
Korea Forest Service (KFS). 1997. 50 years of Korea Forest Policy. Korea Forest Service.
Park, J.C. 2000. A study of Keumsonggye in the later Choson dynasty. Ph. D dissertation, Joongang
University, Seoul, Korea.
Park, J.C. 2001. KeumSonggye of Boknaeri, Bosung. Bosung Cultural Center.

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 Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation: Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge
IUFRO World Series Volume 21

DIVERSITY AND ETHNOZOOLOGICAL STUDY OF SMALL

MAMMALS IN VILLAGES SURROUNDING THE PENDJARI
BIOSPHERE RESERVE IN NORTHERN BENIN
C. A. M. S. Djagoun1 and B. Sinsin2

Laboratoire d’Ecologie Appliquée, Faculté des Sciences Agronomiques,

Université d’Abomey-Calavi (LEA-FSA-UAC) ISBA 03 BP 1974 Cotonou Bénin
1
Email: sylvestrechabi@gmail.com; 2Email: bsinsin@bj.refer.org

Introduction
Research on conservation of wildlife in reserves in Benin has focused on large mammals due to their
appeal for hunting, tourism and related uses (Akpona 2004). Consequently, vigorous surveillance
measures developed in protected areas increasingly discourage poaching of large animals. Hunting of
small mammals has increased due to their ease of transport (because of their size) without being
stopped by park guards (Lamarque 2004). However, few studies have assessed the diversity of small
mammals targeted for hunting and their importance for communities bordering the Pendjari Biosphere
Reserve (PBR). Thus, the lack of scientific data on the utility of the small mammals for the survival of
the riverian populations of the BRP limits the actions of durable conservation. This study aims to fill
this information gap by determining the specific richness of small mammal species in the villages
surrounding the PBR, assessing the relationship between the human and small mammal populations
that either support or threaten their conservation, and finally evaluates the different technical traps of
small mammal species in their habitat by the villages sampled.

Methods
This study was conducted from August through October 2007 at the PBR. It is located in the Atakora
department of north-western Benin, at latitudes of 10o30’ and 11o30’ North and the longitudes of 0o50’
and 2o00’ East. For the purposes of this study, small mammals included all species having at least the
size of a grass-cutter (Thryonomys swinderianus) (overall length: 40-80 cm; Weight: 7 to 10 kg) were
chosen according to the small mammal definition of Lamotte and Bourlière (1975) which says that this
fauna category includes all mammals whose weight or size is less than the hare (3-5 Kg) or the
marmot (6-10 Kg). Twelve (12) villages of three socio-cultural groups (Wama, Gourmantché, Byali)
were considered and thirty people (hunters, farmers, and park guards) were surveyed in each village.
Local perception on the diversity of small mammal species was determined by the formation of focus
groups in each village and by using the list and picture of assumed species in this study site. This list
was established by using several wildlife guides (Heymans 1985, Kingdon 1995, De Visser et al.
2001). The analytic method (Prance 1991) following whether the consensus is raised (frequency of
nomination raised), whether a species exists and is well known by the populations was investigated.
The small mammal trapping techniques across the twelve villages was subjected to Correspondence
Factorial Analysis (CFA) by using SASv8.2 software. Also the small mammals species determine by
local perception were regrouped in 4 classes by realizing the numerous classification analysis. We
calculated the percentage of each variable such as the favourite species in the feeding, medicine, and
totem species.

Results and Discussion

Diversity and observation period of small mammal according to the local populations’
perception
A total of 43 species of small mammals were inventoried in the sampled villages surrounding BRP.
The dendrogram analysis (Fig. 1) shows that the grouping of small mammals in 4 classes (A: species
observed between 0 and 1 year; B: species observed between 1 and 5 years; C: species observed
between 5 and 10 years; and D: species not observed in the last 10 years) generate a value of R2=
0.772. This indicates that the quarter of the relative information to the species is lost after this
regrouping. However, this retained R2 value is sufficient to clear the big tendencies as for the
description of the four classes. The species which compose each are:

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A: Xerus erythropus (e19); Thryonomys swinderianus (e21) ; Cercopithecus aethiops (e5); Lepus
crawshayi (e4); Atelerix albiventris (e1); Rattus rattus (e25); Cricetomys gambianus (e43); Galerella
sanguinea (e9); Crocidura spp (e42); Heliosciurus gambianus (e36); Avicanthis niloticus (e18); Mus
haussa (e28); Procavia capensis (e3); Tatera guinea (e22); Genetta tigrina (e16); Cricetomys emini (e33);
Ichneumia albicauda (e10 ); Lemniscomys striatus (e34); Hylomyscus alleni (e35) Gnenetta genetta
(e17); Funisciurus leucogenys (e41)
B: Atilax paludinosus (e11); Galago senegalensis (e2); Protoxerus stangeri (e26); Lemniscomys zebra
(e32); Heliosciurus rufobranchium (e37); Steatomys jacksoni (e23)
C: Uranomys ruddi (e20); Myomys derooi (e27); Mastomys spp (e30); Herpestes ichneumon (e7);
Malacomys longipes (e29); Lophuromys sikapusi (e31)
D: Felis libyca (e8) ; Ictonyx striatus (e14 ); Mellivora capensis (e15); Graphiurus lorraineus (e38) ;
Mandinia binotata (e13) ; Funisciurus substriatus (e40) ; Graphiurus naggtglasi (e39).

Figure 1. Dendrogram of the regrouping of small mammals the species according to their
period of observation

Most local populations (79.3%) resident in the twelve villages have indicated that the small mammals
species were less abundant. Moreover, the opinions of the local populations didn't differ (χ2 = 2.28, p
> 0.05) between villages sampled or socio-cultural groups. The growth and poverty levels of the local
population are factors that aggravate this situation. Some studies have shown that the hunting for
subsistence means can provoke a non lasting exploitation of game, and even when human density is
weak, the hunters can eliminate some species of fauna by slowing reproduction (Fitzgibbon et al.
1995)
Economic feeding and medicinal importance of the small mammal’s species
The small mammals in the sites of survey have a very weak economic importance since the species
are more often consumed rather than sold. Not all species are sold. The grass cutter, the hare, the
Gambian rat and the ground squirrel are the most frequently sold. The prices of transfer vary
according to the species and their size. Thus, grass cutter are sold for between 4 and 6 $, the hare

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costs 1 to 1.5 $ and the Gambian rat and the ground squirrel cost respectively 0.5 to 0.7 $ and 0.1 to
0.2 $. Favourite species of small mammals by the local populations have been identified following the
Friedman test (Fig. 2). The grass cutter was the most appreciated species (χ2 = 360.8, p <0.05),
followed by the hare, the mongoose, the genet, the rock hyrax and the ground squirrel. The main
reasons to explain this preference were that these species were current and easy has to find in dry
season (60.5%) and because their meat was very good (39.5%). Small mammals are used for
medicinal purposes to treat belly aches, incurable wounds, earaches, sexual impotence and abscess.

Figure 2. Middle rank, by order of preference, of the different species of small mammal used
in alimentation determined with the Friedman test.

Socio-cultural values
Some species of the small mammals benefit from an exceptional statute of conservation in the
riparian villages. In the past various socio-cultural groups developed beliefs, myths and legends
around these small mammals’ species, which allowed them to become socially forbidden and
flavorous their conservation. Thus, the striped grass rat (Lemniscomys striatus) as totem is a concern
to close to one third of the populations investigated because it represents a totem for all a socio-
cultural groups (Gourmantché). This confirms the results of the studies of Mensah et al. 2007 on the
rodent of the PBR. This totem species is followed by the ground squirrel (Xerus erythropus) with
11.6% having it for totem, the hare (Lepus crawshayi) for 7.2% of the sampled individuals, the galago
(Galago senegalensis) for 6.3%, the hedgehog (Atelerix albiventris) for 2.3%, the Gambian rat
(Cricetomys gambianus) for 2.1%, the genet (Genetta spp) for 1.7%, and the zorilla (Ictonyx striatus)
for 1.3%. The Spotted necked otter (Lutra maculicollis) as totem only concerns 0.7% of the population
surveys (Fig. 3).

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Figure 3. Small mammal species of special social significance (as totems) to local
populations.

Hunting techniques of small mammals according to the villages sampled

Although a large proportion of the trapping techniques consist of using dogs and sticks, each village
investigated also had specific trapping techniques of the small mammal readily identifiable from the
correspondence factorial analysis (Fig. 4). The second axis of variation (vertical axis), with an
eigenvalue of 0.242, permits to show that Birikiri (Bir), Kayarga (Kar), Tchatingou (Tch) and Firou (Fir)
villages usually use the gun (F) and trap to jaw (B) for the capture of the small mammal. The first axis
of variation (horizontal axis), with an eigenvalue of 0.469, separated Kaoubagou (Kao) form
Tanougou (Tan), Batia (Bat), Tchanwassaga (Tchan), Tiélé (Tié), Kané (Kan), Nanébou (Nan) and
Dassari (Das). With the positioning of the trapping techniques on this axis, Kaoubagou (Kao) is the
only village which usually uses the traditional trap such as trap to cable (C), trap in bow (D), and trap
to the mice (E) for the small mammals capture species. Whereas in the negative side of this axis we
notify that trapping techniques such as the stick use (A), dogs use (H) and excavation of the terriers
or holes (G) are more often used in Tanougou (Tan), Batia (Bat), Tchanwassaga (Tchan), Tiélé (Tié),
Kané (Kan), Nanébou (Nan) and Dassari (Das). Thus, the villages far from the BRP like Birikiri,
Kayarga, Tchatingou and Firou use the most destructive technique of hunting compared to the nearer
villages. This is translated the effort of conservation by this reverse manager. The hunters of
Kaoubagou remain those of the only village of the sample which are attached to the tradition with the
presence of three traditional traps. It is also the only sampled villages where a king exists and where
the society is attached to an ancestral tradition of conservation.

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Figure 4. Correspondence factorial analysis of small mammal trapping technigues among

villages studied.

References
Akpona, H. 2004. Facteurs de conservation des loutres au Sud du Bénin : cas de forêt classée de la
Lama et des corridors avec les zones humides de la Vallée de l’Ouémé. Thèse d’ingénieur agronome.
FSA/UAC. Abomey-Calavi. Bénin. 81 p.
De Visser, J., Mensah G. A., Codjia, J. T. C. and Bokonon-Ganta, A. H. (eds.). 2001. Guide
préliminaire de reconnaissance des rongeurs du Bénin. C.B.D.D./Ecooperation/ReRE/VZZ -
République du Bénin/Royaume des Pays-Bas. 253 p.
Fitzgibbon, C.D., Mogaka, H. and Fanshawe, J. H. 1995. Subsistence hunting in Arabuko-Sokoke
forest, Kenya and its effects on mammal populations. Conservation Biology. 23 (9) : 1116-1126.
Heymans, J-C. 1985. Petit guide des petits mammifères du Nord-Bénin. FSA/UNB. 14 p.
Kingdon, J. 1995. The Kingdon field guide of mammals. Academic press. San Diego. USA. 464 p.
Lamarque, F. 2004. Les grands mammifères du Complexe WAP. Union
Européenne/CIRAD/ECOPAS. 40 p.
Lamotte, M. and Bourlière, F. 1975. Problèmes d’écologie: la démographie des populations de
vertébrés. Ed Masson & Cie. Paris, 254 p.
Prance, G. T., 1991. What is Ethnobotany Today. Journal of Ethnopharmacology, 61 (32): 209-216.

Acknowledgements
This study was conducted with the financial support provided by Region Program of Man and the
Biosphere (MAB-UNESCO). We are also grateful to the Centre National de Gestion des Réserves de
Faune (CENAGREF) for logistical and technical support.

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ALMACIGA RESIN GATHERING BY INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF

PALAWAN PROVINCE IN THE PHILIPPINES

Arsenio B. Ella
Scientist III, Forest Products Research and Development Institute (FPRDI), Department of
Science and Technology (DOST), College, Laguna 4031 Philippines;
Email: Arsie_Ella@yahoo.com

Introduction
The island province of Palawan has a population of about 700 000, the majority of which are migrants
of mixed ethnic origins. Migration has steadily increased, brought about by the rich natural resources
(land, forest and marine) and increasing demand of the tourism industry. Indigenous to Palawan are
three main ethnic groups or indigenous peoples: 1) Bataks - numbering around 400 households
inhabiting the northern central part of the island; 2) Tagbanuas in the central Palawan area of about
7000 households; and 3) Palau'an, the largest group estimated at 30 000 households dwelling in the
southern part of the island. Palawan is considered the largest of the Philippines' 76 provinces with a
land area of 1.49 million ha comprised of 1300 small other islands.

Resource Use
Indigenous communities utilize non-timber forest products (NTFP) to earn their living. Foremost of
which is the extraction of almaciga resin. The almaciga (Agathis philippinensis) tree grows well in
higher elevations from 200-2000 m asl. Because the Philippine government prohibits felling of the tree,
the almaciga's use is limited to its resin, known in world trade as Manila copal. Almaciga resin is used
in the manufacture of varnishes, paints, soaps, plastics, printing ink, linoleum, shoe polish, floor wax,
etc. Although regarded as a minor forest product, almaciga resin is one of the country's dollar earners.
In 2004, the Philippine Forestry Statistics reported that 230 000 kg of almaciga resin valued at US$
222 000 were exported.
Logging has been banned in Palawan following the 1994 Strategic Environmental Plan for the
province. Under this plan, emphasis is being given to the integration of communities within the forest
management framework. In effect, the result has been that large areas of what was previously timber
resource land are now being claimed by the natives under the plan's social forestry programme. Local
communities in the island province are now recipients of the program with the strong assistance of
NATRIPAL, an association of indigenous people. Hence, former logging concession areas have been
granted to these local communities. The primary objective of NATRIPAL is to secure the freedom of
indigenous people within their “ancestral domains” or native lands, and also involves the promotion of
the sustainable use of natural resources on such land in order to elevate or improve the quality of life
of indigenous people. Inspite of declared log bans and the presence of forest sector policies, the threat
to the forests and the people dependent on its resources like indigenous people has continued. This is
brought about by increasing population, declining employment opportunities, and improper and
unsustainable harvesting practices of NTFPs like almaciga resin.

Indigenous Practices for Collecting Almaciga Resin

Almaciga trees in the Philippines are protected and resin tapping is only permitted under license. All
harvested resin has to be registered with the Department of Environment and Natural Resources
(DENR) prior to its sale. In granting the land to the indigenous people of local communities, they also
granted the license to harvest almaciga resin.
While tapping almaciga is a veritable economic activity for these people, very traditional, unscientific
and injurious methods of extracting the resin are followed by indigenous peoples in Palawan:
a) No restriction on diameters of trees to be tapped ; b) Initial cut of four inches wide (horizontal cut)
with no definite thickness; c) Re-chipping of one inch thickness per cut; and d) Maximum of eight
tapping cuts with no definite sizes for bigger trees and four tapping cuts for smaller-diameter trees.

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Tapping is strenuous work. The almaciga trees are located a day's walk from the communities situated
in the lower land. About 75% of a community, both men and women are involved in collecting the resin
over the four-month harvesting season from January to April. Collectors spend 3-5 days at a time in
the forest gathering the resin. They need to set up temporary camping sites in the forest throughout
the entire duration of resin collection.
The trees are tapped on an approximately eight- to nine-week cycle with each collector responsible for
about 30-35 trees. Some tappers make new cuts on the day the resin is collected. Majority however,
shorten the cycle of cutting by one week than the cycle of collecting the resin. The sacks of resin
collected, which weigh 45 kg each, are put in improvised rattan containers called “ararong”. These are
slung on tappers’ backs and transported on foot down inclined terrain, initially to the warehouse of
local community, and from there on to NATRIPAL headquarters in Puerto Princesa City (provincial
capital of Palawan). NATRIPAL pays the community PhP5 (US$12 cents) per kg of resin. In terms of
harvest per month, indigenous tappers average 22 sacks or net income of PhP 1470 (US$ 32.64).
These are then sold to local exporters in Manila or Cebu for double that price. Majority of the raw
resins are sent abroad while some are shipped to Cebu for local processing into paints and varnishes.

Conduct of Training Program

With the goal of rectifying the wrong practices of tapping and harvesting almaciga resin by the local
people, FPRDI conducted seminar/training on proper methods of tapping resin for sustained resin
yield. This consisted of both classroom sessions and practicum where correct tapping practices
developed at FPRDI were discussed and demonstrated. Basic structure of the stem, nature and
physiology of resin production, and biological factors in relation to the tapping processes, were also
given emphasis in the course of discussion. Lectures, field demonstration and hands-on-exercises and
practicum in the field made up the seminar-training.

Proper Tapping Methods

Owing to the detrimental effects of traditional tapping methods, FPRDI laid down the following
guidelines for the proper tapping of almaciga trees. These were based on the results of R&D studies
previously conducted at the Institute.
• Tap only trees with diameter at breast height of at least 40 cm;
• Remove loose barks, dirt and other foreign materials and lightly scrape the portion to be
tapped. Start the first tapping at a point not more than 30 cm above the ground;
• Make a horizontal cut above 2 cm wide and 30 cm long and not beyond the bark, using a
razor-sharp broad-bladed bolo or a large knife. Tapping more than twice around the tree
circumference is permitted, but the distance between tapped portions should be about 60 cm
or twice the length of the cut. While cutting, take utmost care to avoid damaging the cambium;
• Spray a mist of 50% sulfuric acid solution about 15 cm from the cut portion to stimulate resin
flow, using one pass of a pint size capacity plastic squeeze sprayer. Since all acid-damaged
tissues are removed in re-chipping, the right amount of acid prolongs the tree's tapping life;
and
• After a week when resin exudation stops, a fresh cut may be made immediately above the
previous one of the same length but lesser width (0.4 to 1 cm wide). Apply acid as before. Tap
vertically upward.

Conclusions
Tapping is a veritable economic activity among farmers and forest settlers especially IPs.
Understanding the basic structure of the stem, nature of resin production and biological factors in
relation to the tapping process, and applying the proper tapping techniques can help: a) prolong the
tree's life; b) increase production of quality almaciga resin; c) increase income of tappers; and d) help
in the forest conservation program of the government.

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References
Ella, A. B. and A. L. Tongacan 1992. Techniques in Tapping Almaciga (Agathis philippinensis Warb.)
for Sustained Productivity of the Tree: The Philippine Experience. FPRDI Journal, 21 (1-2): 73-99,
FPRDI, College, Laguna, Philippines.
Ella, A. B. 1999. The Resin Resource. ITTO Tropical Forest Updates 9 (1): 5, Yokohama, Japan.
Ella, A. B. and I. M. Javier. 1998. Proper Techniques in Tapping Almaciga. Pamphlet No.1, 8 pp.
FPRDI-DOST, College, Laguna, Philippines.
Ella, A. B. and I. M. Javier 2000. Assessment on The Collection, Processing and Trade of Non-Wood
Forest Products (NWFP) In Local Communities. Terminal Report for FPRDI-ITTO Project PD 15/96
Rev. 2 (M,I) Study 2 : pp. 29-33. FPRDI-DOST, College, Laguna Philippines.
Philippine Forestry Statistics. 2004. Forest Management Bureau (FMB), Department of Environment
and Natural Resources (DENR), Diliman Quezon City, Philippines. 240 pp.
Prebble, C., A. B. Ella and W. Subansenee. 1999. ITTO: Making the Most of NWFP. ITTO Tropical
Forest Updates 9(1):pp. 4-7, Yokohama, Japan.

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INDIGENOUS COLLECTION AND MARKETING OF WILD HONEY AND

ALMACIGA RESIN IN PALAWAN: THE NATRIPAL EXPERIENCE

Arsenio B. Ella
Scientist III, Forest Products Research and Development Institute (FPRDI), Department of Science and
Technology (DOST), College, Laguna 4031 Philippines
Email: Arsie_Ella@yahoo.com

Introduction
NATRIPAL (Nagkakaisang Tribu ng Palawan), an association of indigenous people (IPs) in the island-
province of Palawan was organized in 1989 to advocate for recognition of ancestral tenurial rights; and to
enhance indigenous people's organizational capacity in sustainable management, trading and marketing
of non-timber forest products (NTFP) such as wild honey and almaciga resin. Three indigenous or local
communities, e.g., Kampung Ulay and Kayasan in Puerto Princesa City (provincial capital of Palawan),
and Punta Baja in Rizal Town are the sites of FPRDI-ITTO project entitled “Collection, Utilization and
Trade of Tropical Non-timber Forest Products in the Philippines” where data and information in this
presentation were taken. In addition the said communities were also recipients of a forestry programme
under the 1994 Strategic Environmental Plan for the Province of Palawan. Hence, large areas of
previously timber resources land are now granted by the government to these IPs under the Plan's social
forestry programme which includes the extraction of wild honey and almaciga resin.

Almaciga resin
Cutting of almaciga (Agathis philippinensis Warb) trees in the Philippines is banned and thus its utilization
is restricted to its resin. Known as Manila copal in international trade, the resin is used as an ingredient in
the manufacture of paints, varnishes, lacquer, soap, printing inks, linoleum, shoe polish, floor wax, plastic
water proofing materials, etc. Locally, it is used for incense in religious ceremonies, fuel for torches and as
caulking substance. The Philippines is the second largest producer of Manila copal in the world with
average exports of 350 tonnes per year. In 2004, the country exported 230 000 kg of almaciga resin worth
US$222 000 .
Palawan alone produces about 80% of Philippines’ resin production, and is considered as the center of
production for almaciga resin in the Philippines. Moreover, the island-province is known to be the producer
of the best, highest quality almaciga resin in the country. Resins from this island province are shipped to
traders in Metro-Manila and Cebu (central Philippines), either for export or for local processing into paints
and varnishes. The marketing chain is composed of tappers, the “kapatas” (middleman), almaciga
concessionaires or licensees, traders and end-users.

IPs Practices of Collecting Almaciga Resin

Tappers has “kapatas” or leader. He makes cash advances from the leader of a federation/association
working under NATRIPAL. The cash advance is used to buy provisions - rice, sardines, noodles,
cigarettes, etc. for their stay in the forest to tap and collect resins. Part of these provisions ends up with
the family the tapper leaves behind. The value of the goods and cash advanced to the resin gatherers is
deducted by “kapatas” from the share of the gatherers on resins collected and delivered. Resin gatherers
spend 3 – 5 days at a time in the forest to collect resins where they set up their temporary camping sites.
The trees are tapped on an approximately 8 - 9-week cycle with each collector responsible for about 30
trees. Some tappers make new cuts on the day the resin is collected. Some shorten the cycle of cutting by
one week than the cycle of collecting the resin. The sacks of resin collected which weigh 45 kg each are
slung on tappers’ backs and transported on foot directly to IP communities and finally to NATRIPAL
headquarters in Puerto Princesa City. NATRIPAL pays the community PhP 5 (US$ 12 cents) per kilogram
of resin. In terms of harvest per month, IP tappers average 22 sacks or net income of PhP 1470 (US$

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32.64). These are then sold to local exporters either in Manila or Cebu for double that price. Majority of the
raw resins are sent abroad while some are shipped to Cebu for local processing into paints and varnishes.
While tapping almaciga is a veritable economic activity for these people, very traditional, unscientific and
injurious methods of extracting the resin are followed by IPs in Palawan, viz: a) no restriction on diameters
of trees to be tapped; b) initial cut of 10 cm wide (horizontal cut) with no definite thickness; c) re-chipping
of 25 mm thickness per cut; and d) maximum of eight tapping cuts with no definite sizes for bigger trees
and four tapping cuts for smaller diameter trees. The IP tappers are: 1) unfamiliar with the legal framework
associated with almaciga resin utilization; 2) have insufficient knowledge in almaciga resin tapping, and
also cleaning and grading of resin; 3) unfamiliar with trading and marketing of resins; and 4) do not know
the pests and diseases of almaciga trees.

Wild honey
Another economically important forest product from these IP communities are the wild honey. There are
two types of bees in Palawan forests but the better honey comes from the “pukyutan” bees (Apis cinerea
and A. mallifera) whose nests can be seen high up in the branches of the towering manggis (Koompassia
excelsa) trees. With the assistance of rattan hoists, collectors climbed up the trees and the nests lowered
using pulleys. Usually this takes place at night when the bees are less active. Up to four different nests
may be found on one tree, each of which could yield around 4 liters of honey. Twenty liters of honey sells
for around PhP 250 (US$ 5). About 50 gallons of honey could be collected within 3 months per person.
Honey gathering is an integral part of Palawan's indigenous culture. Considered as a male activity where
women participate only in the processing and marketing. Climbing for honey hives is the most laborious
part but is considered enjoyable, hence, honey season (February to April) is a much anticipated time
among the indigenous communities. The common practice of honey processing is by pressing the
honeycomb to extract the honey. Whereas, the hygienic practice is by cutting the upper part of hive above
the combs and let the honey pass through a cheese cloth.
NATRIPAL purchase honey from January to March. It assigns 3 people at most to handle its honey
processing and trading during the peak season. They take care of the activities involved, e.g., receiving,
quality grading, processing and marketing of honey.

Market Flow of Honey

Two forms of marketing channel were identified in the three IP communities studied. The first channel
involves the flow of commodity from the gatherer to the NATRIPAL headquarters in Puerto Princesa City.
NATRIPAL would either sell the honey to the local users or store them until they reach an appropriate
volume for delivery to Manila.
The longer marketing channel that was identified was the channel leading to the provincial buyers. It
started with the honey gatherers, then to the barangay and municipal buyers. Then it will pass through the
provincial buyers and finally to the local users and/or Manila market.

Problems encountered
The main problems encountered by NATRIPAL in its honey marketing operations are: a) high moisture
content; b) impurities; c) fermentation; d) diversity of honey - flavor, color, aroma and others; e)
adulterations; f) standardization requirements of buyers; g) pricing; and h) irregular supply

Conclusions
NATRIPAL in collaboration with FPRDI-ITTO project brought Palawan's indigenous communities the idea
of community organizing, giving priority to the livelihood concerns of honey and almaciga resin gatherers
and traders.
The interaction between NATRIPAL and FPRDI has enlightened the IPs on the possibility of self-
determination and the importance of their tenurial holdings, thus maintaining their hold on the forest
resources on which their livelihood is anchored.

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The NATRIPAL community is just one example of a group of indigenous people who are capitalizing on
the diversity of local forest products. Not all forest products collected will justify significant investment but
in more cases, simple development techniques will be enough to make significant increase in the incomes
of the local communities.

References
Banua, D. 1998. Honey Gathering and marketing In: Palawan. Proceedings of the 4th NTFP National
Conference. 2-4 September 1998, Las Brisas Hotel and Conference Center, Antipolo, Rizal, Philippines.
pp. 89-99.
Ella, A. B. 1999. The Resin Resource. ITTO Tropical Forest Updates 9 (1): 5. Yokohama, Japan.
Ella, A. B and I. M. Javier 1998. Proper Techniques in Tapping Almaciga. Pamphlet No. 1, FPRDI-DOST,
College, Laguna, Philippines. 8 p.
Ella, A. B. and I. M. Javier 2000. Assessment on the Collection, Processing and Trade of Non-Wood
Forest Products (NWFP) In Local Communities. Terminal Report for FPRDI-ITTO Project PD 15/96 Rev. 2
(M,I) Study 2: 29-33. FPRDI-DOST, College, Laguna, Philippines.
Ella, A.B. and A. L. Tongacan 1992. Techniques in Tapping Almaciga (Agathis philippinensis Warb.) for
Sustained Productivity of the Tree: The Philippine Experience. FPRDI Journal 21 (1-2): 73-99, FPRDI-
DOST, College, Laguna, Philippines.
Philippine Forestry Statistics. 2004. Forest Management Bureau (FMB), Department of Environment and
Natural Resources (DENR), Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines. 240 pp.
Prebble, C., A. B. Ella and W. Subansenee. 1999. ITTO: Making the Most of NWFP. ITTO Tropical Forest
Updates 9 (1): 4-7, Yokohama, Japan.

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IMPACTS OF KNOWLEDGE BASED DECISION SUPPORT SYSTEMS

ON FOREST MANAGEMENT
NourEldin Mohamed Elshaiekh Osman and Peter Charles Woods

Multimedia University - Creative Multimedia– Malaysia-63100 Cyberjaya.

Email: noreldine@hotmail.com, nour.eldin.mohamed05@mmu.edu.my

Introduction
In the relationship between decision support system (DSS) and knowledge management (KM),
Metaxiotis et al. (2003) suggest that DSS and KM are interdependent activities In all cases, decision
makers always combine different types of data and knowledge available in various forms in the
organization. Knowledge is a fundamental resource for developing a knowledge-based DSS and
these systems can provide important support to forest management. Accordingly forest management
is required to introduce changes in order to improve there decisions, productivity, profits, and to
protect the environment.
In this paper I will focus on decision making, knowledge-based and forest management, and then
review the impacts of knowledge-based DSS on forest management. Integrating DSS and KM could
provide some benefits to forest management ,enhance quality of support decisions, and improve the
economic and social elements.

Background
There are many definitions of DSS, KM and forest management, but I will focus on the related and
important definition to this paper:
Decision Support Systems: interactive computer-based systems intended to help decision makers
utilize data and KM models to identify and solve problems and make decisions with in different
organizations (Carlson & Carlson 2001).
Knowledge Management System: a system that provides the intellectual platform for an organization
to integrate ‘intelligence,’ ‘design’ and ‘choice’ phases in a systematic decision-making process, KM
system should support the creation, gathering, organization, and dissemination of knowledge
(Drucker 1988, Simon 2000)
Forest Management: a system of practices for stewardship and use of forest land aimed at fulfilling
relevant ecological (including biological diversity), economic and social functions of the forest in
sustainable manner (UNFCCC 2001).

Methodology
On this paper I use Information flow and a literature survey from all possible sources and formats
based on knowledge based DSS and forest management:
Information Flow. According to Barwise & Seligman (1997) the Information Flow is an effort to develop
the logic of distributed systems, showing the notion of forest management, and the links between
departments, which can all be controlled with the Information Flow method. I use information flow
method to understand the notion, structure of and decision making process in the forest management
Literature Survey. My review on the subject noted that there are no publications that deal with a
knowledge based decision support system for forest management in spite of the importance of the
subject, but I was collected data for this paper from different related sources.

Development of Knowledge-based decision support systems

My literature survey and citation studies (Alavi & Joachimsthaler 1992, Arnott & Pervan 2005) suggest
the broad historical development of DSS; first one examines model-driven DSS, and then move to
data-driven DSS and decision-making information systems and notes the growing status of such
systems. The geneses of communications-driven DSS are then briefly explored and classified into two

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types of group DSS, model-driven and communications-driven. Developments in document storage

technologies and search engines then made document-driven DSS more generally offered as web-
based systems. The last progression summarizes major developments in Artificial Intelligence (AI)
and expert systems that made suggestion or knowledge base-driven DSS practical.

Model - Data - Comm.- Doc.- Knowl.-

Driven DSS Driven DSS Driven DSS Driven DSS Driven DSS

Figure 1. Development in Knowledge-based Decision Support Systems

Knowledge-based DSS and Forest Management

As discussed by Dyer (2000), the knowledge based DSS has been the key to successful, effective,
management of the processes for actively disseminating and applying knowledge for organization
forest management activities, development of forest management strategies and plans. The concept
of forest management implies stewardship and therefore requires good decisions based on
knowledge to handle the major challenge faced by foresters. DSS based on KM systems improve the
process of making decisions, by choosing and making good decisions based on knowledge to solve
different problems of forest resources protection and management. According to Schmoldt &
Rauscher, 1996) we can solve sustainable forest management problems effectively by learning how
to continually improve our decision-making processes and our decision-support capabilities and
thereby more effectively manage these resources, relying on knowledge based DSS to evaluate
environmental, economic and social forest management issues and options.

Impacts of Knowledge based DSS on the Forest Management

The result from integrating DSS and Knowledge based could make some benefits to the economic
and social functions of the forest management in sustainable manner:
Economic impact. The main purpose of forest management, however, is to minimize adverse human
impacts while maximizing the economic value of the forest. Thus the main objective of DSS based on
KM is to help the forest manager to plan his interventions in the forest to maximize the economic
return, while minimizing the adverse long-term impact by storing all relevant in computer systems.
Social impact. The knowledge–based DSS can serve all those who have a role in forest management
and can facilitate cooperation among them. This cooperation may extend to the beneficiaries of the
outputs of the system, and encourage a culture of knowledge-based sharing among foresters.

Results and Discussion

In this paper I discussed how knowledge-based decision support systems can improve decision-
making in forest management, reviewed the structure and development of DSS and knowledge based
systems, and the possible impacts of these systems on forest management. I found that integrating
DSS and KM could make contributions to forest management, enhancing the quality of decision-
making based on better knowledge of trends and patterns in forest conditions. However, what is still
required is to build up forest management memory and support KM functions I also found that there
can be a positive impact of knowledge-based DSS for enhancing and improve the economic and
social impacts of forestry management.

References
Alavi, M. and Joachimsthaler, E.A. 1992. Revisiting DSS Implementation Research: A Meta-Analysis
of the literature and suggestions for researchers. MIS Quarterly, 16(1): 95-116.
Arnott, D. and G. Pervan, 2005. A critical analysis of decision support systems research. Journal of
Information Technology, 20(2): 67-87.
Barwise J. and Seligman, J. 1997. Information Flow: The Logic of Distributed Systems. Cambridge
University Press.

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Dyer, G. 2000. Knowledge Management crosses the chasm – IDC state of the market
survey. Knowledge Management, 3(3): .
Drucker, P. (1988). "The coming of the new organization." In: J. Barwise and J. Seligman. Information
Flow: The Logic of Distributed Systems. Cambridge University Press, 1997.
Metaxiotis, K., Ergazakis, K., Samouilidis E.; and Psarras J. 2003. Information Management &
Computer Security, 11( 5): 216-221.
Carlson R.H. and Carlson E.D. 2001. Building Effective Decision Support Systems. Englewood Cliffs,
NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1982. [appeared in DSS News, February 11, 2001, Vol. 2, No. 4.]
Schmoldt, D.L., and Rauscher, H.M. 1996. Building knowledge-based systems for natural resource
management. Chapman and Hall, New York, NY. 386 p.
Simon, H.A. 2000. Decision Making and Problem Solving. Retrieved October 1, 2005 from
http://www.dieoff.org/page163.htm
UNFCCC. 2001. Report Of The Conference Of The Parties On Its Seventh Session, Held At
Marrakesh From 29 October To 10 November 2001, Addendum Part Two: Action Taken By The
Conference Of The Parties, Volume I.

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TRADITIONAL WEATHER FORECASTING FOR SUSTAINABLE

AGRO-FOREST MANAGEMENT AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION IN
ILOCOS NORTE – PHILIPPINES

Evangeline S. Galacgac1 and Criselda M. Balisacan2

1
Statistician/Researcher, Research and Development Directorate,Mariano Marcos State
University, City of Batac 2906 Ilocos Norte – Philippines; Email: eva_galacgac@yahoo.com
2
Chief/University Research Associate, Regional Center on Poverty Studies, Mariano Marcos
State University, City of Batac 2906 Ilocos Norte-Philippines;
Email: cris_balisacan@yahoo.com

Introduction
The province of Ilocos Norte is exposed to the southwest monsoon and is shielded by the Cordillera
mountain ranges from the northern and northeastern air currents. This results in a well-marked wet
season (June to November) and dry season (December to May) that bring in excessive rains and
extreme droughts. Average annual rainfall in the province is about 2000 mm, with almost 90% of the
rainfall concentrated in the wet season. Of the total population of a little more than half a million (NSCB
2000), the majority lives in the rural areas which depend on the agro-forest livelihoods.
The total land area in Ilocos Norte is 0.36 million ha, about one-third of which is classified as
agricultural land. The narrow coastal plain with highly eroded soil and dense population has made for
the development of a very hardy group of people, the Ilocanos.
Degradation of soil, decreasing water resources and changes in the climate, are the main problems in
sustainable agro-forestry development in Northern Philippines particularly in Ilocos Norte. These are
brought about by the cultivation practices of majority of the poor Iloco “kaingeros” or farmers who rely
heavily on uplands for their livelihood but lack awareness on the consequences of inappropriate
farming practices.
Most Iloco farmers live in the uplands due to lack of land to till and poor income opportunities in the
lowland. Here they clear the forests with their “kaingin” or slash and burn practices or “panag-uma”
and plant rice or corn as major crops and vegetables in the hillsides in one or two cropping seasons.
Because of poverty, the local people are forced to destroy the forests. The biophysical environment in
these areas is fragile, requiring utmost care in farming practices to maintain sustainable farm
production. Otherwise, soil erosion occurs causing floods and damages to life and property. The heavy
siltation downstream cause low productivity in the lowlands.
Multi-lateral agencies such as the World Bank are urging that forecasts be made available to small-
scale farmers, to increase food security (Woytek 2005). Disaster-preparedness strategies have begun
to take account of such forecasts, and there is considerable interest in assigning them an economic
value. However, field studies of the impact of recent forecasts suggests that there is a considerable
gap between the information needed by small-scale farmers and that provided by the meteorological
services.
The objective of this study is to create awareness of the value of traditional knowledge in weather
forecasting particularly its potential contribution to sustainable development and poverty alleviation
especially at a time when such knowledge is being dismissed as superstitious beliefs.

Methodology
The study came into two phases: 1) documentation, and 2) validation. The documentation phase was
conducted in selected remote barangays of 19 municipalities of Ilocos Norte. Purposive sampling was
employed in choosing the 204 key informants. Commonly used indicators of the onset of rainfall,
upcoming rain or adverse weather conditions in relation to agro-forest management were asked.

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Socio-demographic profile, adaptive measures of coping with typhoon or flood or drought were also
among the data gathered. Qualitative and descriptive statistics were used to analyze the data.
Cooperators were assigned to monitor and record the date of occurrence of their respective indicators
and the actual dates/days of rainfall occurrences in their locality. Data gathered from PAGASA
Agromet Station in Batac and in Laoag Synoptic Station include: rainfall data, relative humidity, and
cloud cover, forecast on the occurrence of low pressure and other adverse weather conditions.

Results and Discussion

Key informants in the documentation phase were farmers, housewives/housekeepers who share with
light works in the farm, and fishing folks, aged 60 years and above. Most of them were elementary
graduates while some finished high school, and others did not have any formal schooling. Majority of
informants have been engaged in farming for 31 to 50 years, and have been residing in their
respective places since birth while some by affinity. As to economic status, majority of the respondents
have income below the poverty line.
Informants indicated a total of 66 weather lore grouped into: atmospheric/astronomic phenomena
indicators, phenology of plants, and animal/insect behaviors. The informants rely on a combination of
atmospheric phenomena, animal behavior and phenology of plants, while the rest either rely on plant
behavior or atmospheric phenomena alone in predicting the weather.
Weather is an important variable influencing crop production. Given their levels of literacy and poverty,
geographical location and livelihood, old folks can only resort to traditional weather forecasting
methods. The traditional practices that are soil-conserving and are sustainable which were
documented and validated is the harmonizing of land preparation and rainfall activities with rainfall
pattern. Farmers have to watch for their plant indicators, unusual behaviors of birds and insects that
signal the on-set of rainy season. This is important because they have to prepare their upland farm so
that cover crops will be on time during heavy rains to prevent erosion. Their traditional weather
forecasts, and knowledge of when to expect long or short rainy seasons, would enable the farmers to
plan appropriately which crop is suited for a particular season.
Additionally, forecast of adverse weather conditions is critical in their planning and programming of
agro-forest activities because failure to predict such conditions would mean decrease in yield or total
lost of production, waste of resources and lost of lives. Traditional knowledge of storm routes and wind
patterns enables upland residents to design their disaster management in advance. Indicators of
drought, typhoon or flood would warn them to store basic needs, repair their houses that are usually
made of light materials like bamboo and cogon grass and ensure their herds for safety. If they see a
solar halo or ring like shape around the sun (solar) or moon (lunar), storm is sure to occur. If they
observe that the nests of birds and beehives are built high, flood is imminent. The indicators of
adverse weather conditions such as heavy rains, typhoons or floods, would advise the farmers to
repair their houses, tighten the loosened ceilings or walls; preserve and stockpile food and fuel, gather
more fire woods and mill more rice; and have their pastures, livestock and poultry put in safe place.
Traditional weather forecasting plays a critical role in the sustainable management of agro-forests and
poverty alleviation in Ilocos Norte. Farmers have combined traditional and modern weather forecasting
systems to help in agro-forest management. This knowledge may contribute to improved development
strategies in several ways such as for identifying cost-effective and sustainable mechanisms for
poverty alleviation that are locally manageable and locally meaningful. Unfortunately much of this kind
of local knowledge and information has not been used to its best advantage. In fact it may be ignored
by scientists and not incorporated into development planning and formal early warning systems.
But there is a lot to gain by disseminating this kind of local knowledge as they can help farmers make
more informed decisions about when to prepare land and planting materials, and how much excess
food to store. It is one way to help poor families and communities become more resilient to
environmental changes.

References
Battan, LJ. 1979. Fundamentals Of Meteorology. Prentice-Hall Inc, Englewood cliffs, New Jersey
Cayabyab, FF and AC de Guzman. 1998. Natural Disaster Management Among the Ibanags,
Gaddangs, Bugkalots and Ivatans. Project 2. DOST-PCARRD

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Fagi, AM and I Las. 1987. Implications of Rice-Weather Studies for National Programs. In: Weather
And Rice. Proceedings Of International Workshop On The Impact Of Weather Parameters On Growth
And Yield Of Rice. April 7-10 1986. IRRI
Hale, Judson D Jr. 2000. The Old Farmer’s Almanac 2000. Yankee Publishing Inc, Dublin, NH. pp 35-
36, 44
Maner, Walter and Sean Joyce. 1997. Weather Lore and Fuzzy Logic = Weather Forecast. Presented
at the 1997 CLIPS Virtual Conference. Distributed with Girratano and Riley. Expert Systems Principles
and Programming. 3rd Edition
National Statistical Coordination Board. 2000. Profile of Censuses. Philippine Statistical System.
Rengalakshmi, R. 2003. Linking Traditional And Scientific Knowledge Systems On Climate Prediction
And Utilization. M.S.Swaminathan Research Foundation Chennai, India.
Tayag, JC, D Coruña & J de la Cruz. 1998. Natural Disaster Management Among the Negritos of
Luzon. Proj 3 DOST-PCARRD
Woytek, R. 2005. Can Indigenous Knowledge help Achieve the MDGs by 2015? Tradition and
Development Dialogue. Dar es Salaam Paris Pretoria Washington. April 6th and 7th,.Africa Region.
The World Bank.

Acknowledgments
The authors are deeply indebted to the organizers of this international conference for giving them the
rare opportunity to share this piece of research.

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FUNDS FOR COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT THROUGH

TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE: AN EXPERIENCE OF COMMUNITY
FORESTRY IN NEPAL

Sishir Gautam1 and Surya B. Magar2

1
University of BOKU, Vegagasse 20/124P, 1190 Vienna, Austria;
Email: sishir.gautam@joensuu.fi
2
University of Joensuu, Faculty of Forest Sciences, POBox 111, FI-80101, Joensuu, Finland

Introduction
Community forestry (CF) as a participatory forest management has been practiced since 1970s in
Nepal, which is understood as a pioneer country to initiate the development of partnership between
local communities and government. Community forest user group (CFUG), an autonomous entity, has
responsibilities to manage forest resources by making its own forest management operational plan
and constitution incorporating the local knowledge and local context. The government provides
technical support and legal advices to the CFUGs which are recognized as real managers and
decision makers of local forest resources. Such management was initiated due to smooth functioning
of indigenous forest management practices in scattered patches in the hills (Gautam 1988). Therefore,
the initiation of CF program is the recognition of traditional knowledge of local users. Furthermore, CF
is an institutional innovation empowering local communities in managing forest resources (Kanel
2004).
During the past few years’ annual reports the financial and other benefits, apart from the basic needs
fulfillment, are being generated from community forests (Bampton et al. 2006). The main sources of
funds are from selling of timber and NTFPs. CFUG funds are being used to conduct income
generating activities (IGAs) such as agriculture, livestock, bee keeping, shopkeeping, trade skill
development (Chand & Ghimire 2007). Bampton et al. (2006) also explains a provision of an
emergency fund managed under the CFUG funds for health, natural disasters, and birth control.
Pokharel (2000) concludes that the CFUGs have been using their funds for forest management (FM),
community development (CD) and organization development according to their approved plans.
Dangol (1999) claimed that CFUG fund has been expensed more on community development than on
forest management. It is also noticed the CFUGs are spending their funds for remuneration followed
by infrastructure, forest development and loan out (Gentle 2000). Although the CF funds have been
utilized for community development emphasizing pro-poor, there are emerging issues on participation
of the poor in decision making and equitable benefit sharing. Therefore, this study explores the
indigenous approach of fund raising and participatory decision process on fund mobilization. It also
investigates the problems associated with equitable benefit sharing of CF fund.

Methodology
The study was carried out in Sundari CFUG which is located in Amarapuri VDC, Nawalparasi district of
Nepal. It was selected on the basis of group heterogeneity which contains very rich - 3.6%, rich -
12.14%, medium - 33.14%, lower level - 30.11%, poor - 12.46% and very poor - 8.46% of total number
of households. While selecting CFUG, criteria of group dynamics were also considered. This CFUG
was established in 1995 and implementing different IGAs ranging from CD to FM. This CFUG’s
records, meetings and assemblies’ minutes, operational plan, audit reports, DFO/Range post
database, Journals and other relevant published and unpublished literatures were reviewed as
secondary sources of information. A questionnaire survey with 140 households (12%) of Sundari
CFUG was conducted to collect data. Apart from focus group discussions, interactions with executives
and general members were also carried out. Direct observations of forest management and
community development activities were performed. Discussions with representative users of each
ward of Amarapuri VDC were also held.

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Results and Discussion

Sundari Community Forest is situated between 156 m to 829 m above sea level. The total area of
forest is 385 ha with 1252 households. The average family size of household is 6.04 with standard
deviation of 2.06 and mode of 5. The CFUG has developed five-year forest operational plan. Besides
simple wealth ranking the CFUG has identified 12 households as the most deprived and poor ones.
Separate sub-committee of poors has been formed and allotted 0.80 ha of forest for IGAs. The sub-
committee has prepared a separate five-year operational plan for IGAs on the allocated land. Under
the scheme, they have cultivated Kurilo (Asparagus), Amriso (Thysanolaena agrestis), fodder trees,
medicinal plants; and goat keeping, with short gestation period for regular return on their small
investment. The management scheme emphasizes the use of the indigenous knowledge and local
resources available within community.
The CFUG generated funds by selling of fuel wood, round woods, planks, NTFPs and nursery plants.
Also they generated incomes from entry pass (token) distribution, commission from selling books,
application fees, telephone charges, penalties, facilitation charges, subsidies, membership fees, goat
farming, hall rent, prizes, canteen bidding, bee keeping, grass selling and interest from bank. On an
average the CFUG generated about NRs 1 317 040 per year. The share from selling wood (round
wood) to the annual income was 52.64%. Similarly, the contribution from selling fuel wood was
12.72%, from subsidy and grant was 7.11%. The share of interest earned by lending out loan was
5.31% and from goat farming was 1.26%. The CF was investing also on the community development
such as bridge construction, road construction, support to schools, bio-gas installation, and also pro-
poor programmes such as rehabilitation of disables and health services. While carrying development
activities, a certain percentage of the total cost was contributed by concern organizations and provided
to CFUG as subsidy to carry out the proposed programmes. The community has special annual plan
of making small houses for the deprived poors and 3 among the 12 had already been benefited last
year. The trend of expenses shows that the amount allocated in CD is increasing year to year. The
amount expended in CD and poverty focused programmes seems justifiable. The overall expense of
the group in three consecutives years is summarized in the following table below.

Table 1: Expenses of Sundari CFUG

Year wise Expenses (NRs)
Expenditure Exp/Year %
2003 2004 2005
Forest Development 346,526 419,064 432,144 399,245 25.7
Community Development 125,000 194,500 386,282 235,261 15.2
Poverty Focused 60,228 127,124 117,248 101,533 6.5
Institutional Development 71,480 83,862 63,559 72,967 4.7
Office Management 356,707 446,848 425,833 409,796 26.4
Others 352,891 182,276 465,172 333,446 21.5
Grand Total 1312832 1453674 1890238 1,552,248 100
Data source: Field survey 2006 (Roughly Nepalese Rupees -NRs 65= US$1)

The people of all wards (1 to 9) of Amarapuri VDC were benefited from this CF fund mobilization. The
ward level meetings prior to assembly were being adopted to gather expectations and needs of local
users. Among the respondents, 73% appreciated the methods applied for the planning, 20% found to
be indifferent and only 7% totally disagreed. All CFUG members participated in the general assembly
discussed on activities to be done under available budget, and finally prioritized the programmes. A
one-year programme will be prepared on the basis of recommendations and suggestions received in
the general assembly. Finally, they will assign out these approved activities. Major expenses were only
being done as per the decision made by the general assembly.
According to the respondents, dependency and needs of users upon the forest resources differ
according to socioeconomic conditions. The study shows that there is a strong relationship between
the group’s heterogeneity in economic levels, and the expectations and needs for forest products
which certainly affect the willingness to participate in CF activities ranges from CD to FM. As the
limited sources and fund generated from FC can not fulfill the demands of all users, they have been
practicing a participatory and bottom-up planning process, where the expectations of users were
explored, prioritized and finalized by their own participatory decision making process. Local methods,
indigenous knowledge and poverty focused activities to generate fund, and way of investing generated

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funds, have been considered during planning. Seventy eight percent respondents said that the
participatory planning process has increased the participation of users to manage, as well as the
effectiveness of managing, forest resources. They considered the CF fund as an important one to
implement different kinds of basic development infrastructure within their society by mobilizing local
resources and indigenous technologies.
At management level, the members of executive committee expressed that the prioritization of the
programmes and budget was dominated by ward-based feelings, and hindered the perfect
participatory way of need assessment. They thought to have better and effective CD activities in the
future once the feelings of the political boundaries minimized. As poor and marginalized people in this
community are still dominated by the elite group, they could not share their own views and needs in
the assembly. Fifty two percent of the respondents expressed that poor CFUG are fighting for their
daily livelihoods and they are not concerned much in the decision process. Although there is certain
share of expenses allocated to pro-poor, there are still needs to do much in the decision level for
equitable benefit sharing.

Conclusion
The CFUGs do not only succeed in managing the untapped resources effectively and efficiently but
also become a focal point for community development. Through the participatory decision making
process, the CFUGs are able to address the expectations and needs of most users. From the
collective actions, they were able to generate substantial income at local level and to spend on forest
development, community development, poverty focused programmes, and local institutional
development. The motivation and commitment for actions together with the traditional and indigenous
knowledge led them to achieve the common goal, which ultimately contributes on poverty alleviation
from the grassroots. Still the feelings of political boundaries among users and power control is with the
elite hinder potential CD activities and are obstacles to equitable benefit sharing.

References:
Bampton, J.F.R.and Cammaert B. 2006. How Can Timber Rents Better Contribute to Poverty
Reduction Through Community Forestry in the Terai Region Of Nepal? A paper presented in the
International Conference on Managing Forests for Poverty Reduction: Capturing Opportunities in
Forest Harvesting and Wood Processing for the Benefit of the Poor, October 2006, Ho Chi Minh City,
Vietnam.
Chand, P.B and Ghimire, K. 2007. Unlocking the Value of Pine Forests for Sustainable Livelihoods: A
Case Study from Hile Jaljale “Ka” Community Forest in Kabhre Palanchok District of Nepal, In:
Oberndorf, R., P. Durst, S. Mahanty, K. Burslem and R. Suzuki (Eds.) A Cut for the Poor. Proceedings
of the International Conference on Managing Forests for Poverty Reduction: Capturing Opportunities
in Forest Harvesting and Wood Processing for the Benefit of the Poor. Ho Chi Minh City, Viet Nam 3-6
October 2006, FAO RAP publication number and RECOFTC Report No. 19, FAO and RECOFTC,
Bangkok. Pp. 63-73.
Dangol C. M., 1999. The Role of Capital Formation in Contributing to Sustainable Community Forestry
in Nepal, Lincoln University, New Zealand.
Gautam, K. H. and Devkota, B.P., 1998. Income Generation through Community Forestry:
Opportunities Emerging from Implementations in the hills of Nepal. The Nepal Journal of Forestry, 11
(3): 61-69.
Gentle, P., 2000. The Flow and Distribution of Community Forestry Benefits: A Case Study from
Pyuthan District, Nepal, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand.
Pokharel, R. K., 2000. From Practice to Policy: Squatters as Forest Protectors in Nepal – An
Experience from Shrijana Forest User Group, In Foresters, Trees and People Newsletter No. 38: 25-
32, RECOFTC, Bangkok, Thiland,.

Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the users of Sundari CFUG for sharing their feelings and experiences, and
providing information as per our request. We would also like to thank our colleagues and seniors for
providing us with suggestions to improve this paper substantively.

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TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE OF THARU OF NEPAL ON MEDICINAL

PLANTS AND HEALTHCARE SYSTEMS

Kalpana Ghimire1 and Rishi Bastakoti2

1
Community Development Officer, District Road Support Programme, Nepal;
Email: Kalpana.ghimire@drspnepal.org
2
Executive Director, Resource Identification and Management Society Nepal

Introduction
Herbs have been used for curing different ailments for thousands of years. Even in the modern era,
the rural populations, especially the indigenous peoples of third world countries, primarily rely on
medicinal plants for healthcare rather than using modern medicine. Traditional medicine include
diverse health practices, approaches, knowledge and beliefs, incorporating plant, animal and/or
mineral based medicine, spiritual therapies, manual techniques and exercises, applied singularly or in
combination to maintain wellbeing as well as to treat, diagnose or prevent illness (WHO).These
approaches to the health belong to each country and have been handed down from generation to
generation.
Nepal has a unique biodiversity with its varied landscape, with a fauna ranging from those in the sub-
tropical climate in the low lands to those in high mountain areas. About 70 ethnic groups have their
own traditional knowledge of the healing powers of plants found in where they live. More than 800
species of plants have been reported to have medicinal and aromatic value in Nepal. The Tharus are
the indigenous people living in the Terai plains on the border of Nepal with India. This is the largest
and oldest ethnic group of Terai region living in the villages near dense malaria-infested forest, in
regions that were isolated over the millennia allowing them to develop unique culture (Bista 2004).
Tharu comprises 5.37 % of the total population of Nepal (CBS 1995). Tharu are endowed with a vast
knowledge of medicinal plants, having strong beliefs in the supernatural powers of plants for the
prevention or treatment of various ailments, which is passed orally from generation to generation
without any written records being kept. Therefore, these traditional and indigenous knowledge and
practices are weakening and, in many cases, vanishing altogether.

Methodology
This study was carried out in Tharu villages of Parsauni, Pithauli and Harkapur Village Development
Committees (VDC) of Nawalparasi district in the southern part of Nepal. These villages are culturally
mixed but dominated by Tharus. All the three sites are along the western bank of Narayani River
adjoining to Chitwan National Park, one of the World Heritage Sites.
The methodologies used for this study were: group discussions, semi-structured interviews with key
informants, in-depth case study, and direct and participants’ observations. The folkloric information
regarding traditional healthcare practices, their local names, plant products or parts used, forms of
application and methods of administration, etc. of 102 species were gathered and documented. The
dressing patterns, rituals and other various activities related to socio-cultural behaviors were also
observed and recorded. The field survey accompanied by traditional healers (Guraus) was carried out
in the forests and marginal lands in order to identify and record the names of plants, methods of
collection, and availability and conservation status.

Results and Discussions

Traditional healthcare system of Tharu
It is believed that Tharus belong to the ancient Nepalese, which came from the original, autochthonous
people of the subcontinent. They are the only one who managed to eke out a living in the Terai during

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the malarial infestation. From time immemorial, Tharus have developed a strong traditional healthcare
system to cope with the situation.
Healthcare among the Tharus is the responsibility of the Gurau who performs ancient rites of
protection, blessing, and healing with the help of herbal medicines. The profession of Guraus has been
established as a family profession and tradition. Gurau is both a healer and a priest. Tharus have no
scientific explanation for many natural phenomena but credit the gods, spirits and ghosts with great
spiritual powers. The Guraus play a unique role in the social system of Tharu community. Their
magical religious practices come into operation for the diagnosis and treatment of illness. Tharu
believe that sickness is caused by deities or spirits or witches. The medicine preparation techniques
are mostly using plants, minerals and animal parts, and with traditional mantra chanting. Different
Guraus have different expertise in the treatment of different ailments. Guraus follow a number of
particular customs regarding the general lifestyles, prohibition of certain food, and collection of
medicinal plants. The prohibition of certain food varies for different diseases and also for different
herbs. Age of tree, time of collection, parts to be used, grain size, weight and concentration, are very
important aspects during the preparation of medicine. Diagnoses of the disease are done by reading
the palpation of the radial pulse and other characters of the patients, to determine the nature and
condition of the disease. Common diseases and health problems treated by the Guraus are
pneumonia, cough and cold, fever, stomachache, gynecological problem, infertilities, piles, skin
disease, diarrhea and dysentery, ailments related to bones and joints, poisons and mental disorder,
gastritis, etc. Guraus are very much conscious on the doses and constituents of the medicine as per
their knowledge and experience. From experience, they know how much should be given to the
patients.
Plants used for medicinal purpose and mode of use
Medicinal and aromatic plants, including trees, shrubs, grasses and vines, are a critical resource for
Tharu traditional health care systems. A total of 102 plant species being used for medicinal purpose by
the Guraus were recorded from the study sites. Most of them are collected from wasteland or nearby
forest. For some plants, they need to go to the core area of national parks. In addition, they also
purchase some of the plant parts and minerals from the high mountains. The plant species from
Leguminosae, Euphorbiaceae, Compositae, Labiatae, Verbenaceae and Cucurbitaceae families are
most frequently used for medicinal purposes in the Tharu communities. According to the parts used,
roots are used most often, followed by fruit, bark, leaf, tender shoot, whole aerial parts and plant sap.
Different modes of treatment have been observed for different illnesses. Generally bathing with the
concoction is found common to cure skin disease. Paste of some plants was plastered to set
dislocated or fractured bones or muscular sprain. Juice from roots and barks are given to treat internal
illnesses like gastritis, stomach ache, piles, and gynecological problems. Some of the illnesses like
body ache, cuts and wounds, scabies, boils and skin diseases, are treated through external
application. It is also found that garland made from either the root or the stem was also worn to cure
illnesses like fever.
Challenges to the traditional knowledge
In the past, the Guraus were the only ones who treated all the illnesses in the communities. Most
recently due to the access of modern medicine and the interaction of outside society, dependency on
traditional healthcare system is decreasing. Poor and old people have strong belief on this traditional
healthcare system. But young and educated ones prefer modern medicine. There are many cases that
the diseases not cured by modern medicine were cured by the Guraus. Even the people from outside
the Tharu communities come to the Guraus to treat very old and chronic illness. Despite the long
history of traditional healthcare system among the Tharus, the traditional healers are worried about its
continuity. The Guraus do not have common practice to come together for interaction and cross-
sharing. As a consequence, the knowledge of one Gurau is deviating from another. They are also not
getting the right person to pass the knowledge as the youth are less interested in this culture and
tradition. After the eradication of malaria, in the Terai and inner Terai, the origin of Tharu,has become
densely populated with hill migrants. As a consequence, the valuable plant species are disappeared
from the vicinity of Guraus. The traditional healthcare system has not received much support and
encouragement from the Government in terms of policies and programmes, and the service providing
practitioners is not recognized. Further, the traditional medicines are not produced on a large scale
and do not have market value since they are not sold by the practitioners. Due to the lack of proper
documentation and preservation of traditional medicinal practices, low recognization of traditional

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healthcare practitioners and lack of harmonization of traditional system with modern system along with
scientific validation for safety and efficacy of traditional medicines, the valuable knowledge system and
its practices are being threatened.

References
Bista, D.B. 2004. People of Nepal. Ratna Pustak Bhandar, Kathmandu
CBS 1995. Population of Nepal (National Report). Central Bureau of Statistics Kathmandu, Nepal.
WHO/Traditional medicine, http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs134/en/.
Acknowledgements
The authors are indebted to the Tharu communities especially the Guraus of Parsauni, Pithauli and
Harkapur VDC for sharing their traditional knowledge. We are equally indebted to the taxonomist, Mr
L.N. Sharma, for his assistance during plant identification in the field.

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MULTIFUNCTIONAL USES OF INDIGENOUS AND EXOTIC WOODY

SPECIES AS FODDER TREES, FUEL SOURCE, AND IN SOIL
FERTILITY RESTORATION IN THE ETHIOPIAN HIGHLANDS

Glatzel Gerhard1 and Mekonnen Kindu2

1
Institute of Forest Ecology, UNI BOKU - Vienna, Peter Jordan-Strasse 82,
A-1190 Vienna, Austria; Email: gerhard.glatzel@boku.ac.at
2
Mekonnen Kindu, EIAR, Holetta Agricultural Research Center (HARC), Box 2003, Addis
Abeba, Ethiopia

Introduction
The Ethiopian Highlands comprise about 45% of the land area of Ethiopia but harbour 88% of the
human population. Insatiable demand for arable, pasture, timber and fuel has caused extreme
deforestation. High livestock populations and open grazing prevent any natural recovery of forests and
fodder trees. Eucalyptus plantations are one option, because Eucalyptus is resistant to browsing by
livestock, grows very fast and provides good quality timber and fuel wood. In addition, the substitution
of dung as fuel by Eucalyptus biomass counteracts excessive mineral nutrient losses from arable.
Eucalyptus plantations, however, do not contribute to dry season fodder supply for livestock and may
aggravate soil erosion if stand density is high and litter is raked for fuel. Increasing costs of fossil fuels
caused a higher demand for biomass fuels in the towns, because many people can no longer afford to
by kerosene or bottled gas for home use. This intensifies fuel scarcity in rural areas and increases the
use of non wood fuels, such as foliage and dung, in open fireplaces, which increase indoor air
pollution and associated health risks (Bruce et al. 2002).
The local rural population tries to overcome the shortages by growing woody plants in the protected
areas around their homes to provide fodder, fuel, fencing and compostable biomass for soil
improvement. Traditional indigenous knowledge attributes specific properties and uses to individual
plant species. The central question of this study was how well traditional local knowledge is congruent
with judgement based on modern soil and plant analysis.

Methodology
A total of 14 villages from four kebeles (lower administrative units) in the Dendi and Jeldu Weredas
(districts) in the western Shewa zone, central Ethiopia, were investigated. The altitude ranges from
2900 to 3200 m a.s.l. The Chilmo State Forest borders the study area in the south. The soils are
predominately Haplic Luvisols. The rainfall pattern is bimodal. The main rainy season is from July to
September with annual rainfall of about 1400 mm. Barley is the most dominant crop, followed by
potato and enset (Ensete ventricosum). Cattle, sheep and horses are dominant livestock in the study
sites. Farmers mainly meet their cash demand from the sale of live animals and their products.
Tree and shrub species used by peasants were recorded based on direct observation, as well as
group and individual discussions. A total of 150 farmers (respondents) participated in a questionnaire
survey (following Roothaert and Franzel, 2001). The farmers' criteria for the selection and prioritization
of fodder and soil improving species were identified through group discussion and categorized for the
questionnaire survey. Species preference for fodder and soil fertility improvement was known using
the farmers' own criteria. In addition feeding preferences of local livestock were determined by
competitive feeding experiments on site.
Samples for soil chemical analyses were collected from transects from beneath the plants to open
land. The total number of soil samples was 135. The soil samples were analysed for pH, organic C,
total N, and exchangeable cations.
For the assessment of fodder quality, foliage (leaves and young twigs) and flower bud samples were
collected. The total number of foliage and flower bud samples was 24. The samples were analysed
for total N, P, K, Ca, Mg, Na, S, Mn and Fe. In addition, acid detergent fibre (ADF), acid detergent
lignin (ADL), neutral detergent fibre (NDF), in vitro dry matter digestibility (IVDMD) and insoluble NDF-
bound proanthocyanidins (condensed tannins) were determined.

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Results and Discussion

The villagers identified nearly 40 woody species with specific values in their region. Table 1 gives a
short list of plants considered particularly valuable as fodder or soil improving species.

Table 1. Plants considered particularly useful as fodder or soil improving species. Sample
size was 150 households. Each household scored six preferred fodder tree species.
Number of respondents indicates how many selected the species in their top 6
species listing. Score is the sums of individual farmer’s ranking (1 to 6 in increasing
preferences) given to the respective species.
Fodder species No. of re- Score Soil improving species No. of re- Score
spondents spondents
Hagenia abyssinica 148 790 Senecio gigas 142 743
Dombeya torrida 140 658 Hagenia abyssinica 147 734
Buddleja polystachya 136 534 Dombeya torrida 133 512
Maytenus senegalensis 128 417 Vernonia auriculifera 122 357
Dracaena steudneri 92 227 Buddleja polystachya 99 272
Arundinaria alpina 68 131 Myrica salicifolia 100 205
Hypericum revolutum 59 110 Leonotis africana 60 106
Myrica salicifolia 55 107 Kalanchoe deficiens 9 39
Maytenus ovatus 15 28 Dracaena steudneri 5 16
Myrsine africana 7 27 Juniperus procera 3 10
Olea africana 10 27 Maytenus senegalensis 3 8

Based on this list, the following indigenous plant species were selected for sampling and laboratory
analysis: Senecio gigas, Hagenia abyssinica, Dombeya torrida, Buddleja polystachya. Chamaecytisus
palmensis (tree lucerne) a recently introduced, well accepted N-fixing woody species was included
too.
The content of the mineral elements P, Mg and S in the foliage and flower buds of most species was
within the recommended normal requirement range for livestock. That of K, Ca, Fe and Mn was mostly
above the recommended range. The content of Na in the foliage and flower bud was below the
requirement. Common salt or local mineral sources such as mineral soil are needed to compensate for
the low Na contents in the fodder.
The CP (crude protein) content in the foliage and flower buds of the four species varied from 188 to
234 mg g-1 and 124 to 170 mg g-1, respectively. This is much higher than the minimum required CP
level (70 mg g-1) for beef cattle. The high CP content of the foliage of C. palmensis of 228 mg g-1 can
be attributed to the N fixing ability of the species.
The determination of fibre fractions was done by the detergent method of Van Soest. The in vitro NDF
(neutral detergent fibre) digestibility, ADF (acid detergent fibre), ADL (acid detergent lignin) and CT
(condensed tannin) content of the foliage and flower buds in H. abyssinica was relatively low as
compared to the other species. The contents of NDF and ADF in H. abyssinica, D. torrida, B.
polystachya and C. palmensis were within the range reported for browse tree species by various
authors. The CT content of the flower buds in D. torrida was exceptionally high. High ADL and CT
contents can limit the voluntary feed intake, digestibility and nutrient utilization of ruminant animals
(Khanal & Subba 2001). The level of ADL and CT in the investigated species are most likely not
critical, because these fodders are not given as the basal diet, but only as supplements.
Chemical soil analysis was used to study the increase in soil fertility under the canopy of the
investigated plant species, as attributed by the villagers in the interviews. The highest contents of
organic carbon, nitrogen and phosphorus as well as exchangeable cations were recorded under the
canopy of Hagenia abyssinica as compared to under Buddleja polystachya and other species. H.
abyssinica is fairly deep rooting and constantly sheds large amounts of leaves and provides the soil in
its vicinity with mulch and green manure. Kindu et al. (2006) reported high rates of litter deposition
under 64 months old H. abyssinica and Grevillea robusta on Nitisols of Central Ethiopia. Dombeya

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torrida and Senecio gigas shed a substantial amount of leaves, even though their leaf shedding
pattern is not as regular as that of H. abyssinica.
In conclusion it is fair to state that traditional knowledge on the usefulness of indigenous woody plants
in the Ethiopian Highlands is based on a good judgement of plant properties by the local rural
population. Scientific laboratory analyses help to quantify soil fertility and to develop livestock feeding
regimes which avoid malnutrition and potential toxicity. There is a potential for improving plant
properties for the preferred use by selective breeding. This is particularly true for Hagenia abyssinica
which shows potential as a dry season fodder tree, a soil improvement tree, as well as a timber tree.

References
Bruce, N., Perez-Padilla, R., and Albalak, R. 2002. The health effects of indoor air pollution exposure
in developing countries, World Health Organisation, Geneva, WHO/SDE/OEH/02.05.
Khanal, R. C., and Subba D. B. 2001. Nutritional evaluation of leaves from some major fodder trees
cultivated in the hills of Nepal. Anim. Feed Sci. Tech. 92:17-32.
Mekonnen, K., Tadesse, Y., Glatzel, G., and Amha, Y. 2006. Performance of eight tree species in the
highland vertisols of Central Ethiopia: Growth, foliar nutrient concentration and effect on soil chemical
properties. New Forests 32: 285-298
Roothaert, R. L., and Franzel, S. 2001. Farmers' preferences and use of local fodder trees and shrubs
in Kenya. Agroforest Syst. 52: 239-252

Acknowledgements
The authors thank the following institutions for supporting this study: Holetta Agricultural Research
Center (HARC), Holetta, Ethiopia; Institute of Forest Ecology, UNI BOKU Vienna, Austria; KEF
(Commission for Development Studies), Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna, Austria; and the
Austrian Exchange Service (OEAD), Vienna, Austria.

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INTEGRATING TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS, LOCAL

INSTITUTIONS, AND FOREST CONSERVATION FOR SUSTAINABLE
FOREST MANAGEMENT IN INDIAN HIMALAYAS
Hemant K Gupta

Forest Survey of India, North Zone, Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, 171001 India.
Email: hemantgup@gmail.com; hemant.fsi@nic.in

Introduction
Indigenous knowledge forest is a revolutionary way to recast our conventional approach to
development. Integration of indigenous knowledge and ethno-scientific approaches into contemporary
frameworks for conservation and sustainable management of natural resources are now increasingly
recognized and are important in polices for achieving the goal of sustainable forest management and
poverty alleviation. The mountain societies are linked to natural forest ecosystem and the human
managed ecosystem through biodiversity driven traditional ecological knowledge and dependent on
land use activities for their livelihood concerns. Natural resource management systems in the
Himalayan region are strongly linked to the indigenous knowledge systems. The cultural landscapes
provides a mechanism to understand how multiple objectives (timber production, non-timber forest
products, protected areas, tourism) are central to sustainable forest management in landscapes that
conserve heritage values and support the livelihood needs of local people (Ramakrishnan 2002,
Berkes & Davidson-Hunt 2006).

The Study Area and Methodology

Himachal Pradesh (HP) is a state of the Indian Union located in mountains of the Western Himalayas
is ecologically highly diverse owing to distinct climatic and physiographic factors. It has 12 districts,
covering an area of 55,673 km2, approximately 1.7 % of the total land area of India and around 10%
of total area of the Himalayas. It is situated between 300 22 ′ and 330 12′ N and 750 6′ and 790 4′ E.
The elevation varies from 350 m in the foothills to 6,975 m in the mountains having four agro-climatic
zones (Fig 1). The state has a population of 6.2 million, 92% of it lives in rural areas and is dependent
on agriculture. The village communities utilize village commons, forest, grazing land and forest
resources as per recorded rights and religious deity institutions play important role.
Participatory local appraisal methodology has been used in combination with satellite imagery, semi-
structured interviews to analyze the cultural landscape of Churdhar wildlife sanctuary (Fig 2).

Results and Discussion

Steep altitudinal gradients shape variations in forest characteristics in Himalayas. Beginning with sub-
tropical Pine forests in the lower altitude, species composition and biological diversity change with
elevation, thus affecting the ecological and institutional aspects of forest practices. The institutional
arrangements include self-initiated systems, cooperatives, corporate clan-owned forests, sacred
forests, and co-managed forest and through these arrangements, communities govern the full range
of different forest types across the forested landscape illustrated through cultural landscapes of
Churdhar wildlife sanctuary.

Cultural landscape, TFK and forest management at Churdhar wildlife sanctuary

Land use in Churdhar sanctuary shows that it has agriculture land (127 ha, Barren/wasteland 487 ha,
pasture 50 ha, snowbound area 205 ha, rocky area 3.6 ha, Reserved Forests 4867 ha (later notified
as Protected area 15 Nov, 1985 under the Indian Wildlife (Protection) Act of 1972. Twenty-three
villages are located within and outside of the protected area having population of 558 permanent
inhabitants. The area falls into high hills temperate wet agro-ecological zones having Himalayan moist
temperate forests, sub-alpine and alpine forests. The relationship of altitude with forest types and
occurrence of major tree species and institutional arrangements between agriculturist, Gaddis (sheep
and goat herders), Gujjars (buffalo herders) division of landscape and land use by different ethnic
groups have been shown in Fig 3.

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Figure 1. The study area

Figure 2. Satellite imagery landscape of Churdhar sanctuary

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Figure 3. Land use patterns among various ethnic groups in the study area.

Traditional Forest Management approaches and systems

The cultural and religious belief system centered on local deities maintaining temple forests, the
sacred species, sacred groves and sacred landscape and combination of economical agro-forest
system and keystone species in all agro-ecological zones. There exist inter-village and intra-village
arrangements related to the imposition of restrictions on grazing in a particular forest or for a particular
period, restrictions on cutting and lopping of trees, division of forest or common land for cutting grass
(Gupta 2006). Community and private wood lots are protected at the community level as the area is
divided into small block or compartments and each compartments is allotted to the inhabitant for
rotational lopping of fodder particularly oaks during winters. Traditional NTFP management of Acacia
catechu (catechin), Pinus roxburghii for resin, Acacia nilotica for tannin and gums and Grewia optiva
for fodder and fiber and Pinus gerardiana cones, morels, black cumin are collected from forest by
local inhabitants and are sold in the market for economic remunerations. The state forests of these
species are managed by the villagers as commons that are divided into small blocks and each block
is allowed to a family for protection management and regulated collection and distribution of produce
under the supervision of deity committee (Gupta 2007).

Integrating TFK systems for sustainable forest management

There is a strong positive relationship between social capital and forest protection and conservation at
local level and the cultural practices regarding land and resource use. The indigenous
knowledge/practices and local institutions complement each other however there are instances of
local knowledge and associated practices being evolved yet breaking down at the same time. The
social capital facilitating collective action and the related aspects can be enhanced to facilitate better
forest management by identifying improvements and policies necessary for sustainable forest
management lies in understanding of the contextual causes of forest loss from the local perspective
(Gupta 2007). Harmony between people and forests requires forest managers to learn from local
resource users by collectively challenging the prevailing received wisdom and negative views on the
structural dynamism, policy relevance and scientific validity of local knowledge and institutions in
forest resource management.

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References
Berkes, F., and Davidson-Hunt, I.J. 2006. Biodiversity, traditional management systems, and cultural
landscapes: examples from the Boreal Forest of Canada. Int. Soc. Sci. Jour., 58, 35-47.
Gupta, H.K. 2007. Local institutions and indigenous forest management practices in the Indian
Himalayas: A case for linking traditions with technology. In: S. Feary (Ed.) Occasional Paper Forestry
for indigenous peoples: Learning with experiences with Forest Industries
http://fennerschool.anu.edu.au pp. 32-40.
Gupta, H.K. 2006. Joint Forest Management: Policy, Participation and Practices in India. International
Book Distributors, Dehradun, India. 400 p.
Ramakrishnan, P.S. 2002. Linking natural resource management with sustainable development of
traditional mountain societies. Trop. Ecol. 44: 43-54.

Acknowledgements
I express my sincere gratitude to Dr. D. Pandey, Director General, FSI, Dehradun for his guidance &
support and acknowledge the help rendered by staff at FSI (North Zone) Shimla to prepare this paper.
I am indebted to Prof. P.S. Ramakrishnan, JNU, New Delhi and Dr. John Parrotta, IUFRO Task Force
Coordinator for Traditional Forest Knowledge and APAFRI for providing the opportunity and financial
assistance to attend the conference.

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KNOWLEDGE INNOVATION IN AGROFORESTRY LANDSCAPE:

PARTICIPATORY TECHNOLOGY DEVELOPMENT FOR THE
SLOPING LAND CONVERSION PROGRAM IN YUNNAN,
SOUTHWEST CHINA

He Jun1, Xu Jianchu1, Zhou Zhimei2 and Horst Weyerhaeuser3

1
World Agroforestry Centre, China Program, Heilongtan, Kunming Institute of Botany,
Kunming, China 650204; Email: h.jun@cgiar.org, j.c.xu@cgiar.org
2
Baoshan Forestry Bureau, Baoshan, Yunnan, China, 678000
3
Research Management Advisor, URDP, Lao PDR

Introduction
Indigenous Knowledge or traditional knowledge has drawn great attention in the past two decades.
Rather than be claimed as barbarous and backwards, contributions of the indigenous people and their
knowledge to forest management and biodiversity conservation have been widely recognized by
international society and treaty, including UN and Biodiversity Conservation Convention (e.g. Posey &
Dutfield 1996). With the call for more utilization and recognition of traditional knowledge at national
level, there are also questions about how the knowledge could be innovated in response to this rapid
changing world in the recent technical, political and economic context.
In China, in response to the huge flood caused by overflowing of the Yangtze in 1998, the national
government had launched the National Forest Protection Program and the Sloping Land Conversion
Program aimed to improve upstream watershed of Yangtze and Yellow Rivers. For Sloping Land
Conversion Program (SLCP), to reduce erosion and soil loss, and promote more sustainable
agriculture, the national government has banned agricultural conversion of forests on slopes
exceeding 25°. In contrast, the cultivated slopes should be converted into forest with compensation
provided by the central government. However, problems in policy implementation caused a number of
social and environmental uncertainties. Mono-culture, prohibition of intercropping, poor seedling,
limited options of tree species, lack of technical support, lacking link to market , are the most concerns
of scientists in the implementation of Sloping Land Conversion Program.
This paper presents the case from Yunnan, where indigenous knowledge has been promoted for
development of an agroforestry model in the Sloping Land Conversion Program. It proves that positive
ecological and economic outcome could be achieved by application of Participatory Technology
Development approach to improve SLCP. The paper also discusses the significance of indigenous
knowledge for both forestry policy formulation and implementation.

Methodology
The approach used in this research, the Participatory Development Technology (PTD), establishes a
long term interaction between outsiders and local people, with the aim of generating innovations
based on indigenous knowledge and culture to develop sustainable livelihood systems (Salas et al.
2003). The PTD involves and links the power and capacities of agricultural research with the interest
and knowledge of local communities. The PTD differs from conventional top-down approach to be a
participatory farmer-led research so as to be extensively applied in action research in rural
development project. The process of PTD is consisted of six major steps: “Getting Started”, “Looking
for Things to Try”, “Designing Experiments”, “Trying Things Out”, “Sharing Results”, “Keeping up the
Process”. Each of these steps would be assessed by Participatory Monitory and Evaluation.

Results and Discussion

Sloping Land Conversion Program (SLCP) as the most recent forest policy aims to change the land
use for watershed protection. The government’s subsidies have provided the incentive for farmers to
convert the agriculture land to forest. However, the national government has ignored both local social

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and ecological diversity and complexity. To ensure the sloping land to be truly claimed as forest, the
government has prohibited the intercropping system, which the indigenous community has practiced
for generations. As a result, land has been used in an inefficient manner. The banning of agriculture
crop on slopes also constrain the additional income generation before the farmers can benefit from
the planted forest. Other problems such as mono-culture, prohibition of intercropping, poor seedling,
limited options of tree species, lack of technical support, lacking link to market also limited the positive
outcome of SLCP.
By promoting Indigenous knowledge and community participation, therefore, World Agroforestry
Centre (ICRAF-China) is promoting agroforestry as a more adaptive approach to the Sloping Land
Conversion Program. As the same goal as the SLCP, agroforestry is applied to reduce soil erosion
and increase farmers’ income. Together with forestry department, ICRAF-China is helping farmers to
experiment on domestication of medicinal plants in converted land so as to improve land management
and utilization as well as diversify and increase cash income. The medicinal plants were selected for
several reasons. First, they are locally collected wild non-timber forest products for commercial use.
Second, the resource is becoming more and more scarce as a result of market development and
overexploitation. Third, medicinal plants are regard as grass instead of agriculture crop so that the
SLCP would allow them to be intercropped with trees. More significantly, the selection has been done
by farmers after discussions with forest agencies and ICRAF-China.
At the very beginning, 12 different medicinal plants were selected for the experiment with the
consideration of their economic value and knowledge of indigenous community. A farmer interest
group has also been formed for the monitoring and evaluation of the experiment. ICRAF-China staff
and forest agency take the responsibility for training and facilitation, and monthly meetings were held
in the village. Besides, an annual meeting also was held after the harvest. After 3 years, field
experiment on the domestication of one of these 12 species, Dipsacus daliensis was very successful
based on three criteria that farmers’ groups defined: biologically domesticatable, economical valuable
and manageable for its sustainability in the community. The success of this agroforestry practice has
been not only prompted extensive adoptation by the farmers that the plantation has been expanded
from the initial area of 0.1 ha to 20 ha in the project community, but more significantly, it has been
accepted by the government as a good practice to improve the SLCP.
In conclusion, indigenous knowledge has provided a crucial alternative practice for sustainable
agroforestry landscape in current upland management. It can, not only respond to the changing
ecological situation, but also adapt to policy transformation. Clearly, the indigenous knowledge is not
static, but dynamic. Dynamism of indigenous knowledge reflects a process of Participatory
Technology Development (PTD). The PTD approach as an empowerment strategy enables the
indigenous community to practice their knowledge in an innovative way. Multi-stakeholders process is
the key of PTD to integrate different knowledge systems for local and specific sustainable upland
development. PTD, thus, serves as, not only a tool for knowledge innovation and capacity building
process, but also a platform for multi-stakeholder interactions and policy reform.

References
Posey, D., G. Dutfield. 1996. Beyond Intellectual Property Rights: Toward Traditional Resource Rights
for Indigenous Peoples and Local Community. Ottawa: IDRC
Salas, M., Xu J. and T. Tillmann. 2003. Participatory Technology Development: Linking Indigenous
Knowledge and Biodiversity for Sustainable Development. Kunming: Yunnan Science and Technology
Press.

Acknowledgements
Financial support was provided by MISEREOR grant (335-031-1015Z) Facilitating Community Driven
Sustainable Development and a Ford Foundation grant for Supporting the Upland Livelihoods in
Southwest China: a Pilot Project for Sustainable Management of Non-Timber Forest Products. The
authors also would like to thanks Dr. Liu Jinlong for the invitation to participate in the International
Conference on Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation Roles of traditional Forest-
related Knowledge.

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TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE ON FOREST RESOURCE

MANAGEMENT BY KASEPUHAN PEOPLE IN THE UPLAND AREA
OF WEST JAVA, INDONESIA
Latipah Hendarti1 and Youn Yeo-Chang2
1
RMI-the Indonesian Institute for Forest and Environment
Jl. Sempur No. 55 BOGOR 16154 Indonesia; Email: lati246@indo.net.id
2
Department of Forest Sciences, Seoul National University
599 Gwanak-gu , Gwanak-gu, 151-921 Seoul, Republic of Korea; Email: youn@snu.ac.kr

Introduction
Indonesia is also well known as a country of “mega biodiversity,” with more than 40 different main
ecosystem types compressing more than 400 ethnic group and 500 different local languages. Those
cultures and biodiversity can not be separated with the people who live in and area spread out over of
the Indonesia archipelago. The Alliance of Indigenous People of the Archipelago (Aliansi Masyarakat
Adat Nusantara, AMAN 1999) estimated that 30 to 50 million of total population in Indonesia are
indigenous people who still dependent on traditional forests - Masyarakat Adat: “people who live in
community units bases upon a common ancestry and descent in a traditional/customary territory, who
have sovereignty /right over land and natural resources, social and cultural life which is regulated by
customary laws, and an indigenous council that oversees the continuation of community life (AMAN’s
Congress, 1999). Indigenous peoples have very strong motives for protecting their forest resources
from destruction. This motivation is based on the belief in inherited rights handed down to them by
their ancestors and their awareness that maintaining these resources will guarantee food security,
medicine, clean water, building material and other primary resources for sustaining their livelihood.
For those indigenous peoples whose lives have already been integrated with the external economy,
indigenous forest represents a resource for a number of both timber and non-timber forest products,
which have a high value and can be used to provide necessities such as schooling their children,
paying taxes, buying vehicle (for faster transportation), televisions and other material goods that they
are not able to produce themselves.
Indigenous people in Indonesia possess an indigenous (traditional) knowledge system which is
effective in managing natural resources with sustainable. These indigenous knowledge system are
the foundation for the variety of different resource management practices and forestry customary law
among communities. The customary law (Hukum Adat) helps to oversee, organize, strengthen and
protect the sustainability of harmonious interactions between indigenous peoples and the forest
ecosystem. Adat in the Indonesian language means “custom, tradition, manner or the way”, and
refers to what is now called the “social norms”.
This paper addresses the role of traditional wisdom of land use management in the sustainability of
natural resources management by comparing the land use management systems of the ethnic groups
in West Java with special attention to Kasepuhan living in the Halimun Mountains. The official forest
policy of Indonesian governments (central and local) sometimes conflict with customary law of
Kasepuhan, which is based on the traditional philosophy respecting the harmony with nature.

Methodology
This research used several methods to collect research data from various sources. The secondary
sources of information included documents on the study area which was written by researchers in
Halimun area. The primary data were collected through interviews with villagers, questionnaires, focus
group discussions and observation. This research involved 150 households in 3 villages inside and
surrounding Gunung Halimun National Park – i.e., in Sirnaresmi and Mekarsari villages where the
Kasepuhan people are living, and in Malasari village where the local people whose lives depend on
the forest ecosystem of the National Park. The comparative study of these forest-based communities

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was used to analyze how the philosophy and customary laws of people influence the land use
systems and relationships of human with nature.

Results and Discussion

Kasepuhan is one of indigenous communities that has been practicing sustainable forest ecosystem
management in the western part of Java Island. These systems incorporate local knowledge and
beliefs that are based on the wisdom and experience of past generations. Kasepuhan is an ethnic
group of the Sundanese who live in small groups in the Halimun Mountains, the only remaining area
on the island of Java with rich biodiversity composed of flora and fauna in tropical rain forest
ecosystems.
Philosophy of Life Kasepuhan People
Kasepuhan people live with a traditional philosophy in harmony with nature and have adopted
principles that enable them to manage their resources sustainably. Their philosophy is imbedded in
the belief that the land and other natural resources being utilized by Kasepuhan people belong to God
and as one of God’s creatures, human have to protect, use and conserve the natural resources
sustainably for the generations to come. This philosophy of life is called “Tatali Piranti Karuhun”
meaning that Kasepuhan people have to follow, obey, adhere to the secret of life of their ancestor as
a moral and ethical way of life. Implementation of this philosophy is not only reflected in their religious
aspect but also their social institutions, leadership system and in the management of their natural
resources. Figure 1 shows that the philosophy should be applied in their daily life through the
relationships between human and God; human and environment; and human and human; humans
have to manage these relationship among with their minds, bodies and souls. Kasepuhan people also
believe that if they break Tatali Piranti Karuhun “Kabendon” (misfortune or great disaster) will affect
both people who break the rule as well as the community from their ancestor. Kasepuhan people also
believe that monitoring and evaluation should be part of their management of life as a reminder to
manage their resources sustainably. Once a year, Kasepuhan people conduct an evaluation known
as “Pongokan” to measure the agricultural yield, including livestock, and observe the factors
influencing the productivity of their agricultural products and systems. Pongokan is also used to
evaluate the population of Kasepuhan including mortality.

Mind

Heart/Soul

Body

Figure 1. Philosophy of the Kasepuhan People

Customary law on Managing Resources

Related to nature, Kasepuhan people follow great principles and concepts to manage their resources
sustainability; Their religious advice is expressed in the Sundanese language as: “Mipit kudu amit,
ngala kudu menta; Nganggo kudu suci, dahar kudu hala; Kalawan ucap kudu sabenerna, mupakat
kudu sarerea, Ngahulu kudu ka hukum, nyanghunjar ka nagara” (Planting must be permitted,
harvesting must ask; Using must be pure, Eating must be rightful; Words should be a truth, consensus
should be agreed by all member; Role should refer to law; the pillar of their life is state.). The basic
principles of Kasepuhan people for managing resources warn them not to allow to resources to be
used beyond their carrying capacity. Customary Law is important for applying those principles, and
the leader (“Abah”) plays a particularly important role to keep and apply these laws.

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Their philosophy and principles are reflected in their land resources management systems.
Kasepuhans utilize the land and forests surrounding for various uses by adopting different land use
models including sawah (paddy field), huma (swidden cultivation), talun (agroforestry garden), kebon
(garden), and leuweung (various types of forests), the scheme of natural management by Kasepuhan
can be shown in figure 2. In contrast, the local people at Halimun follow land different use
management and do not practice huma (swidden cultivation).
Regarding forest management, studies conducted by Harada (2001) and Hendarti (2007) report that
Kasepuhans divide forestland into three types: Leuweung Titipan (Entrusted Forest), Leuweung
Tutupan (Closed Forest) and Leuweung Bukaan (Open Forest). Leuweung Titipan are protected
completely without human interference, which maintains the natural forest and functions as
conservation and protection forests; these forests play an important role in watershed conservation,
but limited non-timber forest product collection is allowed for subsistence. Anyone in the community
entering Leuweung Titipan and Leuweung Tutupan are required to obtain a permission from the
leader of Kasepuhan society. Leuweung Bukaan, allocated for fulfillment of their livelihood needs, is
cultivated as agriculture fields, traditional agroforestry gardens and, timber gardens. Kasepuhan
people believe the opening of “Titipan dan Tutupan” areas cause damage and loss of habitat for flora
and fauna, which eventually means loss for the people themselves. It is understood that the loss of
this habitat forces animals living in these forests will go down to the village where they may damage
their kebun, huma, castles, and that people will lose their necessary sources of water. To maintain
these Titipan dan Tutupan areas, the Kasepuhan leader has an important role to remind all the
followers. This was confirmed through our interviews with the respondents (men and women), who
are not allowed access to these forest resources, and the interaction with this forest are confined only
to protection and replanting of trees in some areas which were opened or harvested by the State
Forest department.

Figure 2. Natural Management by Kasepuhan

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To apply their traditional knowledge for managing forest resources, Kasepuhan people have to
strengthen their local institutional capacity, although this study also showed that recently, the
Kasepuhan are having to deal with internal and external challenges including the disappearance of
respect for traditional wisdom. Many traditional ways have been forgotten and have lost the respect
of people outside of the Kasepuhan community or even by the Kasepuhan people themselves. For
example, some villagers which have lost respect for the sacred forests and now engage in illegal
logging, influenced by the middle-men (generally non-Kasepuhan people) who promise them cash
money for engaging in this activity. Based on our research, the loss of respect among the younger
generation is influenced by the media (TV). Our research showed that 70% of young generation (age
12-17 years) are more interest in working in the city to earn cash income for buying cloth, mobile
phones, etc. Threats from external factors include land tenure conflicts due to different perceptions
and understandings among the people, and other players (state/government and companies) where
areas of the Kasepuhan people are allocated not only for conservation purposes such as national
park, but also for other purposes such as mining for gold, silver, and bentonite, and for tea plantation.
Meanwhile, the people’s settlement area and the area on which people have depended for their
livelihoods for generations are labeled as encroachment areas. These are challenges for the future of
the Kasepuhan People that deserve further study.

References
Harada, K. 2001. Traditional People and Biodiversity Conservation in Gunung Halimun National
Park, Research and Conservation of Biodiversity in Indonesia. Volume II. Bogor
Hendarti, L. 2007. Natural Resources Management and Gender Relations in Halimun Mountain
Area, Java Island, Indonesia: Case Study: Malasari and Mekarsari Villa. Master Thesis. Seoul
National University. Republic of Korea.
Nababan, A. 1999. Revitalization of Hukum Adat. Paper Position at Congress on the Alliance of
Indigenous People of the Archipelago (AMAN). Jakarta.

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INDIGENOUS CATECHU PRODUCTION AND SURVIVAL

STRATEGIES OF PRODUCERS IN BANGLADESH: A FOREST
RESOURCE MANAGEMENT STUDY

M Zulfiquar Ali Islam and M. Khursheed Anwar

Department of Sociology, University of Rajshahi, Rajshahi 6205, Bangladesh;

Email: drzulfiquarai@gmail.com

Introduction
The catechu tree (Acacia catechu (L.f.) Willd.) is an extremely valuable and productive forest resource
supporting the livelihoods of many people. People usually use this forest resource to produce
catechu, a crystalline substance extracted from the heartwood, used in chewing betel-leaf. The people
of Bangladesh also use this product, locally called khayer, to heal the diseases of their cattle, and in
small-scale textile production as natural-dye matter. The hidden value and usefulness of its resources
is not always apparent; and in most cases, it is not even known to our people. The catechu trees are
often cut or destroyed to clear land for cultivation and housing. In this context, the present paper
explores the values and ecological utility of catechu and survival strategies of catechu producers in
Bangladesh. It concludes with a number of suggested policy recommendations for catechu
management with a special focus on the sustainable livelihoods of its producers in Bangladesh.

Methodology
Gopalpur village of Charghat Upazila (sub-district) of Rajshahi District in Northwestern Bangladesh was
selected as the study locale for the present research. A considerable number of populations of different
villages of this sub-district continue their traditional reliance on catechu production activities which date from
the period of British rule in India. The study used social survey, case studies, and focus group discussions to
gathering empirical data; other secondary data were also consulted during the studies. The data collection
activities were carried out between March 2006 and August 2006.

Results and Discussion

Usefulness of Catechu Trees in the Study Area
In Bangladesh Acacia catechu is found principally in Rajshahi, Chapai Nawabganj, Natore and Pabna
districts in the northwestern part of the country. The genus Acacia is comprised of over 1200 species,
found in tropical and subtropical regions worldwide, with the largest numbers of species occuring in
Australia, Africa, and South Asia. About 22 indigenous species of acacia are found in the Indian Sub-
continent (Bhatnagar 1948). Catechu is a small to medium sized tree although individuals up to 25 m
tall with stem diameters up to 90 cm have been recorded (Watt 1972). The people surveyed in this
study reported that they do not engage in planting of catechu, although it regenerates naturally in the
forest and around the cultivable land and homestead plots. Its pricky branches are used for fencing
their cropping fields and as fuel for cooking and other needs. Traditionally, the rural people of
Bangladesh utilize the timber of its trunk for main structural supports for home, for doors and
windows, and furniture. The study respondents in Gopalpur chiefly utilize this unique ecological
resource for producing semi-solid catechu.

Indigenous Catechu Production Techniques

The catechu producers purchase catechu trees from neighboring villages. For collection, they chiefly
depend on the Charghat khayer hat (local catechu market) held twice a week at Upazila Head-
quarters. The reference rate for catechu logs that produce 1 kg semi-liquid catechu is Taka 120 (US
$1.71). The producers themselves and/or hired laborers remove the sapwood around the central
heartwood of these logs with an ax. After the removal, the heartwood is chopped into small pieces.
The catechu producers set 8 earthen jars on 8 faces of earthen hearth to extract juice from the small
chips of catechu heartwood. They then use a square or long rectangular hearth and set a long and flat

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korhai (made of CI sheet) on it to heat and thicken extracted juice. The resulting semi-solid catechu
substance is stored in earthen jars for sale to local traders of Charghat Bazar. The price of about 35
kg quality lali kayer (semi-liquid catechu) is Taka 7000 (US $100). The subsequent processing of guti
kayer (catechu bar) requires more than 3 months, and is done indoors under electric fans. The local
traders reported that 2.5 kg semi-liquid catechu is required to produce 1 kg catechu bar. The
reference price for catechu bar of approximately 35 kg is Taka 2100 (US $300).

Labor Involvement
The male and female members of catechu producing households are all involved in the production
activities. In some cases, the children also work with their parents. Some producers who have good
economic standing employ hired labors.

Survival Strategies of the Catechu Producers

“Neem tita, nisinda tita, aro tita paner khor …” (translation: Neem is bitter, nisinda is bitter, and
catechu used in betel leaves is bitterer). In fact, the producers have been experiencing the bitterness
of catechu production in their daily life. They have been suffering from lack of technical education and
training for profitable catechu production and of adequate supply of catechu logs in the market.
Additionally, imported catechu is increasingly used by people in chewing betel nuts and betel leaves.
Given this alarming situation, the catechu producing households of Gopalpur formulate and undertake
multiple strategies in their own ways to supplement their irregular and meager family incomes from
catechu production.
In our study, the inadequate income from catechu production required 88 percent of respondent
households to engage their female, child and elderly members in various economic activities to
supplement their family income (cf. Arens & van Beurden 1977; Islam 2004). Although engagement in
economic activities outside the homestead premises by female family members is culturally restricted
and considered humiliating for the family, their economic needs compel them to do so. More than 31
percent of respondents have indigenous technical and artistic skills needed for producing handicrafts.
The female members produce kantha (bed-covers) specially designed using traditional needlework,
pati (rough mats made of date-leaf), sheetal pati (fine mats made of date-leaf), The male members
also produce winnowing fans, baskets, khalpa (used as wall material and material for homestead
fencing), khalsun (a means of trapping fish), etc. They make these products for their own household
use, and sell them for cash income as well. It was observed that 34 percent of catechu-producing
households run some sort of small business for maintaining their family’s subsistence. A proportion of
them also maintain a store of daily necessaries at their homesteads.
One-third of respondents maintain trees and bushes within their homestead areas. They plant
catechu, fruit trees, and trees for timber and fuelwood needs. Their homestead forestry activities
contributes to keeping their homestead environmentally sound and provides economic support for
family subsistence as well. It is reported that field-level wage labor usually denigrates their social and
family status while homestead agriculture is culturally appropriate for catechu-producing women.
Almost all respondent households engage their female members in growing vegetables on their
homestead. Almost all the responding households are engaged in cattle and poultry-raising activities.
Some of them engage in sharecropping with their neighbors and relatives for the production of cattle,
chicken and ducks on a fifty-fifty share arrangement.
The field data showed that 14 percent of the total respondents involved in catechu production who had lost
capital are impelled to take odd jobs and to sell their manual labor for wages on an irregular basis. Despite
all the diverse economic strategies for maintaining their livelihoods in this unsafe economic environment, the
catechu producers use haolat (a local, interest-free economic loan system), through which cash and/or
other daily necessaries are borrowed from their neighbors and/or relatives. Lacking formal organizational
support, they follow a principle of reciprocity in times of economic hardship and are very much supportive of
each other in their neighborhood.

Concluding Remarks and Policy Recommendations

The catechu producers are highly dependent on traditional catechu-producing knowledge and have
been suffering from a lack of technical education, skills and modern tools for their work. Imported
catechu is capturing the local market for traditionally produced catechu. Lacking organizational
support, they have formulated and adopted multiple corrective rather than preventive alternative

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economic survival strategies for subsistence in their traditional fashion. We offer the following policy
recommendations to help improve this situation: (i) The traditional catechu producers should be
provided with adequate technical education, training and skills, modern tools and machines, exporting
facilities, and economic assistance for profitable production in terms of cost, time and labor. (ii) The
community people should be socially mobilized to increase awareness of the hidden values of
catechu resources for sustainable livelihoods. (iii) Collaboration among natural scientists, social
scientists, lawmakers, and policy planners may help to guide the catechu producers in such a way
that would be sustainable for their subsistence in the face of economic adversity.

References
Arens, J., and Beurden, J. v., 1977. Jhagrapur: Poor Peasants and Woman in a Bangladesh. Third
World Publications, Birmingham.
Bhatngar, S.S., 1948. The Wealth of India. Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, Government
of India, New Delhi.
Islam, M. Z. A., 2004. Riverbank Erosion and Survival Strategies of Female Displacees: A Case of
Two Riparian Villages of the Lower Ganges River in Bangladesh, Social Science Journal, vol. 9 (July).
Watt, G., 1972. A Dictionary of Economic Products of India. International Book Distribution (India),
Dehra Dun.

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PROTECTING AFRICA’S RAINFOREST THROUGH THE USE OF

INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE AND WESTERN TECHNIQUES:
EXAMPLES FROM NIGERIA AND GHANA

Valentine Udoh James

Fayetteville State University, Graduate School
Fayetteville, North Carolina 28301-4298, USA; Email: vjames@uncfsu.edu

Introduction
Contrary to other objects of environmental concern, air or water for instance, the tropical forest does
not relate to only two or three specific sectors of life on Earth, health care, food or trade. It involves
every aspect of natural and social life. Tropical forests have such a multitude of functions - aesthetic
and ecological, economic and cultural, financial and spiritual, scientifically analyzed and irrationally
perceived – that the mere mention of them strikes the emotional or intellectual chord in all of us.
Africa’s tropical rain forests are facing tremendous development pressure. The vegetation change is
linked to population growth, migration and socio-economic development in commerce or technology.
In recent years a growing body of literature has been concerned about the role of traditional
knowledge (indigenous knowledge – IK) in the management of forest ecosystem. More successful
case studies in Africa point to the use of a combination of indigenous knowledge and modern
scientific methods in the protection of forest ecosystems.
The farming systems in Africa are difficult to classify because each has its own set of objectives and
goals. The agricultural systems are even more difficult to categorize because of environmental
factors associated with each. These factors include soil, water, and microclimate. Other factors that
complicate the classification problem are biological and socioeconomic in nature. Hence, farming
practices appear to be site specific. Nevertheless, a few attempts have been made, by researchers
such as Spedding (1975), Morgan and Pugh (1969), Floyd (1969), and Okigbo (1980), to classify the
agricultural systems in Africa.
Often connected with the traditional agricultural systems are the fact that the biological systems
(biomes) have experienced a long history of clearance and disturbance by man. Unfortunately, there
has been a poor understanding of the ecological and economic consequences of such actions.
Agricultural systems in many African countries have a long history of tradition and custom. They have
survived mainly on the basis of trial and error – often at the expense of the biological systems
(Coursey 1976). Haviden (1975), Harris (1976), and Harlan, DeWet, and Stember (1976)(this not
listed under references) generally agree that the agricultural systems of many African nations have
been greatly influenced by techniques from more advanced nations.
Farming systems in Africa are still evolving because of influences from more technologically advanced
nations where mechanized agriculture is practiced. Although mechanization of agriculture has
enhanced agricultural production in some African countries, it has also produced some problems. In
countries like Sierra Leone, it has been known that the mechanization of rice production increased
erosion problems. Other factors contributing to the evolution of the agricultural systems in Africa are
population increases, the availability of potential markets, and the demand for food generated by the
increase in urbanization (Okigbo 1980). A typical farm in Africa can generally be described as small –
about five acres or less. Cultivation is performed with primitive tools and much human labor.
Cultivation on a permanent basis is carried out on a compound farm; from these centers of activity
merge roads and pathways. An important feature of the compound farm is a series of short-term
fallow rotations. Tree crops or a mixture of crop plants are planted in many of these. In Africa, it is
not uncommon to find field systems consisting of bush fallows of varying duration. All traditional
systems of agriculture make use of the opportunities offered by nature, including topography, rainfall,
and microclimate. The main features of African vegetation are forest, grasslands, and deserts. The
first two are slowly being converted into the third. What is left in Africa today in terms of forests and
savannas is what nature has managed to save despite the abuse and mismanagement of these
resources (Kimble 1960).

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Methodology
This paper discusses international example in developing countries where traditional knowledge
systems and modern scientific methods have been applied in the management of forest ecosystems.
The two examples which are discussed in this paper are: 1) between the Government of Ghana and
the United States Agency for International Development; and 2) between the Nigerian Government
and the United States Agency for International Development. In both cases, the forest management
involved the utilization of several kinds of knowledge:
African countries which are rich in forest resources share a lot in common with Asian countries such
as India, Nepal, and Bangladesh, in the management practices which are rooted in the knowledge of
the indigenous people. By examining various types of indigenous forest and landscape management
techniques in Africa and comparing them with those of Asian countries, lessons are learned. In this
paper, discussion is provided about indigenous traditions in forestry and the result of the
abandonment of the indigenous traditions that lead to the destruction of the forest ecosystems are
explained; the history of the traditions is examined in order to put into perspective the significance of
the traditional knowledge; the influence of the African traditions in contemporary landscapes of the
forest system is tackled; an examination of the benefits from African traditions is undertaken; the
distribution of indigenous knowledge and the pay-off and finally the integration of African traditions
with modern forestry are explored. Nigerian and Ghanaian examples are discussed in this paper.
Common practices of forest management similar to Asian countries are discussed. Ethno-forestry
practices such as sacred groves, sacred gardens, and sacred corridors are discussed in this paper.
African farming systems have impacted the forest in many ways, but not as much as the conversion
due to large commercial activities. This paper pays particular attention to ecological, economic and
societal dimension of indigenous African tradition in forestry matters and issues of empowerment of
the African traditional people are thoroughly discussed and examined in this paper.

Results and Discussion

In this paper, the author takes an in-depth look at deforestation in Ghana and Nigeria and discusses
solutions through sacred groves and other traditional methods which have helped to protect the
forests of Africa. The author summarizes the significance of indigenous knowledge in modern
environmental protection. The author argues that understanding the functions of several types of
forestry activities in Africa is important to the protection of the forest. The author also concludes that
philosophy and religion influence the indigenous way of protecting the forest resources.

References
Coursey, D. G., 1976. “Origins and Domestication of Yams in Africa.” In Origins of African Plant
Domestication, ed. J.R. Harlan, J.M.J. deWet, and A.B.L. Stemler, pp. 383-408. The Hague-Paris:
Mouton.
Floyd, B. 1969. Eastern Nigeria. London: Macmillan.
Harlan, Jack R., DeWet, Jan M., and Stember, Ann B. 1976. Origins of African Plant Domestication.
The Hague-Paris: Mouton,
Harris, D.R. 1976. “Traditional Systms of Plant Production and Origins of agriculture in West Africa.”
In Origins of African Plant Domestication, ed. J.R. Harlan, J.M.J deWet, and A.B.L. Stemler, pp.
311.56. The Hague-Paris: Mouton.
Haviden, M.A., 1975. “The History of Cultivation in West Africa: A Bibliographical Guide.” World
Economics and Rural Sociology abstracts 17:423-37.
Kimble, G. H. T., 1960. Tropical Africa: Land and Livelihood. Vol. 1. New York: Twentieth Century
Fund.
Morgan, W.B., and Pugh, J.C., 1969. Africa. London: Methun.
Okigbo, B.M. 1980. “Farming Systems of West Africa in Relation to Nitrogen Cycling.” In: Nitrogen
Cycling in West African Ecosystems, ed. T. Risswakk, Sweden: Reklam and Katalogttryck.
Spedding, C.R.W., 1975. The Biology of Agricultural Systems. London: Academic Press.

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CHALLLENGES IN APPLYING TRADITIONAL FOREST RELATED

KNOWLEDGE IN SUSTAINABLE FOREST MANAGEMENT AND
POVERTY ALLEVIATION IN MALAYSIA: A CASE STUDY OF A FISH
FARMING PROJECT WITH THE JAKUN COMMUNITY IN THE
SOUTH-EAST PAHANG PEAT SWAMP PROJECT
Kamal Solhaimi Fadzil1 and Khali A. Hamzah2
1
Department of Anthropology, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences
University Malaya, 50603 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia; Email: Kamalsolhaimi@hotmail.com

2
National Expert-Pahang Peat Swamp Forest Project, UNDP/GEF Funded (MAL/99/G31)
Forest Research Institute Malaysia, 52109 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

Introduction
The main objective of this paper is to highlight the experiences of a pilot programme that was carried
out by the UNDP/GEF Peat Swamp Project in Pahang, Malaysia. The project is a case study for
possible application of traditional forest related knowledge in both forest management and poverty
alleviation programmes. The alternative livelihood project was carried out between 2006 and 2007,
within the southeast Pahang peat swamp forest (SEPPSF). The pilot project involved a fish rearing
exercise along the Bebar River.

Methodology
There were several different research on livelihood carried out in the SEPPSF (Savinder 2005; Kamal
2005; Lim 1999). This paper focuses on one research study carried out on livelihood among the Jakun
community in Runchang between the end of 2004 and early 2005 by Kamal (2005). The approach
used was a rapid rural appraisal. Working with a Jakun settlement, the research focus was to identify
the relationship between the community and the natural environment, and formulate the proposal for a
pilot project demonstrating a viable alternative income-generating project. Household incomes and
basic information about Jakun villages as well as the overall profile of the Orang Asli within the
SEPPSF were obtained from official sources; primarily from the Department of Orang Asli Affairs
(JHEOA).

The UNDP/GEF Peat Swamp Forest and Associated Wetland Ecosystems

Project
The United Nations Development Programme/Global Environment Facility (UNDP/GEF) funded project
on Conservation of Tropical Peat Swamp Forest and Associated Wetland Ecosystems is a Malaysian
government initiative, executed through the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment and
implemented by the Forest Research Institute Malaysia. The project is supported by the UNDP/GEF in
collaboration with the Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA).
The overall objective of the project seeks to develop and implement plans to ensure the conservation
and sustainable use of the Peat Swamp Forest by demonstrating how this can be achieved at three
selected sites which exemplify the rich biodiversity of Malaysia’s peat swamp forests.
The project covers three peat swamp forest sites; Logan Bunut National Park, Sarawak (10 736 ha);
Klias Forest Reserve and the surrounding Bukau Api-Api, Sabah (6100 ha); and the Southeast
Pahang Peat Swamp Forests (87 045 ha). The project implementation is primarily supported by the
Forestry Departments of Sarawak, Sabah and Pahang.

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The Pahang Peat Swamp Forest

The Southeast Pahang Peat Swamp Forest encompasses four permanent forest reserves: Pekan,
Kedondong, Nenasi and Resak, with two additional mangrove forest reserves: Sg. Miang and Bebar.
The area is bounded in by two major roads from Pekan to Segamat (North/South) and the Tun Abdul
Razak Highway that connects a main highway artery to Muadzam Shah Town. Surrounded by palm oil
estates, agriculture and logging concessions, the project site is approximately 230,600 ha.

Socio-Economic Profile of the Orang Asli Community in SEPPSF

There are 19 Orang Asli villages in the vicinity of the SEPPSF. According to JHEOA, there are
currently approximately 2641 families registered in the Pekan district. From this figure, more than two-
thirds or 2061 families are listed as poor or hardcore poor, while 491 families are categorized as
potentially poor and the balance is regarded as not poor.
Largely in the past, the Orang Asli practiced shifting cultivation, hunting, collecting forest products and
fishing for their livelihood. Today, they are engaged in a range of traditional and non-traditional
activities to meet their needs. Among these activities are harvesting of non-timber forest products
(NTFP) commercially as well for subsistence: such as rattan, ferns, orchids, pitcher plants, Tongkat
Ali, Pasak Bumi, Kacip Fatimah and many others. They also plant cash crops such as corn, fruit trees,
vegetables and rubber trees to generate additional incomes.
Apart from extracting local natural resources, employment opportunities for the Orang Asli include
working within the timber industry, in palm oil estates, as part of non-skilled work force, etc. It has been
observed however that the job opportunities available to members of the Jakun community are often
seasonal.

Fishing for a living: RPS Runchang Fish Cage Culture Project

Initiating the project
The idea to rear fish in a cage came from the community members who lived and were active in the
local fish trade. Their suggestions were that only local fish species were reared because there was
demand for these fishes. The requests from the fishermen were for local species such as Tapah,
Baung, keli (Clarias sp) and puyu (Anabas sp) among other fishes.
The pilot project on fish rearing along the peat swamp river introduced formal methods in fish rearing,
assisted in monitoring water quality, as well as demonstrated the viability of a sustainable alternative
income project by producing a consistent flow of incomes for the project partners. The site for the
project was selected after consultation with the Fisheries Department. They recommended the site
because it had the necessary depth and was accessible by road.
The project also wanted to build a government/community partnership, to rehabilitate the population of
local fish species into the area and to prevent further over-exploitation of native species.
Among the project partners are the Pahang State Fisheries Department, , Pahang State Department
of Orang Asli Affairs, , Pahang State Forestry Department, and the UNDP/GEF.
Objectives
The primary objective of the alternative livelihood project is to demonstrate the effectiveness of
working together with local communities in managing biodiversity. The project aims to protect the
economic livelihood of local people who make a living from fishing while taking measures to ensure
the continued presence of a healthy population of indigenous fish species. The project seeks “to
demonstrate sustainable management of livelihood projects by the local community through
cooperation between government agencies and local communities, to help improve livelihood of
members of local community most dependent on the Sg. Bebar.” (Gill et al. in press)
Specifically, the pilot project aims;
1. To provide a more stable income for people who make a living from exploiting non-timber
forest products, especially for people who make a living from fishing,
2. To facilitate partnership between local communities and government agencies.
3. To recognize local communities as stakeholders.

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Challenges
The sustainable livelihood Project initiated by the UNDP/GEF Project faced some problems during the
implementation stage. Among the common problems faced by the project coordinator are: shortage of
manpower; poor attendance for training; poor attendance at meetings; poor participation, especially
the youths; no motivation to work for free; the village elites and men tend to dominate decisions on
resource management; funding; and ensuring consistent support from partners.

Conclusion
The pilot project remains active and has yielded two batches of fishes for sale after one year. One of
the more productive fishermen, working along the river has adopted the method of adapting a
makeshift cage to house the young fishes. Growing them to the right size means he is able to demand
a higher value for his fishes. In the future he may get involved with rearing from the fish fry. The
strength of this pilot project includes:
1. Engaging with local people who utilize local resources and understand how local knowledge
works to encourage maintaining a healthy fish population,
2. Support from government agencies as partners
3. The presence of a market structure; e.g. several competing middlemen, consumer demand
and accessibility.

References
Gill, S.K. 2005. Participatory Rural Appraisal of Local Communities within and Surrounding the
SEPPSF. Pekan: 117p.
Gill, S.K et al. Respectfully listening: The Jakun as partners in conservation (in press)
Integrated Management Plan, Pahang. (Draft)
Kamal Solhaimi bin Fadzil. 2005. Local Communities Study in the SEPPSF. Pekan: 67pp.
Kamal Solhaimi Fadzil and Gill, S.K. 2005. Social Development and Sustainable Livelihood Strategies
for Local Communities within and Surrounding the South-East Pahang Peat Swamp Forest. Pekan.
Kamal Solhaimi Fadzil, et al. 2006. We live here too: The Jakun of SEPPSF. UNDP GEF.
Lim, H.F., Woon, W.C. and Mohd Parid Mamat. 1999. The Socio – economic Impacts of The
Utilisation of South East-Pahang Peat Swamp Forest on the Local Communities. Sustainable
Management of the Peat Swamp Forest in Peninsular Malaysia: Volume 2 - Impacts, Kuala Lumpur.
Pp. 281-339.

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AN OVERVIEW OF LAND USE AND MANAGEMENT

IN BALA VILLAGE

Ke Suo

Bala Village, Menghai County, Xishuangbanna,666204, Yunnan

Email: ningyan68@hotmail.com

During the past 60 over years (1940-2006), land use patterns in Menghai County has changed a lot,
from short rotational shifting cultivation system to permanent system. The changes are as follows:
slash-and-burn cultivation to sedentary agriculture (permanent tillage land), to capital construction of
agricultural land. The use of agrochemicals: has also evolved from free from chemicals, to light
chemicals, to two-chemical-upland, and eventually green/ecological agriculture.
Before 1950, for slash-and-burn cultivation, the fellow period was 13years, due to population
pressure, this has been gradually reduced to 7 years and 5-6 years. After Liberation, “Socialist
Reform of Agriculture” and “Cooperative Economic Organization in Rural Areas” ended the Feudal
Lord’s Land Ownership System. This had led to conflict between new land ownership and the old one,
and also the collapse of the slash-and-burn system. In order to respond to the national policies,
Menghai encouraged farmers to open up new land and expand crop-production on a large scale at
the expense of the rapid decrease of forest.
Before 1953, Bala village and the neighbouring villages grew opium and after that the framers mainly
lived on uplands rice. Lake of sufficient food and restrained by the inaccessible road condition, the
village moved to the present site and the farmers expanded paddy fields. In 1982, China has begun to
carry on “household Responsibility System” and the paddy fields were distributed to each household
according to the number of its family members. From 1984, the village expanded the plantation of tea,
from 24mu in 1984 to 1500mu in 2005 and the tea has become the main source of cash income.
Another key source of cash income from 1993 to 2003 was sugarcane whose plantation areas once
reached 2000mu. Because of the continuous declining market and high labor-input as well as a great
amount of chemical fertilizer and pesticide used, the farmer cut down the plantation and began to
grow maize instead, with the result of the expansion of cattle grazing. In 2004, No.214 national road
was constructed and made the village a very accessible place.
Bala Village is one of the most advanced villages among Aka communities in terms of development
and changes of land use and production systems. It is a demonstration plot of Menghai county owing
to its successful tea Agro-forestry system with diversity of fruit trees. In the village, there is a good
combination of traditional agriculture and modern agriculture. For instance, the land management has
been done based on traditional as well as modern values: the village-owned forest is not divided into
different sectors according to the requirements by the national policy. On the contrary, it is still
managed in a traditional way, that is to say, the villagers manage land for agricultural use on
communal basis except the paddy fields. The land management in the village can be seen as a SLM
model under the traditional and modern leadership and through the local knowledge and modern
technology, which is characterized with tea-based agro-forestry system for production and marketing;
intercropping of maize, various crops on uplands as an alternative for sugarcane; reconstruction of
biodiversity to replace the degrading sugarcane plantation; diversity of maize intercropping and link to
livestock production, and reforestation of degraded places by fir trees).

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TOWARDS BEST PRACTICES INCORPORATING TRADITIONAL

KNOWLEDGE AND WESTERN SCIENCE IN CLAYOQUOT SOUND
Inae Kim and Ronald Trosper

Department of Forest Resources Management, University of British Columbia, 2619- 2424

Main Mall, Vancouver, BC, Canada V6T 1Z4; Email: inae@interchange.ubc.ca

Introduction
Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) can be incorporated into scientific research, for example, in
agriculture, pharmacology and ethnobotany. Although TEK does not have a universally accepted
definition, there are existing studies in the transmission of TEK (Berkes 1993; Ruddle & Chesterfield
1977), community based TEK research approaches, and environmental philosophy and indigenous
knowledge (Lertzman in press). The ability to incorporate both TEK and western scientific knowledge
into forestry practices and academic research can be challenging and often unsuccessful. However, to
demonstrate that we can successfully combine these two knowledge bases, it can be useful to
examine a scenario where both traditional knowledge and western science were used. This paper
introduces one such case, that of the Nuu-Chah-Nulth of Clayoquot Sound on Vancouver Island, in
British Columbia, Canada.

Methods
This study analyzes the Scientific Panel Report according to the OEMXP (ontology, epistemology,
morality, exchange, and power) framework to score the Panel’s Report against how well it reflected
traditional knowledge and western science in its recommendations for sustainable forestry practices in
Clayoquot Sound.
The OEMXP framework presents a way to positively score contributions that support successful links
between traditional knowledge and western science (Trosper 2006).

Results and Discussion

The Nuu-Chah-Nulth of Clayoquot Sound and the Scientific Panel
Clayoquot Sound encompasses 350 000 ha of land and ocean on the west coast of Vancouver Island,
British Columbia, Canada. Clayoquot Sound is covered by ancient temperate rainforest. Five
communities – Tofino city and 4 First Nations reserves – in this region, with the First Nations reserves
inhabited by Nuu-Chah-Nulth First Nations tribes. In 2005, the total population of Clayoquot Sound
was approximately 3000 (Friends of Clayoquot Sound 2006). After environmental NGOs and local
communities protested against the logging industry in Clayoquot Sound, the government of British
Columbia assembled a scientific body, the Scientific Panel for Sustainable Forest Practices in
Clayoquot Sound, whose goal was to develop practical recommendations for sustainable forest
management in the area. In order to achieve the goal, the Scientific Panel examined the sustainability
of logging practices and also took into account First Nations’ perspectives. As a result, the
recommendations of the Scientific Panel encouraged environmentally friendly logging practices in the
region, so that clear-cut logging was reduced and buffer areas around streams were expanded.
Following the OEMXP framework, it is clear that five categories should be learned and observed
during the whole research process. When the evaluating is achieved and participants are “prepared to
unpack [their] own values” (Berkes 1999), the forest research and forest management activities that
combine western science and traditional knowledge could be successful. This is but the first step
towards the recognition of indigenous peoples’ reliance on forests, and the Scientific Panel Report
successfully addressed the five categories.

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Table 1. OEMXP framework

Category Attention provided the issue S*
Ontology The Nuu-Chah-Nulth phrase hishuk ish ts’awalk (“everything is one”) 5
includes sacredness and respect (Atleo 2004). The Nuu-Chah-Nulth
(Assumptions
phrase hishuk ish ts’awalk summarizes a holistic worldview, and has
regarding reality’s
been adopted by the Clayoquot Scientific Panel to describe the
characteristics)
ecosystem management approach to forest practice the Panel
recommends.
Epistemology The Panel’s report ‘First Nations’ Perspectives Relating to Forest 5
(Assumption Practices Standards in Clayoquot Sound’ discusses a variety of
regarding knowledge culturally important areas, including sacred areas, historic areas, and
and learning) current use areas. These areas must be determined by the Nuu-Chah-
Nulth Nations and protected in ways consistent with traditional
knowledge.
Morality (How There are right ways and wrong ways to relate to the environment. 4
people should Although the Scientific Panel only discussed briefly on the Nuu-Chah-
behave) Nulth’s morality, they fully recognized how people should behave.
Exchange (How The Nuu-Chah-Nulth want to be involved in resource planning, 2
people make a living stewardship, and development, and to reap the economic and social
and share what is benefits of being a full partner in the sustainable use of their traditional
produced; territories. However Canadian Government does not recognize the Nuu-
Ownership of the Chah-Nulth’s ownership of the traditional territory. There is not much for
products of indigenous people’s modern work.
knowledge)
Power (Who can Participants were considered to have equal authority in the planning 4
make decisions for process. Although disagreements among participants did not permit a
other people; how consensus to be achieved, the Commission on Resources and
ideas are Environment’s approach offers helpful ideas for forest planning
legitimated; issues of processes including a less hierarchical, more an inclusive decision-
consent) making process, and encourages the sharing of concerns and ideas
among participants
S* (Score), 5 (Outstanding), 4 (Excellent), 3 (Good), 2 (Fair), and 1 (Poor)
References
Atleo, E. R. 2004. A Nuu-chah-nulth Worldview, UBC Press.
Berkes, F. 1993. Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Perspective, pp. 1-9 In: Traditional Ecological
Knowledge: Concepts and Cases, edited by Julian T. Ingles, Ottawa: Canadian Museum of Nature.
Berkes, F.,1999. Sacred ecology: traditional ecological knowledge and resource management. Taylor
& Francis, Philadelphia, PA
Lertzman, D.A. in press. Bridging Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Western Science in
Sustainable Forest Management: The Case of the Clayoquot Scientific Panel. (In French) Recherches
Amérindiennes au Québec.
Ruddle, K. and R. Chesterfield. 1997. Education for Traditional Food Procurement in the Orinoco
Delta. Berkeley, University of California Press.
Scientific Panel. 1994. Report of the Scientific Panel for Sustainable Forest Practices in Clayoquot
Sound. Victoria BC: Ministry of Sustainable Resource Management, British Columbia.
Scientific Panel. 1995. First Nations’ Perspectives Relating to Forest Practices Standards in Clayoquot
Sound. Victoria BC: Ministry of Sustainable Resource Management, British Columbia.
Trosper, R. L. 2006. Now that Paiute Forestry Is Respectable: Can Traditional Knowledge and
Science Work Together? (presentation at the IUFRO World Congress in Brisbane, Australia in August,
2005)
www.focs.ca (Friends of Clayoquot Sound)

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CO-MANAGEMENT OF BIODIVERSITY: TRADITIONAL

KNOWLEDGE AND FOREST RIGHTS OF THE SOLIGA
IN SOUTH INDIA

Siddhartha Krishnan, Nitin Rai, C. Made Gowda, Sushmita Mandal and Siddappa
Setty

Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment (ATREE), 659, 5th A Main,
Hebbal, Bangalore 560024, India; Email: sidharth@atree.org

Introduction
The Soliga of the in southern Karnataka, India, were shifting cultivators until three decades ago. They
were required to settle after the 540-sq km Biligiri Rangaswamy Temple Wildlife Sanctuary was
designated (notified) as a protected area under the Indian Wildlife Act 1972. Located at the eastern
reaches of the Western Ghats, the sanctuary includes varied climatic and topographical conditions
that have resulted in diverse vegetation types, including dry scrub forests, woodland savanna,
deciduous forests, evergreen forests, shola forests and grasslands. The sanctuary provides habitat for
36 species of mammals and more than 245 species of birds. Formerly shifting cultivators, the Soliga
have adapted and settled well as farmers. Labour in coffee estates and harvesting of non-timber
forest produce (NTFP) serve as sources of meagre income. The Soliga currently experience
insecurities of tenure and resource access due to an official ban on NTFP collection since 2004.
Poverty among the Soliga has increased since the ban. The loss of income from NTFP collection has
rendered the Soliga vulnerable to health and food security anxieties. Recent evidence suggests
widespread depression. A total loss of access to ritual and religious spaces also remains a possibility
given the relocation agenda of the Wildlife Department responsible for the management of the
sanctuary.
The political ecology of the Biligiri Rangaswamy Betta Temple Wildlife Sanctuary reveals two areas of
conflicts. One involves the material aspects of livelihoods including incomes, health and vulnerability
that arises from curtailed resource and income access. The other realm of conflict pertains to the
cultural ecology of Soliga and involves customary knowledge on farming and NTFP harvest, forest
and farm diversity, species invasion, fire dynamics, wildlife behaviour and the ritual configuration of
forests, all of which provide the Soliga an normative and knowledge basis for resisting official
conservation strategies.
Intervening in conflicts between the Soliga and the Wildlife Department over resource access and
recognising the need to maintain and enhance biodiversity values, the ATREE’s Conservation and
Livelihoods Programme (C&LP) posed the following question: How can biodiversity conservation be
reconciled with sustainable exercise of use rights? While the C&LP is convinced that institutional
arrangements are necessary, there has been a realisation that the facilitation of institutions must
follow a sound and sensitive understanding of local culture. Given constitutional provisions, any
institutional arrangement needed to be a decentralised effort entailing a partnership between
conservation authorities and legally mandated local governance institutions. The felt need to
understand customary forest and farm knowledge and culturally sensitise interventions led to the
initiation of our study. The effort coincided with the Recognition of a Forest Rights (henceforth RFRA)
legislation that vests individual and community forest rights and stipulates conservation duties (The
Ministry of Law and Justice, 2007) .

Interfaces between Cultural Ecology and Forest Rights Policy: Methods of Data
Collection and Analysis
To gain an understanding of Soliga cultural ecology, fieldwork was initiated. Key informants were
identified and oral histories recorded, and inventories were conducted of farm and forest species and
observations made of productive activity on farms and in forests. In-depth interviews were conducted
with identified members of each clan. Workshops to understand the fivefold kinship structure (Morab,
1977) and its relationship with the Nyaya Samithi (customary justice council) were conducted with

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clan elders including office bearers of the Nyaya councils. The RFRA was analysed for its institutional
and conflict resolution potential. After a close reading of relevant provisions, the Act was
communicated and discussed with Soliga elders of each clan, office bearers of the Nyaya council and
members of a local community organization. An initial sense of individual and community rights,
evidences required for claiming rights, and co-management strategies as provided for in the Act were
gained from community members who in groups discussed and mapped such rights, evidences and
strategies. Ethnographic information was examined in relation to relevant provisions of the RFRA
such as ‘evidences’ for rights (Section 31, RFRA Draft Rules, 2007) and the stipulations of
conservation and protection ‘duties’ to rights holders and their local institutions (Section 5, RFRA,
2007). Soliga customary practice and theory including those pertaining to institutional and social
norms were examined in the context of evidences required to gain individual and community rights.
Such practice and theory also served as a customary corpus from which implications and inferences
can be drawn for institutionalising the ‘duties’ clause of the RFRA.

Forest Legislation and Cultural Entitlements- A Summary of Analysis

The ‘customary corpus’ generated through fieldwork actually finds legal sanction in the RFRA Draft
Rules. Amidst 14 documentary and oral evidences privileged for claiming rights is ‘prior research or
documentation of reputed institutions or individuals including reports, publication of anthropologists
and reports of the Anthropological Survey of India’ (Section 31 (g) of Draft Rules). Further through our
field and policy engagements with the Soliga we realise that they also possess a wider repertoire of
oral, legal, physical and documentary evidences privileged under the RFRA.
The following is a summary of how Soliga moral economy, customary institutions and norms fare
under the ‘Duties of holders of forest rights’ clause of the RFRA (Section 5). The clause ‘empowers’
right holders and Gram Sabhas to protect biodiversity, and ensure the preservation of their habitats
against destructive practice that affects their cultural and natural heritage (Section 24(a) of the Draft
Rules) requires that plans, norms, methods and procedures be prepared for protection and
management of community forest resources and that these be harmonised with official prescriptions
and plans. Norms for protection, regulation and sustainable use are required to be institutionalised
(Section 24 (b) of Draft Rules). So are norms for community wildlife management (Section 24 (c) of
Draft Rules).
The Soliga have evolved norms or standards pertinent to both their Nyaya council and their everyday
lives. The council operates at village and pan-village scales. Each council is composed of five office
bearers with respective decision making, communication and organizing roles. As social control
mechanisms the council imposes fines and in the rare occasion passes ostracization decrees.
Besides such ethno-legal standards there are everyday obligation and reciprocity standards that
constitute Soliga moral economy. Depth and focus group discussions reveal that the council and
Soliga moral economy continue to hold normative potential. The moral economy signals a subsistence
ethic - production for self consumption and distribution to neighbouring families in distress. This ethic
has sustainability overtones in terms of consumption. The moral economy of the Soliga combined with
their conviction about the council’s role in enforcing norms for forest protection generally, display
potential for the institutionalised management arrangements envisaged under the RFRA.
Besides such institutional prospects, there is an ethnic epistemology that has theories for the most
pressing conservation concerns in the Biligiri Rangaswamy Betta Temple Wildlife Sanctuary, which is
the widespread presence of the invasive weed Lantana camara and seasonal fires. The Soliga claim
that the curtailment of their historical practice of setting litter fires has created conditions conducive to
the spread of Lantana. The practice of litter burning cannot be revived now given the substantial
undergrowth of Lantana that can trigger larger uncontrollable fires. With regard to seasonal fires which
the Wildlife Department considers as incendiary events and consequently as forest offences, the
Soligas attribute these to carelessness by outsiders and natural causes such as lightening.
However there is no collective claim that such customary knowledge and institutions replace forestry
science and law. But there is common sentiment and claim that such alternatives be accommodated
and incorporated. It is our understanding that despite an insecurity of tenure the Soligas reveal strong
cultural stakes in conserving forests. They also possess historical and practical knowledge of forest
dynamics. The institutional space for ensuring and building of Soliga stakes in conservation and
accommodating their knowledge has emerged through the RFRA. Once the Act is gazetted the onus
would lie with the Wildlife Department to engage progressively with this new phase of co-
management.

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References
Morab, S.G. 1977. The Soliga of Biligiri Rangana Hills, Anthropological Survey of India, Calcutta.
The Gazette of India. 2005. The Scheduled Tribe and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition
of Forest Rights) Bill, Ministry of Law and Justice, Government of India.
The Scheduled Tribe and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006,
Ministry of Law and Justice, The Gazette of India.
The Scheduled Tribe and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Rules,
2007, Ministry of Tribal Affairs Notification.

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TRADITIONAL FOREST-RELATED KNOWLEDGE AND THE

CURRENT INTERNATIONAL FOREST POLICY

Andrey Laletin

Friends of the Siberian Forests. Address: 28-13, Academgorodok,

Krasnoyarsk, 660036, Russia; Email: sibforest@akadem.ru

Introduction
Traditional Forest-related Knowledge (TFRK) contains lots of useful information about forests and
helps to use and manage forests sustainably. Many groups of indigenous and local people can
survive in hard conditions only due to such knowledge that had been inherited from previous
generations. Currently such knowledge disappears very fast and it is important to preserve it. TFRK
has been discussed in many political processes. The most important processes for negotiations on
international forest are the United Nations Forum on Forests (UNFF) and UN Convention on
Biological Diversity (CBD).

Results and Discussion

TFRK at IPF/IFF/UNFF: obstacles for implementation.
TFRK was extensively discussed during the processes of Intergovernmental Panel on Forests (IPF)
and Intergovernmental Forum on Forests (IFF) during the years from 1995 till 2000. Dozens of good
conclusions and proposals for action on TFRK were developed during those global processes. These
conclusions and proposals for action are related to the following issues: participation of holders of
TFRK in the development of national forest programmes and policies, use of TFRK for conservation
and sustainable forest management, capacity building, technology transfer, etc. Many representatives
from NGOs, Indigenous Peoples, Scientific Communities, and other major groups as identified in
Agenda 21, had actively contributed in the development of IPF and IFF proposals for action. These
major groups organized inter-sessional discussions about TFRK and other relevant issues in Leticia
(Columbia) in 1996 and adopted the so called Leticia Declaration. Outcomes of Leticia meeting gave
a basis for IPF proposals for action on TFRK. Unfortunately IPF/IFF proposals for action on TFRK
were not implemented although they were adopted many years ago. There is no political will of
governments to take this issue seriously. Although there are not enough capacities in many
developing countries, implementation of TFRK is not included in the priority lists of most donor
agencies.
UNFF was established in 2000 and continued the IPF/IFF process of developing international forest
policy. Social and cultural issues of forest policy were discussed during UNFF-4 in 2004 in Geneva,
Switzerland. Unfortunately common resolution on TFRK was not adopted by UNFF-4. After that failure
major groups organized another inter-sessional discussion on TFRK in San Jose (Costa Rica) end of
2004. There were lots of useful recommendations for the upcoming sessions of UNFF and CBD
(these UN Agencies were co-sponsors of that meeting). But the following sessions of the UNFF (from
the fifth to the seventh) did not pay much attention to the issue of TFRK.
The main reason for this is the highly politicized agenda of the UNFF process. All decisions are
adopted by diplomats or politicians. Unfortunately not many forest experts participated in UNFF
meetings and those experts who participated could not influence the decisions adopted by the
diplomats.
UNFF-7 which took place in New York in April 2007had developed a non-legally binding instrument
for all types of forests (NLBI) and a multi-year programme of work for 2007-2015. The NLBI was
finally approved by the UN General Assembly in 17 December 2007.
The following principles of the NLBI are relevant to the TFRK issue:
- The instrument is voluntary and non-legally binding.

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- Each State is responsible for the sustainable management of its forests and for the enforcement of
its forest-related laws.
- Major groups as identified in Agenda 21, local communities, forest owners and other relevant
stakeholders contribute to achieving sustainable forest management and should be involved in a
transparent and participatory way in forest decision-making processes that affect them, as well as in
implementing sustainable forest management, in accordance with national legislation.
According to the multi-year programme of work, UNFF will discuss issues on “Forests for people,
livelihoods and poverty eradication” (including TFRK) at its ninth session in 2011. Also UNFF
proposed, and the UN General Assembly agreed, that 2011 will be the International Year of Forests.
So scientific community, Indigenous Peoples, NGOs and other major groups should efficiently use
that opportunity to propose relevant recommendations to UNFF-9. The State of Knowledge report and
other outcomes of the IUFRO Task Force on TFRK that will be published in 2010 can give useful
basis for such recommendations. But because UNFF is not a legally binding process, effectiveness of
its decisions would not be satisfactory and would depend on the political will of national governments.

TFRK in the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD).

While UNFF is not legally binding process, CBD is the legally binding one. In the CBD agenda TFRK
is more developed than inside UNFF. Article 8(j) (adopted in 2000) and the expanded programme of
work on forest biological diversity (adopted in 2002) make direct references to TFRK inside the CBD.
CBD Article 8(j) is named: Traditional Knowledge, Innovations and Practices. Article 8(j) states:
“Each contracting Party shall … respect, preserve and maintain knowledge, innovations and
practices of indigenous and local communities embodying traditional lifestyles relevant for the
conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity and promote their wider application with
the approval and involvement of the holders of such knowledge, innovations and practices and
encourage the equitable sharing of the benefits arising from the utilization of such knowledge,
innovations and practices”.
Major elements in the current biennial programme of work (2006-2008) include (among others)
developing indicators for the retention of traditional knowledge and methods and measures to address
the underlying causes of the loss of such knowledge.
The expanded program of work on forest biological diversity consists from 3 Program Elements, 12
Goals, 27 Objectives and 130 Activities. TFRK are mentioned in the following paragraphs of Activities:
Programme Element 1: Conservation, Sustainable Use and Benefit-Sharing
Goal 4: To promote the sustainable use of forest biological diversity
Objective 1: Promote sustainable use of forest resources to enhance the conservation of forest
biological diversity
Activities: a) Support activities of indigenous and local communities involving the use of
traditional forest-related knowledge in biodiversity management.
Objective 3: Enable indigenous and local communities to develop and implement adaptive
community-management systems to conserve and sustainably use forest biological diversity.
Activities: c). Encourage the conservation and sustainable use of forest biological diversity
by indigenous and local communities through their development of adaptive management
practices, using as appropriate traditional forest-related knowledge;
f). Create an environment that fosters respect, and stimulates, preserves and maintains
traditional knowledge related to forest biological diversity, innovations and practices
of indigenous and local communities.

Programme Element 2: Institutional and Socio-Economic Enabling Environment

Goal 3: Increase public education, participation, and awareness.
Objective 1: Increase public support and understanding of the value of forest biological diversity
and its goods and services at all levels.

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Activities: c) Increase awareness amongst all stakeholders of the potential contributions

of traditional forest-related knowledge to conservation and sustainable use of forest
biological diversity.
f). Implement effective measures to recognize, respect, protect and maintain traditional
forest-related knowledge and values in forest-related laws and forest planning tools, in
accordance with Article 8(j) and related provisions of the Convention on Biological Diversity.

Programme Element 3: Knowledge, Assessment and Monitoring

Goal 2: Improve knowledge on, and methods for, the assessment of the status and trends of
forest biological diversity, based on available information
Objective 1: Advance the development and implementation of international, regional and national
criteria and indicators …
Activities: b). Develop and select international, regional and national criteria and …
indicators for forest biological diversity, taking into account … existing work and processes
on criteria and indicators on sustainable forest management, as well as the knowledge
held by indigenous and local communities.

The next (ninth) session of the CBD COP will discuss implementation of the expanded work
programme on forest biological diversity including all issues concerning TFRK. Global Forest Coalition
(NGO with headquarters in the Netherlands and in Paraguay) organized Independent Monitoring of
implementation of the expanded work programme on forest biological diversity in 20 countries from all
continents. The final outcomes of the Independent Monitoring of implementation of the expanded
work programme on forest biological diversity in 20 countries will be reported in the COP-9 of CBD in
May 2008 in Germany. The following preliminary conclusions are made on the issues concerning
TFRK:
1. The current forestry paradigm continues to be the key source of knowledge and guidance at all
academic and training levels. There were no cases reported on work related to alternative forest
or forestry knowledge. The consequences of this fact for the implementation of the CBD/POW are
very serious, as the rich cumulus of knowledge that Indigenous Peoples and women hold would,
that way, remain unutilized.
2. In only two of the countries monitored the governments have involved Indigenous Peoples in the
implementation, though indirect, of clauses related to the CBD/POW, such as conservation and
sustainable forest management and traditional knowledge.
So in spite of the importance of the TFRK issues for forest peoples and biodiversity, it can be
concluded that governments do not pay much attention to the protection of TFRK, or the
implementation of the CBD Article 8 (j) and the expanded programme of work on forest biological
diversity. It is recommended that governments, together with major groups, take serious steps on
implementation of national forest and biodiversity programmes including issues concerning TFRK and
rights of Indigenous Peoples and local communities.

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UTILIZATION OF MACROFUNGI BY SOME INDIGENOUS

COMMUNITIES FOR FOOD AND MEDICINE IN PENINSULAR
MALAYSIA

Lee Su See, Chang Yu Shyun & Noraswati Mohd. Nor Rashid

Forest Research Institute Malaysia, Kepong, 52109 Selangor, Malaysia;

Email: leess@frim.gov.my

Introduction
There are over 94 different groups of indigenous people in Malaysia, each with their own distinct
language and culture, with the majority being found in the states of Sabah and Sarawak on the island
of Borneo. The indigenous people of Peninsular Malaysia, collectively called the Orang Asli, are
composed of 18 sub-ethnic groups classified under the three major tribes of the Negrito, Senoi and
Proto-Malays (JHEOA 2003), with a population of 149 512 persons in 2004 (Nicholas & Baer 2007).
Traditionally the Orang Asli lived in and subsisted on the forests, but increasing loss of forest areas
plus integration into mainstream society and urbanization, are leading to the rapid loss of their
traditional knowledge and culture. In an effort to record some of this precious indigenous knowledge,
a questionnaire survey was conducted with selected indigenous communities in several states in the
Peninsular Malaysia to document the macrofungi utilised for food and medicine and to identify fungi
with potential for cultivation and commercialization.

Methodology
The communities and villages surveyed were identified based on distribution, accessibility and the
recommendation of officials from the Department of Orang Asli Affairs (JHEOA). The survey was
conducted through formatted interviews of individuals using a specially prepared questionnaire and
colour illustrated fungal guide. Wherever possible during the survey, samples of fungi utilized by the
local communities were photographed and collected and any additional information or data not
covered by the questionnaire recorded.
All visits to the selected communities were made together with officials of the JHEOA. At each village
the Tok Batin or head of the community or village was interviewed, as he is usually the most
knowledgeable and respected person in the village. Wherever possible, prior notice of the visits was
given through officials of the JHEOA and villagers were requested to bring samples of macrofungi that
they utilised for the interview.

Results and Discussion

It was not possible to include villages representing all the 18 Orang Asli sub-tribes from Peninsular
Malaysia in the survey as some communities are nomadic while others are not easily accessible.
Visits were made to 70 villages, the majority of which were Semai in the states of Pahang, Perak and
Selangor (Table 1). The Semai are the largest community of Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia while
the Che Wong among the smallest (JHEOA 2003).
At least 40 species of macrofungi were considered edible but only 23 species were used for medicinal
purposes (Table 2). No single species was unanimously identified as being edible or medicinal by the
70 villages surveyed. More than 50% of respondents identified the following species as edible:
Auricularia sp., Clavulina sp., Schizophyllum commune, Termitomyces microcarpus and
Termitomyces sp. Some species generally considered edible by most villagers and known by the
authors as edible were surprisingly considered poisonous by some, e.g. Auricularia sp., Cantharellus
sp., Clavulina sp., Hygrocybe conica, Lentinus cf. sajor caju and Lentinus squarrusolus. Amanita
tjibodensis and Dictyophora indusiata were considered by all respondents to be poisonous although
the latter is widely consumed and highly prized by the Chinese. A booklet on 12 common edible

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mushrooms utilized by the Orang Asli communities in Peninsular Malaysia has been published (Lee et
al. 2006) and distributed to all the communities surveyed as well as to the JHEOA.

Table 1. Number of villages and communities surveyed in the states of Pahang, Perak and
Selangor, Peninsular Malaysia.
Sub-tribe Pahang Perak Selangor Total
Semai 31 16 0 47
Temuan 4 0 8 12
Che Wong 2 0 0 2
Jakun 6 0 0 6
Bateq 3 0 0 3
Total 46 16 8 70

Knowledge about the utilization of the various species of fungi varied greatly between villages and
sub-tribes. The Semai were generally most knowledgeable about macrofungi utilization, recognizing
at least 37 types of edible fungi followed by the Temuan (24), Jakun (23), Bateq (14) and Che Wong
(8). Reasons for this are unclear. Fungi were collected for the communities’ own consumption and not
for commercial purposes, with the exception of Lignosus sp.(susu rimau) which is specifically sought
for upon request by urban middlemen, mostly local herbalists. Orang Asli uses of some medicinal
mushrooms have been discussed by Chang et al. (2005).
As the women are generally the ones who tend the fields and gather food from the forest, they are
also the ones who collect the fungi. Trips are not made specifically to collect fungi. Thus it was not
surprising that during our interviews with the headmen of the villages, the women folk usually joined in
the interviews, providing much of the information. Generally the younger generation, especially the
men, were much less knowledgeable and less interested to learn about macrofungi utilization. In the
villages traditional knowledge including the utilization of mushrooms is passed down orally within the
communities, with the women playing an important role in this tradition.
Collections of fresh specimens together with the Orang Asli need to be made to confirm the results of
the surveys which have been largely based on interviews and the use of an illustrated guide. Surveys
also need to be extended to other tribes so as to obtain a better understanding of Orang Asli
utilization of macrofungi for food and medicine in Peninsular Malaysia.

References
Chang, Y.S., Lee, S.S. & Noraswati, M.N.R. 2005. Ethnomycology in Malaysia. Clusiana 44(1-2): 67-
72.
JHEOA. 2003. Basic information on Orang Asli from the Department of Orang Asli Affairs, 39 pp. (in
Malay).
Lee, S.S., Chang, Y.S. & Noraswati, M.N.R. 2006. Common edible mushrooms of Orang Asli
communities in Peninsular Malaysia. Forest Research Institute Malaysia, Kepong. 16 pp.
Nicholas, C. & Baer, A. 2007. Health care for the Orang Asli. Consequences of paternalism and
colonialism. In: Chee H.L.& Barraclough, S. (Eds.) Health Care in Malaysia: The Dynamics of
Provision, Financing and Access. Proceedings of the workshop, Asian Research Institute, National
University of Singapore, 9-11 September 2004, pp. 119-136.

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Table 2. Macrofungi utilized for food and/or medicine by the Semai, Temuan, Che Wong,
Jakun and Bateq of Peninsular Malaysia. Numbers in the columns indicate the number of
villages utilizing the fungus.
Fungus Edible Medicinal Poisonous
Amanita angustilamellata 1 0 7
Amanita hemibapha ssp. similis 17 0 12
Amanita princeps 3 0 9
Amanita tjibodensis 0 0 12
Amauroderma sp. 0 5 0
Amauroderma subresinosum 12 3 3
Auricularia sp. 49 0 3
Biscogniauxia sp. 2 1 3
Boletus aureomycelinus 6 1 8
Calvatia sp. 2 0 27
Cantharellus sp. 20 0 4
Clavulina sp. 39 1 5
Clitopilus cf. orientalis 11 1 4
Cookeina sulcipes 6 7 11
Coriolus versicolor 1 2 12
Coriolus hirsutus 1 5 15
Craterellus cornucopioides v. mediosporus 2 0 7
Cymatoderma sp. 5 0 4
Dacryopinax spathularia 2 0 4
Daldinia concentrica 2 7 25
Dictyophora indusiata 0 0 45
Geastrum sp. 1 0 34
Hygrocybe conica 28 2 3
Lactarius gerardii 3 1 6
Laetiporus sulphureus 3 0 12
Lentinus cf. sajor caju 26 2 1
Lentinus squarrusolus 32 0 5
Lenzites acutus 4 0 6
Lenzites vespaceus 3 0 3
Lignosus sp. 1 52 1
Macrocybe/Lyophyllum 28 1 7
Microporus xanthopus 0 15 17
Neurospora sp. 1 0 0
Panus giganteus 17 0 11
Phellinus sp. 1 4 6

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Pulveroboletus icterinus 0 1 7
Pycnoporus sanguineus 4 14 13
Russula sp. 13 5 9
Scleroderma sp. 12 3 21
Schizophyllum commune 58 0 0
Termitomyces microcarpus 48 0 0
Termitomyces sp. 47 0 0
Thelephora cf. fuscella 0 2 6
Tremella fuciformis 16 0 9
Volvariella sp. 14 0 4
Xylaria polymorpha 0 24 9

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BUILDING ON TRADITIONAL SHIFTING CULTIVATION FOR

ROTATIONAL AGROFORESTRY: EXPERIENCES FROM
YUNNAN, CHINA

Luohui Liang1, Lixin Shen2 and Yang Xinkai3

1
United Nations University, 53-70, Jingumae 5-chome, Shibuya-ku, Tokyo 150-8925 Japan;
Email: liang@hq.unu.edu
2
Yunnan Academy of Forestry, Heilongtan, Kunming 650204, Yunnan, China
3
Dehong Association of Forestry, Yonghan Street, Mangshi, Luxi City,
Dehong Prefecture, China

Introduction
Traditional shifting cultivation in the tropics integrates a relatively short cropping phase and a relatively
long forest fallowing phase as a rotational system in space and time. The cropping phase mixes a
variety of crops (cereals, root crops, vegetables, etc.), and ensuring a balanced food supplies for
shifting cultivators (Yin 2001). The fallowing phase is essential to help restore soil fertility lost during
the preceding cropping phase. Forests in the fallowing phase not only produce wood and non-wood
forest products, but also contribute nutrient inputs to soil through uptake from deep soil horizons and
nitrogen fixation, improve soil conditions, control weeds, and check runoff and soil erosion for the
succeeding cropping phase. Moreover, both the cropping phase and the forest fallowing phase host
rich biodiversity, including crop diversity. Over centuries, shifting cultivators have created and
accumulated profound knowledge on cropping as well as forest management.
However, the traditional shifting cultivation is under external and internal pressures to change. Forest
lands are increasingly taken away for nature conservation, timber extraction and other uses. The
forest lands available to shifting cultivation are shrinking. The population growth and social changes
also put increasing pressure on shifting cultivation to produce more on less land. If one considers the
cropping phase as the only production period to meet the rising demand, the intensification pressure
would result in extension of the cropping phase and shortening of the fallowing phase. The shortened
phase of fallowing would not allow forests to recover sufficiently for restoration of soil fertility and
controlling of weeds. The productivity of the succeeding cropping phase would decline. It was
reported that the forest can not recover if the length of the fallowing phase is shorter than 10 years in
Northeast India (Ramakrishnan 2006). The shortening of the fallow phase below 10 years has led to
succession of weeds and land degradation there.
Realizing the negative consequences of the shortening of the fallowing phase, sedentary agriculture
(continuous cropping in the same fields and without fallowing) is often promoted as an alternative to
replace and discourage the shortened shifting cultivation. The sedentary system would lose multiple
benefits arising from the forest fallow, including soil fertility restoration as well as production of forest
products. Moreover, the traditional culture and crop genetic resources associated with shifting
cultivation would be also lost. There is a challenge to develop a new land use system that would
continue to make use of the logic of traditional shifting cultivation.
This paper looks at how some indigenous peoples in Yunnan Province hybridize elements of the
traditional shifting cultivation and the new agriculture and forestry technologies for a new and dynamic
rotational agroforestry system. The paper will also discuss conditions, including policy and market,
that enable emergence of the hybrid system in some parts of Yunnan Province, China.

Methodology
The focal area of this study is located in the southwestern region of Yunnan Province of China,
including Dehong Prefecture and Tengcong county of Baoshan Prefecture bordering Myanmar on the
west. In spite of altitudinal zonation, a sub-tropical monsoon climate prevails, with the dry season from
November to April and the rainy season from May to October, in the region. The rainfall is high,
ranging from 1400 to 1900 mm per annum. The topography is mostly mountainous with an average

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altitude of around 1000 to 2000 m. Between the mountainous ranges are narrow alluvial plains. While
the mountains are mostly covered by forests, the alluvial plains are largely converted into the
productive wet fields for rice production, urban centers and other infrastructural uses. Ethnic minority
groups of Jingpo, De-Aang, and Lisu, live in the mountainous areas of the region. With limited land
suitable for wet rice fields in the hilly areas, these minority groups practice shifting cultivation for
production of upland rice as the staple food. Over centuries, some shifting cultivators of this region,
have created a unique practice in which they mix seeds of upland rice with seeds of alder (Alnus
nepalensis) and sow the mixture in the newly opened fields during the cropping phase (Yin 2001).
After harvesting of upland rice, the intercropped alder trees will continue to grow during the fallowing
phase. The alder trees have a symbiosis with nitrogen-fixing actinomycetes and grow fast for
accelerated recovery of soil fertility. Like other parts of the country under shifting cultivation, this
region has been under increasing pressures both external and internal to adapt, such as rapid growth
of population and economy. However, the forest coverage of the region remains high, 70% in Dehong
Prefecture and 65% in Tengcong County. The adaptation of the traditional shifting cultivation seems
successful with regard to forest resources.
This research is based on long-term field observations by the two co-authors on the changes of the
shifting cultivation areas in the region. One co-author lives in the region and used to be responsible
for technical support for the reforestation programme in Dehong Prefecture. Another co-author used
to live in the region and has made frequent visits to the region for relevant research projects and
supervision of his Master of Science students to look at adaptation of shifting cultivation in the region
(Shiro et al. 2007 & Tan et al. 2007). Two of the co-authors jointly investigated the unique practice of
upland rice-alder rotational system and its evolution in Tengcong County by discussions with local
officials and farmers in August 2003 to identify a candidate system of traditional shifting cultivation for
the FAO Initiative on Globally Important Agricultural Heritage Systems (GIAHS) (Shen et al. 2007).
The three co-authors conducted a joint field investigation on adaptation of the shifting cultivation in the
region in December 2005. A workshop was then organized through Dehong Forestry Association with
participation of 30 local forest researchers and officials from all the counties of Dehong Prefecture,
from 5 to 7 July 2007, to solicit an overview of the adaptations in shifting cultivation and their impacts
in the region.

Results and Discussion

Shifting Cultivation in Transition
The general trend is that traditional and unique practice of upland rice-alder tree rotation has been
inherited, developed and combined with some elements of new technologies. Indigenous farmers
continue the traditional principle of crop-tree rotation, but adopt new crops such as maize, soybeans,
peanuts, pineapples and new timber trees, such as Pinus yunnanensis, Taiwania flousiana,
Cunninghamia lanceolatq, Betula alnoides in the rotation system. There are many combinations of
crops and trees. The fallowing phase is largely becoming a phase of production of timber species
highly valued by the booming market. Young tree seedlings are growing among upland rice, maize, or
pineapple fields. Such a rotational agroforestry system is widely practiced in the former shifting
cultivation areas in the region.
Farmers explained that cropping in the new rotational system continues for 2-3 years in order to
remove weeds and look after the tree seedlings. The food crops between tree seedlings produce
short-term benefits, but also provide necessary shade for young tree seedlings, control weeds and
increase ground cover. The crop residuals are used as green manure to support growth of tree
seedlings. Farmers will stop planting food crops once the trees had shaded out light to food crops on
the ground. The management during the fallowing phase has become intensive. There are active
control of forest pest and fire, and pruning, and selective cutting/thinning to improve tree growth.
Some farmers cultivate Amomum tsaoko and Dendrobium nobile, etc. under the forest canopy. This
practice of cultivation under forest canopy may limit grazing of livestock in the forests.
After harvesting of timber, farmers will burn the residual litter, plant crops first and plant tree seedlings
later. The tree seedlings are prepared in farmers’ own nurseries or purchased from market and then
planted in small pits dug among food crops. The technique of tree planting is different from the
traditional way of sowing alder seeds mixed with upland rice seeds. Selection of timber species
depends on availability and market value. Recently, forestry researchers have succeeded propagation
of seedlings of Betula alnoides, an indigenous and valuable timber species. The Cunninghamia
lanceolatq based rotational system may also depend on new shoots to regenerate.

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Benefits of the New Rotational Agroforestry System

The rotational agroforestry systems inherits the logic of traditional shifting cultivation, integrating
production of food and forest products, and ecosystem services (soil restoration, control of weeds
and erosion, carbon sequestration in forests) in time. Moreover, the economic productivity has been
greatly improved with adoption of new crops and valuable timber species, and management of timber
species. For example, pineapple-tree rotational system produces pineapple for 2-3 years with yearly
average income of RMB 20 000 per ha. The timber trees (such as Betula alnoides ) can be harvested
after 20 years of growth. The average value of timber amounts to RMB 100 000-225, 000 per ha. On
average the annual income of the system, including sale of pineapple and timber, is RMB 7 500-
14,250 per ha, which is 10 times the value of the agricultural cropping without timber production (Yang
2006). Many farmers are able to purchase sufficient rice on the market with the income from sale of
timber and non-timber forest products. They do not have to shorten the fallowing phase, at the
expense of land degradation, for increased food production. In fact, the fallowing phase for timber
production remains long, from 10 to 20 years.
Factors Contributing to Development of the Rotational Agroforestry System
Several factors have facilitated development and extension of the rotational system. First, natural
conditions in the region, such as subtropical monsoon climate and abundant hilly areas are unsuitable
for permanent cultivation, but good for agroforestry. Second, farmers have been planting alder trees in
the traditional shifting cultivation. It is natural and relatively easy to switch to planting of valuable
timber trees in the rotational system. Third, local researchers are actively developing and
demonstrating different kinds of rotational systems, especially supporting propagation of tree
seedlings of high value. Fourth, the booming market for timber from the region also creates tangible
return to timber production. Fifth, the government programme has been supporting reforestation since
the 1960’s. Recently, the government programme has paid more attention to production and
domestication of valuable and rare timber species, especially local species, such as Taiwania
flousiana, and Betula alnoides. The recent programme to convert the marginal farmland into forests
provides additional support to tree plantation in the region.
The new rotational agroforestry system combines crop production and forest management to provide
multiple and profitable products is expanding rapidly in the region. It avoids the shortening of the
fallowing phase and reduces land degradation. In addition to the rotational system, local farmers have
also developed a variety of agroforestry gardens using valuable non-timber perennial crops, such as
tea, sugarcane, Illicium verum, Zanthoxylum bungeanum, Amomum tsaoko, etc.

References
Ramakrishnan, P.S. 2006. Jhum-Centerd Forest Fallows: Secondary Successional Patterns and
Processes. In: R.S Ramakrishnan, et al (Eds.), Shifting Agriculture and Sustainable Development of
North-Eastern India: Tradition in Transition, pp.89-121.
Shiro, C. et al. 2007. Coping with Pressures of Modernization by Traditional Farmers： a Strategy for
Sustainable Rural Development in Yunnan, China. Journal of Mountain Science. 4, 57-70
Shen, L. & Liang, L, 2007. The alder-based rotation and intercropping systems in Yunnan, China. In:
Saxena, K.G, et al (Eds.), Shifting Cultivation in Asia: Implications for Environmental Conservation
and Sustainable Livelihood. Bishen Singh Mahendra Pal Singh, Dehra Dun, pp. 349-355.
Tang, Y. et al. The adaptation of shifting agriculture and its impacts on agrobiodiversity in marginal
mountain societies: A case study in western Yunnan Province, Southwestern China. In: Saxena, K.G,
et al (Eds.), Shifting Cultivation in Asia: Implications for Environmental Conservation and Sustainable
Livelihood. Bishen Singh Mahendra Pal Singh, Dehra Dun, pp. 259-278.
Yang, X., 2006. Changes in Shifting Cultivation in Dehong Prefecture and Their Environmental and
Social Impacts. Forestry of Dehong,. 5, 4-9. (in Chinese)
Yin, Shaoting, 2001. People and Forests. Yunnan Education Publishing House, Kunming, pp. 98-100,
and p. 123

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ENHANCING THE VALUE OF FOREST TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE

THROUGH FOREST CERTIFICATION

Lim Hin Fui

Forest Research Institute Malaysia, Kepong, 52100 Selangor, Malaysia;

Email: limhf@frim.gov.my

Introduction
Even though the local communities, within and at the fringes of forests, have been using forest
resources for a long time, the value of their traditional forest-related knowledge (TFRK) has not been
appropriately appreciated. In fact, in the process of modernization and development, changes are
occurring within the local communities resulting in erosion of TFRK and the subsequent loss of local
culture and traditional practices.
In recent years, there has been increasing worldwide awareness that there is high value in TFRK. On
the commercial side, it is now realized that local accumulated TFRK could be further enhanced for
modern application in medicinal, pharmaceutical, bio-technological and cosmetic industries. The
modern use of TFRK could lead to national income generation and improvement of local economic
well-being of the targeted communities through the establishment of benefit-sharing mechanisms. On
the social front, the emphasis of TFRK could assist in creating awareness among the younger
generation in local communities of the importance of preserving local practices and cultures which are
quickly eroding. At the national front, it serves to preserve and project the uniqueness of the social
make-up of the pluralistic societies.

International and National Efforts

At the international level, TFRK was not an important issue prior to Earth Summit held in Rio in 1992.
The International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention 107 of 1957 (ratified by 27 countries)
concerned the Protection and Integration of Indigenous and other Tribal and Semi-Tribal Population in
Independent Countries within national development. It was later revised in 1989 by ILO Convention
169 (Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries), ratified by seven
countries, that affirmed the need of government to take action to protect the rights of the indigenous
peoples and respect their cultures and values related to lands.
It was during the 1992 Earth Summit that the symbiotic relationship of biodiversity, sustainable
development and Indigenous communities was emphasized. Agenda 21 called for TFRK recognition
and protection. It was Article 8(j) of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) that gave it a legal
stature. This Article of CBD stipulates that “Each Contracting Party shall, as far as possible and as
appropriate: (j) Subject to its national legislation, respect, preserve and maintain knowledge,
innovations and practices of indigenous and local communities embodying traditional lifestyles
relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity and promote their wider
application with the approval and involvement of the holders of suck knowledge, innovations and
practices and encourage the equitable sharing of benefits arising from the utilization of such
knowledge, innovations and practices”. The International Year for the World’s Indigenous People
(1993) promoted further international technical and financial cooperation for the development of
TFRK.
At the national level, efforts were also made to protect and preserve the TFRK of the local forest-
dependent communities. For example, in Malaysia, under the Aboriginal Peoples Act 1954 (revised
1974), aboriginal reserves and aboriginal areas established and rights of occupancy on unalienated
land for the aborigines.
The above international and national instruments do not provide adequate protection to TFRK. Since
the 1990s, erosion of traditional knowledge can be attributed three inter-related factors, namely (a)
modernization resulting in reduced forest dependence, (b) lack of interest of the younger generations
to apply TFRK in their ways of life and also the failure of the older generations in transmitting such
knowledge, and (c) absence of systematic recording and documenting of traditional knowledge.

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In the 1990s, the market-driven forest certification schemes emerged as an important supplementary
tool used in enhancing the value of TFRK.

How does forest certification enhance TFRK value?

While forest managers in many parts of the world ignored and neglected traditional knowledge
practices in the past, the trend is now changing. Since the implementation of forest certification
schemes more than a decade ago, the social pillar of forest certification is now gaining more attention.
More and more consumers in the developed countries are demanding that the social issues in forest
certification need to be properly addressed. The winds of change are affecting traditional forest
management. Among the major certification schemes are the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC), Pan-
European Forest Certification (PEFC) in Europe, Malaysian Timber Certification Council (MTCC) in
Malaysia and Lembaga Ekolabel in Indonesia. In general, these certification schemes aim to promote
environmentally sound, socially beneficial and economically viable good forest management of the
world’s forests.
Under forest certification, the forest managers need to consult the local communities prior to timber
harvesting. In drawing up the forest management plan, the traditional use rights of the local
communities are to be respected and their sites of economic, cultural and religious significance to be
protected. These social and cultural sites are considered high conservation value forests (HCVF).
During harvesting activities, the social impacts are to be monitored. Mechanisms have to be
developed in resolving conflicts and in compensating the local communities for the loss of their
resources. Forestry development must also benefit the local communities through priority of
employment, training and the use/development of non-timber forest products. After timber harvesting
activities, there is a need to make efforts to conduct social assessments as part of the forest
management plan (FMP) or when such plans are periodically revised.
There is a need to respect the native customary rights of local communities even if they do not have
legal claim to the forest concession to be certified. If the forest management unit (FMU) manager
were willing to incorporate local needs in forest harvesting planning and initiate capacity building
among the locals, forest certification would face less difficulty.
Certification bodies such as MTCC and FSC expect issues related to the local communities, workers
and indigenous peoples be addressed. In short, forest harvesting should bring benefits to them while
minimising adverse impacts on their traditional practices related to the forests.

Conclusion
With the adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on 13
September 2007, more concerted efforts are expected to be made to protect and preserve traditional
forest-related knowledge. It is expected that the market-driven forest certification schemes would
continue to be effective tools to enhance the TFRK value. The shift in paradigm by giving more
attention to local social issues has tremendous long-term impacts the livelihood of local communities.
It means that the local forest dependent communities can continue to use their traditional land and
resources to improve their livelihood and to alleviate poverty. Their knowledge on the use of the forest
resources could contribute to the development of various products for modern use. In return, more
benefits are expected to be gained by the local forest dependent communities through benefit-sharing
mechanisms.
Responding to international development (including demand for certified timber) and national
development visions, Malaysia, for instance, has initiated a centralized database on medicinal and
aromatic plants of the indigenous peoples. A benefit-sharing mechanism on the use of forest
traditional knowledge related to biodiversity conservation and sustainable utilization will be proposed
under the Ninth Malaysia Plan (2006-2010). The project is expected to create a partnership between
researchers and the indigenous peoples. The issue of local benefit-sharing and intellectual property
rights is expected to be addressed. Forest certification could thus play a key role in achieving
sustainable forest management, poverty alleviation and preservation of traditional practices among
the forest-dependent communities in the long run.

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References
Appanah S. & Thang, H.C. 1996. “International initiatives on forest management certification”. Pp 5-28
in Appanah, S., Samsudin, M., Thang, H.C. & Ismail, P. (Eds.), Forest Management Certification
Workshop Proceedings. Organised by Forest Research Institute Malaysia & Forestry Department
Peninsular Malaysia.
Johnson, S.P. 1993. The Earth Summit: The United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development (UNCED. London: Graham & Trotman.
www.ilo/org/ilolex/cgi-lex/convde.pl?C107
www.www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/62.htm

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THE EFFECTS OF TRADITIONAL CULTURE ON THE MODES OF

FOREST MANAGEMENT IN ETHNIC COMMUNITIES: A CASE
STUDY OF A MIAO VILLAGE

Liu Shunqing, Lai Li, Guan Yuhe and Wang Tie

Rural Development Institute, Guizhou Academy of Social Science, No.19, Suoshi Lane,
Nanming District, Guiyang 550002, China

Introduction
During the 1950s and 1960s, following a series of reforms, collective ownership was established in
China, with the means of primary production (land, and farm animals, etc) being transferred from
private ownership to collective ownership. At the end of the 1970s, when the land household contract
responsibility system was introduced nationwide, corresponding reforms were also implemented in
relation to forestry. The forest household responsibility system was introduced. However, these
reforms were much more complicated than the cultivated land household responsibility system and
created more conflicts, largely due to low levels of public awareness, different natural resources and
regional characteristics.
The Southeast Guizhou Miao and Dong Autonomous Prefecture is one of the most important forest
areas in Guizhou Province and China. The forests in this Prefecture are mainly located in local ethnic
communities, with collective forests accounting for more than 90% of the forest areas. What kind of
management modes [methods?] have the ethnic communities chosen after so many reforms? What
are the factors they took into account when they made these choices? What are the effects of the
traditional culture on the modes of forest management? How are the private forests and contracted
forests managed? Are the contentious “collective forests” really necessary? And are the traditional
management modes compatible with the relevant laws? Taking Fanpai, a Miao village in Taijiang
County of this Prefecture as an example, this paper makes an inquiry into these issues.

Methodology
Literature review, workshops, semi-structured interviews, field studies and participatory rural
appraisals (PRA) were used for data collection. Five types of forests in Fanpai Village were included
in the study:
a) Forests Managed by the Village Collective. These include the following forests: a Gusheshan or
Sacrificial Forest, where the ancestral graves of the local Miao people are located and where the most
important local festival, the Guzhang Festival, takes place every 13 years; a Baozhailin, or Guardian
Forest of the Village; two village-run forest farms, being the Wujiang and Yangji forest farms, which
are relatively far from the Fanpai Village and difficult to manage; and other collective forests not
contracted by the households.
b) Co-managed Forests. This refers to the Sonxi Forest Farm, which is owned by Fanpai Village, but
co-managed by the Fanpai, Fanzhao and Wujiaonan villages.
c) Forest Managed by Natural Villages. This refers to the Songba Forest Farm, which is owned by
Fanpai Village but managed by five of its natural villages.
d) “Responsibility Forests” which are managed by local households but used by households and the
village collective. These forests are very remote, are located on high cliffs and are difficult to manage.
They were contracted to local households in 1980 but were not contracted again in 1998 when the
second round of the contract responsibility system was introduced.
e) “Family Forests” which are managed by local households. These forests were acquired by local
households when the contract responsibility system was introduced in 1980 (for this reason they can
also called “contracted forests”). The “Family Forests” are located near the Fanpai village and are
easy to manage, with an area of 7,000 mu (1mu=1/15 hectare). In 1998, the village households
signed a contract to extend 70 years of their use rights over these forests.

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Findings
Firstly, the Gusheshan (or Sacrificial Forest) and Baozhailin (or Guardian Forest of the Village) have
existed as collective forests at all times, and under all policy frameworks. Owned by the village
collective, these forests have been managed in a traditional way, with even the names of the forests
remaining unchanged. This is a common phenomenon in the ethnic communities in Guizhou
Province.
Secondly, in terms of management rights, the distribution of the existing forests is similar to that in the
past, with forests in close proximity to the village being managed by households, and remote forests
being under collective management. Before the Liberation, about 70%-80% of the forests surrounding
the village were private forests on private land, and the remaining forests were usually remote and
under public ownership. Today, the forests near the village, which account for a large percentage of
the total, have been contracted to local households. The contracting households have permanent use
rights over the forests. These rights allow them to plant trees and bamboo on the contracted forest
land, and to use, sell and deal with the trees and bamboo. In this sense, the contracted Family
Forests are similar to the private forests of the past, except for the fact that the forest land remains in
collective ownership. The remote forests are still under collective ownership and management due to
their remoteness, high costs of management and the high risk of these forests being the subject of
disputes.
Thirdly, today’s “collective forests”, which are managed by the village collective, have similar functions
to traditional “collective forests”. Before the Liberation, the collective forests included “Brothers’
Forests”, Gusheshan, Baozhailin and other types of collective forests. “Brothers’ Forests” belonged to
the brothers of extended families and were used as a place to worship for their ancestors. Gusheshan
and Baozhailin are traditional collective forests owned by the village community as a whole, with the
former functioning to enhance social cohesion within the village by providing space for the burial of
common ancestors and for important local festivals, and the latter providing space in which ordinary
sacrificial activities are held. These forests are sacred and inviolable, with community members
forbidden from removing any of the forest materials, even the tree leaves. The Miao people worship
their ancestors and gods, and their traditional forest culture and management methods have been
embodied in their community philosophy, modes of production and daily life, with this playing an
important role in the ongoing development of the community.
Compared with the collective forests of the past, the collective forests today have to some extent
changed in terms of composition of tree species, and ownership relations. The past collective forests
were divided according to the blood ties of the community members and the forest function, whereas
today the collective forests are divided according to administrative units. The traditional tenure regime
could not separate use right from ownership of forest land. Today’s tenure regime separates use right
from the ownership of lands. Despite this, the function of the collective forests which serve as places
for the conduct of sacrificial activities (Gusheshan and Baozhailin Forests) and those forests which
function as sources of public welfare, have not changed.
Fourthly, traditional village regulations and agreements play an important role in forest management.
In Fanpai, different forests are managed according to different rules. The Gusheshan and Baozhailin
Forests are managed mainly according to village regulations and agreements. Family Forests are
managed in accordance with village regulations and agreements as well as the relevant laws and
State policies. The Forest Farms are primarily managed according to laws and State policies. Forest
disputes among villagers are generally dealt with according to village regulations and agreements.
Forest disputes between villages are firstly dealt with on the basis of township regulations and if
unresolved, are then mediated by the upper-levels of the relevant State departments. If this mediation
is unsuccessful, the parties concerned will resort to traditional customs. This involves the disputants
taking an oath before their gods by drinking rooster blood wine. The gods are regarded as the final
judge of the dispute, with the dishonest party being cursed.

Discussion and Conclusions

Firstly, significant attention should be paid to the effects of the community’s traditional culture and
management modes on forest management, so as to bring into play the self-managing functions of
the community. For forests under collective ownership, Fanpai Village has chosen a variety of forest
management models with different functions, with management by households being the predominant

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form of management and co-management by households and the collective being the secondary
form. Although the choices of Fanpai have been significantly influenced by the relevant State policies,
their decisions have also reflected the traditional culture and community modes of management.
Therefore, it is very important to pay significant attention to the effects of traditional culture and
management, so as to make use of their low cost self-managing functions and thus improve the
efficiency of forest management within ethnic communities.
Secondly, the existence of the troublesome “collective forests” (except for Gusheshan and Baozhailin)
which are not included in the contract system and are still under public ownership, which could traced
back a half century ago regarding to roots causes and nowadays it exists widely. Historically these
“collective forests” were never owned by any specific family or families. This has caused many
disputes over the “collective forests”. A large percentage of forest disputes in Qiandongnan Prefecture
today are related to “patrimonial forests”, a kind of “collective forest”. Disputes relating to “patrimonial
forests” occur from time to time in this prefecture. As the “patrimonial forests” are sacrificial areas, the
villagers involved in these disputes are often emotional, and it is not infrequent for fighting to occur,
which sometimes leads to casualties. At an individual level, most villagers are not interested in forests
which are a source of conflict. However, these forests are necessary because many villages are
undeveloped and have few non-agricultural industries or other resources. Therefore, there is
substantial reliance on “collective forests” as these are the only source of economic revenue for the
village collective on which public welfare is based. Zheng (2003) found the same phenomena in
Fujian and Hunan provinces.
Thirdly, the self-managing functions of the village regulations and agreements in collective forest
management should be addressed. “Collective forests” are usually remote and susceptible to illegal
logging. In the case of illegal logging, the offenders are usually dealt with according to the relevant
laws. These people receive less punishment compared with those offenders which are dealt with
under village regulations and agreements. It follows that the property rights of the forest owners
cannot be protected and preserved. As a result, villagers (forest owners) are discouraged from
safeguarding forest timber and but also illegal logging is becoming a more serious issue, leading to
more problems and conflicts for forest management.

References
Zheng Baohua. 2003. A Study on the Property Rights System of the Non-cultivated Land Resources
in South China. Beijing: China Classics Publishing House.
Wang Jingxin. 2001. The Century Changes of the Rural Land System of China. Beijing: China
Economic Publishing House.

Acknowledgements
The authors thank Guizhou Provincial Department for Science and Technology, Southeast Guizhou
(Qinadongnan) Prefectural Department of Forestry, Zhang Aihong from Taijing County Department of
Foresty, Grandpa Zhang (the 91 year old village head) and Zhang Wenqing of Fanpai Village, for their
valuable help and assistance

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TRADITIONAL FOREST-RELATED KNOWLEDGE AND ITS

IMPLICATIONS FOR CHINA’S FORESTRY DEVELOPMENT –
DEVELOPMENT ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES

Liu Jinlong

Sustainable Forestry Research Center, Chinese Academy of Forestry

Yiheyuan, Dongxiaofu, Haidian, Beijing, 100091, China
Email: liujl@caf.ac.an

Understanding the Role of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge in

Development
In the past two decades, traditional forest-related knowledge (TFRK) has been a central issue which
has received increasing attention from many disciplines, including anthropologists, development
experts, foresters and local communities. TFRK can be defined as types of knowledge for
production, livelihoods, customs, religion and culture related to forests in the context of the life of
community people. This is materialized in the utilization and cultivation of plants, biodiversity
conservation, integrated farming systems, forest management practices and community regulations.
Anthropologists prefer include traditional knowledge within the scope of culture. Many cases
illustrated that core cultural elements are integrated with daily forest management practices and the
lifestyle of traditional community people. Thus TFRK has been viewed as knowledge with the
characteristics of practical, collective, and location-specific (Nygren 1999), as monolithic and
culturally bounded systems (Van Der Ploeg 1993). It is fundamental that culture should never be
evaluated in terms of good or bad, modern and outdated. Phrases such as ‘centralized or privilege
culture’, or that ‘a culture dominated over another culture’, have been rejected.
The burgeoning concern for indigenous knowledge is based on the belief that many failures of
development and underdevelopment are due to the prominence of modern, scientific knowledge
over local, traditional knowledge. During the 20th century, the world economy has grown 16.5 times
in Gross National Production. However, forest-related environmental and social problems, including
loss of biodiversity, climate change and desertification, the degradation of natural ecosystem and
the enlarged global gap between rich and poor, are all challenging the wisdom of people. As a result,
the social conflicts have become more obvious. Competition for resources, cultural conflicts and
monopoly over technologies have become principal inducements for disputes between nations and
ethnic groups. The colorful traditional lifestyles, knowledge and cultures are fading. However, the
disappearance of traditional knowledge and culture is a fundamental reason for these problems. The
development orientation of human beings is confused. Each new development practice, theory and
methodology has supported by a philosophical norm, and thus questioned by other philosophical
frameworks. In reality, scientific knowledge has dominated the course of development with its
modern values of culture, standards, and organizational structure, which have penetrated every cell
of human life. The protection and utilization of traditional knowledge still has relative weak appeal in
this regard.
More and more evidence has shown that TFRK is essential to maintain sustainability and complexity
of natural ecosystems. Its role in sustainable forest management, rural development and the
maintenance of local culture are irreplaceable. More people and organizations have realized that
harmony between development and the environment in local contexts involves research regarding
the philosophic and cultural background, and advocate the protection of diversified traditional
knowledge. In practice, research institutes and researchers were required to learn from farmers to
realize the equity of scientific technology and traditional knowledge. However, we are now facing
another dilemma in which the poor farmers normally think that the shortage of advanced technology
and capital is the cause of their poverty. They would like to request the assistance of technology and
capital and neglect the role of their traditional knowledge.
TFRK is one of the main pools for scientific achievement and technological innovation. And it has
great economic value too, particularly in relation to its potential for the pharmaceutical and animal

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and plant breeding industries. Much more than that, emphasis is placed on its environmental value
and potential for contribution to sustainable management of natural resources from the angle of
“global environment”. The equity between North and South requires recognition of TFRK’s
commercial value and role in poverty alleviation from the angle of development practices. The
importance of TFRK is becoming more obvious in strategies for forestry development at the global,
national and traditional community level.

An Embarrassing Situation for TFRK Research – an Agroforestry Case

Given its long history of farming and great diversity in natural and social conditions, China is rich in
TFRK. In China, the prevailing viewpoint is that the lag of technology transfer is the main reason of
lack of development. ‘Advanced technology’ and ‘modern science’, which were embodied in “top-
down” institutional regimes, have dominated contemporary forestry development. TFRK has been
marginalized in the arena of forestry norms, academia, research and on-the-ground forest
development practices (Liu 2006). In the past 3 decades, universities, and research institutions in
China have gathered and documented much TFRK together with western sciences and
methodologies. We have tried to overcome the localization of traditional knowledge and disseminate
it in a coherent and systematic way.
My master’s research topic when I was in Nanjing Forestry University involved pond cypress
(Taxodium ascendens Brongn) intercropping with crops planted by the farmers in the wetlands of
Jiangsu Province in Eastern China, based on their flood management practices. My research was
aimed at providing a scientific explanation of its structure and function through deconstructing this
ecosystem, nutrient cycling, energy flow, efficiency of soil nutrients, cash and net income flow, etc.
However, I did not touch on the issues of flood management, which are very location specific and
build on the local peoples’ life experiences. After graduation, I joined a paulownia and agroforesty
research group on in Chinese Academy of Forestry. More than ten years were dedicated to the
study of the integrative function of paulownia crop intercropping and optimal production models. Our
research covered many aspects including the biological distribution, changes of microclimate and its
impact on crops, changes in soil microorganisms and water fertilization, quality and crops yields,
management models for paulownia and their economic returns. We concluded that the optimal
model for paulownia intercropping was with wheat and cotton and we identified the relevant
management techniques.
Our results were rewarded with a prize for scientific achievements from the ministerial-level authority.
Unfortunately, our scientific results were not recognized by most of the farmers in the Huanghuaihai
plain, including those farmers living near our experiment sites. Some farmers might have followed
our model, some might not have. Some farmers might have followed our model in a particular
production cycle, and rejected it in another production cycle. In the year of 1992, around the regions
where we established extension sites for paulownia agroforestry, many paulownia trees had been
cut down by the farmers. In the view of the ‘scientists’ like me, we considered the farmers to be
‘stupid’ or ‘shortsighted’. Reviewing documentation on agroforestry research in 1990s in China,
many similar studies on agroforestry were conducted in mountainous areas, on plains and in
wetlands. Although we recognize that the farmers are wise from long-term farming practices, we
have consistently tried to deconstruct this wisdom into systematic knowledge for duplication
elsewhere. Although we were devoted to the work of systemization, we found that we encountered
many contradictions, particularly when questioning what knowledge can be explained and extended
as systematic knowledge, what knowledge can be divorced from local people’s local lives and what
knowledge cannot. TFRK is independent, localized and life-oriented which reflects the production
methods, living, culture and emotion of local people.
The management of land by a farmer is an activity in particular time and under particular conditions.
It is like an actor who needs to perform differently according to different situations. When a farmer
makes the decision on paulownia intercropping with crops, his or her objective is different to that of
other people who are farming at different locations and times. This is a reflection on the capacity and
initiatives of the decision maker. Instead of analyzing and summarizing the traditional knowledge
into systematic knowledge, it is more significant to understand the traditional knowledge from its
description, case analysis, related natural conditions, cultural background and local power structure.

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Strategic Recommendations for China’s Forestry Development

From the perspective of development anthropology, the protection of traditional forest-related
knowledge is a wise option for the sustainable development in terms of protecting the achievements
of human civilization and the diversity of lifestyles. However, disputes clearly exist in the
contemporary world. In the era of globalization, new knowledge, information and foreign cultures
have reached every corner of the world. Traditional communities have become an important
component of the world economy that cannot be simply isolated. Although the promotion of opening
traditional communities to communication with the outside world can improve the livelihoods of local
people, it increases these communities’ dependence on the outside world and threatens the fragility
of natural resources. Some cases have demonstrated the benefits of enlarging the sale of non-
timber forestry products to local people (Liu 2007). But in other cases, the marketing activities of
outside interests have often depleted and even destroyed local cultures and these natural resources.
A simple answer does not exist. The following are some key recommendations for China’s forestry
development.
Firstly, new initiatives on practices, such as community empowerment, capacity building, legislation
and financial support need to be given high priority by Chinese academics and the Chinese
government.
Secondly, only when an appropriate normative framework, evaluative standards, conceptual theory
and methodology for protection and utilization of traditional knowledge has been established, will
traditional knowledge be in a position to share an equal role with the scientific knowledge in
development. Suitable regulations should be stipulated to protect local people who have created and
inherited TFRK.
Thirdly, integration of scientific and traditional forestry-related knowledge should be promoted.
‘Transformation’ and ‘actor’ are the essential terminologies in development anthropology. We
believe that the cultures are dynamic and weak cultures will always be invaded by stronger cultures.
‘Localization’ is always accompanied by ‘modernization’. The history of scientific forestry in China is
only about a hundred years old. We should not totally abandon the colorful TFRK, which has been
practiced for many years. ‘Grafting’ and integrating traditional knowledge with scientific knowledge is
the optimal option for Chinese forestry development. Just as Sociologist Master Fei Xiaotong said:
‘mei ren zi mei, mei mei yu gong’, which can be translated as “By appreciating and taking up the
beauty of others, we are all beautiful”. In this regard, China is the country that can be a leader in
terms of enhancing the role of TFRK in development

References
Liu Jinlong. 2007. ‘Contextualizing Forestry Discourse and Normative Framework of Sustainable
Forest Management in contemporary China’. International Forestry Review, 9(2): 653-660.
Liu Jinlong. 2007. Traditional Knowledge and its implication to development in China – development
anthropological perspectives’. Journal of China’s Agriculture University, 2:133-141. （in Chinese）
Nygren, Anja. 1999. Local Knowledge in the Environment-Development Discourse. Critique of
Anthropology. 19(3): 267-288.
Van der Ploeg, Jan. 1993. Potatoes and knowledge. In: M. Hobart (ed.). An Anthropological Critique
of Development: The Growth of Ignorance. London: Routledge.

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TRADITIONAL ECOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE AND FOREST

MANAGEMENT IN THE JINUO SOCIETY

Chunlin Long1, Yilan Zhou2, Dayuan Xue3 and Zhe Chen4

1,2
Kunming Institute of Botany, Chinese Academy of Sciences
Email: long@mail.kib.ac.cn
3
Central University for Nationalities
4
China Southwest Forestry University
132# Lanhei Rd, Heilongtan, Kunming,Yunnan, China 650204

Traditional ecological knowledge was investigated in the Jinuo society in southern Yunnan, through
the approaches of ethnoecology, anthropology and participatory rural appraisal. Their traditional forest
management system, in particular, was paid special attention. Forests in the Jinuo community were
traditionally divided into watershed forest, auspicious forest, sacred forest, shellac forest, village/clan
boundary forest, fire protection forest, burial forest and swidden fallow forest. Every type of forest was
managed through traditional regulations. The village or clan headman and his assistant were the
representatives to implement the traditional management system. Because it was popular with local
villagers and there was strict punishment of offenders, the management system was effective. Local
people have benefited from traditional tea-gardens in the last a few years, which strengthened local
people’s understanding of traditional ecological knowledge. In recent years, however, the constantly
changing forest management policies have not helped either to preserve biodiversity, or to develop
forestry. Instead, forest ecosystems have been destroyed. After studying the forests in the Jinuo
community, the authors strongly recommend that the indigenous forest management system be
strengthened. Modern forestry policy itself cannot implement sustainable, productive forestry and
conserve biodiversity unless it is combined with the indigenous management system of the
community.

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THE ROLE OF TRADITIONAL BELIEFS OF THE ‘WHITE HORSE’

TIBETAN PEOPLE IN BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION AT BAI-
SHUI-JIANG NATURE RESERVES

Luo Yaofeng1 and Liu Jinlong2

1
Beijing Forestry University, PO Box 573, No 35, Qinghua East Road,
Beijing 100083, China E-mail: lyfcl@163.com
2
Sustainable Forestry Research Center, Yiheyuan, Dongxiaofu, Haidian,
Beijing, 100091, China

Introduction
The Bai-Shui-Jiang Nature Reserve is located in the southern part of Gansu province in China. It has
rich biodiversity, including 102 giant pandas, Golden monkeys and Takins and so on.
There is a special ethnic group named White Horse, local residents of Bai-Shui-Jiang Nature Reserve.
They worship white horse and many tribes regard white horse as their totem. They are much different
from Tibetan people, because they do not embrace Tibetan Buddhism and have their special
language, unique ethnic costumes, special weddings and funerals ceremonies and traditional life
customs.
The white horse people have many common national psychology, and ancient beliefs. These
traditional beliefs and knowledge are represented by their worship toward nature. According to He and
Wu (2004), traditional knowledge plays an active role in the nature resource and biodiversity
protection. Many counties employ not only the modern biology technology such as establishing Nature
reserves and parks but also many traditional means of indigene people such as nature resource and
environmental protection based on traditional beliefs (Xu 2005).
This paper was based on field investigation and literature review to analyze the traditional believes of
the White Horse people at Bai-Shui-Jiang Nature Reserve. The paper described the content of the
traditional believes of the White Horse ethnic group, analyzed the relationship between traditional
knowledge and biodiversity protection, and put forward some suggestions to use and protect the
traditional believes and knowledge of the White Horse ethnic group.

Methodology
Study areas
We chose the communities which is the nearest to the core zone of the nature reserve as study area,
according to the administrative maps of the Bai-Shui-Jiang Nature Reserve. Within the study area, we
focus only on the villages that have high population density and concentrated white horse people.
Based on this analysis, we have chosen three villages Yanggashan, Zaikeqiao, Diebaozai as our
study area. Altitude in this area of the three villages is above 1500 m. They are the nearest community
to the core zone of the Nature reserve and people in these communities may have direct influence on
the nature resource protection. There are 130 households in the three villages, among which 80% is
white horse people, most concentrated white horse community in the Nature reserve.
Field surveys and data collection
The relationship between White Horse people and the Nature Reserve was evaluated through
repeated filed surveys and household interviews during 2005-2006. These enable us to know: (1)
Geography and nature resources in the Nature Reserve. (2) Basic information of these villages and
impact of the existence of the nature reserve to the community in the livelihoods and habits. (3) Main
traditional habits and believes of the white horse people. (4)Where and how the White Horse people
exercise their habits and beliefs on the nature resource protection.(5) Attitudes of the local people on
the administration of the Nature Reserve (6) Conflicts between habits of the white horse people and
nature resource management.

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Qualitative interpretation
Data analysis coupling with modes of situational analysis indicated the link between the data and the
conclusion. Data treatment measures, such as analogy, induction, reasoning, analysis and
summarization were used to identify the existing problems.

Results
The white horse people around Bai-Shui-Jiang nature reserves have old and special traditional
believes. These traditional believes are represented by the worship toward nature such as the God
,land ,sun ,trees ,mountains ,water, animals and so on.
Worship toward trees and mountains plays an important role in the biological diversity protection and
management of local ecosystems of biological species. For example, among the three villages, every
village has one piece of pine trees or shrubbery that can not be cut forever in the back hill of their
village. Every villager regards this piece of trees as safeguard for their living and production, symbol
of harmonious and prosperous village. They protect and worship this piece of tree. Usually in the
winter or in the time of hardness e. g. sick children, bad fortunate and so on, they will go to the hills
and sacrifice for the trees. Under this concept, this piece of trees grows very well, providing habitat for
birds and many other small animals.
The White Horse people also worship animals in the Saint Mountains. They think that animals in the
Saint Mountains are poultries and livestock of deity. Monkeys, giant panda, black bears, tigers,
snakes, horses, eagles and dears are regarded as their ancestors and protectors. Giant panda is the
main protected animal in the Bai-Shui-Jiang Nature Reserve. The White Horse people believe that
giant panda is a nature being that has spirit. If anyone tries to catch or slay the giant panda, he will be
punished strictly by God. And in the everyday life and production, they form the habit of protecting
giant panda. In 1976, many bamboos began to flour, and the giant panda were threatened by the
lacking of food. In the rescue work for giant panda, the White Horse people did a good job. Between
1976 and 1977, people in the Nature Reserve saved 11 giant panda, among which 8 were saved by
the White Horse people in the three villages.
The hunting habitude of ancient White Horse people also embodies simple ecological ethic that is
respecting living beings. The hunting habit of White Horse people has special characteristics: they
think hunting is some kind of activity that is dangerous and not supported by God, so they would offer
sacrifice to the God (Hanba) before going to hunt and also sacrifice to God to beg mercy when
slaughtering animals. And there was an unwritten law that hunter cannot recruit more than two
prentices. This was because hunters usually use many acrimonious means to catch and slaughter
animals so more prentices means more animal would die and their sin would become even serious.
Nowadays hunting is strictly forbidden. In 2002, government enacted a law to withdraw private guns,
guns of White Horse people were taken away by the Nature Reserve. At first, the White Horse people
cannot accept this change, but they quickly reduce and cancel the activity of hunting, instead they
begin to cultivate pigs, horses and other animals to get food. So, this kind of behavior also represents
their ethic of nature protection.

Discussion
In the context of the practices of production and daily life, the White Horse people around the Bai-
Shui-Jiang Nature Reserve in Gansu province had developed rich tradition knowledge, technologies,
and grass root institutions, which are in harmony with the nature and eco-logical system and has
greatly contributed to the protection of bio-diversity (including giant panda) and maintenance of
livelihood in the community.
However, the forest eco-system management protection nowadays usually stress on the application of
modern knowledge, technologies and institution, establishing new nature reserve administration and
introducing new crops and technologies to promote economic and social development in the
community. Little emphasis has been given to the traditional knowledge, technologies and grass root
institution when too much stress is being placed on the modern knowledge and technologies. The
function of traditional belief, grass root institution of the White Horse ethnic group to the biodiversity
protection and community development are often ignored, which often leads to the contradiction
between the nature reserve and community.
What’s more, because the White Horse people have no written word, they pass their traditional

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knowledge one generation by one generation from the old people. So the traditional knowledge is
faced with the problem of vanishing. More serious challenge is that 85% youngsters of the White
Horse people go out of their villages to work and live, so their nationality decrease and many
youngsters cannot even speak their own language because there is no language atmosphere out of
their own villages.
Given the danger of disappearing of the White Horse ethnic group traditional culture, it is necessary to
rescue local culture as soon as possible. Firstly, it is necessary to launch a program to systematically
study the language of White Horse. Secondly, it is required to research the traditional culture,
including traditional beliefs, material and cultural, technical and cultural, ethnic costumes and culture.
Finally, it is a must to study their ecological concept and make full use of results to facilitate the
biodiversity conservation at the Bai-Shui-Jiang Nature Reserve.

References
Ai H. , Zhou H., 2003, Deity mountain forest and its function in natural reservation in Ganigong
Mountain of Yunnan Province. Chinese Journal of Ecology. No. 22 (2); 92 -96. (In Chinese).
Gu R., Liu X., Guo H., Li S., 2006, On the cultural landscape of the settlement of the unique ethnic
groups in zang and yi corridor –a case study of Baima people. Human Geography, 21 (5) (In Chinese)
Huang Y., 2002, An Analysis of the Baima Zang People's Nationalistic Origin, Journal of Lanzhou
Univ.(Social Sciences), 30(4): 62-69.(In Chinese )
Yu D., 2006, The Value of the Traditional Knowledge and the Legal Protection, Guizhou Ethnic
Studies No.3.(In Chinese)
He P.，He J.，Wu X. 2004 The Practice of Local Knowledge. Yunnan People’s Publishing House. (In
Chinese)
Xu J., Chen L., Lv Y., 2005, harmony between nature reserves and community：Methods and
practices. Chinese Journal of Ecology，24(1):102-107. (In Chinese)
Yang D. , 2001, Research on the Tibetan Religious Belief and Customs in BaiMa Regions, N.W.
Minorities Research. No.3 (Total No.30) (In Chinese).
Zhou H., Zhao D., Lv H., 2002, Significance of Ecological Ethics of Cultural Tradition in Deity
Mountain Forests. Chinese Journal of Ecology, 21(4) : 60-64.(In Chinese)

Acknowledgements
Special thanks to WWF for their nature reserve development programme. Moreover thanks to the Bai-
Shui-Jiang Nature Reserve administration bureau for their help. And finally thanks to Dr. Wen Yali for
his suggestion

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LOCAL AGRICULTURAL BIODIVERSITY KNOWLEDGE AND

ADAPTIVE CAPACITY TO HOUSEHOLD CONSUMPTION AND
MARKET PREFERENCES IN SOUTHERN CAMEROON

William A. Mala 1,3, R. Prabhu2, C. J. Geldenhuys1 and M. C. Diaw3

1
Department of Forest and Wood Science, University of Stellenbosch, South Africa;
Email: w.mala@cgiar.org or wamala@sun.ac.za
2
International Livestock Research Institute, Nairobi, Kenya
3
Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), Central Africa Regional Office, P.O.
Box 2008 Yaoundé, Cameroon.

Introduction
Adaptive co-management is emerging as a new challenge to deal with the management of complex
system applied to natural resources (Ruittenbeck & Cartier 2001, Olsson et al. 2004, Woodley 2004).
Adaptive capacity is defined as the general ability of institutions, systems, and individuals to adjust to
potential damage, to take advantage of opportunities, or to cope with the consequences (Olsson et al.
2004, Millennium Ecosystem Assessment 2005). In the humid tropics, the agro-ecosystems resulting
from the interactions between society, agriculture and natural systems, are complex and diversified to
respond to human utilizations (Plummer & Armitage 2006.). These ecosystems include, by definition,
people and their institutions, as well as the agricultural biodiversity that they use and influence through
their diverse range of social goals and definitions of well being (Diez et al. 2003, Prabhu 2003,
Plummer & Armitage 2006). With this in mind, we asked ourselves: How does local agricultural
biodiversity knowledge respond and adapt to household consumption needs, livelihoods profile and
market preferences? This paper is located at the intersection of the understanding of local natural
management practices within this evolving context on knowledge, the concepts on which they are
based (both content and context), in one side, the emergence issue of socio-ecological resilience as a
capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and reorganize while undergoing change so as to still
retain essentially the same function, structure, identity, and feedbacks. This is particularly relevant in
the cases where the intervention or improvement of local practices in changing ecological and
economic scenarios is aimed for socio-ecological sustainability. It becomes critical to analyze how
local agricultural biodiversity knowledge responds and adapts to household consumption needs and
market preferences. In this paper, we examine the capacity of local ecological knowledge distribution
to respond and adapt both to market preferences, household consumption and sustainable
livelihoods. The hypothesis to be tested is that local agricultural biodiversity knowledge is a tool that
affects market preferences, household consumption needs and livelihoods approaches.

Methodology
The study site is the humid forest zone of Southern Cameroon, embedded in the Congo basin. The
general research approach is a multidisciplinary landscape assessment [MLA]. The MLA is built on a
set of methods that involve an explicitly multidisciplinary and collaborative process to define and
collect the most useful or decisive information with regard to environmental impacts and local people's
perspectives. The pilot study was conducted in 6 villages selected from the humid forest benchmark
of Southern Cameroon based on criteria of resource intensification use and density of population
gradient levels [low, medium and high]. More specifically: (i) 30 households have been selected
randomly including 5 per village; (ii) Multi-resource inventories have covered from 5 to 20% of the
surface of each agroforestry land uses. 5 types of agro-forestry land-uses belonging to the forest-
cropping-fallow cycles were targeted: 15 year old young secondary forests, 5 year old pre-forestry
fallows, forest farms, mix-cropping farms and cocoa farms. These inventories covered more than 183
plots; (iii) Household surveys on agricultural biodiversity knowledge have been conducted after the
multi-resources inventories to the same 30 households. SPSS/SAS and R were used for descriptive

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and explicative statistics including comparison of means, correlation-regression analysis, and multi-
criteria and multivariate analysis, and principal component analysis.

Results and Discussion

The socio-economics characteristics of research sites are made as well as the profile of respondents.
The socio-economic environment of respondents in terms of capital natural, physical, financial and
social capitals is characterized. The mapping of agricultural biodiversity knowledge in term of trees
species domesticated and crops cultivated in relation to household consumption needs and market
preferences is made. The Chi-square analysis shows that farmer’s natural and social capitals are
positively correlated to spatial distribution of agricultural biodiversity knowledge. This confirms the
central role of social capital in biodiversity conservation and management (Ruittenbeck & Cartier
2001, Prabhu 2003, Pretty & Smith 2004). The results have shown that financial capital is less
correlated to agricultural biodiversity knowledge because people with high financial capital
domesticate less trees that those with less financial capital. Moreover, the results show that
knowledge of market preferences and domestic consumption affected the agricultural biodiversity
distribution patterns in terms of number of tree domesticated each year and diversity of crops
cultivated to maintain productivity and quality yield. This confirms that every socio-ecological system
is embedded in building resilience through adaptive governance processes in order to maintain their
essential functions within spatio-temporal scales (Folke et al. 2002, Dietz et al. 2003, Folke et al.
2005, Plummer & Armitage 2006). Finally, the paper suggests taking seriously local agricultural
biodiversity knowledge as a key tool that can help to mobilize local community in order to develop
livelihood scenarios and options towards adaptive management of natural resource.

References
Dietz, T., Ostrom, E., and Stern, P. 2003. The Struggle to Govern the Commons. Science, 302(5652):
1907-1912.
Folke, C., Colding, J. and Berkes, F. 2002. Building resilience for adaptive capacity in social-
ecological systems. In: Berkes F., J. Colding, and C. Folke (eds). Navigating Social-Ecological
Systems: Building Resilience for Complexity and Change. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
UK.
Folke, C., Hahn, T., Olsson, P. and Norberg, J. 2005. Adaptive governance of social-ecological
systems. The Annual Review of Environment and Resources, 30: 441-473.
Millennium Ecosystem Assessment. 2005. MA Glossary.
http://www.millenniumassessment.org/en/index.aspx
Olsson, P., Folke, C. and Berkes, F., 2004. Adaptive co-management for building resilience in socio-
ecological systems. Environmental Management. 34: 75-90.
Plummer, R. and Armitage, D. 2006. A resilience-based framework for evaluating adaptive co-
management: Linking ecology, economy and society. Ecological Economics. Available online at:
www.elsevier.com/locate/ecolecon.
Pretty, J and Smith, D. J. 2004. Social capital in biodiversity conservation and management.
Conservation Biology 18(5), 631-638.
Ruitenbeek, J. and Cartier, C. 2001. The Invisible Wand: Adaptive Co-Management as an Emergent
Strategy in Complex Bio-economic Systems. Occasional Paper No. 34. Centre for International
Forestry Research, Bogor, Indonesia.
Walker, B., Holling, C. S., Carpenter and S. R., Kinzig, A., 2004. Resilience, adaptability and
transformability in social–ecological systems. Ecology and Society 9(2): 5.
Prabhu, R., 2003. Developing collaborative monitoring for adaptive collaborative management of
African Forests. Final Report of the period January 1, 2000-December 31, 2002. Harare, Zimbabwe:
CIFOR.

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TRADITIONAL INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE BASED

CONSERVATION AND LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES FOR
SUSTAINABLE FOREST RESOURCES MANAGEMENT IN THE
UPLANDS OF BANGLADESH
Khaled Misbahuzzaman and Chailau Marma

Institute of Forestry and Environmental Sciences, Chittagong University

Chittagong 4331, Bangladesh; Email: kmzaman_for@yahoo.com

Introduction
The Chittagong Hill Tracts in southeast Bangladesh contains most of the upland forested watersheds
of the country (Khan 1991) that support shifting cultivation subsistence farming called jhum, in 13
indigenous communities living there (Gain 2002). Over recent decades, environmental degradation in
the Chittagong Hill Tracts has accelerated due to widespread destruction of natural forest
ecosystems. Clear-felling of trees done for establishing monoculture based plantations has deprived
communities from their age-old customary rights over the forest resources (Roy 1995) and made the
hill soils difficult for traditional farming. Population growth necessitated an intensification of jhum and
other agricultural activities in the hilly landscape, which together with deforestation, caused serious
soil erosion and deterioration of water quality. Environmental degradation and gradual declines in
jhum productivity has jeopardized peoples’ livelihood. In response to the crisis, large-scale projects on
development of horticulture and other cash crops have been implemented in order to diversify their
livelihood opportunities (ADB 2001).
The conditions of the poorest strata of people have remained unchanged, however, as equitable
sharing of benefits from such projects could not be ensured (Roy 2002). Moreover, conservation of
natural forest ecosystems was neglected in those projects. Traditional jhum farming yet remains the
source of life blood for the majority of the hill people. Interestingly, in some places indigenous people
still maintain community managed forests, or mouza-bans, supported by unique traditional knowledge
systems which yet remain unrecognized by government agencies (Khisa et al. 2006). Mouza-bans
contain headwaters of streams, natural springs and other aquifers, and are large repositories of
biodiversity. Traditional jhum farming combined with activities in and around the mouza-bans or
Village Common Forests have the potential to directly contribute to sustainable community livelihood
while representing model conservation practices for sustainable natural resources management in the
region. However, pressures from the government Forest Department to include un-classed state
forests that harbor these community forests as reserved forest areas for raising plantations, as well as
pressure from other Government agencies for their conversion into rubber and other horticultural
plantations, has led to gradual decline in these forests’ size and number. The objectives of the study
were to evaluate the existing livelihood strategies of the mouza-ban communities, and to assess the
possibility of enhancing their livelihood opportunities through means that could ensure equitable
sharing of benefits from some novel projects that would not only be environmentally sound but also
culturally acceptable.

Methodology
Besides direct observation of the homesteads and common forest lands of the mouza-ban areas,
household surveys using pre-tested questionnaires were conducted. Household heads from about
100 randomly selected households in some of the mouza-ban villages of Rangamati and Banderban
districts of the Chittagong Hill Tracts were interviewed. About 40 households from neighboring villages
who were not dependent on mouza-bans were also interviewed for comparative purpose.

Results and Discussion

Livelihood strategies
The study has revealed that there is a greater community potential for conserving their resources, for
example, by making greater use of bamboos than wood thereby conserving timber species, more
judicious use of medicinal and culinary herbs and wildlife etc., and a better maintenance of the

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perennial water sources as compared to the neighboring people that do not have mouza-ban. Mouza-
ban communities earn their livelihood from a diversified range of sources such as growing rice and a
wide variety of local vegetables and horticultural crops, rearing livestock in their homesteads, and by
selling both processed and unprocessed forest products.
Conservation of watersheds
Arranged in labyrinthine networks of smaller watersheds, mouza-bans represent excellent models of
resources conservation in the deteriorating hilly landscape that ensures perennial water supply
essential for all possible livelihood activities in and around the villages. Maintenance of permanent
tree cover and undergrowth on mouza-ban forest floor ensures soil and moisture conservation. These
conservation techniques could be strategically used for implementing sustainable forest management
in the heavily degraded parts of the Chittagong Hill Tractss.
Potential for development of ecotourism and PES schemes
There were mixed reactions among the respondents about the potential of community based eco-
tourism in enhancing their livelihood opportunities though most of the educated respondents showed
no objection to the idea. More respondents in Rangamati district than those in Banderban district
expressed their interest for participating in community based eco-tourism development. In order to
protect the traditional forest related indigenous knowledge systems, the mouza-ban communities
might be considered for Payments for Environmental Services (PES) schemes by the interested local
as well as international bodies. This would not only guarantee a secure means of livelihood for the
communities but also help them maintain their indigenous techniques and practices of resource
conservation that upon being incorporated in the management plans could positively contribute
towards sustainable forest management. Respondents from Banderban district where households
represented some of the economically disadvantaged communities such as Mro, Tripura and Bawm
showed immense interest for such schemes.

References
ADB (Asian Development Bank), 2001. Chittagong Hill Tracts Region Development Plan, ADB TA No.
3328, Consultant Report (Euro consult), Rangamati, Bangladesh.
Gain, P., 2002. The last forests of Bangladesh. 2nd Edition. Society for Environment and Human
Development (SEHD), Dhaka, Bangladesh.
Khan, L. R. 1991. Watershed Management. UNDP/FAO BGD/85/011. Field Document No. 24.
Institute of Forestry, Chittagong University, Chittagong, Bangladesh.
Khisa, S. K., Shoaib, J. M., & Khan, N. A., 2006. Selected Natural Resource Conservation
Approaches and Technologies in the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh. Bangladesh Conservation
Approaches and Technologies (BANCAT), SDC-Intercooperation and Institute of Forestry and
Environmental Sciences, Chittagong University, Chittagong, Bangladesh.
Roy, R.D., 1995. Land rights, land use and indigenous people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. In: Gain,
P. (Ed.), Bangladesh: Land Forest and Forest People. Society for Environment and Human
Development (SEHD), Dhaka, Bangladesh.
Roy, R.D., 2002. Sustainable and equitable resource management in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, In:
Khan, N.A., Alam, M.K., Khisa, S.K., Millat-e-Mustafa, M. (Eds.), Farming Practices and Sustainable
Development in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Chittagong Hill Tracts Development Board (CHTDB) and
Village and Farm Forestry Project (VFFP)–Intercooperation, Chittagong.

Acknowledgements
The authors express their gratitude to the karbaris (mouza heads) and headmen (village heads) of the
villages in Rangamati and Banderban districts of Chittagong Hill Tracts for their all out support during
the fieldwork. Sincere thanks go to the respondents and other key persons who provided valuable
information for the study.

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AN ENABLING POLICY FRAMEWORK FOR HARMONIZING

TRADITIONAL FOREST-RELATED KNOWLEDGE WITH
SUSTAINABLE FOREST MANAGEMENT STANDARDS
V.P. Mohan

Sunny Villa, Nigam Vihar, Shimla. 171002, India.

Email: vpmohan1937@sify.com ; vpmohan59@hotmail.com

Introduction
Worldwide, there is a growing awareness of the environmental, economic, social and cultural
contributions of forests. One of the greatest challenges facing the forest sector at present is the need
to reconcile the needs and interests of the various stakeholders. Significantly, the concept of
sustainable forest management has influenced many new initiatives and even prompted reshaping of
existing forest policies.
Illustrating this emerging trend, this paper synthesizes key findings from a recent consultative process
of formulating a new National Forestry Policy in Mauritius (a country having similar bio-physical
conditions as in Asia and the Pacific) for the development of its forestry sector based on the scientific
principles for sustainable forest management and practicalities related to traditional knowledge.

Overview of the Forestry Sector in Mauritius

Mauritius, a small island developing state having an area of 1860 sq. km, faces various physical
constraints that are similar to other small islands. With a few exceptions, most small island states
have very limited forest resources. The forests of Mauritius are small in area but perform vital
functions, the most important of them being soil and water conservation. Where water is scarce, all
major activities like agriculture, tourism or manufacturing, are seriously affected. The environmental
functions of forests far outweigh their direct economic functions. In fact, the forests of the island are
now managed more for these functions rather than for the production of timber. Forests also play an
important role in carbon sequestration and in the conservation of biodiversity and wildlife. In addition,
it is generally recognized that forests in such islands have great ecological, social and cultural
significance
The total forest area of 56,742 ha accounts for about 31% of total land area of which 68% are natural
forests and 32% are plantations. There are only two types of forest ownership: privately owned forests
comprise 61% and State owned forests comprise 39%. There are no communal forests and no
communities are living within or are dependent on the forests. Because of the rising value of land,
private forest owners are more inclined to convert their forestlands to more profitable land use such as
ecotourism and housing development than to improve and manage them for timber production
The forestry sector includes all activities dependent on forests, trees and other woody vegetation, and
all forest based industries. The sector has numerous interactions and linkages with other sectors,
such as agriculture, water, environment, tourism and communications.
As a sector, forestry is subject to pressures coming from many directions to which it has to respond.
Events outside the sector create new possibilities for improvement, but also bring dangers that must
be avoided. Extra demands are continually being made due to people wishing to profit from forests in
some way or to enjoy recreational experiences in a natural environment. On the one hand, they can
be used to provide additional benefits of many kinds for the people, on the other, they need to be
adequately protected and developed.

Methodology and Process of Developing Policy Framework

Work on formulating a new Forest Policy under Project titled “Review and Formulation of the National
Forest Policy in Mauritius” began in October, 2004, and was completed in April, 2006. It was
undertaken by the Forestry Service under the direction of the Ministry of Agro-Industry and Fisheries.
International assistance for the formulation of the Policy was provided by the Food and Agriculture

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Organization (FAO) of the United Nations under its Technical Cooperation Programme It replaces the
previous official Forestry Policy statement enunciated way back in 1963.
Since the process of policy formulation was to serve as a “bridge” between understanding the present
status and defining a future vision, it was considered necessary to devise an analytical framework to
assess the current policy framework in relation to scientific standards for achieving sustainable forest
management (SFM). Thus an analytical frame work having 7 Criteria and 44 Indicators for (SFM) was
used for diagnostic analysis and as a check-list to classify existing policies, to facilitate debates and
consultations and to build consensus on redefined priorities.

Key Results
Based on the outcome of discussions and consultations, the revised Policy has synthesized a set of
guiding principles in order to protect and enhance the country’s natural environment, biodiversity and
national heritage, while at the same time promoting recreation and tourism. Based on these principles,
the overall goal of the National Forestry Policy is to create public awareness of the productive and
protective functions of the forests, and to ensure the conservation and sustainable management of
forests and forest ecosystems of the country for the benefit of present and future generations.
In addition, the following main forest management issues hindering progress in the forestry sector
towards sustainable forest management were identified after detailed discussions with stakeholders.
Goals, objectives and strategies have been proposed to address these issues:
1. Conservation and protection of watersheds and other environmentally sensitive areas to ensure
sustainable development, management and protection of watersheds and to increase and regulate
freshwater resources for all purposes and at all times
2. Increasing tree cover to enhance the environment and the carbon sink capacity of the forests and
to prevent further denudation of forest areas and increase the area under native tree cover
3. Degradation of native forests by invasive alien species and to reverse the process of degradation of
biodiversity through habitat restoration using in-situ and, where necessary, ex-situ conservation
techniques.
4. Deer ranching: The present practice of deer ranching can be harmful to trees and young seedlings,
if appropriate measures are not taken to protect the young trees until they reach a certain height. It is
estimated that there are about 70,000 head of deer in the country (60,000 head on private lands and
10,000 on state forestland leased to deer ranchers) occupying 25,000 ha, with an average stocking of
2.6 deer/ha. Therefore it is necessary to adjust the stocking rate of deer in state and private forests to
match the carrying capacity of each ecological area.
5. Development of inland recreation and eco-tourism business in order to diversify tourist services and
encourage restoration of natural forests and biodiversity through effective participation of all the
sectors concerned.
6. Forest destruction by recurrent cyclones, fire, insect pests and diseases and steps to be taken to
mitigate the effects of damage caused to forests by biotic and abiotic agents.
7. Conversion to forest of abandoned sugar-cane land in environmentally sensitive areas by
replanting with tree species on mountain slopes that are unsuitable for other purposes in order to
prevent land degradation and create income generating activities.
8. Land degradation: To improve the management of lands in order to restore soil fertility, improve soil
productivity for agricultural production, animal husbandry and forestry and plant suitable native tree
species and non-invasive exotics in combination with agricultural crops and high-yielding pasture
species.
9. Development of small forest-based businesses for income generation to contribute to poverty
alleviation in communities through developing small-scale forest-based businesses.
10. Improvement of the Forestry Service and to establish a highly technical, efficient and effective
public forestry administration which is capable of promoting the sustainable management of forest
resources to meet societal demands for products, forest resource conservation, recreation and
environmental services.

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Finally for implementing the National Forestry Policy, a set of following key enabling elements have
also been proposed: Sectoral planning, Investment in the sector, Intersect oral coordination,
Institutional reform, Forestry legislation, International cooperation, Sector monitoring and evaluation
As a case study, this paper aims to highlight and share experiences related to a practical example of
developing an enabling Forest Policy framework for harmonization and fine tuning of traditional
knowledge and site specific forest management practices with internationally accepted standards for
achieving sustainable forest management.

References
FAO, A Compendium on Criteria and Indicators for Sustainable Forest Management, May 2001
FAO, Forestry Outlook Study for Africa, Sub Regional Report, East Africa, 2003
FAO, Global Forest Resources Assessment Update 2005, Country Report for Republic of Mauritius,
18 November 2004.
FAO, Practical Guidelines for the Assessment, Monitoring and Reporting on National Level Criteria
and Indicators for Sustainable Forest Management in Dry Forests in Asia.
Mauritius National Development Strategy, April 2003.
Ministry of Agriculture, Food Technology and Natural Resources, 2003, A Sustained Programme for
Agricultural Diversification, A Non-Sugar Sector Strategic Plan 2003-2007.
New Economic Agenda for Mauritius, June 2001.
UNCCD Country Profile for Mauritius, 8 November 2004.
World Bank Group, Country Assistance Strategy (CAS) for Mauritius, 2004.

Acknowledgements
This paper draws mainly on the approved National Forestry Policy based on the final Draft Report by
FAO and my inputs as an International Consultant for drafting Forestry Sector Review Report in the
first Mission. I take this opportunity of expressing my gratitude to FAO for providing me an opportunity
to be associated with this innovative work. Special thanks go to The Forestry Service of Mauritius for
excellent cooperation during this assignment.

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KNOWLEDGE AND USE OF LOCAL PLANTS FROM ‘SIMPUKNG’

OR FOREST GARDENS AMONG THE DAYAK COMMUNITY
IN EAST KALIMANTAN
Elok Mulyoutami1, Ratna Rismawan2 and Laxman Joshi1
1
World Agroforestry Centre, ICRAF Southeast Asia Regional Office,
Jl. CIFOR Situgede - Sindang Barang Jero, Bogor, Indonesia
Email: E.Mulyoutami@cgiar.org, L.Joshi@cgiar.org
2
Local practitioner, Kutai Barat, East Kalimantan, Indonesia

Introduction
Natural resources, including forests, are important to the Dayak people in East Kalimantan for their
basic existence, and their life-styles are closely inter-connected with surrounding natural resources.
Land and forests are not merely used for economic purposes but also used for maintaining and
protecting local people and their culture. ‘Simpukng’ is a mixed fruit garden (or forest garden) that has
a very important value among the Dayak people. Simpukng are mostly protected and consist of both
cultivated and wild flora that provide environmental and economic benefits. The existence and
importance of local plants, especially with medicinal properties, and Dayak people’s knowledge about
these are topics of much interest. This study attempted to acquire and document local knowledge and
use of local plants from simpukng.

Methodology
The study was conducted in four remote villages (Banggris, Lambing, Dilang Puti, and Suakong) of
Kutai Barat in East Kalimantan, Indonesia in 2004. Participatory appraisal tools were used: individual
interviews, group discussions, direct observations, seasonal calendars and labor analysis. Interviews
were conducted with key informants that included both men and women.
Results and Discussion
Simpukng generally have high plant diversity although in some simpukng a few valuable species may
be dominant. The name of different simpukng systems are usually based on the most valuable plant
contained within them. Simpukng tanyut has honey trees that are highly valued for their wild honey
combs; Simpukng we or simpukng rotan have many rattan plants, simpukng nunuk have Ficus trees,
simpukng bua have many fruit trees. Simpukng can develop anywhere – in swidden fields (known as
ladang or umaq) or near settlements (as homegardens) and religious sites. Simpukng lou or lamin are
close to traditional long houses (Lou’/’Lamin); simpukng belai are close to individual houses;
simpukng lalag develop on road sides. Simpukng developed from swidden or rice field are called
simpukng umaq in which valuable fruit and timber trees are retained. Simpukng lati are specifically
designated reserve areas for construction materials for communities.
Rituals and spiritual beliefs influence simpukng management and utilization. Simpukng managed for
traditional rituals and ceremonies are called simpukng kayu yaq naan entutn where spirits are
believed to dwell. Such spiritual taboos indirectly help preserve ‘simpukng’ and other natural
resources from exploitation that may lead to degradation.
During the study 143 local valuable plants were identified, mostly belonging to families of
Anacardiaceae, Bombaceae, Dipterocarpaceae, Euphorbiaceae, Meliaceae, Moraceae, Sapindaceae,
Palmae, and Rubiaceae. Natural regeneration of local trees continues while farmers may also add
other valuable fruit trees. Plant species of commercial value are more intensively managed inside
‘simpukng’. These include rattan, some fruit trees such langsat (Lansium domesticum) and durian
(Durio zibethinus).
Simpukng are diverse fruit orchards. Wild fruits are common - such as mango, mangosteen, rambutan
and several species of durian [layung (Durio dulcis), kalaakng (D. zibethinus) and yellow durian or laai
(D. kutejensis)]. Mango species include ncapm wanyi (Mangifera caesia), kuini (M. odorata), and
ncapm lagatn (M. foetida). Rambutan (Nephelium lappaceum), lempukat (N. cuspidatum), semayap

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(N. mutabile), ridatn (N. mainganyi), nakaatn (Artocarpus integer) and cempedak (A. champeden)
also exist.
Young and tender parts of many species (topmost, shoot, sprout, leaves, root, flower and unripe
fruits) are considered good for consumption. Immature fruits of kalaakng and nakaatn are good for
making soup, young sprouts of bamboo (Gigantochloa hasskarliana) and rattan (Plectocomiopsos
geminiflora and Daemonorops), flower of banana (Musa sp.), young fronds of fern (Cyathea
contaminans), shoots of Cyperus bancanus are also important. Male flower stalks of saraap (Arenga
pinnata) are used to make brown sugar; young shoots are used in cooking; and leaves are used as
cigarette wrappers. Candle nut (Aleurites moluccana) and ginger (Zingiber officinale) are used for
seasoning. Bengkuukng leaves (M. gigantea) and keranyii (Fordia sp) leaves are used in grilling fish
and meat. Honey and bee wax are harvested from honey trees [such as banggeris (Kompassia
malaccensis), puti (K. exelsa), lomuq (Canarium pseudo-decumanum), kapur (Dryobalanops
lanceolata), bengkirai (Shorea laevis) and bilaas (Ficus albifila)] which are believed to be sacred,
hence these are prohibited from felling.
Simpukng are also an important source of fuel wood. Local people usually gather dead wood of trees
and shrubs and litter remains from cleaning operations in umaq and simpukng. Species like kelepapa
(Vitex pinnata), emplam (M. indica), kuini, langsat, bukuq (Dimocarpus longan), and deraya
(Horsfieldia grandis) are preferred for their high calorific value and less toxic smoke. Floor mat or
lampit are made from rattans, we sega (Calamus caesius) and we seletup (C. optimus); anjat or
berangka’(all-purpose basket) are made from rattan cane we sega and we jahap (C. trachycoleus).
Coffins are made of wood from a range of species that grow to a large size and retain the smell of the
corpse inside. Ulin (ironwood) or teluyatn (Eusideroxylon zwageri), kapur and sungkai (Peronema
canescens) are highly valued for furniture.
Many types of sap, roots, leaves, young shoots, flowers or barks from many plant species are used in
traditional medicines. There are customary rules in harvesting medicinal plants. Knowledge about
local medicinal plants is not widely known by common Dayak people; only traditional healers in
villages hold such knowledge. People are concerned that shared knowledge can lead to misuse. Such
knowledge may be shared upon payment of temaai that may include money, cloth, rice and knife. The
value of temaai varies with the value of medicinal function. Temaai is believed to be essential for
retaining medicinal properties of such plants.
Tuba (Deris elliptica), sinak, temelekaar (Coptosapelta flavescens), lemposu (Baccaurea lamponga)
and merlipas (Prunus javanica) are plants with insect repellent or insecticidal properties. Siratn
(Antiaris toxicaria) poison is used in small dart of blowguns for hunting animals. Special plants are
also used in traditional ritual ceremonies such belian (ritual for healing person) and kwangkai
(traditional burial ceremony) many other ceremonies throughout the year.
Rattan is the most important marketed commodity from simpukng. Wild rattan is getting rarer; most
rattan comes from planted rattan inside simpukng rotan. Rattan is an economic crop both at
household and village levels. Generally women are involved in the rattan trade and also in collection,
drying, bundling, sanding, and splitting of canes. Some species of rattan are also used as food,
medicine, tools and in Dayak rituals.
It is apparent that local people have knowledge about a range of different plant species in their
simpukng or forest gardens. The role of women in seed selection and propagation is crucial for
simpukng development and diversity conservation, especially where simpukng are close to settlement
areas. Women demonstrated more knowledge about local medicinal and other valuable plants and
they clearly performed a wider range tasks compared to men.
During interviews, farmers were somewhat reluctant to give information, particularly about medicinal
plants. Some big logging and mining companies have entered the area to clear forests, including
simpukng, without local consent. Conflicts, often violent, have occurred in the past. These companies
are perceived to be negligent to the role and rights of the Dayak people over the land.
Local communities believe that the potent of the medicinal plants will be reduced if they expose their
knowledge to foreigners. Perhaps the issue is more about the intellectual property rights as Dayak
communities believe that foreigners ‘steal’ their knowledge and later use and disseminate without
recognition of the Dayak people. Misuse of local knowledge about medicinal plants by multi-national
pharmaceutical companies was often cited during the study. There is a need for an appropriate
mechanism to protect local knowledge from external exploitation through genuine recognition and
regulation; with the possibility economic benefits to the Dayak communities (Sirait et al 2005). The

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government, NGOs and other stakeholder companies should support the development and
implementation of property right rules and regulations. Reward or compensatory schemes can and
should be developed that can address the issue and ensure a fair and reasonable share of benefits
arising from local knowledge of the Dayak communities.
Biodiversity degradation is a major issue related in simpukng, often influenced by deforestation, land
degradation and other socio-cultural factors. Greater investments should be made in order to capture
all of the values created by diversity within evolutionary system (King and Pablo 1999). Maintaining
existing systems with in-situ conservation values need to be prioritized to rehabilitation of degraded
land by the government. Conservation practices that recognize and value biodiversity and role of
indigenous systems and innovations must be promoted. This implies that conservation efforts should
not be merely targeted to preserve plants and animals, but also the people, their knowledge, beliefs
and traditions that are so closely inter-twined. Only then a truly sustainable and equitable system can
emerge. However, currently there is no external appreciation of the local farmers' role in the
management and biodiversity conservation. Appropriate reward or payment for environmental
services (PES) mechanism is suggested as feasible way to save the simpukng in East Kalimantan
and preserve their both environmental and production functions.

References
King A.B & Pablo B.E. 1999. Intellectual property rights and agricultural biodiversity: Literature
addressing the suitability of IPR for the protection of indigenous resources. Agriculture and Human
Values 16: 41-49. Kluwer Academic Publishers. Netherlands.
Sirait M.T., Bulor D., Sofyar Y., Anugrah D., Rismawan R. & Suryadin D. 2005. Refleksi
pengembangan metodologi identifikasi masyarakat adat dan wilayah adat secara partisipatif di
kabupaten Kutai Barat, Kalimantan Timur. In: Tanah Masih Di Langit, penyelesaian Masalah
Penguasaan Tanah dan Kekayaan Alam di Indonesia yang Tak Kunjung Tuntas di Era Reformasi.
Yayasan Kemala: Jakarta, Indonesia. p. 675-698.

Acknowledgements
We offer our thanks to the Benuaq and Bentian Dayaks community in Kutai Barat, East Kalimantan,
Indonesia for their support and hospitality. We also appreciate the help of the local government and
SHK Kaltim (a local NGO) during the study. The field work was carried out under an IFAD funded
project.

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THE ECONOMIC VALUE OF INDIGENOUS ENVIRONMENTAL

KNOWLEDGE IN ENSURING SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOOD NEEDS
AND PROTECTING LOCAL ECOLOGICAL SERVICES: A CASE
STUDY OF NAGARHOLE NATIONAL PARK, INDIA
C. Nanjundaiah

Center for Economic Studies and Policy

Institute for Social and Economic Change (ISEC)
Nagarabhavi PO, Bangalore - 560 072, India
Email: nanjundaiah@isec.ac.in

Introduction
The concept of ecosystem services has been considered as an important instrument for understanding
the economic and ecological values of ecosystems in sustaining human wellbeing (Costanza 1998).
Biodiversity conservation by the indigenous communities with the application of their ancient
indigenous environmental knowledge (IEK) has proved to be successful not only in generating local
ecological services but also continuous supply of minor forest produce for meeting livelihood needs
(WRI 2002). However, scientific forest and wildlife management practitioners have put forth some
reservations about the role of IEK in conserving biodiversity vis-à-vis local ecological services (Gadgil
2007). In this paradox, an unfulfilled task is alleviation of poverty and protection of biodiversity in an
apt and equitable framework of Sustainable Development (SD) and Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs).
Against this backdrop, a study has been carried out in one of the rich biodiversity hotspots of India viz.,
the Western Ghats in general and the Nagarhole National Park (NNP) in particular, in order to
investigate the complex IEK–biodiversity–ecosystem service interface. The study aims to assess the
economic and ecological values of IEK held by these indigenous communities. The study also
investigates the extent of dependence and utilization of IEK in ensuring sustainable livelihoods and
protecting local ecological services. There are 54 tribal settlements in the NNP, comprising interior
landless laborers and periphery agriculturists. A total number of 175 households were selected (100
‘inside national park’ (INP) households from within and 75 ‘outside national park’ (ONP) households
from the periphery of the NNP) using stratified random sampling method for the study. Various
descriptive and tabular statistics such as frequency distribution, percentages and standard deviation,
and chi square tests, were used to analyze the data collected.

Economic and Ecological Values of IEK

The study shows that forests are intricately connected to the livelihood of the indigenous communities
of NNP. Forests provide direct values in the form of timber and non-timber forest products and offer a
host of indirect values, option values, bequest values and existence values, which accrue to
communities in the form of moderating climate, enriching soil fertility and maintaining nutrient balance,
regulating water recharge, storm protection which are commonly called as local ecological services.
The estimation of these values placed by indigenous communities on forests and economic valuation
of forests and their environmental services has been critically hindered by a gap in knowledge and
data. Despite indigenous communities’ economics of ecological services protection has rendered
sustainable livelihoods, appropriate estimation of these benefits is still very weak. However, an
assessment and documentation of IEK of key resource users including spatial extent of resources,
characteristics of ecological resource base and its carrying capacity is imperative for the success of
devolution policy (Ostrom 1990).
IEK held by the indigenous communities in NNP has been extremely effective in terms of identifying
and seasonal harvesting of the various NTFPs. It also helps in value-adding processing of NTFPs that
ensures reasonable and steady income to the communities. IEK has largely facilitated forest dwellers
to eke out their livelihood, protect their nutrition and health and manage their habitats. Households

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depend more on the NTPFs in NNP for consumptive and non-consumptive uses. NTFPs generate
more than half of the total employment and also contribute to half of the households’ total annual
income (both within and outside the national park). Forests are in great need for maintaining
livelihoods on a sustainable basis in the event of natural calamities and also in the absence of
government welfare programmes in the study area. The collection of timber and NTFPs fetches the
largest composition of incomes compared to other sources of incomes to both the INP and ONP
households. It can also be observed from interpretation of the co-efficient of variation analysis that
income generated from the collection of forest products is more stable compared to plantation,
agriculture and allied activities with a variability of 18.85 per cent and 47.18 per cent in INP and ONP
settlements respectively. This clearly indicates that collection of forest products continues to play a
pivotal role in the tribal economy by contributing substantial and also sustainable incomes to forest
dwellers (see Table 1).

Table 1. Economic Value Accruing to Indigenous Community from NNP

Economic Sources of Inside National Park (INP) Outside National Park (ONP)
Livelihood Annual S.D. 1 C.V. 2 Annual S.D. C.V.
Income (%) Income (%)
(US$) (US$)
Collection of Timber 342.14 2710.10 18.85 319.65 6335.17 47.18
and NTFPs (54.02) (46.45)
Agriculture and allied 22.56 1765.18 186.24 80.40 3335.38 98.77
activities (3.56) (11.68)
Forest Department 87.67 3799.14 103.16 56.34 1548.66 65.44
work (13.84) (8.18)
Plantation work 143.46 4475.41 74.27 173.14 4016.27 55.22
(22.65) (25.16)
Others* 37.51 1745.98 110.81 58.58 2279.46 92.64
(5.92) (8.51)
Total income from all 633.34 1219.22 42.05 688.11 1845.88 52.69
sources (100.00) (100.00)
Notes: 1 S.D.= Standard Deviation. 2 C.V.= Coefficient of Variation (%); * Self employment
(Figures in parentheses signify percentages to the total)

Indigenous communities, across the socio-economic status, 146 households out of the total 175
sample households have assigned first rank by perceiving forests as an important source of direct
value for meeting their livelihood needs. The second most important value of forests is the indirect
value viz., environmental role of forests, to which 83 households out of 110 responded, assigned the
second rank. Of the 105 households responded, 77 households have assigned third rank to the issue
of forests as being essential to agricultural production and medicinal plants. The fourth important
issue, forest as the store of existence, cultural and religious values, has been assigned fourth rank by
63 households out of 93 households responded. It is observed from the value assignment that
indigenous communities are clearly aware of the direct and indirect values of forests in achieving
sustainable development.
Local ecological conditions, such as biodiversity, soil, rainfall, temperature and humidity, determine
continuous evolution of concrete knowledge that is construed as imperative for resource conservation
and management. The study shows that about 89 percent of sample households depend on IEK for
identifying various timber and NTFPs for their consumptive and economic utilization. Majority of the
farmers living in the periphery of NNP (86 per cent) make use of IEK for organic manure application
and balancing nutrients of soil. Agricultural productivity of main crop - paddy, is 14 per cent higher per
hectare than inorganic manure based farmlands in the neighborhood areas. Medicinal plants and
herbs are the basic source of healthcare needs and nutrition requirements for 87 per cent of the
sample households and they collect 36 different medicinal plants and herbs for consumptive and
commercial use. An Ayurvedic healer of the NNP has been bestowed a state award recently for her
effective treatments of many fatal diseases. Indigenous communities have identified nine humid
breeze-producing trees that sequester and filter pollution thereby lowers the local temperature.

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Streams are the lifelines supplying drinking water and irrigating agricultural fields; and invariably
communities have applied their IEK for regulating water recharge and enhancing watershed functions.
IEK practitioners have adhered to the principles of carrying capacity of biodiversity thereby consciously
restricting harvests of endangered flora and fauna contributing to resource regeneration and
conservation. Indigenous communities perceive that IEK practices are appropriate and economically
beneficial for 87 per cent of households and ecologically sound for 69 per cent of households towards
conserving local ecological services. The study has revealed statistically significant and positive
relation between IEK and protection of local ecological services and conserving biodiversity, medicinal
plants and wildlife in the NNP.

Does Devolution Policy Recognize IEK in Protected Area Management?

Despite the fact that IEK is increasingly gaining attentions in recent years among academic and policy
circles in respect of financial payment and rewards for protecting local ecosystem services such as
biodiversity conservation, conversely, little progress has been made in practice. Joint Protected Area
Management is a distant dream for indigenous communities although economic and ecological values
of their IEK are highly valuable for conservation and management of NNP. Devolution policies such as
Extension of Provisions of Panchayati Raj to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act 1996, the Biological
Diversity Act 2002 and the recently passed Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers
(Recognition of Forest Rights) Act (TFRA) 2006, , have made little progress in achieving inclusive,
transparent and participatory biodiversity management. Traditional commands, and controlled polices
of Wildlife (Protection) Act 1972, are still continue to influence protected area management which
hardly recognizes the importance of IEK in sustainable management of forest biodiversity.

References
Costanza, R. 1998. The value of ecosystem services. Ecological Economics, 25: 1-2.
Gadgil, M. 2007. Empowering Gramsabhas to Manage Biodiversity: The Science Agenda. Economic
and Political Weekly, 17: 2067-2071.
Ostrom, E. 1990. Governing the Commons: The evolution of institutions for collective actions.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
World Resource Institute 2002. World Resources - People and Ecosystems, 2000-2001: A Guide to
the Global Environment. Oxford University Press, New York.

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CONTEMPORARY AND TRADITIONAL CONCEPTS OF SPATIAL

UNITS IN KOREAN MOUNTAINOUS LANDSCAPE:
UNDERSTANDING OF LANDSCAPE AND MEMORY, GIS DATA, AND
COMMUNITY FORESTS (MAEULSOOP – THE KOREAN VILLAGE
GROVES)

Jeong-Hak OH, *Jino KWON and Joon-Hwan SHIN

Korea Forest Research Institute, Division of Forest Ecology,

207, Cheongyangni 2-dong, Dongdaemun-gu, Seoul, 130-712, Korea.
*Email: alp96jk@foa.go.kr

Introduction
The Korean landscape is a mountain-based one which covers 70% of Korea’s land. Most of the
mountains in South Korea have been reforested since the middle of the 20th century. Traditional
ecological approaches consider the Korean peninsula as a topography-based structure that has been
described as follows: ‘The Korean land is not flat, it is fluctuating. Therefore, shape of the surrounding
mountains is a key factor to understand Korean nature’ by (Ch'oe 1994). The major landscape
changes during last half of the century due to the Korean War and rapid urbanization have altered the
traditional character of Korea’s landscape. Building on the traditional topography-based concept
toward nature (Shin 2004), it is now necessary to reconsider the traditional ecological approaches to
improve the landscape for the future.

Methodology & Hypotheses

Identification of spatial units from landscape and memory
The spatial concepts of Korean landscape patterns was tested in 2002 (Kwon 2002), and nine
prototype landscape units have been defined both using GIS tools and people’s memory of Korean
landscape since 2002. Aerial photographs, DEM and ArcScene with a modified AML were applied to
classify the nine landscape types. The key questions for this study were: Could the prototypes be
classified by DEM? How big are they? Could they be useful as models which contains various
ecological data of Korean landscape?
The study hypotheses considered: (1) whether or not land-use patterns, forest types and habitats of
wildlife could be influenced by topography-based structure, because people use the land based on a
traditional landscape concept; and (2) whether the nine types of spatial units could represents Korean
mountainous landscape. For example, some types are strongly related to farming in history and
topographical elements which could cause regional micro-climate differences.

Results & Discussion

Prime spatial units & traditional forests and landscape
The nine types were summarized as follows in previous research (Kwon 2002): Cultivated, Basin,
Basin Holy, Corridor Cultivated, Cul-de-sac Holy, Crescent Valley, Enclosed Cultivation, Large Scale-
Open Cultivation, Mountainous Settlement and Landmark Landscape. These can be categorized into
four groups: Basin type, Valley type, Folding-screen type, and Landmark. The results of classification
using GIS tools indicated that the three types of landscape which are the most readily identified are
Corridor Cultivated, Cul-de-sac Holy and Enclosed Cultivation Landscape.
According to the test-run results for a national park area (Mt. Jiri), the spatial unit types included Cul-
de-sac Holy and Enclosed Cultivation landscape. Locations and shapes of Korean traditional village
groves (Maeulsoops) have different characters based on the nine types. Based on the spatial units,
the major distinguishing features of Maeulsoops are: partition by array, locations of hills for encircling
or exposure, locations relative to corridors and waterways, locations of the community they serve, and
the conservation of energy.

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Figure 1. Spatial Units Map for the Mt. Jiri

Figure 2. Process of spatial analysis for a location of the Maeulsoop in a unit

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References
Ch'oe, C-J. 1994. HAN'GUK ŬI P'UNGSU SASANG (A Conception of the Korean “P'UNGSU”- in
Korean). Minumsa, Seoul.
Kwon, J., 2002. Sense of place – A concept of Korean prototype landscape with reference to a new
policy of urban fringe forest. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis of Department of Landscape. The university of
Sheffield. UK, pp. 174-186.
Shin, J-H., 2004. The formation of the traditional concept in Korean mountainous landscape and
reconsideration for future: based on BDMS (Baekdu Daegan Mountain System). In: Lee, D-W. (Eds.),
Korean Traditional Ecology. Science books Ltd, Seoul, pp. 104-135.

Acknowledgements
The nine prototype landscapes for the study hypothesis were developed from the Ph.D. thesis of
Kwon (2002) with financial support of Overseas Research Students Awards Scheme from the
Committee of Vice-Chancellors and Principals of UK. Ongoing research for the contemporary and
traditional concepts of spatial units in the Korean mountainous landscape have been carried out as a
research project at KFRI since 2003.

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BEYOND THE TRADITIONAL-SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE DIVIDE:

MULTI-ACTOR KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS AND DELIBERATIVE
INTERFACE IN NATURAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT IN NEPAL

Hemant Ojha1, Ram Chhetri2 and Netra Timsina1

1
ForestAction Nepal, P O Box 12207, Kathmandu, Nepal;
Email: hojha@wlink.com.np
2
Central Department of Sociology/Anthropology, Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu, Nepal.

Introduction
Despite a recent upsurge of participatory innovations in development actions (Chambers 1997) and
natural resource management, there is a continuing concern over limited real achievement in terms of
local livelihoods outcomes, economic contributions and natural resource sustainability (Cook &
Kothari 2001, Edmunds & Wollenberg 2002, Colfer & Capistrano 2005). In many situations, collective
processes of institutions and policy fail to address the opportunities to optimize individual and
collective benefits from natural resource governance practices. One of the consequences of such
failure is that a vast majority of the world’s poor who continue to live at the interface between land,
forest and water, often have limited access to such vital resources (Scherr et al. 2004, Sunderlin et al.
2005). This reality, to a significant degree, is related to how and to what extent diverse groups of
social agents, often with different and competing systems of knowledge, deliberate over decisions and
practices of natural resource governance.
In recent years, knowledge systems have become central areas of concern for researchers, policy
makers, development activists and practitioners striving for improving natural resource governance
(Blaikie et al. 1997, Sillitoe 2006). Despite such concerns, there is still a lack of consensus on basic
issues such as how and where knowledge is produced, disseminated, and applied in natural resource
management practices. Given the ongoing debate on such questions, we drew upon critical,
theoretical insights of Bourdier and Habermas and undertook an empirical research to understand
knowledge systems in natural resource governance in Nepal. The overarching research questions
included:– how diverse knowledge systems mediate the outcomes of equity, efficiency and
sustainability in natural resource management; how different actor’s knowledge systems emerge in
relation to the practices of governance, and when and how various types of actors engage in
deliberative interfaces. We combined Bourdieu’s cultural theory of action (Bourdieu 1977, Bourdieu
1984) and Habermasian perspective of deliberative politics (Habermas 1996) in the analysis of
empirical information generated by the study..

Methodology
We investigated knowledge systems at three different levels (local, sub-national, and national), in
three different sectors (forest, agriculture, irrigation), across four categories of institutions
(government, donors, civil society and local communities). At the local level, emphasis was to
understand how community groups, households, and individuals who belong to different wealth
categories, gender and ethnicity engage in, and benefit from, managing knowledge. In doing this, four
Forest User Groups (FUGs) and two Water User Groups (WUGs) were selected at the local level to
represent three distinct ecological zones - Tarai, Middle Hills and Mountains of Nepal. At sub-national
level, contribution of Federation of Community Forestry Users, Nepal (FECOFUN) in relation to
democratizing power and knowledge dynamics has been examined while at the national level, Nepal
Agricultural Research Council and the case of community forestry inventory policy were investigated.

Findings
Our research challenges the dichotomy of traditional versus scientific knowledge in natural resource
governance, and proposes to identify different systems of knowledge based on the cultural-political
standings of the social actors in relation to the practice of governance. We found that change in
governance hinges centrally around how these diverse systems of knowledge come into deliberative

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interface and to what extent power imbalance among social actors continue to constrain the
processes of deliberation. In the context of Nepal, four key categories of social agents corresponding
to their relatively distinct systems of knowledge are identifiable – techno-bureaucrats, civil society
groups, politicians and development agencies. Box 1 summarizes the key findings of our study.

Box 1. Issues in Relation to Enhancing Deliberation among Diverse Knowledge Systems

• Differences in power, prestige and status among social agents create advantages for
some and disadvantages to other knowledge systems.
• Bureaucratic organizations/agents demonstrate significant institutional rigidity to
deliberate with citizens in exploring policies and practices of governance.
• Theoretical, generic and reductionist approach of technical specialists do not always go
together with the practical, context-specific and problem-oriented perspective of
resource user groups.
• There are limited communication and weak information sharing mechanisms.
• There is a monopoly of public institution in production of knowledge.
• There is inadequate recognition of non-governmental research and innovation
systems.
• There exist non-transparent alliances of knowledge elites suppressing open
deliberation.
• Practices on monitoring, reflections and sharing within and between diverse groups of
social agents are limited.
• Rhetorical instruments of participatory approach are often been used to legitimise non-
deliberative processes.

The six case studies suggest a number of emerging innovations in the deliberative interface, such as
emergence of a federation of civil society groups, participatory mechanisms through which technical
specialists and natural resources users work together in undertaking research and devising policies,
emergence of critical and reflective intellectual practitioners and civil society activists working to
bridge technical and civil society knowledge. Likewise, we have also identified persistent constraints
to deliberative knowledge interface, primarily as a result of unequal distribution of knowledge
resources in the society.

References
Blaikie, P., Brown, K., Stocking, M., Tang, L., Dixon, P., and Sillitoe, P., 1997. Knowledge in action:
Local knowledge as a development resource and barriers to its incorporation in natural resource
research and development. Agricultural Systems 55(2): 217-237.
Bourdieu, P., 1977. Outline of a theory of practice. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,.
Bourdieu, P., 1984. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Harvard University
Press, Cambridge, MA, USA.
Chambers, R., 1997. Whose Reality Counts? Putting the Last First. Intermediate Technology, London.
Colfer, C. J. P., 2005. The Complex Forest - Communities, Uncertainty and Adaptive Collaborative
Management. RFF and CIFOR,Washington and Bogor:.
Colfer, C. J. P. and Capistrano, D., (eds.), 2005. The Politics of Decentralization - Forests, Power and
People. London and Sterling: EARTHSCAN.
Cook, B. and Kothari, U., (2001). The Case for Participation as Tyranny. In: B. Cook and U. Kothari
(eds.), Participation: The New Tyranny. London and New York: Zed. Pp. 1-15.
Edmunds, D. and Wollenberg, E., 2002. Disadvantaged Groups in Multistakeholder Negotiations.
CIFOR, Indonesia.
Habermas, J., 1996. Between Facts and Norms - Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and
Democracy. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, USA.
Scherr, S. J., White, A. and Kaimowitz, D., 2004. A New Agenda for Forest Conservation and Poverty
Reduction. Washington D. C., Forest Trends, CIFOR and IUCN.

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Sillitoe, P. (ed.). 2006. Local versus Global Science: Approaches to Indigenous Knowledge in
International Development. Berghahn Books, Oxford and New York.
Sunderlin, W. D., Angelsen, A., Belcher, B., Burgers, P., Nasi, R., Santoso, L., and Wunder, S.
2005. Livelihoods, forests, and conservation in developing countries: An Overview. World
Development. 33(9): 1383

Acknowledgements
The study was made possible because of IDRC’s global competition based grants under the program
called Research on Knowledge System. The detailed findings of the research are available in a book
entitled Knowledge Systems and Natural Resources: Institutions, Policy and Management in Nepal

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STRATEGIES FOR CONSERVATION OF SACRED FORESTS OF

KOLLI HILLS, TAMIL NADU, INDIA: A STUDY ON BOTANY,
ECOLOGY AND COMMUNITY INTERACTIONS

E.D.Israel Oliver King

M.S.Swaminathan Research Foundation,

III Cross Road, Institutional Area, Taramani, Chennai. 600 113, India.
Email: mssrfnam@sancharnet.in, ediok151173@gmail.com

Introduction
People have always lived in close association with nature and continue to depend on natural
resources for major needs such as food, shelter and medicine. This association and dependence have
led humans to treat plants, animals, rivers and mountains as integral part of their cultural life. Many
such components of nature have become objects of reverence and veneration. Various mechanisms
for natural resource management and conservation strategies based on people’s belief and traditional
wisdom had evolved over the centuries.
India is ranked as one of the 12 mega diversity rich countries of the world, and is a signatory to the
Convention on Biological Diversity (1994). In this regard, numerous efforts have been made by the
Government of India to sustain and conserve biodiversity. Conservation efforts through public funds
can broadly be classified into two groups: in situ conservation pursued through National Parks,
Protected Areas, Biosphere Reserves and World Heritage Sites, and ex situ conservation pursued
through Botanical and Zoological Gardens and Gene Banks. While the above are widely recognized
efforts, conservation in the public domain – Community Conservation or in situ conservation by rural
and tribal women and men remain largely unrecognized and un-rewarded (Swaminathan 2000).
Sacred groves are part of a landscape, often a forested ecosystem, with well defined geographical
features, delimited and protected by traditional societies for cultural and religious reasons
(Ramakrishnan et al. 1998). These groves are protected through customary taboos and sanctions,
with significant cultural and ecological implications; the protecting institution may be the priest, a
temple trust, or the community as a whole (Gokhale 2001). Protection was reinforced by recognizing
them as the focal point for varied levels of social interaction (Ramakrishnan et al. 1998). Traditional
belief and value systems supporting sustainable management of natural resources and their
conservation have disintegrated in the last few decades, thanks to modern developments that has
gradually led to control and manipulation of the natural resources in the Sacred Forests.

Setting
Kolli Hills is located in the extreme eastern part of the Namakkal district. It falls within the following
coordinates, Longitude: 78˚17’05’’E to 78˚27’45’’E and Latitude: 11˚55’05’’N to 11˚21’10’’N. The total
block area is 441.41 sq.km. The altitude of the hill ranges from 180 m at the foothill to 1415 m at the
plateau. The hill range stretches 29 km from north to south and 19 km from east to west. Kolli Hills
has an area of 28 293 ha. Human habitation is spread out into 247 hamlets.
The inhabitants of Kolli Hills are known as Malayali. They constitute more than 98% of the total
population (33 888) of Kolli Hills, living in 6840 households as per the 1991 census of which the tribal
families constitutes about 6613. History of Malayalis shows that they are the principal inhabitants of
the Talaghat Hills, their chief settlements being Shervaroys, Kalrayans, Chitteris, Kollimalais and the
Pachamalais. They originally belonged to the Vellala caste of cultivators and have migrated from
Kancheepuram to the hills when the Muhammadan rule was dominant in South India (Thurston 1909).
The invasion and the settlement of Malayalis is a crucial point in the ecological history of Kolli Hills.
Malayalis brought agriculture to Kolli Hills, which led to periodic manipulation with partial domestication
of resources. During the process of their settlement these Malayali tribal people have left a patch of

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forest nearby their settlement for veneration of their gods, goddesses and ancestors. These relicts of
the past vegetation are known as Sami Sholai in Kolli Hills.

Sacred Forests (SFs) in Kolli Hills

These Sacred Forests (Sami Sholai) are found in the midst of varying agro ecosystems, forest
boundaries on hilltops and slopes, distributed across the geographical area of Kolli Hills. SFs size
ranges from 1–5 ha. During the field survey, around 240 sacred groves have been recorded. Of these,
according to the people, 80% of the SFs had a lush forest cover earlier and now becoming just merely
a sacred place. Due to the changing social conditions, the size and structure of the SFs are being
altered. Ancestors, Mother Goddesses and Sancritized God (Peruman) worship are more prevalent in
SFs of Kolli Hills. Many of the SFs are managed by individual family, traditional panchayat in Patta
land as well as in Poromboke land as common property. Some of them are found in the territory of
reserve forests. SFs of Kolli hills harbor several rare and endangered species of Eastern Ghats of
India. Rare species like Myrstica dactyloides Gaertner, Persea macrantha (Nees) Kostern, Philicium
decipens, Canarium strictum Roxb, Alseodaphne semecarpifolia Nees, Ammora rohituka (Roxb.)
Wight & Arn, Agalaya eloignoides var courtalensis, Elaeocarpus serratus L, Lannea coromandalica,
Michelia champaca L, Tooona ciliata M.Roemer are found in the SFs. These relict forest patches have
been conserved by Malayali tribal community through their traditional forest related knowledge (TFRK)
and control mechanism by evolving several taboos and regulations that are described in this paper.
These relict wild patches are the repository of several medicinal plants and source of non-timber forest
produce for the community. They serve as perennial source of water for nearby agricultural farmlands.
These SFs are the place for community gathering during festivals. Although several taboos and
believe systems of the people protected these remnant forests, these groves are facing threats now.
The survival of the existing SF patches has becoming questionable due to various factors (Box1).

Box 1: Threats to the Sacred Forests in Kolli Hills

o Encroachment of SFs due to Commercial agricultural crops like tapioca

o Introduction of economically important plants such as Coffea arabica,
Elettaria cordamomum, Piper nigrum, Ananas cosmosus in certain SFs
o Invasion of alien weeds such as Lantana camera, Parthenium hysterophorus), which replaces
native plants
o Natural death of old lofty trees vis-a-vis poor regeneration of wild saplings
o Removal of weeds along with wild saplings of native trees during festival time
o Mass worship and raising interest towards constructing a temple in place of a deity
o Dilution of traditional belief systems due to formal education and increasing economic status
o Declining interest in protecting plants and erosion of Traditional Forest
Related Knowledge among younger generation.

There are several stakeholders that are interacting with the SFs directly or indirectly for various
reasons. This paper classifies the actors who are the responsible for existence and as well as rapid
changes in the status of SFs in the Kolli Hills. The current trend shows that a participatory
conservation approach is essential for conservation and sustainable management of SFs in Kolli Hills.
Though the study shows that the SFs in Kolli Hills are degrading rapidly, they still represent the only
patches of vegetated areas in the highly altered landscape of the hill top plateau. These relict patches,
according to the present study, harbor several native tree species, some of them are threatened.
These relict SFs play a key role in maintaining the soil health and serve as watersheds. They are the
only patches of diversity located in large stretches of monocrop fields. Hence, conserving these SFs is
essential and requires urgent attention. However, the traditional institution that evolved and managed

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the SFs has considerably weakened along with the traditional conservational values. There is a
necessity to engage new community institutions to conserve the SFs.

Strategies for Sustainable Management of Sacred Forests in Kolli Hills

A Suggested Approach for Conservation (After E.D. Israel Oliver King 2005)

Documenting biodiversity and its uses

Survey, Mapping, for community, Creation of People’s
and Documentation Biodiversity Register (PBR) for SFs
with the support of community

Administrative and Panchayat Level SF Conservation

Social Mobilization Committee Involving Elected Panchayat
leaders, Traditional Panchayat leaders,
Priests and Local Youth

Constitution of SF Conservation
Group formation for Committee (SFCC) involving
Conservation Representatives of all Stakeholders
(Site Specific)

Training and Seed collection, Nursery

capacity building for development, Planting, Maintenance,
Species assessment, Non destructive
conservation
NWFP collection

¾ Boundary Demarcation, Fencing

(Physical and Social)
¾ Implementing Insitu and Exsitu
Conservation and Conservation strategies
Management ¾ Linking with appropriate National and
International Academic and Research
Institutions as well as Non
Governmental Organizations
¾ Evolving and implementing
appropriate policies

Monitoring and Sustainable

Management of SFs by
Local Community with
expertise of SFC Committee

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Acknowledgements
Author is grateful to Prof. M.S. Swaminathan, Chairman, M.S. Swaminathan Research Foundation for
his keen interest and constant encouragement in the field of research on Sacred Forests. This work in
Kolli Hills has been financially supported by the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation
(SDC) and their contributions are gratefully acknowledged.

References
Gokhale, Y. 2001. Management of Kans in the Western Ghats of Karnataka. In K. N. Ganeshaiah, R.
U. Shaanker and K. S. Bawa (Eds.) Tropical Ecosystems: Structure, Diversity and Human Welfare.
Proceedings of the International Conference Tropical Ecosystems. Oxford-IBH, New Delhi. pp. 570-
577.
Israel Oliver King, E.D. 2005. Sacred Forests of Kolli Hills, Tamil Nadu, India: A study on Botany,
Ecology and Community Interactions. Unpublished Ph.D Thesis submitted to University of Madras.
Ramakrishnan, P.S., Saxena, K.G. and Chandrashekara, U.M. (eds.), 1998 Conserving the Sacred
For Biodiversity Management. Oxford and IBH Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi.
Swaminathan, M.S. 2000. Government – Industry - Civil Society: Partnerships in integral gene
management Volvo Environment Prize 1999. Ambio, 115-121.
Thurston, E. 1909. Castes and Tribes of South India, Vol IV. Madras.

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THE PROTECTION OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE FROM

COMMERCIAL EXPLOITATION AND INCOME GENERATION IN THE
WESTERN GHATS, SOUTH INDIA

Paimpillil Sebastian Joseph and K. Shadanan Nair

Center for Earth Research and Environment Management, K.K. Road, Cochin 17, India,
682017; Email: jpaimpillil@gmail.com

Introduction
Along the west coast of India - beginning from the Surat Dangs at the western extremity of the
Satpuras in south Gujarat, for over 1500 km to the southern tip of India in Kerala - stretch the
Western Ghats, a mountain range second only to the Himalaya in magnificence. About 30% of the
area of the Western Ghats is forested. The region faces increasing stress from population,
submergence of forests areas by river valley projects, encroachment and clearance of forest lands for
raising plantations and shifting cultivation. The tribal and rural poor have had to pay the most severe
price in terms of their diminished quality of life. Inequities and social injustices merely exacerbate the
situation as forest-consuming projects such as river dams and mining operations are mooted each
day.
Most of the forest cover of the Western Ghats has disappeared. The few remaining stretches of
natural forests and protected areas, however, still house a biological wealth matched only by the
North-east of India. The Western Ghats Zone covers only 5% of India's area, but 27% of all the
species of higher plants recorded in the Indian region are found here (about 4,000 of the total 15,000
species). Almost 1,800 species are endemic to the region. Several interesting plant associations are
observed in the evergreen forests of the zone. There are montane shola forests, riverine or swamp
forests and nearly half a dozen other evergreen species associations, mostly observed in the
southern half of the zone, where numerous ancillary mountain ranges converge to produce a region of
exceptional diversity.

Strategies and Initiatives for the Protection of Traditional Knowledge

Biodiversity registers
One of the 18 biodiversity "hot spots" of the world, the state of Kerala is developing strategies to
shield its rare plant and animal species from corporate exploitation. Kerala's mountain forests are
home to some 2,800 species of flowering plants, of which 900 are used in India's centuries-old
medicinal system known as Ayurveda. The rich variety of plant species found on the State's farms
and the coastal mangroves also have commercial value. State authorities have decided that the best
way to prevent outsiders from staking claim to this traditional knowledge is to assert the legal rights of
the people of Kerala over it first. The government wants the people themselves to play the main role
in policing efforts to protect their flora and fauna. Elected village councils, known as panchayats, will
have the main responsibility. The way is being shown in Eranakulam, where the panchayat has
prepared a register of the district's plant and animal species. Some 8,600 trained volunteers have
collected information on the various uses of the local fauna and flora in 86 villages of the district.
Traditional plant drugs: the case of Trichopus zeylanicus
The biodiversity register scheme is not the first attempt in the state to protect traditional knowledge
from commercial exploitation by outsiders. In a widely hailed venture, another Kerala government-
backed institution, the Tropical Botanical Garden Research Institute (TBGRI), has helped the state's
indigenous Kani community to make commercial use of its traditional medicinal knowledge. For
centuries, the tribal people had known of the invigorating properties of a local shrub of the genus
Trichopus (Dioscoreaceae). Only the indigenous people, the Kani tribe knew of the anti-fatigue
properties of the arogyapacha plant (Trichopus zeylanicus), which they eat during long treks in the
hilly Western Ghats region. Tribal healers, known as Plathis, have knowledge of the medicinal

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properties of the flora and fauna of the region, and each generation passes this knowledge on to the
next generation orally. The plant contained certain substances with anti-stress and anti-fatigue
properties, and which protect the liver and restore the immune system. TBGRI Scientists had isolated
12 active compounds and produced a scientifically verified and standardized herbal formulation,
called Jeevani, which was sold to a leading pharmaceutical company. The anti-fatigue properties of
the compounds have a lot of potential in sports medicine, and in old age remedies. The National
Botanical Research Institute (NBRI), who patented compounds extracted from the plant, share the
royalties equally with the tribal community, and revenues obtained from the sale of the patent right
were shared equally with the Kani community. Scientific studies had revealed that the medicinal
properties of the plant are best manifested in plants growing in their natural habitat.
The Institute, which recently began making profits from the patent, has invested 700,000 Rupees
(approximately US$ 15,000) in a trust set up to benefit the tribe's 12,000 members. Kani tribal
members comprise 60 per cent of the trust's managing committee. The interest earned from the
royalty will be utilized for the welfare of the local people. The unique profit-and-benefit-sharing
experiment that the tribal folk have successfully implemented at home has been recognized by United
Nations agencies and multilateral financial institutions and a Kani tribal leader had received the United
Nations Equator Initiative Prize 2002 at the Earth Summit, Johannesburg for the innovative Kerala
Tribal Project on Ethnomedicine.
There is a huge world market for herbal medicines worth billions of dollars and there has been
significant financial gain from the commercialization of Jeevani. Arya Vaidya Pharmacy was given a
license to manufacture Jeevani for an initial period of seven years at a cost of US$50,000 for the
license plus 2 per cent royalty. TBGRI decided that the Kani tribes would receive 50 per cent of the
license fee, as well as 50 per cent of the royalty obtained by TBGRI on sale of the drug. The herbal
medicine that the pharmacy produced has done well on the market as the demand for the
Arogyapacha-based formulation Jeevani boomed, with the bulk of exports going to Southeast Asian
and Western countries.

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APPLICATION OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE IN

FOREST MANAGEMENT: ETHNOBOTANICAL INDICATORS FOR
SUSTAINABLE FOREST USE
Pei Shengji

Kunming Institute of Botany, Chinese Academy of Sciences,

Kunming 650204, China
Email: peishengji@mail.kib.ac.cn

Introduction
Forest management has been usefully defined in terms of protection, utilization and distribution of
products and the institutional or organizational arrangements by which they are carried out, with both
technical and social aspects of forest management treated as part of single system (Fisher et al 1989).
Tamang (1990) considers the scope of forest management as covering harvesting, distribution,
protection and planting practices.
Forest management systems are localized systems which form a basis for decision-making for rural
people, since the majority of forest management systems in developing countries operate under the
traditional knowledge of indigenous people. Therefore, traditional knowledge is not only of value for the
cultures from which they evolve, but also for scientists and planners striving to improve livelihoods in
rural societies, therefore traditional knowledge system has global significance for the management and
sustainable use of forest resources.

Scientific Understanding on Traditional Knowledge

The World Conference on Sciences (WCS) organized by UNESCO in cooperation with the
International Council for Science (ICSU), was convened in Budapest, Hungary, June 26-July 1, 1999.
The term Traditional Knowledge is defined by ICSU as: ...a cumulative body of knowledge, know-how,
practices and representations maintained and developed by people with extended histories of
interaction with the national environment. These sophisticated sets of understandings, interpretation
and meanings are part of and parcel of a cultural complex that encompasses language, naming and
classification systems, resource practices, ritual, spirituality and world-view (ICSU 2002).
Traditional knowledge in the Convention on Biological Biodiversity (CBD) context refers to knowledge,
innovations and practices of indigenous and local communities deriving from customary uses of
biological resources and associated cultural practices and traditions. Traditional knowledge is a body
of knowledge and beliefs transmitted through oral traditions and first hand observations about the local
environment, and as a system of self management that governs resources use, and plays important
role in sustainable development of the world today.
Today sustainable management of forest is a critical issue in world environment and natural resources
management as global forest resources are continuing to decline, global climate change is
accelerating and rural poverty remains a major issue in many developing countries. On the other hand,
traditional knowledge systems for forest management are disappearing rapidly in many indigenous
communities of the world. Greater understanding, recognition, respect, and protection of tradition
knowledge systems is urgently needed to save the forest, the environment and people of this planet.

Yunnan as a Region of Rich Bio-cultural Diversity

Yunnan is well-known in China for its rich biodiversity. The geographical diversity of Yunnan, from
tropical lowland (alt. 76 m) to alpine (alt. 6674 m), creates various forest ecosystems such as tropical
rain forests mountain evergreen forests, alpine dark coniferous forests and savanna type of
forest-grass land. Of the 17,000 species of plants recorded in Yunnan half of these occur in forests of
different types. Rich genetic diversity has resulted from both natural evolution and human manipulation
of ecosystems, including forests, through history. Furthermore the cultural beliefs and practices of
indigenous people have resulted in modifications of the landscape environment, creating a high
diversity of landscape pattern.

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Yunnan is characterized by very high cultural diversity with diverse cultural distribution patterns ranging
from Himalayan to Southeast Asian societies. Among the 48 million population inhabiting the 380,000
km² land area of Yunnan one-third of the population are ethnic minority people belonging to 25 cultural
groups, distributed in a mosaic pattern in this mountainous province. Many of ethnic groups are forest
people, practicing gathering, hunting and cultivation of forest resources. All ethnic groups exhibit a high
dependency on forest resources for their livelihoods including fuel, fodder, timber, medicine,
supplementary food, typically engage in harvesting of non-timber forest product (NTFP), agroforestry,
shifting agriculture and worship of sacred forests for their spiritual needs. Traditional knowledge of
forest management is an essentially part of their cultures, contributing to the rural economy and to
ecosystem management.
From scientific point of view, the overlapping distribution pattern of forest plant diversity and cultural
diversity in Yunnan provides excellent geographical locations for study people-forest interactions and
traditional knowledge for utilization and maintenance of biodiversity including forest diversity. However,
the past half century, the impact of rapid economy development and globalization have brought about
critical challenges for the environment, biodiversity and traditional culture. Natural forests are declining,
biodiversity is threatened, forest-lands are being converted for economic uses; exotic and invasive
species are increasingly occupying habitats of indigenous species; and traditional knowledge systems
of forest management are being lost among indigenous communities in all ethnic groups. Hence,
sustainable use and management of forest resources is not only important for conservation, combating
global warming and for maintaining traditional cultures, but also critical for rural poverty reduction,
particularly in ethnic minority communities and marginal societies.

Ethnobotanical Indicators of Sustainable Use of Forest

Ethnobotany is a scientific field of studying human interactions with plants and their environments,
emphasizing traditional use and management of plants in various ecosystem by different cultures
through history. Forest ethnobotany has been an essential subject in the field ethnobotany, which
contributes to investigation, documentation and quantitative assessment of traditional knowledge and
practices in forest use and management by traditional societies in different regions. Through many
years of ethnobotanical studies in forest areas of Yunnan of China, some Southeast Asian and
Himalayan countries, sustainable use of forest and plant resources could have been observed and
monitored using ethnobotanical methods and approaches (Pei 1995, 1996, 2002, Pei & Huai 2007, Pei
et al. 1993, 1996,). Ethnobotanical monitoring systems can be established for sustainable use and
management of forest in local community on the basis of traditional knowledge. Ethnobotanical
indicators of sustainable use and management of forest resources may involve the following aspects:
1. Status of traditional knowledge on folk classification, identification, naming of plants and ecology of
plants in the environment surrounding the community.
2. Level of diversity of plant use for food, fodder, shelter, timber, fuel, energy, medicine, NTFPs,
income generation and cultural uses for livelihoods in the community
3. Use of genetic resource diversity in agroecosystems in particular settings; e.g., home garden,
farming crops, wild cultivation, agroforestry, intercropping, etc.
4. Status of traditional practices on wild harvesting and their management practices e.g.,
arrangement of use, plant parts, location and seasonal collection, village regulations on wild
harvesting.
5. Maintenance of traditional cultural understanding and practices in preserving plant diversity and
approaches to forest, plant worship, taboo, sacred forest, totem, ethic and moral restrictions that
are still existing within communities.
6. Community participation in forest resource management, in which traditional knowledge provides
the basis for local level decision-making about aspects of day to day life, e.g., community
organization, social norm and regulations on forest management.
7. Position of social mechanism for inheritance of traditional knowledge and traditional medicine from
generation to generation by oral, demonstration and cultural symbols, and traditional herbal
medicine systems maintained in the community.
8. Position of traditional agroforestry and tree planting practices, in particular those using of local tree
species for afforestation in community land areas.

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9. Position of community institutions for decision-making in managing forest and land use, as well as
governing of forest and land tenures and development interventions.
The ethnobotanical indicators proposed in the above for monitoring of sustainable use of forest
resources shall be further developed by ethnobotanical quantitative methods and ranking index
systems for on-site measurements and ranking to determine the degree of sustainability of forest
resources use in a particular setting of rural society in a given area. It is therefore recommended that
further research activities on the monitoring indicator system be carried out and further developed.

Discussion
1. Traditional knowledge systems are important for modern societies, not only because TK itself is a
cultural heritage meriting protection but also because of its great value for modern development,
especially in regards to the sustainable use of forest, ecosystem management, and poverty
reduction.
2. Traditional knowledge systems and the modern scientific knowledge system (SKS) are not
exclusive and do not conflict with each other, but rather should be complementary, interactive and
cooperative each other in modern development and conservation.
3. Respecting, maintaining and protecting of Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) related to traditional
knowledge are essential, and actions are urgently needed to document, identify and evaluate
before it is lost. Ethnobotany is in a position to make significant contributions towards these
objectives.
4. Establishment of legal systems for protection of Intellectual Property Rights of traditional
knowledge should be considered by governments.
5. Towards more equitable partnerships, forest stakeholders involved in forest resources
management and genetic resources conservation should establish close collaboration to
develop and promote implementation of agreements acceptable to all parties for the use of
traditional knowledge and forest resources

References
Fisher, R. J. et al. 1989. The Management of Forest in Rural Development: A Case Study of Sindhu
Palchowk and Kavre Palanchowk Districts of Nepal, Discussion Paper No. 1. Mountain Populations
and Institutions, Kathmandu.
ICSU. 2002. ICSU Serious on Science for Sustainable Development, No. 411, Science, Traditional
Knowledge and Sustainable Development
Pei, S. J. 1995. Mountain Culture and Forest Resource Management of Himalaya. In: D.W. Tewari (Ed.)
Himalayan Ecosystem, International Book Distribution 9/3 Rajpure Rd. Dehra Dun, 248001, India
Pei, S. J. 1996. Indigenous Knowledge and Conservation of Biodiversity in the Mountain Ecosystems
pp. 51-58, in: P. K. Jha et al. (Eds.) Environment and Biodiversity in the Context of South Asia.
Ecological Society, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Pei, S. J. 2002. Bio-cultural Diversity and Development of West China, Journal of the Graduate School
of the Chinese Academy of Sciences Vol. 19, No. 2
Pei, S. J. and Huai, H. Y. 2007, Ethnobotany, Shanghai Science and Technology Press, China (in
Chinese)
Pei, S. J. et al. (Eds), 1993. Regional Study on Biodiversity: Concepts, Frameworks and Methods,
Yunnan University Press
Pei, S. J. et al. (Eds). 1996. Collected Research Papers on Biodiversity in Swidden Agroecosystems in
Xishauangbanna. Yunnan Science Publisher, (in Chinese)
Tamang, D. 1990. Indigenous Forest Management System in Nepal: A Review, Research Report
Series, No. 12. HMG Ministry of Agriculture – Winrock International, Policy Analysis in Agriculture and
Related Resource Management.

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PERCEPTIONS OF SCLEROPHYLLOUS EVERGREEN OAK FOREST

BY INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES IN NORTHWEST YUNNAN, CHINA
- CONSEQUENCES FOR SUSTAINABLE FOREST MANAGEMENT IN
MOUNTAINOUS REGIONS

Shengjing PENG, Zhenhua SUN and Xiaokun OU

Institute of Ecology and Geobotany, Yunnan University, Kunming, Yunnan, 650091, China
Email: psjing@gmail.com

Introduction
In most developing countries, the livelihoods of rural people highly depend upon natural resources,
especially the harvest of forest products. Broad-leaved sclerophyllous forests occur in areas with a
Mediterranean-type climate: winter rain and summer drought (Gower et al. 2003). Although the
climate in Northwest Yunnan is characterized by warm rainy summer and cold dry winter, one group
of evergreen sclerophyllous oaks (Quercus sect. Heterobalanus (Oerst.) Mentis) grow here and
comprise the dominant vegetation in sub-alpine Hengduan mountain ecosystems (Liu et al. 1984).
Oak species characteristics and the general structure of these forests are very similar to
Mediterranean oaks such as Q. ilex from ecological, morphological and molecular evidence (Zhou et
al. 2003, Tang 2006). Indigenous Tibetan people manage and harvest the oak forests products based
on traditional culture. Because of the above, sclerophyllous oak forests has consistently been ranked
as an important protection target in plans for this region, such as “The Plan for Protection and
Development in Northwest Yunnan” (informally published in 2000 by TNC and Provincial
government). The purpose of this article is to provide detailed information about how indigenous
communities in fact perceive and relate to the oak forests in which they live and on which they
depended. It can help to understand how these forest resources have been utilized and managed, as
well as how the oak forests respond under different management regimes. Furthermore, results of this
research can assist in ensuring sustainable management of this natural resource in the future.

Methodology
Northwest Yunnan located in the southern mountain region (Hengduan Mountains) of the Eastern
Himalayas, is well known in China for its biological and cultural diversity. And it is designated as one
of global biodiversity hotspots too (Myers et al. 2002). The quantitative data upon which this paper is
based were collected from two villages and one township in Deqin County of NW Yunnan.
Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) methods and ecological investigation methods were conducted.
Group mappings, historical narratives, key person interviews and structure questionnaires were used
for understanding how oak forest resource has been used and managed by local Tibetan. Based on
group mapping result, some segments of oak forest were selected around the village where local
people had lots of activities as forest investigated plots for evaluation the oak forests response.
Correlation analysis was introduced to determine main use type and their relationships with economic
development level of village. Important value index and cluster analysis was used to distinguish forest
used types. Oak forests response was indicated by population size structure (DBH class).

Results and Discussion

Usages
The oak forests are serving as an essential natural resource for local inhabitants in this region. Use
and products are diverse, including fuel-wood, fences, agricultural tools, fertilizers, religious functions
and grazing. Acorns, used to make wine and other non-timber forest products are harvested for cash
income and traditional medicines. Correlation analysis result (Figure 1) showed that fuel-wood,
fertilizer, agricultural tools and non-wood forest products harvest are main use types. The oak forest is
used intensively in lower developed village. People lives in township seldom use it.

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Figure 1. Correlation analysis of use types and their relationships with economic
development level of villages

Management
In this region, forest management depends on government policies and community rules. Most of the
oak forests distribute in community forest area and are managed by indigenous communities
according to their traditional culture and religion. Three categories were distinguished: water resource
protection forest, fuel-wood collection forest and organic fertilizer collection forest. However,
traditional forest managements are changing due to several factors: government policy, increasing
development in the area, and expansion of demand for forest products.

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Forest response
Cluster analysis (Figure 2) showed that the characteristics of oak forests vary with different
management regimes. The population structure of oak trees is different too (Figure 3). Water resource
protection forest features few juveniles. Fuel-wood collection forest can be modeled with a typical
inverse “J” growth model. Forest used as a source of fertilizer has many sprouts but short of mature
individuals and seedlings.

Figure 2. Cluster analysis of different used types of oak forest using index of overstory
species’ Important Value

Figure 3. Oak population size structures of three management categories

Sustainable Forest Management

As some researchers’ apprehension (Tang 2006), the healthy survival of the oak forests in NW
Yunnan is threatened by fuel-wood production rising. However, we found that the ongoing main
protection strategy used so far, an alternative energy program, is not sufficient. Thus, we argue for the
need to develop a new paradigm of sustainable forest management which integrates and more fully
takes into account traditional perceptions of the forest by mountain communities.

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References
Gower, S.T., Landsberg, J.J., and Bisbee, K.E. 2003. Forest Biomes of the world. In: Young, R.A.,
Giese, R.L. (Eds.), Introduction to Forest Ecosystem Science and Management (Third Edition). John
Wiley & Sons, USA.
Liu, L.H., Yu, Y.D., and Zhang, J.H. 1984. The division of vertical vegetation zones in Hengduanshan
(in Chinese with English abstract). Acta Botany Yunnanica, 6: 205-216.
Myers, N., Mittermeier, R.A., Mittermeier, C.G., da Fonseca, G.A.B., and Kent, J. 2002. Biodiversity
hotspots for conservation priorities. Nature, 403: 853-858.
Tang, C.Q. 2006. Evergreen sclerophyllous Quercus forests in northwestern Yunnan, China as
compared to the Mediterranean evergreen Quercus forests in California, USA and northeastern
Spain. Web Ecology, 6: 88-101.
Zhou, Z.K., Pu, C.X., and Chen, W.Y., 2003. Relationships between the distributions of Quercus sect
Heterobalanus (Fagaceae) and uplift of Himalayas (in Chinese with English abstract). Advance in
Earth Science, 18: 884-890.

Acknowledgements
Thanks to Prof. Jan Salick, Prof. Yongping Yang and Dr. Wayne Law. This study was supported by a
grant from the China National Key Basic Research Program 2003CB415102 and Ford Foundation
Ethnobotany Capacity Building: In situ capacity building and policy formation in ethnobotany, 1025-
1020

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TRADITIONAL PRACTICES ON THE UTILIZATION OF KAKAWATE -

Gliricidia sepium (Jacq.) Kunth ex Walp. - FOR SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES
Alfredo R. Rabena

University of Northern Philippines, Vigan City, Ilocos Sur, Philippines

Email: alfredorabena@yahoo.com

Introduction
Kakawate (Gliricidia sepium (Jacq.) Kunth ex Walp.) whose common names include madre de cacao
(Sp.), Mexican lilac (Engl.), bunga Jepun (Malay), gamal (Indonesia), quick stick (Jamaica), cocoite
(Central America), mata raton (Ecuador), is a medium sized tree originally from Mexico and Central
America that is now introduced and naturalized in many tropical and subtropical regions worldwide. It
may be either a single or multiple stem tree with trunk diameters reaching 30 cm and attaining a
height of up to 15 m. The bark is grayish-brown to whitish and may be deeply furrowed on old, large
diameter trees. Leaves are pinnately compound, alternate in arrangement and 20 to 30 cm in length.
Leaflets are generally opposite in arrangement, oblong in shape and pointed at the tip. On some
specimens leaflets may be elliptical with rounded tips. There are 7 to 25 leaflets per leaf and size
increases towards the tip. Leaflets are 40 to 80 mm long and 20 to 40 mm wide (Lavin 1996).
In the Philippines where the climate is distinctly dry and wet, kakawate grows robustly and
abundantly. In the mountain and rural areas, it is a very important resource for it provides the daily
household requirements and livelihood of the people. A renewable resource, its versatility ranges
from food, feedstuff, medicines, antimicrobials and botanopesticides, biofertilizers, ripening
agents, fuelwood, components of ceramics, absorbents and deodorizers. Rabena (1996) studied
Gliricidia leaves and isolated, characterized and identified a novel compound coumarin , (C9H6O2), a
chemical that kills Microcerotermes losbanosensis, a termite endemic to the Philippines. Rabena and
Cachola (1998) further discovered that Gliricidia coumarins inhibited the growth of fungus
Trichophyton mentagrophytes. In 2004, Rabena and Rodillas utilized the leaves as botanopesticides
and biofertilizers in rice paddies which improved yield. Raboy et al. (2005) further utilized it with neem
(Azadirachta indica) leaves as pesticides in growing corn intercropped with peanuts and eggplants.
Lagmay (2007) tied Gliricidia branches containing leaves on bed posts in eradicating bed mites.
Leaves contain ethylene vapors that kill pests. Rabanal (2006) verified its uses by feeding the leaves
to pigs and removed their worms.
The tree occurs and grows well in natural stands in mountainous areas in the Philippines, where it is
often found on ridges. They are evergreen both during the dry months of November to May and the
wet months of June to October. The tree is planted and cultivated on plains in both arable and non-
arable areas in the Philippines. Backyard propagation of Gliricidia is evident in the countryside
which completes the rural landscape.

The objectives of this study are:

1. To identify the traditional practices on the utilization of the Gliricidia sepium for poverty alleviation
in the Philippines.
2. To promote the use of these practices in locations where Gliricidia sepium grow.

Methodology
The practices were documented using personal interviews. The interviews are further validated by
actual observations of the practices on sites. The results are studied and analyzed.

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Results and Discussion

Propagation
Traditional knowledge and practices on the utilization of Gliricidia sepium play a key role in the rural
economy. A wide range of knowledge include the propagation of the tree using appropriate plant
parts for propagation. In the northwest island of Luzon, Philippines, people in the community plant
Gliricidia using the stem. In both house lots and fields, landowners use it for live fences to protect
their properties or crops. They are planted 1-2 m apart joined by bamboo or barbed-wire. Gliricidia is
also planted at closer spacings (10-15 cm) to form dense hedges for multiple uses.

Table 1. Gliricidia plant parts used for propagation and intended use.

Plant Part Diameter Main purpose Other Purpose/s

(inches)

Large Bole 5-7 Fence Prime post

Fence to protect from Vegetative ventilation-fresh

Medium branch 3 - 4.5 astray animals & source of air
people
Fence to protect from Planted in between big
Small stems 1- 2.9 small animals like posts to serve as cover;
goats, poultry, etc Fresh source of air

Construction and Anti-termite Use

Gliricidia wood is widely used for construction material in the rural communities. For temporary
structures like houses such as the rural Filipino bahay kubo , the stem wood is used for posts .
Smaller diameter wood is used as auxiliary support in sheds, wood garages and many
miscellaneous constructions.
Fodder and Vegetable
The leaves and flowers are widely used in homes for food, and as feed for livestock and ruminants.
The flowers, gathered from January to April, are cooked to prepare a vegetable salad mixed with
chopped fresh tomatoes. Gliricidia produces abundant amounts of nutritious fodder containing 18 to
30% crude protein. Leaves are gathered and fed to large as well as small ruminants, including goats,
sheep, cows and carabaos. Livestock naturally limit their consumption - large ruminants manifested
self inhibition upon eating 5-6 branches (4 -5 ft) of Gliricidia freshly cut from standing trees. Goats
showed inhibition after consuming more than 4 leaf-bearing branches of similar lengths when the
animal grazed in hot weather conditions.
Ripening Agents
Kakawate leaves are often used as ripening agent for bananas and other fruits, a safe and
environmentally friendly substitute for hazardous chemicals otherwise used for this purpose. In
traditional practice, the leaves of Gliricidia are placed on green but matured bananas to promote their
ripening. Twenty grams of fresh leaves placed with 2 kg of unripe bananas promoted ripening
within 2 days, while it ordinarily takes 5 days for the same amount of bananas to ripen without
Gliricidia leaves. In the absence and presence of ventilation, under similar original conditions,
ripening is also enhanced in bananas covered with cloth, producing fruit with a more prominent
yellow color in the samples having poor air circulation.

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Table 2. The effects of ventilation and kakawate (G. sepium) leaves on the ripening of bananas.

Mass of Bananas Amount of G sepium No of days to

(kg) leaves (kg) Ripen (Days)
Gliricidia leaves,
without ventilation 2.0 0.02 1.5
Gliricidia leaves
with ventilation 2.0 0.02 2

Fuelwood
Wood of Gliricidia sepium tree is hard and durable. It has a specific gravity of 0.5 to 0.8, and makes a
good fuel, burning with little smoke and no sparks, with a calorific value of 4,900 kcal/kg. As
fuelwood, a lesser quantity of it is needed to cook food thus it is a cheaper source of energy for
households. In cooking rice, four cups of rice requires 1.5 kg of Gliricidia fuelwood vs 2.0 kg of
fuelwood from narra (Pterocarpus indicus). Gliricidia fuelwood is much preferred by gatherers
because it is easy to collect from low-branching, medium-sized, trees. The absence of thorns and
spikes on its stems, branches and leaves are beneficial characteristics of Gliricidia which facilitate
collection of its wood.
Medicine
Kakawate is a valuable resource in the field of medicine and toxicology. Traditional practices make
use of the leaves as antimicrobial agents. The leaves are used to eradicate fungi on skin in humans.
Traditional practices involved the maceration of the leaves with the extract placed over a cleansed
skin disorder. It is considered very effective for Trichophyton mentagrophytes, Tinea flava and Tinea
discolor. Rabena and Cachola (1998) found out that Gliricidia sepium leaf extract inhibit the growth of
the fungus Trichophyton mentagrophytes Domestic and farm animals infected with the fungi on skin
showed improvement after Gliricidia crude extract application. Traditional practice for treating skin
disorders and intestinal worms in pigs involves feeding them Gliricidia leaves between meals
(usually at nine o’clock in the morning) while the fresh leaves are rubbed on the skin; these
measures were found to eliminated skin disorders and reddening progressively, while intestinal
worms were expelled with their feces.
Botanopesticides and Biofertilizers in Agriculture
In agriculture, kakawate is used as a botanopesticide for the eradication of riceweevils and pests in
rice, and for worms and other pests in vegetables and other crops. Rabena and Rodillas (2004)
conducted studies to verify traditional practice on the effects of kakawate in controlling and eradicating
pests in rice. Traditional practice involves the use of fresh branches as organic fertilizer – these are
placed on rice fields and allowed to decay on seed beds and plants. This was observed in
Naglaoaan, Sto. Domingo, Ilocos Sur and Rugsuanan, Vigan City, Ilocos Sur.
Traditional practices involving Gliricidia are also used for the preparation of rice fields. The young
branches containing leaves are put into the soil, plowed under and allowed to decompose and
detoxify. Upon planting the rice seedlings, the remaining branches are removed. The total number
of days before harvest is divided into three to determine and to estimate the actual date of Gliricidia
botanopesticide application. The application is done by spraying the Gliricidia water crude extract on
plants. The leaves were chopped and soaked for 24 hours. The following day, the moisture was
filtered. The filtrate was sprayed on rice plants and vegetables while the residue was used a
biofertilizer.
Components in Ceramics, Absorbent & Deodorizer
In industry, kakawate ash are used as components in the formulation of concrete. In the preparation
of clays used for unique designs of ceramics, the ashes of Gliricidia show fine black markings which
are permanently embedded on ceramics surfaces. Artisans incorporate the ashes with oxides and
allowed to flow on ceramics surfaces before firing the clay at 1000oC. Charcoal from Gliricidia is also
a perfect material for absorbing moisture and foul odors in rooms .

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References
Allison, G.E. 1996. Gliricidia sepium: genetic resources for farmers. Tropical Forestry Papers 33.
Oxford Forestry Institute, Oxford, UK. 128 p.
Amano,, R. & A. R. Rabena. 2007. Rice Hull Ash in Ceramics. UNP Research Journal , January-
December 2006, Vol. XIV. Vigan City
Lagmay, Sr. M. F. A. 2007. Utilization of Kakawate Leaves to Eradicate Ticks & Mites in
Beds. Benedictine Nuns of the Eucharistic King, Fatima Vigan City, Ilocos Sur., Philippines.
Lavin, M. 1996. Taxonomy. p. 3-17. In: J.L. Stewart, G.E. Allison, and A.J. Simons. See Allison and
Simons 1996.
Rabena, A. 1996. The Isolation, Characterization and Identification of the Active Components of
Kakawate (Gliricidia sepium). Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, UPLB, College, Laguna , Philippines.
Rabena, A.R. & E.R. Cachola. 1998. The Isolation and Antimicrobial Assay of Kakawate (Gliricidia
sepium) , Vol. VII, Jan.-Dec 1998, UNP Research Journal, Vigan City, Ilocos Sur, Philippines.
Rabena, A.R. & F.R. Rodillas. 2004. Kakawate (Gliricidia sepium) Leaves for Rice Plants. Vol. XIII,
Jan.-Dec 2005, UNP Research Journal, Vigan City, Ilocos Sur, Philippines.
Raboy, M. 2005. Kakawate (Gliricidia sepium) and Neem Tree (Azadirachta indica) as
Botanopesticides for Corn Intercropped with Peanut and Eggplant. Vol. XIV, Jan.-Dec 2005, UNP
Research Journal, Vigan City, Ilocos Sur, Philippines.
Simons, A.J. 1996 Ecology and reproductive biology. Tropical Forestry Papers 33. Oxford Forestry
Institute, Oxford, UK. 19-31.
Stewart, J.L. 1996. Utilization. Tropical Forestry Papers 33. Oxford Forestry Institute, Oxford, UK. 33-
48

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KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS: THE BASIS FOR SUSTAINABLE

FORESTRY AND LINKED FOOD SECURITY IN THE ASIAN REGION

P.S. Ramakrishnan

School of Environmental Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University

New Delhi 110067, India; Email: psr@mail.jnu.ac.in

There is an increasing realization today that sustainable forestry demands an integrated socio-
ecological system based landscape (involving both natural and human-managed ecosystems)
management approach that is community participatory. This implies that the pathways for sustainable
management should be based on value systems that communities can relate with. Traditional forest
knowledge (TFK) therefore provides a good handle to reach out to forest dwellers. The twin issues
that are to be tackled are sustainable forestry and the linked sustainable livelihood/development
concerns of traditional societies living in the Asian region. Whilst dealing with TFK, what is also critical
is to arrive at generalizable conclusions that cut across socio-ecological systems, rather than merely
viewing this knowledge base as a restricted ‘local knowledge’. TFK is a product of interactions that
forest dwellers have always had with biodiversity (in all its scalar dimensions (sub-specific, species,
ecosystems and landscapes) around them. What is also being increasingly realized is that
conserving/managing biodiversity is critical to cope up with environmental uncertainties, arising from
‘global change’ in an ecologic sense (Mooney et al. 1996) and economic ‘globalization’
(Ramakrishnan 1999). This is the context in which we have worked with ‘knowledge systems’ as a
powerful connecting link between social and ecological systems that would enable community
participation in the area of sustainable forestry linked food security.
Working hand in hand with traditional forest dwellers, an important objective was to systematize and
organize TFK, that cut across social, economic and cultural dimensions, on a scientific basis.
Communities perceive TFK from the viewpoint of both tangible benefits that may accrue to them but
also intangible psychological value derived through the natural cultural landscape that they sculpture
around them (Ramakrishnan 2001). Therefore, TFK could be seen to have values that are:
(a) Economic - traditional crop varieties cultivated, lesser-known plants and animals of food value and
medicinal plants harvested from the wild are of direct economic benefit for traditional societies and
can buffer periods of food scarcity;
(b) Socio-ecological – the way traditional societies conserve and manipulate biodiversity contributes
towards ecosystem resilience (by its impact upon hydrological processes within the soil system,
and determining soil fertility and nutrient cycling patterns linked with above- and linked
belowground biodiversity (Ramakrishnan 2001);
(c) Socio-cultural – by contributing towards intangible benefits that impinge upon cultural, spiritual and
religious beliefs.
Arising from these considerations, the biodiversity around traditional societies could be viewed from
the point of view of socio-culturally valued, sacred species, sacred groves and sacred landscapes,
with implications for forest biodiversity conservation/restoration (Ramakrishnan et al. 1998) and linked
sustainable livelihood/development of people living in the developing tropics (Ramakrishnan 2001).
Understanding TFK, putting meanings into it and appropriately linking the same with formal ecological
knowledge (FEK) that touch upon a whole range of disciplinary dimensions, both biophysical and
social is the key for community participatory bottom-up approach towards management of natural
resources, both natural and human-managed. In such an effort, women often play a leadership role,
since they are the chief custodians of TFK (Ramakrishnan 2007). Thus, to cite a couple of illustrative
examples: (i) in the shifting agricultural landscape of north-east India, whilst men take on heavy duties
linked with slash and burn operation, women tend to deal with issues linked to crop management and
harvest schedule in their mixed cropping system (Ramakrishnan 1992a, 2006); (ii) in the central
Himalayan region again, with women playing a key role as custodians of TFK, tried to conserve the
socially valued mixed Oak forests; they were in the forefront in hugging the trees (internationally well-
known ‘chipko’) movement when the timber extractors from the plains went to harvest timber for
industrial use elsewhere in the plains (Ramakrishnan et al. 1998).

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However, TEK based approaches alone are not adequate to address societal concern in the
contemporary context of rapidly increasing population and declining natural resources. FEK based
approaches, through an understating of forest successional patterns and processes (biomass,
productivity, adaptive strategies of species and populations, nutrient cycling patterns and processes,
etc.), were seen as critical inputs to arrive at relevant appropriate technologies directed towards
conservation linked sustainable livelihood/development. The need of the hour is to have ‘hybrid
technologies’ based on appropriate linkages to be worked out between ‘formal knowledge’ derived
through a hypothetico-deductive process and scientifically analyzed ‘traditional knowledge’ that
traditional societies have generated through an through an experiential process (Ramakrishnan et al.
2005).
Broadly speaking, this linkage between the two knowledge systems towards conservation linked
developmental pathway could work at three levels of integration, depending upon the level at which
socio-ecological systems are currently functional:.
1. The very traditional forest dwellers, for example, still remain attached to, and see themselves as a
part of the natural cultural landscape in which they are located. This therefore implies that the rich
TFK that they possess is to be seen as the basis for an ‘incremental pathway’, building upon the
‘scientifically analyzed’ TFK step by step in an incremental fashion, and bringing in FEK only to a
limited extent as appropriate (the incremental pathway); eg., shifting agricultural landscape
redevelopment plan operationalized in the State of Nagaland, in north-east India (Ramakrishnan
1992a, 2006). In the north-eastern regional context which is rich in ethnic diversity, TEK could be
seen to extend into the realm of institutional arrangements too – locally based traditional
institutions being appropriately integrated with the modern ways of institutions formed through an
elective process.
2. Working in the Central Himalayan region and elsewhere in the rural plains of India and elsewhere
in Asia, where the human societies are less traditional (being exposed to pressures from
industrialized/industrializing societies), TFK forms an important basis for addressing restoration of
natural resources in an already degraded landscape. In many such situations, the local
communities are ready to bring in a greater proportion of FEK; traditional knowledge being
brought in to adapt the suggested technologies to fit into the given socio-ecological contours in
the degraded rural landscape – the ‘contour pathway’; eg., a whole variety of agroforestry system
models linked with sedentary mono-cropping systems as in the plains, and/or rotational
sedentary farming systems as prevalent in the Central Himalayan landscape (Ramakrishnan et al.
2005) are amenable to this pathway for development.
3. Under many situations where the socio-ecological systems may have already undergone drastic
transformations, natural ecosystems and/or human-managed agricultural systems could often be
under stress arising from intensified monocropping and/or excessive use of chemical fertilizers,
leading to soil exhaustion. Under such situations, creating buffering mechanisms within the soil
subsystem through appropriate management of the aboveground linked belowground biodiversity
could be seen as the key management issue. Introducing and/or managing socially valued
keystone species aboveground, and managing organic residues arising from such one or more
such species to enhance soil health and linked belowground biodiversity is the possible pathway
to address sustainability concerns. In situ management of soil fertility using selected organic
residues, using carefully identified and managed earthworm species within the soil subsystem as
markers and if need be introduced and cultured in situ within the soil sub-system, could be the
‘quick-fix’ pathway to ensure sustainability of the given ecosystem/landscape. In other words, the
emphasis is either on indirect in-soil (with organic residue inputs but without earthworm
inoculation) and direct (with organic residue inputs and earthworm inoculation in-soil earthworm
technology, to improve soil health and aboveground biodiversity/productivity (Senapati et al.
2002).
In the ultimate analysis, what one is concerned with is all about adaptive management of the given
landscape unit as an integrated system with all the natural and human-managed ecosystems, where
in the management strategy follows a community participatory bottom-up approach.
References
Mooney, H.A., Cushman, J.H., Medina, E., Sala, O.E. and Schulze, E-D. 1996. Functional Roles of
Biodiversity: A Global Perspective. SCOPE 55, John Wiley, Chichester. 493 pp.

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Ramakrishnan, P.S. 1992a. Shifting Agriculture and Sustainable Development: An Interdisciplinary

Study from North-Eastern India. UNESCO-MAB Series, Paris, Parthenon Publ., Carnforth, Lancs.
U.K. 424 pp. (republished by Oxford University Press, New Delhi 1993).
Ramakrishnan, P.S. 1992b. Tropical forests, exploitation, conservation and management. Impact of
Science on Society, 42: 149-162.
Ramakrishnan, P.S.1999. The impact of globalisation on agricultural systems of traditional societies. In:
A.K. Dragun and C. Tisdell (Eds.). Sustainable Agriculture and Environment: Globalization and the Impact
of Trade Liberalisation. pp. 185-200. Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, U.K.
Ramakrishnan, P.S. 2001. Ecology and Sustainable Development. National Book of India, New Delhi
198 pp.
Ramakrishnan, 2007. Role of knowledge systems in women participation in linking conservation with
development. In: V. Krishnan (Ed.). Proceeding International Conference on ‘Women’s Impact on
Science and Technology in the New Millennium. Pp. 213-223. Third World Organisation of Women in
Science, TWAS Regional Office for Central and South Asia, Bangalore, India. 2007.
Ramakrishnan, P.S., Saxena, K.G. and Chandrashekara, U.M.. 1998. Conserving the Sacred: For
Biodiversity Management. UNESCO, Science Publ., Enfield, NH, USA and Oxford & IBH Publ., New
Delhi . 480 pp.
Ramakrishnan, P.S. Boojh, R., Saxena, K.G., Chandrashekara, U.M., Depommier, D., Patnaik, S.,
Toky, O.P., Gangawar, A.K. and Gangwar, R. 2005. One Sun, Two Worlds: An Ecological Journey.
UNESCO and Oxford & IBH, New Delhi. 286 pp.
Ramakrishnan, P.S., Saxena, K.G., and Rao, K.S. 2006. Shifting Agriculture and Sustainable
Development of north-eastern India: Tradition in Transition. UNESCO and Oxford & IBH. 495 pp.
Senapati, B.K., Naik, S., Lavelle, P. and Ramakrishnan, P.S. 2002. Earthworm-based technology
application for status assessment and management of traditional agroforestry systems. In:
Ramakrishnan, P.S., Rai, R.K. and Katwal, R.P.S. and Mehndiratta, S. (Eds.). Traditional Ecological
Knowledge for Managing Biosphere Reserves in South and Central Asia. Pp. 139-160. UNESCO and
Oxford IBH., New Delhi.

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LISU ETHNIC TRADITIONAL CULTURE RESTORATION AND

BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION IN HENGHE VILLAGE IN MT.
GAOLIGONG OF YUNNAN PROVINCE
Ren Wanzhu

Technology of Yunnan Institute of Forest Inventory and Planning

Email: Wanzhu_11@yahoo.com.cn

Introduction
With a total population of more than 1 million in the world, the Lisu ethnic group in China includes
634,912 people, according to the nationwide census conducted in 2005. Most of the Lisu live in
concentrated communities in Bijiang, Fugong, Gongshan and Lushui counties of the Nujiang Lisu
Autonomous Prefecture in northwestern Yunnan Province. The rest live in scattered communities in
Lijiang, Baoshan, Diqing, Dehong, Dali, Chuxiong prefectures or counties in Yunnan Province as well
as in Yanyuan, Yanbian and Muli counties in Sichuan Province. Small populations also live in Thailand,
Myanmar and India.
Living in the great valleys and mountains through which the Jinshajiang River, Nujiang River,
Lantsang and the Irrawaddy flow, the Lisu People developed a glorious and prosperous culture with
wisdom and diligence. The earliest recorded literature on the Lisu ethic group is from the Tang
Dynasty in which Lisu people were living by hunting and harvesting. The word ‘Lisu’ is recognised in
Chinese, meaning people with grain to eat in the Lisu language.
The Lisu people are rich in indigenous knowledge which is widely reflected in their religion, songs and
dancing, costumes, festivals, foods, harvest and hunting practices, in their natural calendar, etc. All
these traditional cultural manifestations are closely connected with biodiversity conservation. However,
with the shock of intrusion of exotic culture, the traditional culture of Lisu is rapidly assimilated, which
means most of their traditions are facing a severe challenge to avoid fading away. The present
research is aimed at restoring the traditional culture of the Lisu People by exploring the linkage
between traditional culture and biodiversity conservation and developing a new series of nature
conservation theories.

Research Approach
Background of Research Site
We selected Henghe Village as our research site. Henghe Village is located at the western slope of
South Mt. Gaoligong, on the boundary of Mt. Gaoligong National Nature Reserve. This village is
attached to Datianpo Administrative Village of Mangbang Town in Tengchong County. The total
population of the village is 240 people with 56 households, which includes 200 people (in 46
households) of the Lisu minority, and 40 Han people (comprising 10 households). The community is
situated on the mountain side, along the road between Tengchong and Baoshan; electricity and tap
water are provided in the villabe. The traditional culture and indigenous knowledge is maintained to
some extent in this village.

The Practice of Restoring the Traditional Culture

We adopted a participatory approach in the practice of restoring the traditional culture of Henghe
Village. There are 5 study groups organized including a music and dancing group, a costume and
culture group, a traditional belief and customs learning group, Lisu Language curriculum development
group and biodiversity and traditional knowledge group. The villagers can freely choose the study
groups according to their interests and hobbies. Through recovery of the traditional culture, we would
like to increase their own identification and confidence, activate the key elements related with
biodiversity conservation of the indigenous knowledge, and gradually restore the biodiversity of their
living place.

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Recovery and Inheritance of Ethnic Music and Dancing: In this group, we invited a senior craftsman
specialized in making musical instruments to illustrate basic instrument knowledge and instrument-
making procedures. Each participant made three bandores and harmonicas under his guidance. The
craftsman also taught them how to play different traditional music instruments and melodies, and
systemically taught the 72 major melodies of Lisu ethnic music. The dancing group invited the
craftsman to teach songs and dances for different functions, and started to write songs by themselves.
Recovery and Inheritance of Ethnic Costume and Culture: The Costume Group was established by
young people who were interested in ethnic costume, and guided by a senior villager who was good
at tailoring traditional costumes. Funded by the project, they made 24 sets (12 sets for men, 12 sets
for woman) of traditional costumes. During the courses, the teacher also explained the symbols of
each costume and its decorative features.
Learning Traditional Religion and Customs: Young villagers grouped voluntarily, learned from senior
villagers, and recorded and sorted out the cultural traditions they collected.
Developing Lisu Language Courses: The villager who is well-versed in Lisu language compiled the
teaching materials and taught the whole village systematically. The participants are very interested in
learning now.
Biodiversity and Traditional Indigenous Knowledge: This group is composed by volunteered villagers
who have interests in biodiversity and traditional indigenous knowledge. After training by
ethnobotanist and traditional indigenous knowledge experts, the participants started to conduct
research on traditional collection, animal hunting, as well as seed collecting and seedling.

Results and Discussion

Lisu people believe in both traditional religion and foreign religion. The nature-oriented traditional
religion worship gods related to nature such as sky, mountains, etc. For instance, the Mountain God
governs all the animals, plants, rocks, streams, and so on in the mountains. People worship the
Mountain God and appreciate his kindness before cutting down trees, collecting wild vegetables and
medicinal plants. Totem worshipers believe that their ancestors have marriage relationships with
animals or plants, and that they are the offspring of some certain animal or plant. For example, Tiger
(Offspring surname Hu, same pronunciation as tiger’s Pinying in Chinese), Bamboo (Zhu), Qiao, Ma,
Bee (Feng), river deer (Zhang), Vegetable (Cai), Fish (Yu). The foreign religion is mainly Christian,
which was introduced in the 19th century and stands in conflict with traditional religion.
Lisu people use the rhythms of the seasons, and of animals or plants in nature, as the basis for
dividing their year into a dry season and wet season, with 10 months, including Flower-blossoming
Month (March), Bird-Singing Month (April), Mountain-firing Month (May), Hungry Month (June), Plant-
Collection Month (September, and October), Wine-boiling Month (November), Hunting Month
(December), New-Year-Festival Month (January) and House-building Month (February). This natural
calendar is called the phenological calendar or flower-bird calendar.
Plant collection is traditionally very important for the Lisu. There are about 200 plant species which
are useful as vegetables, other foods, and edible oils which have collected traditionally. Around 300
kinds of herbs are used by the Lisu people, most of them are sold to folk doctors or druggists while
some are used by the collectors themselves. Dozens of wild plants are also collected as food for
livestock, sacrifice or bamboo basketwork.
Hunting has a very significant role in the traditional life of Lisu people. About 100 kinds of animals are
hunted. The hunting was relative reasonable, with local regulations on the ways of hunting, the tools
and time of hunting as well as the taboos of hunting, which helped to maintained the species
populations. As hunting prohibition policies are applied, hunting in Lisu Community is gradually fading
away.
Lisu people’s singing and dancing, and their costumes, are also closely associated with biodiversity,
such as the song of looking for vegetables, song of hunting, bird and beast dancing in which the
voices of birds, beasts, fishes and insects are shown iconically. There are dances by such names as
Crow Drinking, King of Birds, Chicken Digging Food, Fish Dancing, Parrot Pecking the Corn, and
Beating the Monkey etc. In all there are about 20 kinds of dances in Bird and Beast Dancing. There is
a touching legend associated with the dress of the male Hua Lisu, known as the “magpie” suit, and
the style of the female dress is said to have been adapted from the plumage of an elegant and
beautiful thrush. Lisu people’s traditional songs, dances, and costumes reflect the sustainable

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utilization of biodiversity resources. The dances and costumes of Lisu people have been greatly
influenced by Han Culture; except a few senior people, most of the young men seldom act in a
traditional way.

Conclusions
¾ The traditional culture of Lisu people is very closely related to nature and it is feasible to link the
traditional culture with nature conservation via the restoration of traditional culture. In the
practice of nature conservation, how to use traditional culture in ethnic areas at a larger scale is
to be further explored;
¾ The recovery of traditional culture has restored the pride and confidence of these minority
people, and awakened public concern about nature. We believe it can be a very effective tool to
deliver the biodiversity message to the people of the community;
¾ In the practice of traditional culture restoration, public understanding of indigenous knowledge
has been awakened. However, it has also raised a challenge as to how to effectively protect
indigenous knowledge;
¾ The restoration of the traditional culture of the Lisu people has reflected the adjustment of the
culture to current social situations;
¾ Traditionally, Lisu people collect plants mainly for home use, which poses very little threat to
biodiversity conservation. However, during the past ten years, due to the market demands,
there have been excessive collection of some plants, especially certain endangered plant
species such as Dendrobium and other orchids, which has led to a dramatic decrease in their
abundance and thus threatened biodiversity. Therefore, conservation and management should
focus on the operation of markets for these and other species of conservation concern;
¾ Cultural diversity and biodiversity is interrelated, and the latter provides the basic environmental
context for the former, while the former enhances the biodiversity conservation;
¾ Foreign religions conflict with traditional culture. In Henghei Village, some of the villagers who
believe in Christianity are not allowed to believe in “primitive religion” or even attend any of the
community’s own traditional activities, such as singing and dancing. Further, the conflict can not
be reconciled and it is exclusive; this should be studied further.

References
He Pikun, He Jun and Wu Xufeng. 2004, Practice and Exploration of Indigenous Knowledge, Yunnan
Nationality Press
He Pikun, Yu Dejiang and Li Weichang. 2000, Forests and Ethnic Minority, Yunnan Nationality Press
Xu Jianchu, Zuo Ting, and Yang Yongping. 2001. Socialcultural Research on Management of Natural
Resources in Southwest China, Yunnan Technology Press.
Yin Shaoting. 2002. People and Forests-Yunnan Swidden Agriculture in Human-Ecological
Perspective, Yunnan Education Publishing House
Xiong Qinghua and Zhu Mingyu. 2006. Research on Surronding Communities of Mt. Gaoligong,
Science Publishing House

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TRANSFORMATION OF TRADITIONAL FOREST MANAGEMENT IN

THE MOUNTAINOUS AREA OF MAINLAND SOUTHEAST ASIA:
PAST EXPERIENCES AND LESSONS
Kanok Rerkasem, Narit Yimyam and Benjavan Rerkasem

Highland Research and Training Centre and Department of Agronomy,

Faculty of Agriculture, Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai 50200, Thailand
Email: kanok@chiangmai.ac.th

Introduction
This paper aims at providing some experiences and lessons from ethnic communities in the
mountainous areas of mainland Southeast Asia (MMSEA). Examples are drawn from the MMSEA
member countries, especially those from the uplands of Laos, Thailand, Vietnam as well as Yunnan
Province of China. Much of these are based on the results of the United Nation University project on
People, Land Management and Environmental Change (PLEC) where the focus was on biodiversity
conservation in the village landscapes of countries in humid tropics throughout the world (Brookfield
et. al. 2003).
The mountainous region of mainland Southeast Asia encompasses Yunnan Province of China, the
Kachin and Shan States of Myanmar and the northern region of Thailand, Laos and Vietnam. The
area is rich in ethnic diversity with different social and cultural backgrounds in managing tropical and
subtropical forests in the sub-region. Within the context of national and trans-boundary watersheds,
the area is serving ecological functions of national, regional and global significance. The area has
undergone economic boom and bust cycles during the past two decades. However, massive
infrastructure development continues under the national sub-regional economic development plans, in
particular the Greater Mekong Sub-regional (GMS) economic cooperation initiative assisted by Asian
Development Bank (ADB 2000). The mountainous areas in mainland Southeast Asia which were
once relatively isolated are now opened to outside influences, creating great challenges for
conserving natural forests and biodiversity.

Transformation of Traditional Forest Management

Transformation of forest management systems in the region began much earlier and continue to be
affected by rapid and extensive political, economic and ecological changes. These changes are
having many consequences, including not only social and economic consequences for the
smallholder households but also for the ecology of the environments at various scales from the field to
the landscapes and the nation. Although traditional forest management includes numerous forms of
land use, much attention is given to shifting agriculture which is one of the dominant and extensive
traditional forest management systems in the tribal community (Kunstadter et. al. 1978, Rerkasem &
Rerkasem 1994). Therefore, the transformation of traditional forest management has been largely
focused on the suppression of shifting cultivation and the promotion of alternative land and forest
management including production of alternative cash crops. In the case of former opium-poppy
growing communities, the periods of transformation from shifting cultivation to alternative cash crops
vary greatly, from perhaps >50 years in Yunnan to only 6 years in Vietnam. Local adjustments to
alternative land and forest management have been great, regardless of cultural background in
traditional management, i.e., pioneer vs. rotational shifting cultivation.
In general, increasing infrastructure development, communication and transportation, and the
intrusion of external markets have been the major driving forces in transforming traditional forest
management systems to a dominant landscape of cash cropping, including intensive annual and
perennial as well as plantation crops. The scale of production varies greatly from large scale
production of plantation trees and industrial crops (e.g., rubber, tea and sugarcane) in Yunnan to
small scale production in Vietnam and Thailand (involving many tropical and sub-tropical fruit trees,
vegetables and cut flowers). However, there have been examples of cross-border transfer of
production technologies of these perennial cash crops and tree plantations. In the northern provinces
of Lao PDR, i.e., Bo Kaew, Luang Nam Tha, Udomxay and Pong Saly, rubber plantation has become

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the dominant landscape on the mountains over the past 10 years. Rubber is also a successful
alternative crops in the Wa and Kokang territories in the Shan State of Myanmar. Apart from China,
national policies in these countries also promote perennial cash crops and tree plantations. One
successful example is the spread of teak plantation in Luang Prabang and other nearby provinces,
which has been supported by local government for the past >20 years to stabilize shifting cultivation
with viable alternatives. In short, the economic development in the region could transform the
complex and bio-diverse landscapes of the natural forests into simplified landscapes dominated by
large-scale monocultures of tree plantation or agricultural crops.
Such management of simplified ecosystems may lead to severe destruction and degradation of land
and forests and increasing marginalization of local forest-dependent communities as the result of
rapid agricultural expansion into forest area. Despite many attempts to solve the problems with
conservation measures aimed at ending land degradation, forest destruction and unstable agricultural
production, success has been highly variable with little understanding where improvement occurs. In
contrast to the above picture, smallholder households are managing forests with complex structures
and diverse species compositions to ensure food security and sustain their livelihoods, and at the
same time to provide ecological services, for example the mulberry paper-based agroforest with
incorporation of Styrax tree to enrich short fallow and extraction of benzoin in Luang Prabang. The
double objectives of conservation and development could be the key to achieving the policy goal of
sustainable development at various scales from local to national and regional levels (Stocking 2001).
Greater understanding of these traditional systems is required in order to promote sustainable forest
management on a large scale in the sub-region.

Farmers’ management of forests

A few examples from the highlands of northern Thailand are selected to illustrate farmers’
management of forests in the face of change for the past 30 years or so. A Hmong community in Pah
Poo Chom village has moved from traditional forest management with opium-poppy based shifting
cultivation to intensive agricultural production on permanent basis. The community had almost
completely collapsed in the early 1970s after the sudden shift to alternative systems involving
permanent agricultural production. Using their customary rules and traditional knowledge, the
community as a whole is strictly conserving natural forests in headwater areas. This also helps them
to manage intensive production of vegetable with gravity-fed irrigation for external markets. A few
farmers also manage agroforest edges between major production plots in this agricultural landscape.
One exceptional (expert) farmer has developed these edges much further with a diversity of perennial
shrub and tree species of high economic and social value. The overall number of species may
exceed 114 species with high diversity indices (Table 1). While most of the trees are used for
firewood, many are used for construction and farm tools. Some 16 species are herbs and spices,
other 25 species are used as food for household consumption.

Table 1. Biodiversity assessment of forest plots managed as edges in agricultural

landscape in Pah Poo Chom village of northern Thailand.

Responsible person for Total Species Shannon Margalef

management individuals richness index index
Expert farmer 717 114 2.77 17.19
Saophang
Non-experts (average) 315 38 2.35 6.39
- Juk Saehang 332 33 2.29 5.51
- Jointly managed by Chao and 315 18 1.54 2.96
Chang Seng
- Unidentified person 300 62 3.24 10.69

In constrast to Pah Poo Chom, the Karen community in Tee Cha village is one of the few villages in
northern Thailand that still practices shifting cultivation but under tremendous pressure to reduce
fallow with short cycle for productive natural regeneration of traditional fallow forests. Macaranga
denticulate, a pioneer tree species, was found to sustain rice productivity and productive regeneration
of shorter fallows. Upland rice production after a 7-year fallow period of densely populated Macaranga

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may give yields of up to 4.5 kg/ha. Aboveground fallow biomass can be as high as 43 t/ha, providing
536, 38 and 253 kg N, P and K per ha respectively. Nutrient recovery is much higher than in other
rotational systems reported earlier in other village in the area. One of the reasons behind this
productive forest regeneration is the contribution of belowground diversity that is associated with
Macaranga tree. Some 30 species from 6 genera of arbuscular mycorrhiza fungi in the rhizosphere of
Macaranga have been isolated so far. The dominance of Macaranga does not appear to have any
negative effect on the diversity of other tree species. As forest succession proceeds, the abundance
of Macaranga declines greatly, from 10,925 trees/ha after two years to 1,653 trees/ha after >7 years
of fallow regrowth.

Conclusions
Changes in forest landscape are expected to continue in the sub-region with a mixture of sustainable
and unsustainable management. Many smallholder households have the capacity to develop
alternative management systems of many different forms and at different scales from the field to the
landscape. There is a need to document and analyze these systems for sustainable forest
management at national and sub-regional scales. Despite the long history of traditional knowledge,
customary rules and regulations, scientific understanding of traditional forest management systems is
severely lacking. As a result, replication of good practices in traditional forest management is often
found to occur only at a limited scale in specific sites, and opportunities to build on local ideas and
initiatives remain limited.

Selected References
Brookfield , H., Parsons, H. & Brookfield, M. 2003. Agrodiversity: Learning From Farmers Across the
World. Tokyo: United Nations University Press.
Kunstdter, P., Chapman, E.C. & Sabhasri, S. 1978. Farmers in the Forests: Economic development
and marginal agriculture in northern Thailand. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii for East-West
Center.
Rerkasem, K. & Rerkasem, B. 1994. Shifting Cultivation in Thailand: Its current situation and
dynamics in the context of highland development. IIED Forestry and Land Use Series No. 4.
Stocking, M. 2001. Biological diversity, land degradation and sustainable rural livelihoods. Acta
Botanica Yunnanica Subplement XII: 4-17.

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INDIGENOUS FOREST MANAGEMENT SYSTEMS OF THE

IKALAHAN
Delbert Rice

Kalahan Educational Foundation, Inc.

Imugan, Santa Fe, Nueva Vizcaya, Philippines
kalahan2@gmail.com

The tribal name, Ikalahan, means “People of the Forest”. The forests are more than their habitat. The
people and forests are a single ecosystem. About 60,000 Ikalahan live in the Caraballo and Cordillera
Mountains of Northern Luzon, Philippines at elevations near 1,000 meters. The climate is cool and the
average rainfall is about 4,000 mm/year. In the 14th century the Ikalahan lived by producing taro in
small, irrigated, mountain ponds and by hunting, gathering and fishing in the pine, oak and dipterocarp
forests.

In the 16th century Chinese merchants introduced rice and Spanish settlers arrived with camote
(Ipomoia batatas). The latter was better suited to the steep slopes and high elevations and soon
supplanted taro as their staple food. Camote were grown in swidden farms in the dipterocarp or oak
forests and the farmers could begin harvesting tubers after 3 months and continue a daily harvest for
two or more years until a biological indicator, a weed with white blossoms, warned them that it was
time to fallow the field. They then encouraged a forest fallow (up to 15 years) that would produce the
needed biomass to make enough ash to cancel the acidity so the field could be re-cultivated. To help
maintain fertility and protect from erosion they developed in-situ contour composting which they called
gengen. Other technologies were developed over the centuries including an in-situ composting
technique for the few level lands. They called it day-og. Several varieties of camote were planted in
each field to ensure harvests against the frequent typhoons. The fields were often belted with
countour planting of deep-rooted plants to further protect against erosion, a process they called
balkah. Fruit for consumption and tiger grass for handicrafts were planted along the edges of the
fields.

In 1973 the tribal elders, representing about 2,500 people, incorporated themselves as the Kalahan
Educational Foundation to protect their lands and culture while simultaneously providing appropriate
education for their youth. They got control of about 15,000 hectares and began processing wild fruit
and other resources to add economic value and combat poverty. The communities thus protect the
biodiversity and improve the quality of life for both flora and fauna, including humans.

The people still continue to modify their technologies. They now intercrop Alnus nepalensis with their
camote. This expedites the fallow, reducing the duration from 15 to 7 years. This potentially doubles
their available agricultural land. In fact, however, the excess farmland has been transformed into
production forests.

The forests have always provided the Ikalahan with adequate lumber and fuel. To obtain lumber they
merely culled the needed trees from the forest, being careful not to disturb the forest. Some of the
tops, limbs and slabs became their fuel. They have now codified that system into the Forest
Improvement Technology (FIT) that can produce 3 times as much lumber as the government logging
system without damaging the forests, wildlife or forest services.

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The people originally obtained most of their cash from the sale of ginger, a very pungent sub species
much in demand. Ginger production is less common now because the plant prefers very rich soil and
the people do not want to expand their cultivation into the forests to find such rich soil. The people
have been making soft brooms from the tiger grass which grows on the borders on their swidden
farms. The price of brooms has not kept up with the cost of living, however, so only a few people are
making them now. They still produce the tiger grass and and sell it to lowlanders who make the
brooms. To provide both cash and local employment the Ikalahan now do other value adding
activities. Primary among them is the processing of wild fruit into high quality jams and jellies. These
are sold in the cities under the Mountain Fresh brand. The Forest Improvement Technology (FIT)
program will soon be producing so much lumber the people will not be able to use all of it in house
construction. They plan to start a small furniture industry as soon as that happens. They also have the
skills to make high quality hand-made paper. They did not develop an adequate market several years
ago when they developed those skills. It now seems hopeful that a new market is developing. If so,
they will begin making paper again. In this way, they keep their educated youth in the area to provide
future leadership for the community.

This is still not enough to eliminate poverty in the area. They have documented, however, their
Environmental Services and hope that they can eventually capitalize on them. They know how much
water they are providing for the huge irrigation system downstream. They should be paid for that
service. They have documented the amount of carbon their production forests have sequestered.
When they are able to sell that carbon to some of the polluters it will move the communities above the
poverty level and provide for educational and medical services for the entire community.

Many people have now learned of the effectiveness of our training program. Visitors have come from
many places in the world, including Kunming, to visit our small village in the mountains. Our people
can earn some money by training such in ecology and forest management. The Ikalahan now have
legal control of about 35,000 hectares of their ancestral domain where they can maintain and expand
their ancient agricultural and other technologies.

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WITH OUR OWN HANDS: BAREFOOT TRAINERS, LOCAL

KNOWLEDGE AND SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS AMONG THE
HIGAONON TRIBAL COMMUNITIES IN THE PHILIPPINES
Elmer Velasco Sayre and Cora Zayas Sayre

Local Empowerment Foundation, Libertad, Misamis Oriental, 9021, Philippines

Email address: empower_8@yahoo.com

Introduction
Increasing dwarf landholdings, mainly due to population pressure, inroads of commercialism, adoption
of “modern agriculture,” government neglect and incapacity, unabated small-scale logging, among
others has reduced the Higaonon tribal communities as well as other tribes and upland farmers in
Mindanao to paupers in their own lands. They are unknown and uncared for, smothered by the
practices and mores of western influences, their upland resource-base decimated and heavily eroded.
Much of the biodiversity is being lost without the outside world or even the Higaonon knowing of the
existence or potential usefulness of these resource. Natures’ services of their upland resource such
as carbon sequestration, biodiversity, pollination and water retention are never considered and
misunderstood.

Methodology
This paper presents the result of a process-documentation and upland development initiative of the
Local Empowerment Foundation (LEF) spanning a period of 5 years. The projects’ goals are to
promote and revive traditional forest-related knowledge, promote sustainable livelihoods and mobilize
indigenous leaders as barefoot trainers and champions. The project is being funded by the German
Doctors for Developing Countries (Germany) and the Broederlijk Delen (Belgium). Data gathering
involved participant-observation, reviews of reports of community facilitators and technicians and in-
depth interviews with barefoot technicians and local farmers. Analysis of the data is mainly descriptive
and case study-type.

Results and Discussion

In terms of promoting local knowledge, we found out that local farmers are effective in disseminating
knowledge regarding farm and forest development when trained as barefoot technicians. Most
training is not the usual paper and pencil-type but mostly on-site practicum in their own fields, as
‘learning by doing’ has been found to be appropriate and effective. Visits to demonstration sites
located in the cities like Davao and Cagayan de Oro are kept to a minimum and always with a caveat
that the technologies there may be inapplicable in their own situation. Training topics include
importance of biodiversity, raising and planting of trees with focus on ASEAN’s most important trees,
soil and water conservation, development of local livelihoods, human values, promotion of indigenous
culture and local leadership.
The barefoot technicians grow with their land and are proud of it. Their compensation is economic
and psychological, consisting of recognition, awards and certificates and they are prioritized to receive
farm inputs for their agro-forestry farms comprising small and large animals (goats, pigs, cows, water
buffaloes), tree seedlings and vegetable seeds. These inputs they will have to pay as low-interest
bearing loan and plowed-back into their local associations as revolving fund. The average revolving
fund per association is 55,000 pesos (1,250 USD). The barefoot technicians are tasked to train their
neighbors, usually 5-7 families, and the most progressive are in turn invited to become barefoot
technicians. To date we have 160 full-pledged barefoot technicians (having started with 40) serving
12 barrios in Misamis Oriental.
We are closely linked with technicians from the provincial and municipal governments but our
experience in this aspect has been bleak, as the technicians’ knowledge-base is outdated. Their
knowledge mostly pertains to high-technology plantation-type agriculture and forestry. The possibility
of marrying indigenous knowledge is never considered. The government technicians are also saddled

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with heavy administrative concerns and severely restricted in conducting fieldwork because of lack of
budgets.
The Higaonon cultural heritage and values are being inundated by outside influences and the young
generation is ashamed about their cultural heritage and even hide their identities, making sure that
they speak in Cebuano and not the traditional Higaonon language. Dances, rituals, chants and
indigenous knowledge in general are degraded in this way. But one thing we found out though our
work is that age-old animism, rituals, magic and beliefs are not really lost and they are intertwined in
their day to day living. Sacred groves and burial places are where their ancestors live and intimate
knowledge of plants and animals are retained. There are plants that are used to cure ailments and in
times of famine such as during El Nino years, they gather certain tubers, which wash these overnight
in running water and consumed as food. Some ailments of their animals, especially water buffalo
which is important for them as it helps them in farming and in carrying heavy loads, are treated with
herbal concoctions. The forest is a source of their daily sustenance and livelihood. The main products
that they gather and sell to lowlanders are fruits, bananas, mushrooms, ferns, orchids, rattan,
creepers, baskets, nuts and honey. Prices of these products are low and dictated by traders, who
either go up the mountains to buy from farmers or else purchase these products from farmers when
they go down from the mountains on weekly market days.
The problems that the Higaonon are encountering include: constant intentional or natural fires which
occur frequently during the summer, decimating what is left of their forest resources; unmitigated
small scale logging due to the lack of timber to build houses and for other uses, so that even young
trees are already being cut; lack of appreciation regarding the importance of their forest resources;
and population pressure. Population pressure is the most difficult to deal with, given their idea that
children are gifts from God, security during old age and that children are resource that can help them
in doing back-breaking chores. There is also the problem of overlap between customary laws and the
laws of the Philippine government especially as they relate to tenure rights and land boundaries.
Leadership among the tribal leaders is also problematic, especially amidst the lure and pressures of
logging and mining concerns and poverty.
Even with these problems, there are a plethora of opportunities that the Higaonon communities can
or are already pursuing in order to improve their lives. These include: promoting local plants as herbal
medicines in tandem with low-impact eco-tourism, and in popularizing superior varieties of ASEAN’s
most important trees such as rambutan (Nephelium lappaceum), mangosteen (Garcinia mangostana),
lanzones (Lansium domesticum), santol (Sandoricum koetjape), tamarind (Tamarindus indica), mango
(Mangifera indica) and noni (Morinda citrifolia), species renowned for their high food value and
medicinal properties. They also plan to participate in the arena of “green development,” collaborate
with bio-labs, research networks and commercial ventures worldwide, using the land, human resource
and traditional knowledge system as capital.
Long-term plan that they want to pursue include: establishing a “living museum” wherein their forest
and upland resource will serve as the main resource, and indexing, propagating and marketing
seedlings of ASEAN’s most important trees in Mindanao. This is with the realization that seedlings
are of inferior quality because they are propagated from unexamined trees. The concept of the living
museum is different from the traditional herbarium, enclosed type but will feature not only the forest
resource but also their living culture and way of life. A 6-hectare land area is now being readied for
this initiative. They are starting to look at how they are able to produce and market products from
plants for the local market and later on to seek commercial partners from outside. For example
banaba (Lagerstroemia speciosa) grows wild in the area and is said to be high in corosolic acid which
is a natural plant insulin and useful in lowering blood sugar. Cough remedies derived from plants are
already marketed locally with some success. Treatment of intestinal parasites of farm animals using
leaves of local plants is also practiced.
In the arena of advocacy, there is a growing realization among local leaders that they should actively
participate in international governance dynamics so that they will not be smothered forever. The
value of the internet enhances communication networks with other tribal communities and support
system worldwide and in market promotions of products, services and technologies. The latest
declaration on forests and climate change (Sydney) are windows of opportunity windows. But firstly
they have to realize the need to be organized in order to have a voice and to have a recognized
articulator of their interests. Their initiative in this respect is to use their neighborhood interest groups
and associations as a springboard to create a local federation. Thus a local federation was born and
composed of 58 local groups. It is governed by a board composed of elected leaders from the local
groups and managed by a committee holding office at the LEF since that they cannot yet stand on

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their own financially. Organizational strengthening in the arena of financial management, conflict
management, leadership and organizational management is on-going with trainers and experts
sourced from the local academe, NGO and local government units. They are planning to link and
network with like-minded organizations in the Mindanao area and possibly nationally.

Acknowledgements
Thanks are due to the Australian Department of Education Science and Training (DEST) for the
Endeavour Leadership awarded to the main author which enabled him to stay and further refine
research results at the Australian National University (ANU) in Canberra. Thanks is also due to
Marilyn Popp of the Crawford School of Economics and Government for facilitating his stay at the
Crawford School, ANU.

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KNOWLEDGE OF WILD PLANTS FOR HUMAN AND VETERINARY

USE IN WEST BENGAL

Bharati Sen

SHPT School of Library Science, SNDT Women’s University, NewMarine Lines,

Mumbai 400020, India. Email: sens3412@gmail.com

Introduction
It has been observed that the tribal populations living in remote forest area are in good health in
comparison to the tribal population living in deforested areas. Forest-based tribal community members
seldom suffers from contagious diseases like skin infection, or from hypertension, diabetes and non-
viral respiratory infections. The reason is that tribal groups living in remote forest area use roots,
tubers, fruits and some other forest based dietary nutritional food supplements that provide their
balanced nutritional requirements (Singh ca. 2004) and thereby decrease their susceptibility to these
health problems.
In the current work, the author has tried to bring together the knowledge of the local people and
knowledge of Ayuerveda regarding 12 plants found in West Bengal in India. The use of these plants in
preparation of herbal medicines is also highlighted along with ongoing research in allopathic medicine.
This paper is part of an ongoing research on local/traditional knowledge in health and healing (Sen
2007).

Objectives and Methodology

The objectives of the study were to:
ƒ Develop a listing of the traditional medicinal plants used by local people of selected
areas of West Bengal for common ailments;
ƒ Record the use of plants for veterinary problems;
ƒ Review the status of these plants vis-a-vis their uses in Ayurvedic, herbal and
allopathic medicine.
Interviews were conducted in local communities to investigate the knowledge of the local people who
are the main users of medicinal plants. The data on plant species were recorded during field trips. All
the plants described are found in the wild.

Plants and their local uses

Abrus precatorius L.
Family: Fabaceae (Papilionoideae). Bengali name: Kunch.
Veterinary use: For acute colic (root); ephemeral fever (root); skin allergy (leaves, root).
Human use: Stomach ache: 10-15 drops of leaf extract with half cup water. Apply paste of leaf on
stomach to cure stomach ache.
Skin eruptions: Fruit paste (one part e.g. 10 gms.) cooked in 10 parts (100 gms.) sesame (til) oil. Oil to
be strained and applied
Abutilon indicum (L.) Sweet
Family: Malvaceae. Bengali name: Petari
Veterinary use: For ephemeral fever (root).
Human use: Cough: Seed powder a large pinch. 2 to 3 times a day with honey.
Tooth ache and pain in the gums: Gargle with water in which leaves have been boiled.
Boil or bruise: wash with water in which leaves have been boiled. Then apply a paste of leaves or
flowers.

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Achyranthus aspera L.
Family: Amaranthaceae. Bengali name: Apang
Veterinary use: For maggot wounds (root).
Human use: Loss of appetite/problem with digestion: Root 1/8 portion with black pepper 7/8 portion
ground, made into small pills and dried. To be taken twice after food.
For potbelly: green plant wrapped in banana leaf, tied with green creeper coated with mud, roasted on
fire. Juice extracted from the roasted plant. Two tea spoon drunk with 7/8 tea spoon of water. With
some diet restriction this will give result in a month.
Adina cordifolia Willd. ex Roxb.
Family: Rubiaceae. Bengali name: Kadam
Veterinary use: Stem and bark used for acute colic, diarrhoea, fracture.
Human use: For bad breath or odour in the mouth: Cut flowers into pieces, boil in water. Use the
water for gargling.
Deworming: Leaf juice to be drunk
Albizzia lebbeck (L.) Benth.
Family Fabaceae (Mimosoideae). Bengali name: Shirish
Veterinary use: For eye injury (tender leaves); skin allergy (leaves).
Human use: Strengthening teeth and gums: Brushing teeth with powder of root bark.
Migraine: A very small pinch of bark of the root or seed powder to be taken as snuff but not more than
twice a day.
Alternanthera sessilis R. Br.
Family: Amaranthaceae. Bengali name: Burmashak
Veterinary use: Used as fodder. It gives strength
Human use: Deworming: Two tea spoons of the juice with equal amount of water drunk warm.
Excretion of saliva from mouth during sleep: One to one and a half tea spoon of juice with 3 to 4 tea
spoon water drunk warm.
Anogeissus latifolia (Roxb. ex DC.) Wall.
Family: Combretaceae. Bengali name: Dhava
Veterinary use: For cough and cold, (stem bark); diarrhoea, (stem bark)
Human use: Anemia: Fresh stem skin juice 2 tea spoons daily. If fresh stem is not available bark
powder boiled in water 3 to 4 tea spoon twice a day.
Piles: Both fresh juice and bark extract are beneficial
Argemone mexicana L.
Family: Papaveraceae. Bengali name: Shialkanta
Veterinary use: For black quarter (root); haemorrhagic septicaemia (root, whole plant); ticks (seeds).
Human use: Skin eruptions: Boil seeds with mustard oil, apply.
Sting of wasp: Immediate application of root paste reduce burning sensation
Aristolochia indica L.
Family: Aristolochiaceae. Bengali name: Ishermul
All species of Aristolochia are considered to be endangered in India
Veterinary use: For diarrhoea (root bark) haemorrhagic septicaemia (root bark).
Human use: Stomach ache: One cup Root powder with little warm water. Asthma Root powder ½ cup.
With a little water gives relief but does not cure.
Asparagus racemosus Willd.
Family: Liliaceae. Bengali name: Shatamuli
Currently considered to be vulnerable due to over exploitation in India
Veterinary use: For increasing milk yield (root).
Human use: Breast milk drying up: Juice of root 2 tea spoon, half cup milk and 1 tea spoon sugar
taken twice. Will start lactating after 3 to 4 days.
Biliary colic: Root juice 2 to 3 tea spoon with a little (1/2 cup) raw milk to be taken on empty stomach.
However food has to be controlled.
Blood dysentery: Juice of root 4 tea spoon with 7 to 8 tea spoon milk morning and evening for few
days.

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Asteracantha longifolia Nees

Family: Acanthaceae. Bengali name: Kulekhara
Veterinary use: For dysentery (seeds).
Human use: Anemia: Leaf juice warmed 4tea spoon twice a day. Stops bleeding from cuts leaf pulp to
be applied. The wound also dries fast. Insomnia: Root juice 2 to 4 tea spoon taken in the evening.
Azadirachta indica A. Juss
Family: Meliaceae. Bengali name: Neem
Veterinary use: For diarrhoea (stem bark); maggot wound (seed oil); lice (leaves); worms (stem bark)
Human use: Jaundice: 25 to 30 drops of leaf extract with a little honey to be taken in the morning on
empty stomach. Blood sugar: 10 leaves with 5 black pepper to be chewed on empty stomach. Diet
has to be controlled Deworming for children:. Pinch of leaf powder to be taken with water on empty
stomach.

Conclusion
The 12 plants were checked against the list of plants used in the Ayurveda, Unani and Siddha
systems of traditional Indian medicine as provided by the Central Herbo Agro Marketing Federation of
India. It was found that 10 of the plants on this list. There is ongoing research in allopathic medicine
as reported in Pub Med. On analysis, it was found that herbal health care companies in India were
utilizing 6 of the 12 plants. These plants are Abutilon indicum (L.) Sweet, Achyranthes asper L.,
Albizzia lebbeck Benth., Alternanthera sessilis R. Br., Asparagus racemosus Willd., Azadirachta
indica A. Juss. According to a survey done by Singh (ca 2004) the number of pharmaceutical
companies using different parts of medicinal plants was 373.
That local population is knowledgeable about medicinal plants and these for them are cheap source of
treatment and cure is reinforced. WHO has shown its concern regarding misappropriation of natural
resources, preservation of biodiversity and protection of medicinal plant resources for the sustainable
development of traditional medicine.

References
Sen, B. 2007.Knowledge of medicinal plants: Rural women of Bengal. Presentation given at the
conference “Sharing Indigenous Wisdom: An International Dialogue on Sustainable Development”.
Green Bay, Wisconsin, June 2007.
Singh, A. B. (ca 2004). Medicinal plant survey of Dumka, Hazaribagh and Gumla Districts 2002-2003.
Ranchi: Forest Resource Survey Division. Retrieved September 25, 2007, from
http://jharenvis.nic.in/files/Medicinal-Survey%20of%20Hazaribgah%20Gumla%20Dumka-02-03.pdf
World Health Organization (WHO) (2002). Traditional medicine: Report by the Secretariat. (111th
Session. Provisional agenda item 5.7). Retrieved September 25, 2007, from
http://www.who.int/gb/ebwha/pdf_files/WHA56/ea5618.pdf

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EVALUATION OF A PARTICIPATORY MONITORING SYSTEM FOR

NON-TIMBER FOREST PRODUCTS: THE CASE OF AMLA
(PHYLLANTHUS SPP.) FRUIT HARVEST BY THE SOLIGA IN SOUTH
INDIA
Siddappa Setty1, R, Kamal Bawa1,2 Tamara Ticktin3 and C. Madegowda1
1
Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment, No: 659, 5th ‘A’ Main Road
Hebbal, Bangalore- 560024, India. Email: siddappa@atree.org
2
Department of Biology, University of Massachusetts, Boston, MA 02125, USA
3
Department of Botany, University of Hawaii at Manoa, 3190 Maile Way, Honolulu,
HI 96822, USA

Introduction
The dependence of local communities on non-timber forest products (NTFP) led to a proposition that
enhancing incomes from sustainable NTFP harvest can help maintain local livelihoods as well as
provide local communities economic incentives to conserve biodiversity (e.g. Nepstad & Schwartzman
1992). An enterprise approach to conservation operates on the belief that greater economic returns
can provide incentives for self-regulating harvest levels, and thus for conservation.
A key feature of a successful enterprise approach to NTFP conservation is a sound monitoring and
evaluation program that involves local harvesters and communities. In this paper we discuss our
experiences using a participatory research model that we developed and employed over a ten year
period (1995-2005) for the wild-harvesting of NTFPs from the Biligiri Rangaswamy Temple Wildlife
Sanctuary, South India. Around 6000 Soligas are an indigenous tribal community who live in the
Sanctuary. Although our work has encompassed a range of NTFP, here we report specifically on the
participatory monitoring efforts for two NTFP species harvested for their medicinal fruits: Phyllanthus
emblica Linn and Phyllanthus indofischeri Bennet. (Euphorbiaceae) both known locally as amla or
nelli, or as Indian gooseberry in English. Both are medium-sized trees found in dry deciduous and
scrub forests. Their fruits are rich in vitamin C and are widely used in pickles, jams, preserves, jellies
and Ayurvedic medicines. The Soligas retained the sole right to NTFP extraction under the aegis of a
tribal cooperative called the Large-Scale Adivasi Multi-Purpose Society (LAMPS). Recently these
rights have been nullified and ban was imposed on harvest.
The objectives of our paper are to: 1) Describe the establishment and evolution of our participatory
resource monitoring (PRM) activities; 2) Compare some of the results of participatory monitoring to
those obtained from monitoring using standard ecological approaches; and 3) Evaluate some of the
successes and challenges associated with our PRM model.

Methodology
In 1995, in collaboration with the local non governmental organisation called Vivekananda Girijana
Kalyana Kendra (VGKK), we initiated activities to set up an enterprise to increase the Soliga’s income
from NTFP harvest. The core idea was to increase the Soliga’s economic stake in the sanctuary's
biotic resources by generating additional income through processing NTFPs on site and marketing
them directly, so as to capture a greater share of the final value. Over the years, we initiated the
following activities to strengthen the Soliga’s capacity to monitor and protect NTFP.
Pre-harvest meetings were initiated and held 4-5 meetings during the amla fruiting season in each
settlement (podu) per year. During these meetings we discussed harvesting methods and
emphasized the importance of certain conservation measures such as leaving a proportion of fruits on
the tree for regeneration, removing hemiparasites, and not lopping branches while harvesting fruit.
Hemiparasites significantly increase amla mortality and reduce fruit production, and branch-cutting
significantly decreases fruit production in the following years (Setty 2004).
In 1998 amla harvesters from different settlements visually estimated the amount of amla fruits. The
harvesters then drew a map with charcoal on the ground for their estimates. These resource survey
maps proved to be particularly useful in turn allowed them to find a good trader to whom to sell their

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fruits. The maps also allowed harvesters to identify areas from which they should avoid harvesting if
they felt that those areas have been repeatedly over-harvested in the past.
Once the amla harvest season began, rates and quantities of fruits extracted were estimated using
three different methods. The first method involved estimates made at the level of individual trees to
create awareness in post harvest meetings on better harvest techniques. The second method
involved a visual estimation of amla extraction rates at the forest level. The same harvesters who
prepared the amla fruit productivity estimation maps for their respective sites and years, also visually
estimated the quantity of fruits extracted. Extraction levels were then marked on those same maps.
The third method, carried out based on the actual amount of fruits sold by the LAMPS each year. We
used this method to cross-check the information obtained from the previous method.
During the harvest season, the summarized the fruit extraction monitoring data were shared with the
harvesters to improve the method of harvest for the next day. The objectives of these meetings were
to review the harvest both in terms of the amount of fruits harvested and the harvest techniques used,
and assess reactions to the participatory resource monitoring. The PRM method of monitoring
regeneration was initiated once a year during December or January by the community. Every year, a
team of 10-15 harvesters estimated regeneration of amla in the forests by counting the seedlings,
saplings and adult stems of amla with three to four plots of 20m2.
Comparison of PRM and scientific estimates: To assess the effectiveness of the PRM visual
monitoring of fruit production levels, we established an independent, systematic estimate of fruit
production. For this, ten 1000 x 10 m transects were established randomly. The visual estimates of
amla fruit production made by the harvesters were very similar to those obtained using the scientific
transect methods.

Results and Discussion

Since 1996 a total of 175 pre-harvest meetings and 126 post-harvest meetings were carried out. The
total attendance was 8626 including men, women and children. Significantly lower levels of branch
cutting were recoded in the high-PRM site versus low (χ2 = 34.95; p < 0.0001). Since branch-cutting
leads to significant decreases in fruit productivity (Setty 2004), this reduced branch cutting can be
expected to lead to greater productivity. The proportion of fruits harvested was also lower in the high
PRM site than low, while the reverse was true for the proportion of trees with hemiparasites removed.
Our data also illustrates a strong negative correlation between the percent of trees that had branches
lopped and the number of post-harvest meetings (r² = 0.93). Sharing of results on harvest levels and
practices with harvesters during the post harvest meetings was likely successful in generating more
awareness about prudent harvest methods.
The PRM techniques used here provide insight on sustainability in several ways. First, they provide
estimates of harvest rates. Second, PRM provides insight on sustainability through the monitoring of
regeneration. The success of the mapping exercise coincides with other research which has
demonstrated participatory mapping can be an effective tool in resource management (Lynam et al.
2007). Similarly there are obvious direct benefits to harvesters who use better harvesting techniques,
and there was good participation in reducing the cutting of main branches. In contrast, changes in
extraction rates can impact future productivity and harvest levels. There was no interest in monitoring
regeneration without compensation for time and effort. A portion of the revenue gained by LAMPS is
set aside each year to pay for the regeneration monitoring, so that it is a permanent and long-term
feature of the PRM. In 2004 the Indian Forest Department banned NTFP collection for sale. This has
placed harvesting and monitoring on hold. However “scheduled tribes and other traditional forest
dwellers Act”, passed in December 2006, promises to change this situation.

Conclusion
Our efforts over the past ten years illustrate some PRM techniques that have proved to be highly
effective and accurate, including strategies for participatory resource mapping, visual productivity
estimation, and discussion and promotion of improved harvest techniques. These techniques provide
insight for PRM strategies elsewhere, where they can be adapted and tested. Participatory visual
estimates of fruit production were accurate. Pre-harvest and post-harvest meetings provided
mechanisms for regulating harvest level by increasing awareness and discussion of current levels of
fruit production, extraction, harvest patterns and regeneration. In addition, the enterprise unit,

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community institutions and LAMPS also stipulate conservation. Developing these techniques would
only be possible where harvesters have tenure over their resources.

Acknowledgements
This work was funded by a grant from the Biodiversity Conservation Network, Ford Foundation, Sir
Dorabji Tata Trust and Eda G. Sehgal for travel support. We thank R. Ganesan, Dr. H. Sudarshan
and Nitin Rai for their inputs. We thank the Soliga community for their participation. We thank the
Karnataka Forest Department for their collaboration.

References
Nepstad, D. C. and S. Schwartzman. 1992 Non-timber Forest Products: Where to go from Here?
Advances in Economic Botany, Non-Timber Forests: Evaluation of a Conservation and Development
Strategy. New York Botanical Gardens, Bronx, N.Y. 9:164.
Lynam, T., W. De Jong, D. Sheil, T. Kusumanto, and K. Evans. 2007. A review of tools for
incorporating community knowledge, preferences, and values into decision making in natural
resources management. Ecology and Society 12(1): 5.
[online] URL: http://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol12/iss1/art5/
Setty Siddappa, R. 2004. Ecology and productivity studies on some non-timber forest products in
Biligiri Rangaswamy Temple wildlife sanctuary. Doctoral Dissertation. University of Mysore, Mysore,
India.

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STRENGTHENING THE AETA-MAGANTSI ECOLOGICAL VALUES

FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
Marinor C. Soriano

Graduate School of Public Administration - International Christian University

10-2, Osawa 3-chome, Mitaka-shi, Tokyo, Japan
Email: nor_c_soriano@yahoo.com.ph

Introduction
The indigenous peoples maintain a concept of sustainable development which is anchored in their
indigenous ecological values. However, these values are sometimes altered as circumstances (such
as natural calamities, forcible evictions from ancestral lands, acculturation, depletion of forest
resources, extreme poverty, growing populations, etc.) arise within their communities. In some
instances, these ecological values are maintained by the indigenous people, but are ineffectual due to
social or cultural biases of the mainstream society.
According to Berkes (1999), indigenous ecological knowledge not only includes cultural preservation,
but also embraces issues such as worldviews, cultural survival, ownership of knowledge or intellectual
property rights, empowerment, local control of land and resources, cultural revitalization, and self-
determination. Eder (as cited in Ploeg & Masipiquena 2005), however, explains that the traditional
systems of resource use, the beliefs about sacred places and sacred resources do not explicitly
address possible future resource depletion, rather it serves as a guide towards more sustainable
resource management.
The eruption of Mount Pinatubo in 1990 prompted the relocation of the Aeta tribe in the three
provinces of Central Luzon – Zambales, Pampanga and Tarlac. To them, Mount Pinatubo was the
sanctuary of their supreme god, Apo Namallari. They believe that the animals and trees of the earth
are embodiments of the spirits of their departed forefathers (ABS-CBN Broadcasting Corporation
1996), and that these spirits were thriving in their sacred mountain. These beliefs greatly influenced
the way they view and deal with nature.
At present, there are about 60 Aeta-Magantsi families inhabiting the Dueg Resettlement Area (NCIP
2000), a relocation site situated in the Western part of the Tarlac Province. As part of the relocation
scheme, various projects were implemented by the government sector and non-government
organizations in order to ensure their economic survival.
This study was conducted in order to determine the impact of the eruption of Mount Pinatubo on the
ecological values of the displaced Aeta-Magantsi, a sub-group of the Aeta tribe. It also aims to
determine if relocation and other development programs implemented by the government agencies
and non-government organizations helped in strengthening their ecological values.

Methodology
This study focuses on identifying, reviving and strengthening the Aeta-Magantsi’s ecological values as
a guide for implementing sound and sustainable development initiatives (see Figure 1 for Conceptual
Framework). This indigenous group maintains a concept of sustainable development which is
translated through the conduct of their rituals and relationship with nature. However, in spite of the
established set of ecological values, some factors arise in their community which later compels them
to either maintain or completely alter these traditional ecological practices.
In order to strengthen these indigenous ecological values and to utilize them for devising sustainable
development programs in their community, these programs require a shared effort and strong support
and strong partnership between the external actors, which include the Local Government Unit (LGU),
the non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the National Government, and the internal actors, i.e.,
the indigenous people themselves. Once their ecological values are determined, this will lead to the
revival and strengthening of their own notion of sustainable development which could be a basis for
future development projects which will be complementary to their values and ecologically beneficial.

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Aeta-Magantsing /
Community

Projects for environmental

conservation and poverty Concept of sustainable
alleviation development

Change or
Factors affecting Value 1 Value 2 Value 3 Value 4 maintenance of
changes in values
ecological values

Internal External

Community

Local National
government NGO government
unit

Strengthening Aeta-Magantsing’s ecological

values

Figure 1. Conceptual Framework

Qualitative research methods were used to identify the indigenous ecological practices and explore
the impacts of the relocation program on the ecological knowledge and cultural practices of the Aeta-
Magantsi. Specifically, ethnographic study, purposive sampling, on-site informal observation, and
triangulation method of Merriam (2002) were employed. In addition, interviews, on-site immersion, and
documentary review were used as primary method for data collection.
There were 50 respondents for this study, with individuals grouped according to: (1) age: 20-49 years
old (78%), and 50 years old and above (22%); and (2) gender: Male (30%) and Female (70%).
Representatives from non-government and government agencies who have experiences working with
this tribe were also included as respondents.

Results and Discussion

One of the traditional livelihood practices of the Aeta-Magantsi involved shifting cultivation which was
confined to a specific area and would be carried out if the spirits dwelling in that particular area were
properly acknowledged. This belief restrains the tribe from engaging in excessive consumption of
forest resources, thereby allowing the ecological restoration of the depleted forest reserve.
The respondents agreed that life on Mount Pinatubo was far better than their present situation in the
resettlement area and that relocation greatly affected their ecological practices. Likewise, all of them
are aware that forest resource are rapidly declining and are willing to help restore the natural
equilibrium despite the lack of support from the government sector.
The respondents whose ages are from 50 years old and above believe that trees, animals, and pools
are like human beings and that they must be respected and treated properly. They emphasized the
importance of offering food before engaging into any activity that will require the cutting of trees. This
is done in order to appease the spirits dwelling in the trees. As reflected in their traditional practice of
shifting cultivation, they also believe that any source of subsistence involving nature must be protected
and consumed judiciously by the entire tribe. On the other hand, members of the tribe between 20 and
49 years old do not engage in any traditional tribal practices; in their view, these were done only in the
early days and are no longer applicable at present due to extreme poverty and scarcity of forest

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resources. In contrast to the traditional practice of communal ownership, this group prefers individual
ownership as a way to improve their economic status. Their preference for this practice started when a
communal reforestation project was introduced in the community by the government sector.
The constant pressure from the lowland people, coupled with the economic hardship, compels male
members to abandon the practice of food offering or any tribal rituals prior to cutting of trees or
clearing of areas for agricultural purposes. The female members, on the other hand, are still aware of
the importance of tribal rituals, specifically food offering, but are restrained from doing so because of
extreme poverty and scarcity of resources.
The support that the Aeta-Magantsi are receiving from the government and non-government sector
remains weak and insufficient since it fails to alleviate their economic condition and uphold their
cultural rights. The lack of strong partnership and failure to determine and incorporate the good
ecological practices of the Aeta-Magantsi keeps them in a very disadvantaged condition. Therefore, it
is strongly recommended that the traditional ecological values of the indigenous peoples be
considered and included in devising future development projects.

References
ABS-CBN Broadcasting Corporation. 1996. The Revered Mountain, The Fearsome Volcano:
Pinatubo’s Two Faces. (Online), May 5, 2007. http://park.org/Philippines/pinatubo/page2.html
Berkes, F. 1999. Sacred Ecology: Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Resource Management.
Philadelphia, PA : Taylor & Francis.
Merriam, S.B. et al. 2002. Qualitative Research in Practice: Examples for Discussion and Analysis.
San Francsico, California: Josey-Bass Publishing Company.
National Commission on Indigenous Peoples. 2002. Updated Census of the Indigenous Cultural
Communities, Province of Tarlac. NCIP-Tarlac Field Office.
Ploeg, J.V. and Masipiquena, A.B. 2005. The Future of Sierra Madre: Responding to Social and
Ecological Changes. Tuguegarao City, Philippines: Cagayan Valley Program on Environment and
Development.

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LESSONS AND CHALLENGES FROM COMMUNITY-BASED FOREST

MANAGEMENT IN INDONESIA
Shimako Takahashi

Environment and Sustainable Development Programme, United Nations University

5-53-70 Jingumae, Shibuya-ku, Tokyo 150-8925 Japan
E mail: stakahashi@hq.unu.edu

Introduction
Forest certification schemes involve the awarding of forest management certificates and Chain of
Custody certificates (Scheyvens 2006). The certification is expected to be one of the most effective
means of verifying the legality of timber and wood products to address the situation that much of the
world’s forest coverage has been lost due to human interventions (FAO 2005). Forest certification was
launched as the realization of global actions to halt deforestation, ultimately towards achieving the
Millennium Development Goals, and Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) was established as a leading
scheme in 1993. To date, however, these forest certification schemes have had mixed results. The
development of forest certification was originally driven with an aim of conserving tropical forests
worldwide, but many of the forests that have achieved certification status have been in developed
countries (Ozinga 2004, Cashore et al. 2006). Also, several types of forest certification scheme
besides FSC have launched around the world. Yet, there have been few case studies on their
implementation, challenges and impact in developing countries.
With the growing potentialities and respect of traditional knowledge and customary practices for forest
management, community-based forest management (CBFM) has been advocated in the mainstream
of forest conservation and sustaining livelihoods of local communities. CBFM supports sustainable
management and use of forest resources by providing local communities with multiple values, which
makes it a critical approach to sustainable forest management. This paper presents a case study of
CBFM-certified Indonesian villages: how community-based forest management has been practiced
with the multifaceted challenges of the community, linked with a forest certification scheme under the
umbrella of sustainable forest management.
This paper has two goals. The first is to examine local perspectives on their community forest
management and analyze challenges of their practices linked with the forest certification scheme. The
second is, based on the local view and challenges, to propose actions for the international community
to support sustainable forest management. This case study addresses the certification of Indonesian
Ecolabelling Institute (LEI), a leading forest certification institute in Indonesia. Since this was the first
village-based forest management case that was granted the forest certification in the country, the
finding of this study can be shared to provide a model for other communities that seek forest
certification and promote sustainable forest management. Today, sustainable forest management
encompasses a diverse range of forest management approaches. In this paper, sustainable forest
management means that local forests are reserved and well-managed for local use and timber
production meets demands from outside the village in a way that balances economic growth and
forest conservation.

Methodology
Wonogiri District, adjacent to Yogyakarta District in Central Java, is known for its dry and barren areas
and its recurrent water shortages. Java’s longest river, the Bengawan Solo whose source is located at
Giriwoyo in Wonogiri periodically floods during the rainy season (Gondowarsito 1990, personal
communication 2007). Thus, water management is a serious concern while agriculture is the primary
livelihood.
The villages of Sumberejo and Selopuro in Wonogiri were the first villages in Indonesia to be granted
LEI forest certification in 2004 (LEI 2005). These two villages are dominated by rocky land, but dotted
with teak and mahogany forests. This research analyzes the Sumberejo’s attempts to maintain its
community-based forest management practice and a traditional philosophy of forest management.

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The field information was collected through rapid rural appraisal, interviews and focus group
discussions in 2006 and 2007. Among rapid rural appraisal tools, each group used participatory
mapping, a seasonal calendar, a historical matrix focusing on ecological changes, and venn diagrams
to discuss a specific theme. Also, the informants were asked how forest certification process was
introduced by outsiders, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and governments into the villages.
These opinions would help us understand the reasons for and against the integration of forest
certification into local forest management and to see how the certification system would promote
sustainable forest management.

Results and Discussion

This section explores the potential and challenges of forest management and also discusses
unresolved issues requiring further provisions in terms of compatibility of community-based forest
management and gaining economic benefits from their current practice.
Experience and Roads to Forest Certification
Wonogiri (“mountain forest”) is one of Central Java’s poorest districts. Agriculture, the primary
livelihood, alone cannot provide a sufficient livelihood in this chronically dry region, and agroforestry
and livestock farming are a safety net for rural livelihood. In the villages, community forestry
management has been practiced with their own community rules. The villagers themselves set the
following rules before applying for the forest certification: planting ten to 25 trees is obligatory
whenever a single tree is cut down; the smallest tree that could be harvested should have a 25-
centimeter diameter at breast height (dbh). Consequently, not only does the village enjoy the honor of
primary production of teak and mahogany, but the increased water security has also provided the
region with more streams and natural fountains where there had been floods and a shortage of clean
water during the dry season.
The implementation of sustainable forest management in local areas in transition is a serious concern.
This is not to say that forest conservation and sustainable forest management are new to the village.
Rather, the local people of Sumberejo have a long tradition of sustainable forest management. In
Wonogiri, the concept of karang kitri requires people who live on the land to keep it green. When the
Association of Social and Economic Studies and Development (PERSEPSI), a development NGO in
Java, broached the idea of applying to the villages in 2001, the villagers were not interested because
they did not understand the linkage between their forests and forest certification. Some villagers were
worried about the expense and the complicated application process. However, they did realize the
importance of sustainable forest management from their experience because it was an element of
karang kitri and could contribute to improve their livelihood. The community began preparing their
application with support from PERSEPSI and the World Wide Fund for Nature Indonesia. Finally,
CBFM certification was granted to the villages of Sumberejo and Selopuro in October 2004.

Lessons and Challenges

The author examined the difficulty of reconciling villagers’ needs for a sustainable livelihood with the
demands of community-based forest management and economic growth. The identification of these
challenges will help local stakeholders to create a comprehensive plan of strategies and actions for
improvements in rural life and sustainable forest management. Also, this research studied local
perspectives on the links between community-based forest management and the forest certification,
and used those views as the basis of suggestions and recommendations for developing the
certification scheme and community-based forest management. Global consumers have influenced
the activities and recognition of suppliers and producers as the transboundary transaction of timber
resources has accelerated in the world. Therefore, this paper concludes by proposing what the
international community and consumers can do to contribute ultimately to sustainable forest
management of timber-producing countries. This presentation will allow participants to share a good
practice and lessons on sustainable forest management on the ground and discuss what cooperation
and support is to be provided in the future.

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References
Cashore, B., Gale, F., Meidinger, E., & Newsom, D., 2006. Introduction: Forest Certification in
Analytical and Historic Perspective. In Cashore, B., Gale, F., Meidinger, E., Newsom, D. (Eds.),
Confronting Sustainability: Forest Certification in Developing and Transitioning Countries. Yale F&ES
Publication Series Report Number 8. pp. 7-23.
FAO, 2005. Global Forest Resources Assessment 2005. Rome: FAO.
Gondowarsito, R., 1990. Transmigrasi Bedol Desa: Inter-Island Village Resettlement From Wonogiri
To Bengkulu. Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 26 (1): 48-68.
LEI: The Indonesian Ecolabelling Institute., 2005. Villagers create forests, improve environment.
Retrieved from http://www.lei.or.id/english/news_detail.php?cat=0&news_id=5
Ozinga, S., 2004. Time to measure the impacts of certification on sustainable forest management.
Unasylva 219, 55: 33-38.
Scheyvens, H., 2006. Combatting Forest Degradation - Certification as a driving force for amelioration.
IGES Policy Brief No. 3.

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CHANGING ROLE OF FORESTRY IN SUSTAINING LIVELIHOODS

AND ENVIRONMENT, AND UTILIZATION OF ITK IN FOREST
MANAGEMENT
V. P. Tewari

Forest Management Unit, Silviculture Division, Arid Forest Research Institute,

P.O. Krishi Mandi, New Pali Road, Jodhpur 342 005, INDIA
E-mail: vptewari@yahoo.com

Introduction
Forests are the most extensive vegetation type on earth and harbor most of the world’s terrestrial
biodiversity. Forests affect the lives of people everywhere, especially those who are poor and
dependent, or semi-subsistent, on forests for food, wood and non-wood forest products, and
ecological services that they provide. Large forest areas are the traditional homes of local and
indigenous communities. They manage their forests independently, or sometimes in collaboration with
government agencies. With greater public interest and involvement in forest management decision-
making, there is a growing need for decision-makers and managers to consider all relevant
knowledge about forest ecosystems and the impact of forest management options in the development
of forest policies and operational practices.

Traditional Forest-Related Knowledge

Traditional forest-related knowledge is defined as "a cumulative body of knowledge, practice and
belief, handed down through generations by cultural transmission and evolving by adaptive
processes, about the relationship between living beings (including humans) with one another and with
their forest environment" (Berkes et al. 2002). Traditional Knowledge is a combination of ancient
ingenious practices and techniques, locally adapted and distinctive to a territory or a community.
Traditional knowledge is mainly of a practical nature, particularly in such fields as agriculture,
fisheries, health, horticulture, forestry and environmental management in general (www.cbd.int).

TFRK – The International Scenario

Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD)
CBD Article 8(j) emphasizes "the need to respect, preserve and maintain knowledge, innovations and
practices of indigenous and local communities embodying traditional lifestyles for the conservation
and sustainable use of biological diversity and [promotion of] their wider application with the approval
and involvement of such knowledge, innovations and practices and encourage the equitable sharing
of the benefits arising from the utilization of such knowledge, innovations and practices." (CBD:
http://www.cbd.int).

UN Convention to Combat Desertification

UN Convention to Combat Desertification (1994) requires parties to "…protect, integrate, enhance
and validate traditional and local knowledge, know-how and practices" and that "…owners of that
knowledge will directly benefit on an equitable basis and on mutually agreed terms" (CCD, Article
18[a]; http:// www.mcpfe.org).

Intergovernmental Panel on Forests

The report of the special Intergovernmental Panel on Forests (IPF), presented to the Commission for
Sustainable Development (UNCSD, 1997) and identified following priority research areas on TFRK:
• To recognize and support traditional resource use systems incorporating TFRK
• To explore the relationships between TFRK and sustainable forest management, and
establish stronger linkages between traditional and emerging national sustainable forest
management systems

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• To recognize TFRK in developing national criteria and indicators for the sustainable
management of forests within the context of national forest programmes
• To identify ways and means to secure the effective protection of indigenous rights and the fair
and equitable sharing of benefits arising from the use of TFRK

World Forestry Congress

The XI World Forestry Congress, convened at Antalya, Turkey (WFC 1997) also highlighted the
importance of TFRK and stressed that:
• Indigenous knowledge should be better integrated with scientific knowledge.
• For sustainable management to be attained, conservation of forest resources must be linked
with the development needs of rural populations dependent on those resources.

IUFRO Task Force on TFRK

A Task Force on Traditional Forest Knowledge was established by IUFRO 2005 for a term of 5 years.
The primary aim of the Task Force on Traditional Forest Knowledge is to increase understanding of
the inter-relationships between traditional and formal (scientific) forest-related knowledge and
catalyze potential synergistic applications for sustainable forest management (http://www.iufro.org).

FPRD for Tropical Forestry Research Priorities

The 5th Framework Programme on Research and Development (FPRD) for Tropical Forestry
Research Priorities (http://www.etfrn.org) highlighted that “Being a logical complement of the
decentralisation of forest management, the present day, fancy for traditional knowledge, challenges
researchers for several reasons. Firstly one should try to comprehend, sort out the fashionable
aspects and 'find out about' what should be transferred into the field of science. The work at hand
therefore consists of collecting this kind of knowledge, and making an inventory. One should also try
to see what effect the implementation of this traditional knowledge may have on forests”.

The Indian Perspective

India has responded to its ratification of the Convention on Biological Diversity with a National
Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan (NBSAP) which has as one of its main objectives the broad
participation of local groups, the sustainable use of biological resources and benefit-sharing at all
levels. However, the existing 1988 National Forest Policy, whilst envisaging local involvement in the
development and protection of forests, ‘essentially remains a broad statement of government intent
and does little in the way of specifying any legal rights or duties owed to forest communities [or to]
tribal/indigenous peoples’ (Debbarma 2004).
The Indian government responded to this need through the promotion of Participatory Forest
Management (PFM) and Joint Forest Management (JFM), emphasising their efficacy as means of
regenerating degraded forests. According to official policy documents, some 14 million hectares of
forest are now being maintained through over 65,000 Village Forest Protection Committees. But
implementation of this approach has taken hold only in certain states, and JFM has not been
accompanied by the necessary changes in the Indian legal framework, with management
responsibilities being assigned to local communities merely as an administrative arrangement
(http://www.un.org).

Issues related to TFRK

While there is a lot of interest in understanding traditional indigenous knowledge, it is important to
assess its long-term potential in the context of larger social and economic changes. Some of the
issues that may be considered are:
• Are there any efforts to apply scientific tools and techniques to improve traditional indigenous
knowledge?
• To what extent could such knowledge supplement and complement modern science in
developing practices and techniques for resource management and utilization?

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• To what extent has such knowledge actually helped to address the emerging problems
relating to resource management?
• Issues regarding the wider application of TIK vis-a-vis knowledge based on modern science.

Conclusion and Recommendations

The IPF and World Forestry Congress reports present the opinions of people in charge of forest
services and managers. They express the demands made by people who make use of the results of
our work.
People's involvement is essential for preservation, improvement and protection of forests. The
increasing emphasis being placed on sustainable forest management, which includes ecological,
social, cultural, spiritual, and economic sustainability, should encourage greater collaboration among
government agencies, forest managers, local and indigenous communities, and the scientific
community in the definition of forest management objectives and forest management practices that
meet diverse criteria for sustainability.
At present, there is a need for a systematic global effort to explore and strengthen the linkages
between TFRK and scientific forest-related knowledge (SFRK) systems, and to develop effective
synergies between TFRK and SFRK in forest management applications. Traditional knowledge has
been a backbone of resource management for a long time and continues to be important for local
communities in the absence of access and ability to apply knowledge based on modern science.
TFRK should be preserved and utilized in actions for sustainable forest management. TRFK usage
would play crucial roles in forest conservation.

References
Berkes, F., Colding, J. and Folke, C., 2002. Rediscovery of Traditional Ecological Knowledge as
Adaptive Management. Ecological Applications 10(5), 1251-1262.
Debbarma, S., 2004 Implementation of International Commitments on Traditional Forest related
Knowledge-TFRK: A Case Study for India. Draft Case Study for the Expert Meeting on Traditional
Forest-Related Knowledge and Implementation of Related International Commitments.
WFC, 1997. Conclusions and Recommendations. Proceedings of the XI World Forestry Congress,
13-22 October 1997, Antalya, Turkey. World Forestry Congress Organizing Committee, Antalya,
Turkey.
UNCSD, 1997. The report of the special Intergovernmental Panel on Forests (IPF). Presented to the
Fifth session of the United Nations Commission for Sustainable Development. 7-25 April 1997.
www.cbd.int/programmes/socio-eco/traditional/default.shtml accessed on 3 Oct. 2007.
www.etfrn.org/ETFRN/newsletter/nl22_prior.html accessed on 3 Oct. 2007.
www.iufro.org/science/task-forces/traditional-forest-knowledge/about/ accessed on 3 Oct. 20007.
www.mcpfe.org/system/files/u1/publications/pdf/volume_1c.pdf accessed on 5 Oct. 2007.
www.un.org/esa/forests/pdf/session_documents/unff4/add-docs/docmsd_indpeo.pdf accessed on 5
Oct. 2007

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FOREST RELATED POLICY IMPLICATIONS IN BHUTAN WITH

SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE BROKPAS

Pankaj Thapa and Jigme Nidup

Department of Geography & Planning,

Royal University of Bhutan, Sherubtse College, Kanglung, Bhutan.
E-mail: pankajthapa2002@yahoo.co.in, jigsnidup@yahoo.com

Introduction
The tiny land-locked Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan extends from 26°40' - 28°15' N and 88°45' -
92°10' E, and spans over a geographical area of 38,394 sq. km. The country stretches from 160
meters above sea level in the southern foothills to over 7,500 meter towards the northern mountains,
and exhibits diverse ecological wealth, which makes it one of the worlds’ top ten biodiversity hot
spots. The country maintains 72.5 percent of its geographical area under forest cover, including 26
percent declared as nature parks and wildlife reserves, and 9% as biological corridors.
While many countries ignored the inevitable consequences of environmental backlash in favour of
quick economic returns, Bhutan pursued a cautious, environmentally-friendly and sustainable
approach to development that is guided by the concept of Gross National Happiness (GNH) rather
than Gross National Product (GNP). The need to adapt and tackle the challenges imposed by
modernization, globalization, democratization and decentralization have led to the formulation and
implementation of various policies and legislations, amongst which forest related issues emerge as
the most elaborate and crucial one. This paper examines the implication of these policies on the
livelihood of the ‘Brokpas’ or the herding community in Eastern Bhutan.

Methodology
The understanding of the forest related policies and its implications are primarily based on empirical
research methods. The two villages, namely Merak and Sakteng were selected mainly because they
represent a unique Himalayan ecosystem and the traditional yak herding communities, whose
livelihood are solely dependent on forest resources. Primary data (both quantitative and qualitative)
were collected from the two villages through a set of questionnaires and personal interviews. Various
documents were reviewed to understand the forest related policies and its implications on the
livelihood of the people. Other primary and secondary sources were then consulted and referenced to
very the ground realities and supplement the findings.

Forest Related Policies and Legislations

Bhutan had no definitive forest legislation or policies until the late 1960’s. Traditional institutions and
local beliefs, including formal and informal rules and norms promoted the conservation of the
environment. It was the introduction of the First Forest Act of Bhutan in 1969 which led to the
declaration of all non-registered forest land as state property, and nullified the role of traditional
institutions. This was followed by the declaration of the first National Forest Policy of 1974, which
placed strong emphasis on forest conservation above all other considerations, and asserted that more
than 60 per cent of forest cover will be maintained at all times. Though the policies related to
collection and use of some non-timber forest products were less stringent and more considerate,
communities lost their customary rights and regulatory function over forest resources, and with it
many of the indigenous knowledge systems and community-based regimes for natural resource
management disappeared (RGoB 2002). It was only after nearly two decades that a new “National
Forest Policy of 1991” (yet to be passed by the National Assembly) was formulated. This Policy does
ensure a rational management of forest through people oriented program guided by sustainability
principles, social justice and equity. The realization that sustainable resource management cannot be
achieved entirely through conventional bureaucratic and technocratic approaches further led to the
replacement of the Forest Act of 1969 by a new ‘Forest and Nature Conservation Act of 1995’, that
provided greater rights, protection and community participation in forest management. The need and
desire to balance economic development with cultural and environmental conservation - referred to as

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the ‘middle path’ is strongly expressed in ‘The Bhutan Vision 2020’, and further affirmed by a specific
vision and strategy for nature conservation (Tshering et al. 2003).

Policy Implication on local resources and the livelihoods of the Brokpas

Inhabiting the greater Himalayan region of above 3000 meters the Brokpas (Brog-pasture and pa-
inhabitants) synonymous to nomads or herdsman are the semi-nomadic people of Merak (place of
fire) and Sakteng (bamboo plain). Their herding territory ranges from about 2500m to 4500m above
sea level in winter and summer respectively. Studies carried out in 2000 enumerate the Brokpa
population to be about 4034 persons distributed over 15 villages and 543 households (Chand 2004).
The nature of their livestock can be imagined from the fact that the composition of yaks, cows, horses
and sheep, which constitutes their main livestock amounts to an average of 36 per household, with
yaks alone amounting to 20 per household (Table 1).

Table 1. Demographic & Livestock composition in Merak and Sakeng villages.

District House Population Average Total livestock Population
holds Male Female Total Household Yaks Cow Horses Sheep Total
Size livestock
Merak 213 1017 891 1908 8.9 4411 1962 1082 2852 10307
Sakteng 330 1089 1037 2126 6.4 6507 484 724 1638 9353
Total 543 2106 1928 4034 7.65 10918 2446 1806 4490 19660
Source: Computed from Chand 2004.

Until recent years the forest related policies of Bhutan had very little influence on the livelihood of the
Brokpas, mainly because of their isolation, unrestricted utilization of the resources, and lack of
monitoring and implementing agencies. But, of late there have been several reports of conflict
between the Brokpas and the local residents for their winter pasture land over grazing rights. This can
be attributed to increasing livestock and human population, family fragmentation, and shortage of
grazing land. The conservation policies of the government also led to the establishment of the
Sakteng Wildlife Sanctuary in 2003, which covers 650 sq. kms of Sakteng’s geographical area. The
park officials complain that girding, looping and illegal poaching, had caused major damage to the
environment, and without the policy initiative it would not have been possible to check the degradation
of forest in this area. But the local communities feel that their movement and grazing rights have been
restricted and they have been deprived of the forest resources. They also fear that the new rules and
regulations could further deprive them of their right over pastureland and threaten their livelihoods.
Wangchuk et al (2006) reveals that the conflict over the natural grazing land between the two
communities of Merak and Radhi is due to the shortage and tremendous pressure on pasture land,
which is utilized by the permanent inhabitants of Radhi during summer and grazed by the cattle of
Merak during winter. Independent sources report that the tension created by the rules and regulations
for conservation vis-à-vis the pressing need for modern development has led the people to believe
that environmental protection and conservation is an obstacle to economic prosperity (Pelden 2007),
and the life of the Brokpas have been made more difficult after the establishment of the Sakteng
Wildlife Sanctuary (Dema 2007).
A random survey of 72 persons in Merak and 57 persons in Sakteng was carried out to understand
the problems related to forest resources. Analysis of the various complains related to firewood, fodder
and grazing land indicated by the respondents revealed four common problems, namely the
difficulties in obtaining permission, restriction, distance and shortage. People of Merak complained
about getting permission, restriction and the long distance they have to travel to obtain firewood.
Restriction and shortage of fodder emerged to be the most persistent problem related to grazing land
(Table 2).
Obtaining the permits, restriction and shortage of firewood, restriction and shortage of fodder, and the
distance and shortage of grazing lands were reported as the major problem of Sakteng village (Table
3). Problems related to restriction and shortage of firewood, fodder and grazing land emerged to be
the most common complains of the people in both the villages.

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Table 2. Problems faced by the people of Merak.

Problems related to Firewood Fodder Grazing Land Total
Permission 21 8 14 43
Restriction 17 27 15 59
Distance 16 3 15 34
Shortage 7 21 19 47
Unspecified/others 11 13 9 33
Total Respondents 72 72 72

Table 3. Problems faced by the people of Sakteng.

Problems related to Firewood Fodder Grazing Land Total
Permission 17 5 7 29
Restriction 18 23 9 50
Distance 4 2 11 17
Shortage 13 18 24 55
Unspecified/others 5 9 6 20
Total Respondents 57 57 57

The assessment of the ground realities in the study area indicates that the policies related to the
control, use and management of forest resources tends to overlook the needs of the local people.
Firewood, timber, fodder and grazing land have become less accessible to people, and the distance
they now have to travel to maintain their lifestyle is increasing beyond their normal territory. The
‘Forest Management Code of Bhutan’ (FMC); the Integrated Conservation and Development
Programme (ICDP), and the Participatory Forest Management Project (PFMP) provide good
examples that aims at strengthening the capacity of local communities to utilize and conserve forest
resources, and address the conflict arising out of forest related policies, which are yet to make much
impact on the livelihood of the Brokpas. There is also a need to neutralized strict conservation policies
with alternative means of meeting basic needs of the affected population. Biological conservation can
be of interest to the local community only when it benefits and provides utility value.
Sharma et al (2005) illustrates how policy intervention for pilot testing by opening up collection of
Cordyceps in some areas of Bhutan provided economic benefits legally to the local communities,
generating interest amongst them for sustainable harvesting and conservation of its habitat.
Harvesting of mushroom, medicinal plants and other NWFPs, and eco-tourism are some of the
promising alternatives for the local communities of this region. Effective silviculture; system that guide
the management of forest ecosystems according to defined values and objectives; well-defined
planning and monitoring systems including property rights and resource security; attention to the
livelihoods of forest-dependent people; and development of appropriate institutional or management
structures and frameworks, suggested by Brown et al (2005) can serve as the necessary conditions
for successful forest management and policy interventions.

Conclusion
The physical, cultural and socio-economic setting of Bhutan makes it necessary to maintain at least
60% of its geographical area forested in perpetuity. While the nation is currently placed at the
comfortable environmental zone, the brunt of placing conservation above economic development
have often been felt by the communities whose livelihood directly depend on forest resource. The
case studies of the Brokpas have revealed that they are facing difficulties due to forest related policy
implementation. This signifies that the role of forest resources needs to be revitalized and supported
by compatible management strategies and policies. The meaning of conservation is best derived
when the socio-economic needs of the people are fulfilled. Therefore, the adaptation of the community
to emerging forest policies; maintenance of a close linkage between the people and forests;
supporting institutional arrangements, are some of the areas which need to be further scrutinized and
explored by researchers, planners, decision and policy makers at the national, regional and
international level.

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References
Brown, C., Durst, P., B., and Enters, T. 2005. Perceptions of excellence: Ingredients of Good Forest
Management. In: In Search of Excellence: Exemplary forest management in Asia and the Pacific.
Durst, P., B., Brown, C., Tacio, H., D., and Ishikawa, M., (eds.), FAO, Regional Community Forestry
Training Centre for Asia and the Pacific, Bangkok.
Chand, R. 2004. Brokpas: The Hidden Highlanders of Bhutan, People’s Association for Himalaya
Area Research, Nainital, India.
Dema, K. 2007. The Naazips of Merak-Sakteng, Kuensel, August, 21, 2007.
Pelden, S. 2007. Conservation vs Development Impasse. Bhutan Observer, Vol. 11. 47., Friday 23
Nov. 2007.
RGoB. 2002. Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation: Role of TFRK. A Framework
for Community-based Natural Resources Management (CBNRM Framework: Summary Report) Dept.
of Research and Development Services, Ministry of Agriculture, RGoB, Thimpu, Aug. 2002.
RGoB. 1998. The Middle Path, National Environment Commission, RGoB, Keen Publishing Co., Ltd.
Thailand, p. 85
Sharma, E., Chettri, N., and Kerkhoff, E. 2005. Opportunities for income through biodiversity
conservation. In: Diversifying and Enhancing Livelihood Options in the Himalayan Region, ICIMOD
Newsletter, No. 48 Autumn 2005. Kathmandu, Nepal, p.11.
Tshering, K. and Wangchuk, D. 2003. Vision and strategy for the Nature Conservation Division,
Department of Forestry Services, Ministry of Agriculture, RGoB, 2003.
Wangchuk, T. and Tashi, K. 2006. The Grazing of Sheytimi: An analysis of the cause and
recommendation for the future, RNRC, Wengkhar, Technical document, No. 30, March 2006, p. 3-7.

Acknowledgements
At the very outset, I would like to thank the organizers and for accepting the abstract and the
sponsoring agencies for funding me to attend the conference. I owe a great deal of gratitude to the
Director of my college Mr. Singye Namgyel for granting me permission to participate in the
conference, including the Head of my department, Mr. Sangay Dorji and all other colleagues and
friends for their encouragement and inspiration to attending this conference. The students of B.A.
Geography 2nd Year; their guide Mr. Jigme Nidup, and Ms. Kesang Dema (Reporter Kuensel
Corporation) deserve special thanks for their field work, photographs and write-ups. I am highly
indebted to Mr. K.B. Samal (DFO, Trashigang, Bhutan) for sharing his valuable experience and
knowledge, and also for providing the relevant materials on the subject of my study. The Brokpas of
Merak and Sakteng rightly deserve special appreciation because this study would not have been
possible without their cooperation.

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FOREST MANAGEMENT PRACTICES OF THE TRIBAL PEOPLE OF

MEGHALAYA, NORTH-EAST INDIA

B. K. Tiwari, H. Tynsong and M. B. Lynser

Centre for Environmental Studies, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong-793022, India

E mail: bktiwarinehu@yahoo.co.in

Introduction
Tribal communities of Meghalaya have nurtured forests in the vicinity of their habitations, near water
sources, on the steep slopes and other ecologically sensitive lands for ages. These forest patches are
locally known as Law Kyntang, Law Lyngdoh, Law Niam, Khlaw u Blei (Sacred Forest) Law Shnong
(Village Forest), Law Adong (Prohibited Forest), Law Ri Raid (Forests belonging to a group of
villages), Law Ri-Sumar, Law Lum Jingtep and Law Kur (Clan Forest). In modern parlance these
forests are called community forests (CFs) or community conserved areas (CCAs). They are
protected and managed by the local people through an institutional arrangement for the common
good of the community as a whole. The classification, protection, regeneration and extraction
procedures followed for management of these forests are among the best examples of traditional
ecological knowledge. Ninety-two per cent of Meghalaya’s forests belong to this category. Often
including a variety of water bodies, these forests are very rich in aquatic as well as terrestrial
biodiversity and are the treasure houses of innumerable medicinal plants, wild edible species and
other economically important plants and animals.
Local health traditions in Meghalaya are widespread and popular. The state has a large number of
herbal practitioners found in almost all human habitations. The tribal communities (Khasis, Jaintias
and Garos) which constitute the majority of the rural population are dependent on these practitioners
who use herbal products for treatment of the ailments and diseases. The CFs and CCAs are the
major source of herbs utilized in the health care systems. The conservation of the community forests
are part of community conservation practices evolved over hundreds, if not thousands of years and
passed on from generation to generation. Local people also have a rich tradition of environmental
conservation based on religious beliefs and customs. It is believed that the forefathers of these
communities, had conserved these forests keeping equity concerns in mind especially to safe guard
the interests of the poorer members of the community, including the landless. This study documents
and analyzes the role played by these forests and associated knowledge in conservation of
biodiversity in general and medicinal plants in particular. The paper also highlights the traditional
holistic forest management system of the Khasi people which takes care of soil and water
conservation, food security, health care as well as ensures perpetuation of forest related traditional
knowledge.
Methodology
Secondary data for the study were collected from both published and unpublished literatures. Primary
data pertaining to forest management and use of medicinal plants were collected using a combination
of semi-structured interviews, group discussion with villagers, key-informants and key resource users
viz., health practitioners, chiefs of traditional institutions. This was done in two parts, a macro-
analysis which covered the whole state of Meghalaya, and a micro-analysis and survey which was
conducted in three selected community development blocks, Pynursla, Mawphlang and Umling,
located in three agro-ecological regions of the state.
Results and Discussion
Conservation and Management of Forests
The study revealed that the tribal people of the state are actively involved in traditional conservation
and management of the forest which is done through traditional institutions which are regulated by the
Autonomous District Councils (ADC). The traditional institutions and ADCs act as regulatory
authorities as per the ‘Customary Laws’ supported by the Section 3 (a) of the Sixth Schedule of the
Constitution of India; the real authority over these forests lies with the concerned owners who can be
a village council, a clan council, or a family. These forested areas are protected mainly for the
ecosystem services they provide such as water, wild fruits, fire wood, NTFPs, poles, etc. and common

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needs, but they indirectly help in the conservation of innumerable MPs. These forests are classified
with respect to their systems of management. Some of these are briefly described below.
Private Forests (Ri-Kynti): These forests belong to clans or joint clans on inherited recognized private
lands, Law Ri-Sumar: These forests belong to an individual clan or joint clans and are grown on
inherited or village or common Raid lands, Law Lyngdoh, Law Kyntang, Law Niam (Sacred Forests).
These forests are set aside for religious purposes and are managed by the religious heads (Lyngdoh)
or other persons to whom the religious ceremonies for the particular locality are entrusted. Law Adong
and Law Shnong: These are village forests reserved for the village and managed by the Village Chief,
or headman with the help of the village council. Raid Forests: These are forests looked after by the
heads of the Raid and are under the management of the local administrative head. Tiwari et al. (1998)
identified 79 sacred groves and their floristic survey revealed that these sacred groves are home to at
least 514 species representing 340 genera and 131 families. TK based community forest
management practices have enabled the community to make best use of the resources in a relatively
sustainable manner. It has also helped in protecting the rich biodiversity of the area (Tiwari 2005).
Role of CFs and CCAs in the conservation of medicinal plants: Medicinal plants are a vital resource
for the traditional health care systems, as well as for modern medicines. It was observed that density
of CFs and abundance of herbal practitioners are often correlated. Out of a total of more than 200
medicinal plants recorded in the state during the study, only 18 species were found to be used by all
three tribes (Khasi, Jaintia and Garo) in Meghalaya indicating that each community has evolved their
system independently. It has been observed that 107 species were used by the Khasis, 53 by the
Garos and 18 by the Jaintias. Eighteen medicinal plant species were found to be used by tribal people
for treatment of more than one ailment. The species which are used for treatment of more than two
ailments included Acorus calamus (6 ailments), Aegle marmelos (6 ailments), Centella asiatica (4
ailments), and Emblica officinalis (3 ailments) among others. Some ailments are treated by more than
one plant. For example: Fever (18 species), headache (19), diarrhoea and dysentery (19), cough and
cold (14), stomachache (11). The distribution and use of medicinal plant species was also found in
four agroecological regions of the state irrespective of the tribes or communities. It was observed that
58 wild and domesticated medicinal plants were used by the people living in the Western Region,
about 103 species from the Central and Upland region, 52 species used by people in the Northern
Undulating Hills and 85 species by the people in the South Precipitatious region of Meghalaya.
Role of CFs/CCAs and livelihoods: CFs and CCAs provide numerous goods and services on which
many rural poor are dependent. Some of the forest products include: medicinal plants, bay leaf, wild
pepper, lichens, broom grass, mushrooms, fuelwood, bamboo, cane, variety of wild edible fruits and
vegetables, pole, construction materials etc. Collection, processing and marketing of medicinal plants
and other forest products play an important role in the economy of the tribal communities living in the
vicinity of forests of rural Meghalaya by providing a source of cash income. The processing and
marketing of these products also create opportunities for setting up of small-scale industries at the
local and regional level, generating employment to people.
Conclusion
The study brings to fore that traditional forest management systems have helped a great deal in
conservation of forests, acting as a source of medicinal plants for thousands of tribal folk herbal
practitioners who are the backbone of the state’s health care system. As pressures on these plant
resources increases, people have now realized that there is a need to conserve the traditional
knowledge, promote traditional institutions, and using these conserve the forests, water and land
resources. This research shows that all these are interdependent and thus loss of any one is bound to
affect the other. CFs and CCAs also provide best example of in situ community conservation practice
which has all ingredients of a working wise management of natural resources in a mountainous region
where reach of government managed public health care system is far from satisfactory.

References
Tiwari, B. K., Barik, S. K., and Tripathi, R. S. 1998. Biodiversity value, status, and strategies for
conservation of sacred groves of Meghalaya, India. Ecosystem Health 4, 20-32.
Tiwari B.K. 2005. Forest biodiversity management and livelihood enhancing practices of War Khasis
of Meghalaya, India. In Y. Thomas. M. Karki, K Gurung, & D. Parajuli, eds. Himalayan Medicinal and
Aromatic Plants, Balancing Use and Conservation. His Majesty’s Government of Nepal, Ministry of
Forest and Soil Conservation, Kathmandu.

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THE CURRENT STATUS OF OLD AND VALUABLE TREES IN RURAL

GUIZHOU AND A DISCUSSION OF PROTECTION MEASURES
Wu Qiaoming1 Chen Tongxuan1 Wu Zhao-ming2 and Pan Lin3
1
Guizhou Province Forestry School, Zhazuo Township of Xiuwen County,
Guizhou Province, 550201, China; Email: wqm6029@163.com
2
Jianhe County Immigration Bureau, Gedong Township of Jianhe County,
Guizhou Province 556400, China
3
Ceheng County Forestry Bureau, Lou Township of Ceheng County of
Guizhou Province, 552200, China

Introduction
Guizhou Province is located in Southwest China and in the eastern part of Yunnan-Guizhou Platea. It
is a very mountainous region and the home of a number of ethnic minority groups with diversified
natural environments and folk customs. In these rural areas, there exist many old and valuable trees
of different species and many are unique to the local area. Relevant official statistics show that
Guizhou has more than 100,000 old trees, which does not include the old trees kept in nature
reserves and the forestry parks. For example, tree species such as Guizhou cycads (Cycas revoluta
Thunb.), Keteleeria fortunei, Jingyan (Larix gmelinii (Rupr.) Rupr) and Ormosia hosiei are unique to
Guizhou (Zhang 2000, Zou 2001).
The wide distribution of old and valuable trees in rural areas is a great material and cultural heritage
for rural communities inherited from their ancestors. The trees represent a record of these
communities development and the evolution of indigenous knowledge over time (Zhang 2004). Today,
these trees remain strong and vital and create picturesque landscapes, and can enlighten us with
greater love of nature.
With regard to rural communities, the cultural values of old and valuable trees are related to the
regional religious culture, customs, ethnic spirit, production activities of everyday life, local knowledge,
and so on. In addition, the old trees in villages show the historical benchmarks in afforestation
activities by communities. Moreover, these trees are closely linked to formation and evolution of ethnic
culture and forestry culture (such as Feng-Shui woodlands, protective trees, sacred trees).
With socio-economic development, governments at all levels have started to understand the
importance of protection these old trees. The study of these trees has received great attention and
support from governments at various levels. However, no special regulations or technical framework
has yet been developed in Guizhou or in other regions of China to protect old and valuable trees in
rural areas. The protection of these trees still depends on voluntary actions by individuals or rural
communities or are managed under the rules established by villages. Due to the lack of proper
institutional settings or supervision, most of the trees in the villages are not protected, and are
occasionally destroyed or illegal logged.
To date, few people have carried out in-depth studies in sociology, history, ethnology and
anthropology related to these ancient trees. Relevant topics for research include: the historical culture
and ethnic culture represented by old and valuable trees; the reason why the old and valuable trees
are being well protected in some ethnic residential areas; the role of protection mechanism of the old
and valuable trees in community management and community development; and the indigenous
knowledge represented through local protection mechanisms.

Methodology
Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) methodologies and tools were used to interview local experts and
community residents through semi-structured interviews and oral records. Relevant historical data and
legends were also collected as well. The purpose or our study was to derive cultural information and
traditional knowledge from these data, as well as the customs, practices and results of protection of
these trees by the community; and the role of customs in protection of old and valuable trees and

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local community management. In addition, the formal policies, laws and regulations relating to
protection of old and valuable trees were also examined and analyzed.

Discussion and Conclusions

Inadequate protection of trees
Legal provisions including laws, regulations and management systems need to be improved.
The there are no special provisions related to the protection of old and valuable trees in the Forest
Law of PRC. However, in the Provision of Urban Landscape PRC there are special clauses on
protection of old and valuable trees, but only refers to urban and the associated planning zones,
scenic zone, cultural relics and revolutionary memorials. There are still a need for laws and
regulations on protection of vast old and valuable trees that are widely distributed over rural areas.
The absence of such laws and regulations means the protection of old and valuable trees therefore
presents difficulties for the protection of these trees and leaves much room for transgressions.

Table 1. Different knowledge systems and the protection concepts

Government / Administrative / Community / Ethnic Groups /

Scientific Research agencies Villages
Old Trees >100 years old Legendary trees, holy tree, the
tree for worshipping
Big Trees >100 cm diameter trees relatively large
Cognitive
Valuable trees Trees linked with historical events public places, geographical
System
or the famous people references
Old and Big More trees clustered, in groups, in Scenic views, Forest for water
Trees in large numbers conservation, safeguard-village
group
Function / purpose Ecological / Environmental studies, Scenic spot , the village
the gene preservation symbols, the place for worship
Notices，registering，Signs worship / Monument licensing,
Village regulation
Forms of protection
Village leaders and few villagers Whole village

Implementation/monitoring/ forestry station, police station Senior villagers, all villagers

maintenance

Responsibility is not clear. In the context of existing legislative framework, there is no clear
description of responsibility for the old and valuable trees around community residential areas, for old
and valuable trees distributed in the cropland, valley and along the river courses. The question remain
as who will be the main players to protect the trees - forestry agencies, local governments, individuals
or the communities? What are their respective rights and their obligations?
Promotion is not sufficient. Most of these old and valuable trees are widely distributed in remote
rural areas and only few such trees are located in scenic zones, cultural relic sites, and at
revolutionary memorials. It’s imperative to improve understanding of the importance of protecting the
old and valuable trees among the communities in a proper way. The promotion of these ideas is
difficult, particularly in the mountainous areas of Guizhou.
The funds for protection purposes are not sufficient. The resources assessment of old trees and
valuable trees and establishment of baseline data had been financially supported by the government
at various levels. However, the protection works have not been fully implemented due to the lack of
funds to support promotion and protection activities. As a consequence, little protection work has been
carried out to preserve these old trees by governmental forest agency.
Cultural knowledge is slipping away and requires efforts to document the traditional protective
measure practiced by different ethnic peoples. Except for few trees carrying with clear cultural
information, such as Dafang old ginkgo tree, Xiuwen Wencheng Cypress and Yinjiang Huishi Cypress,
many trees have lost their links to traditional culture due to lack of interest in folk or ancient stories

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related to these trees. As a result, some traditional and effective mechanisms for protecting these
trees are vanishing. The loss of this traditional knowledge has led to low level of local participation to
protect the old and valuable trees; further, local people have paid little attention to transgressions
related to these trees.

How can the protection of old and valuable trees in rural areas be improved?
Improve relevant laws and regulations. The protection of old and valuable trees in rural areas
requires supportive laws and regulations. There is no legal system to follow while dealing with
destruction cases and there are few restrictions for potential transgressors. Therefore it is suggested
that the national and local governments assign legislative work on this issue as a high priority.
Identify main beneficiaries. Who are the main beneficiaries, who are the direct beneficiaries is a
issue that needs to be defined . The ultimate beneficiaries of protection opinions and measures are
the people, regardless of the opinions and measures of forestry agencies or local government. The
beneficiaries indeed are the local people and the communities where the trees grow as these old and
valuable trees are the carriers of local traditional culture, ethnic culture, folklore and evolution of the
community. Meanwhile, these trees play a positive roles in the local environment by providing local
people with a better residential environment with greater potential to develop tourism business.
The active participation of communities. Community residents are direct beneficiaries of the
protection of trees, but also a powerful force for their protection. Therefore they should be aware of
the community's history, culture and be aware of the history, legends and stories carried on through
these trees. To enable community members to be the main force in effectively protecting trees, it is
important to arouse their interests. Information related to these trees that community members should
be aware of and may find interesting may include, for example, what kind of temple used to be built at
the village, what historical events were witnessed by this village, famous people who may have stayed
here in the past, interesting folk stories linked to the site.
Research the culture. Most of these trees have particular cultural backgrounds. For example, the
Wencheng Cypress at Guizhou Xiuwen is linked to the "unity of knowing and doing" subjective
idealism system of philosophy of Wang Yangming. The giant ginkgo at Dafang is linked to Anna
meeting with the King to ease ethnic disputes. The “Han” Cypress at Zhengan is linked to Yinzhen - a
famous scholar of the Donghan Dynasty, a calligrapher and educational founder in Guizhou. The
Taijiang Fur Tree is linked to Zhang Xiumei’s rebellion against the Qing Dynasty. Most folk stories that
involve the old and valuable trees are carried on through verbal communication. Our investigation
indicated that most of the old trees have strong linkages with folk stories and love legends. Some of
these trees are linked with “Fengshui”; some are connected to remnants of old temples. Some trees
however, have only have faint connections to local culture, with no supporting written or oral evidence,
and for some trees, there are no clues about their history. Therefore, a systematic approach to collect
and analyze the cultural information represented through these old and valuable tress is very
important for their protection.
Make better signs. The plastic or aluminum alloy signs typically used to identify old and valuable
trees may look good but are easily worn out. The content of the sign are typically not well understood
by the villagers. Further, the signs can be misinterpreted as interventions from government and
research agencies. Therefore, these sign should be made with the active participation of the
community and private funds could be mobilized to help support the protection work. The content of
these signs should include information such as the relevant historical and folk stories, the reasons for
protecting the trees and relevant village regulations as well as names, ages and methods of use. Thus
the information on these trees could be preserved for years for villagers and tourists in the same way
that the existing ancient stone monuments can tell us about the past.
Make full use of traditional community management systems. In every community where the old
and valuable trees grow the people have resided for a long time and communities have formed some
special community regulations to protection these trees. The penalty for the transgressors could be
some amount of meat, rice or wine. In many Miao and Dong Villages, many people burn incense in
front of trees or decorate trees with red cloth. The villagers regard the trees as holy trees which can
bring them peace and health. Although this may be considered to be superstition, the result is
effective protection of these trees.
Promote the protection of old trees through development. With the improvement of people's
standard of living and the development of tourism, recreation, rural tourism, and cultural tourism has

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drawn increasing interest. Residents of rural communities should be assisted in developing tourism
business. Collection and introduction of traditional culture, national culture, stories, legends carried on
through the local trees can be part of this, and allow the community residents to realize the benefits
from protection of local trees, and more actively participate in their protection.

Conclusions
Old and Valuable Trees with rich cultural information are the treasure inherited from the nature and
ancestors. Nowadays the widely distributed trees in rural communities are still facing a short of
protection fund, lack of supportive legal system and lack of care from local communities. This paper is
developed to introduce protection ideas with a view to arouse interests and attention from the society.

References
Zhang H. (ed.) 2000 Precious wild plant resources in Guizhou. China Forestry Press, Beijing.
Zou G., 2001 Guizhou unique and rare seed plants. Guizhou Technology Press, Guiyang.
Zhang J. (ed) 2004. Guizhou trees. Guizhou Technology Press, Guiyang.

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KAM’S TRADITIONAL BUSINESS KNOWLEDGE AND

SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS

Wu Quanxin

Qiandongnan Development and Indigenous Knowledge Research Center (QDIK)

& Maio and Kam Autonomous Prefecture Institute of Culture
Room 701, Compound B, Institute of Culture, South Culture Road
Kaili, Guizhou 556000, China
E-mail: wuquanxin@yahoo.com.cn

Kam Traditional Forest-related Knowledge

Forest Technology
The Kam people divide the forests into four categories: fir forest (for timber), sacred forest (for Feng
Shui), fuelwood forest, and water conservation forest, according to their different utilization and
functions. Fir is only choice of construction, and the landscape forests and grave forests are included
within the sacred forest category. Water conservation forest is considered as multi-function forest,
which in practice can be used in many ways. The zoning of forest is based on forest types, farming
regions, housing location and altitude, and mainly depends on the altitude.
In Kam community, the rice paddy is mainly located in the flat areas near water (on embankments)
and on the mildly sloping mountain foot areas (terraces), except those that are forested or used for
other purposes. Across an altitudinal gradient, the forests are: water conservation forest (the
waterhead of the rivers and the brooks which for irrigation); fuelwood forest; fir forest; and grassland
for grazing. Since the Kam livelihood mainly depend on rice planting, small dry land plots are
scattered under the forests.
The forests surrounding the community play multiple functions: for landscape, Feng Shui and water
conservation. The local people call this sacred forest or community protection forest because its
harvest is strictly forbade. Most of this kind of forest is natural forest, mainly comprised of broad-
leaved species, although there are a few conifers such as Chinese fir. In Kam people’s tradition,
broad-leafed forest plays a vital role in the prosperity of their community and prevents their drinking
water source from drying up.
The Kam people always plant the grave forests in the mountainside - just above the rice paddy -
which also contributes to water conservation. In Kam people’s opinion, the grave forest is a
community for deceased persons, who also need the protection of forests. In this regard, the grave
forest is sacred to a certain degree.
The water conservation forests are natural forests that also provide organic fertilizers to the rice
paddies. But they are not completely natural because the Kam people only retain the broad-leaved
tree species and some other trees that are considered important for water conservation like maple
and alder, while other tree species are harvested.
The fuelwood forests are also natural, mainly broad-leaved, forests. Due to its major function in
supplying fuelwood, it can be managed by clear cutting or thinning. When the Kam people decide to
harvest all of trees in one plot, they adopt a type of rotation harvest system: the whole harvest area is
divided into several small sections, and then harvest one of them each year. Depending on the
condition of the forest, they are usually divided into 5 to 10 parts. If a thinning harvest is chosen, the
larger trees are cut down and the smaller ones are retained. After harvest, the Kam people leave the
timber to dry on the hills; when working in the nearby farmlands, they fetch the dried timber home as
needed. Furthermore, the Kam people only harvest once every year to protect the forests.
Forestry Institutions
The traditional laws of Kam people, and the historic persons who made significant contribution to
afforestation and forest conservation, are recorded as good examples to be admired and remembered
by the later generations through poems or songs. Sometimes the Kam people name the forests after
these famous people. These laws and customs also have an important role in persuading and

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preventing deforestation, for example through the stories which are passed down from one generation
to the next about people who were punished for their forest-damaging actions by mysterious forces
such as ghosts and gods.
In the sacred forests harvests are very strictly forbidden. Persons who break the law will be fined very
heavily and be asked to re-plant trees. Further, the Kam people believe they would be punished by
the ghosts and gods for their actions.
In the Kam community, the land tenure of rice paddy always includes the grassland and forests
around it. The owner can collect the new branches and leaves for fertilizing the farmland, but not the
trees. Poaching in somebody else’s forests is considered by the Kam people to be a crime as serious
as stealing food stealing.
The fuelwood forest is the main source of the Kam people’s firewood. The Kam people think the big
trees provide spiritual meaning for their daily life, so they never cut any very large trees in fuelwood
forests.
The Kam people usually plant firs collectively in spring, after Chinese Spring Festival. In some
communities, there is a tree-planting day arranged by informal institutions, and on these days all of
the labor force are asked to join in this activity before rice planting.
Forestry Culture
The abundant forest-related knowledge is embedded in forestry culture, which is an impetus for
sustainable forest development in Kam communities and an important part of their folk beliefs. The
Kam people’s everyday custom and production habits are characterized by it. For instance, they
believe the forest is the symbol of vitality, the evergreen tree symbolizing peace and the growing
season meaning the revival from death. Another example is their traditional clothing, in which the
symbols of trees like maples and firs appear in embroideries and silver ornaments, especially the
ones for children for their blooming vitality.
The Kam architecture can be treated as high achievement of forestry culture, and includes folk
houses, and particularly drum towers made of wood, and bridges such as the Wind-Rain Bridge
(known as “Feng Yu Lou”).
The famous “Eighteen Years Fir” is one of the customary habits of the Kam people. When a girl is
born, her parents plant firs which will be harvested for her trousseaux when she marries about
eighteen years later.
In Kam people’s belief, trees are the incarnation of the Earth God, and except for exceptional
necessary occasions, nobody is supposed to cut down any big trees. Furthermore, the ones along the
main road are treated as their elders; some people even bring joss sticks to them on important
occasions like calends and full moon days. Sometimes when children are sick, the parents believe it is
a punishment from trees for their defects in raising children. So they need to give prayers in front of
the trees.

Forests and the Kam People’s Livelihood

Historically, the Kam people have practiced permanent agriculture, so they give much attention to
housing construction, from location selection to building materials. For thousands of years, fir has
been the only construction tree widely used in drum towers, Wind-Rain Bridges and hanging houses,
which are famous elements of their characteristic architectural heritage. Their improved architectural
techniques and skills, have also provided a remarkable impetus for fir planting. In history and in
modern times, the export of their construction labor and skills has been is important income source of
Kam community.
During the Ming Dynasty, the Kam area was controlled by central government for the first time, and
most of the government buildings and big cities in this region were built by Kam technicians, and fir
was designated as “Royal Material”. The rising price for fir timber stimulated expansion of the area of
fir planting and improvement of these skills. During the Qing Dynasty, when the area along the Duliu
and Qingshui Rivers became the largest production base and sale center for fir timber, the traditional
Kam culture and the Kam people’s livelihood were promoted, resulting in the rapid development of
the entire Kam community.

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Apart from rice, the Kam people mainly live on the fruits, vegetables and wild animals from the forests.
After so many years collecting from the forests, the Kam people have developed an understanding of
hunting practices for different species throughout the year, and have even developed improved
regulations and other informal institutions in case of natural resource being exhausted. For rice
planting and subsistence, water is the most important natural resource. In Kam people’s folk songs,
migration is always due to drought. So they pay a lot of attention to water conservation and consider
water as the source of life. For example, in Zhanli village, the villagers think the forests are water and
the communities are the boats, so the forests are strictly protected, especially the 2 km of forest area
surrounding the village.
There is a Kam old saying, “the forests are the hosts but also the guests”. They treat the forests as
humans with lives, and their peace is not supposed to disturbed by anybody.

The Forest and Poverty Alleviation

The forests contribute significantly to poverty alleviation in Kam communities, and play a vital role in
their livelihood assets and livelihood strategies. More importantly, the diversified cultural and
ecological values embedded in forests provide more opportunities for poverty alleviation and
sustainable development. Timber production contributes significantly to the Kam people’s livelihood
and economic development. In addition, the abundant Non-timber Forest Products, such as natural
herbal medicine, wild mushrooms, have high potential to exploit for commercial and nutritional value.
Eco-tourism is another booming industry in the Kam’s area, based on the unique landscape and their
traditional culture. Southeast Guizhou is one of two “Back to Nature - the Resort of Tired Soul” sites
awarded by the United Nations.
Traditional forest-related knowledge, along with the forest culture of the Kam people, is an important
part of their society and livelihood, rooted in the unique and profound understanding of forests, and
embodied in their folk beliefs and customary institutions.

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SETTING A PRICE ON INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE?

A CASE OF THE MEDICINAL TREE (ALSTONIA SCHOLARIS) IN
SOUTHWEST CHINA

Zhaolu Wu

Institute of Ecology and Geobotany, Yunnan University, 2 Cuihu Road,

Kunming 650091, Yunnan, China
Email: zlwu@xtbg.ac.cn

In an open social environment, indigenous knowledge, due to its geographical limitation, oral transfer
and changeability, can easily disappear or face away. This paper presents a story about what
happened to indigenous knowledge on a medicinal tree species, Alstonia scholaris, in Southwest
China.
The local people, Dai, Lafu, Yao, Hani in the Southern Yunnan China have used the medicinal tree
species, Alstonia scholaris, to treat cold, cough and bleeding for hundreds years and formed a
knowledge system on this tree, including its biological properties, habitat, growth and reproduction as
well as the collection, storage and utilization of the tree. Due to the wide application of modern
medical treatment during 1970s, in particular the decrease of this tree in the field, Alstonia scholaris
was no longer used for medicine as the past and the indigenous knowledge associated with it was
also ignored. On the other hand, the local medicine institutions had begun pharmacological research
and companies started to develop new drugs and preparations from medicinal plants used by local
people. In this process, new knowledge that utilized traditional knowledge has been developed for
Alstonia scholaris, including its cultivation, processing and pharmacology, and the medicinal value
and cultivation of this tree have been promoted. The local people who have held the indigenous
knowledge of this tree for generations were also involved in the cultivation of this tree. Up to the late
1990s, this tree was not only used for medicine but also for urban greenbelt, garden and restoration of
degraded fields.
It is clear that the indigenous knowledge of Alstonia scholaris is tied to its practice value. The more
the plant is used in practice, the more vitality this knowledge has. In another words, the conservation
of genetic resources is the basis for the conservation of the traditional knowledge of this species. The
local medical institutions and companies that apply the "old" indigenous knowledge of Alstonia
scholaris to the development of "new" indigenous knowledge should be considered as the promoters
of the same knowledge but in different situations.
However, in terms of interest, companies get much more from Alstonia scholaris and the indigenous
knowledge associated with it, if markets are the only criteria. In response to the good market for this
tree and its products, local companies have encouraged farmers to cultivate large areas of Alstonia
scholaris. But conflicting interests among different users for these trees disrupted the planned
production chains. In 2005, the price of final product was 20 times of that of the raw materials, and
some farmers did not sell raw materials to pharmaceutical companies but instead sold the young trees
to garden companies.
Funds, techniques and information are basic costs for market product. Medicine indigenous
knowledge belongs to the information cost for pharmacy related to indigenous knowledge but is
neglected once the pharmacy markets bloom. To balance the interests between the indigenous
knowledge inheritors and companies, it is necessary to develop some kind of mechanism at national
level to establish a price for indigenous knowledge, and for promoting the development of national
product related to indigenous knowledge.

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TRADITIONAL ECOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE FOR FOREST

MANAGEMENT IN THE UPLANDS OF ASIA: IMPLICATIONS FOR
ECOSYSTEM RESTORATION AND ECOSYSTEM SERVICES IN THE
ASIAN WATER TOWER
Xu Jianchu

World Agroforestry Centre, China Programme

12 Zhongguancun Nandajie, CAAS, Mailbox 195, Beijing 100081, P.R. China
Tel: +86 10 6211 9430 Fax: +86 10 6211 9431
Email: J.C.Xu@cgiar.org

The Mountain Citizens

If everyone lived like the farmers and herders in the highlands of Asia, often called the Asian water
tower, there would be no global warming. On a per capita basis, these subsistence-based indigenous
people consume less from and contribute more to ecosystem services than modern energy-intensive
lifestyles in urban regions. Within mountain ecosystems, there is delicate a balance between humans
and nature although forests have been cut and regenerated, pastures grazed, and lands intensively
tilled using rotational cropping systems. Traditional farming practices fostered useful species,
protected forests, and maintained rangelands and waterways. Many of these management systems
are intertwined in range of cultural beliefs and mores that incorporate, taboos, language, technical
practices, knowledge transfer, and customary institutions for social consent and governance which
together comprise what is commonly called traditional ecological knowledge (TEK).

Changing Environmental Conditions in the Asian Water Tower

Asia’s changes have been rapid and dramatic. Those changes are best illustrated by a sustained high
economic growth rate, with millions of people lifted out of poverty. But development in Asia, led by two
giant rapid-economic-growth engines, China and India, is in overdrive – not just in the lowlands but
eventually in the uplands and highlands as well. However the fossil-energy based economy has
largely contributed to CO2 emissions and global climate change. Although CO2 emission per capita is
still below the global average, China will surpass United States and become the largest emitter in the
world. On the other hand, Chinese farmers have planted more than 4 million hectares of trees per
year from 2000-2005 according to FAO (2007). The How can policy-makers and scientists work
together to rediscover and revive traditional technological knowledge, innovations and practices for
managing, nurturing and sustaining the diverse forest landscapes? What are the national and regional
agenda for deliver of better conservation and development outcomes from the Asian water tower?

Changing Society in the Uplands

The people living in the upland watersheds continue to be blamed for environmental degradation and
are paying the price for past over-exploitation often led by downstream interests. The implementation
of massive reforestation programs, and the establishment of nature reserves and watershed
conservation programs often result in local communities being denied access to and benefits from
their traditional lands and livelihoods. The policy makers are well aware that the mountain periphery is
on the wrong side of the nation’s ever widening poverty divide. Confronting this inequity, for instance,
the Chinese government is pursuing “Develop the West and Construct New Countryside” policies to
bring new industries and opportunities to remote regions as rapidly as possible. The immediately
obvious results are the expansion of road and transport links, attempts to improve communications,
and development of tourist infrastructure. Significantly, these programs aim to enrich the uplands,
rather than exploiting them for the benefit of the downstream lowlands. However, the fast pace of
change poses a threat to the stability of minority communities: greater access, market exposure and
out-migration are eroding traditional ecological knowledge and communal institutions, often leading to
overexploitation of local resources as communities attempt to cash in for short-term gain.

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Building New Relations

The relationship between human and nature has been forged within religious, moral, cultural, political,
economic, and ecological boundaries. Respect for these boundaries by different communities and
social groups were the result of historically accepted rules and norms. The traditional culture in the
highlands and uplands of Asia, combined with indigenous management strategies for natural
resources, have succeeded in maintaining ecosystem goods and services, and have effectively
managed biological diversity and ecosystem functions in their environment over a long period of time.
In some cases, traditional ecological knowledge of resource use is linked with craft production, bio-
prospecting and the development of tourism products. In the transition to a market economy, culture
and ingenious practices become ‘exotic’, ‘profitable’ or ‘social capital’ instead of ‘backward’ – these
valuations of cultural resources have been defined by outsiders, including powerful State authorities,
entrepreneurs and development agencies.

Regional Cooperation
Many of these problems are of concern throughout the region. Climate change, glacier melting, water
shortages, transboundary disaster risks, desertification throughout central Asia are well-recognized
issues. While river basin management is becoming critical, the regional cooperation is inevitable.
There is growing awareness that management policies and research must be more aware of and
adequately address local beliefs and institutions at headwaters of rivers, using both customary
authority and elected village committees to help implement policy. This change in attitude is a
pragmatic reaction in an attempt to realize achievable environmental outcomes by using the long
experience of people whose cultures have developed in these ecosystems. The challenge of
environmental and cultural management is not unique to Asia, but given the rapid rate and magnitude
of its economic growth, this is certainly an area that requires urgent investigation and action.

The Central Role of Indigenous Peoples

Following decades of State discouragement, the indigenous peoples in the highlands and uplands of
Asia are once again able to follow (or revive) their particular cultural beliefs, knowledge and practices.
They are combining their social and natural capital in fresh ways to respond to environmental changes
driven by global warming, state policies and globalization. It is important to realize that traditional
ecological knowledge is not necessarily static, pristine and culturally specific. Rather it is dynamic and
continuously evolving for local and global adaptation and building harmony and prosperity Asian
society.

Reference
FAO. 2007. State of the World’s Forest 2007. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United
Nations, Rome, Italy.

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COMMUNITY - BASED CONSERVATION OF TRADITIONAL

CULTURE AND BIODIVERSITY: A CASE STUDY IN BUFFER ZONE
OF BAIMA SNOW MOUNTAIN NATURE RESERVE IN
NORTHWEST YUNNAN, CHINA

Yang Lixin1 and Pei Shengji2

Kunming Institute of Botany, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Heilongtan, Lanhei Road

No.132, Kunming 650204, China
Email: 1rattan@mail.kib.ac.cn, 2peishengji@mail.kib.ac.cn (Corresponding author)

Introduction
At a time when ecological degradation and loss of biodiversity have been taking place at an alarming
rate, a large number of plant communities and species are being preserved in various sacred natural
sites in Northwest Yunnan - portions of landscape formed and traditionally protected for cultural belief
purposes. In Diqing, a Tibetan Prefecture of Northwest Yunnan, local Tibetans believe that mountain
gods, who live on the peaks, govern all the land, animals, and people. Each year, thousands of
believers from Yunnan and other parts of the country embark on a pilgrimage to the mountain to
worship and offer sacrifices and to perform the Buddhist prayer practice of Zhuanjing (walking around
the mountain, which usually takes one month). Hunting, logging, or anything that may be considered
as “polluting” the mountain is strictly taboo. The sacred mountains have constituted the local
framework for nature conservation, and large areas of forests have been successfully preserved in the
prefecture. In Northwest Yunnan, there exists a huge Tibetan sacred natural site system that
combines sacred forests and sacred mountains. Within the system, cultural hierarchical rank stretches
from the top echelons down to the community level. In this way, local Tibetan people share one or
several sacred natural sites at regional and village level; they have their own sacred forests, forming
the Tibetan sacred natural site system in Northwest Yunnan.
Baima Snow Mountain State Natural Reserve located at N 270 24´- 28036´, E 98057´-99025´, at an
altitude of 1929-5429m, with a total land area of 281,640 ha, is home to 1835 vascular plant species
which belong to 167 families and 627 genera. These include 883 species of endemic plants. The
Reserve is the home of 50% of the Golden-hair Monkey (Rhinopithecus bieti) population (around 800-
1000 individuals) within Natural Reserve (Yunnan Provincial Forest Department 1993). Local Tibetan
people believe that the Golden Monkey is their ancestor, and hunting is not allowed.
However, Sacred Natural Sites (SNS) in Tibet area also face management and conservation
challenges. These challenges include:
1) Multiple stakeholders with differing perceptions and demands;
2) Development pressure that can have significant adverse impacts on SNS, including forest
encroachment, for agriculture, expansion pastoralism, hunting, logging, road-building, tourism and
mining;
3) Environmental Pressure: anthropogenic and natural disasters such as pollution, climate change,
fires, floods, erosion, and other related factors that create stresses which negatively impact sacred
values and practices, as well as the physical integrity of sites;
4) Ownership issues, specifically the fact that SNS are located in areas not owned by the traditional
custodians, and not within established protected areas, creating extraordinary challenges for
management;
5) Economic considerations, particularly the difficulty in balancing the material and non-material
values of an area especially so in the case of SNS;
6) Conflicting jurisdictions and integrated approaches to management - SNS may contain cultural
resources managed by traditional custodians or government agencies that differ from the natural
resource management entity. This may cause conflicts between the management perspectives or
philosophies of the different entities, and make integrated approaches to management an ongoing
challenge. The charging and allocation of visitor use fees is often a particularly divisive issue.

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The project on “traditional culture and biodiversity conservation” is one of the components of the GEF
Yunnan Programme. The objective of the project is to integrate biodiversity and cultural diversity
conservation to promote community co-management and to develop methodologies and guidelines for
the governance, planning, and management of Sacred Natural Sites (SNS) and Cultural Landscapes
through pilot community-based conservation projects. The location of project is Kegong village,
Tachen Township of Weixi County and Zhuida village, Benzilan Township of Deqin county, Diqing
Tibetan Autonomy Prefecture in the buffer zone of Baima Snow Mountain National Nature Reserve,
Northwest Yunnan, China.

Methodology
Using ethnobotanical methods and approaches we worked closely with community and people’s
participating to develop a community based Sacred Nature Sites conservation system for biodiversity
conservation. Specific technical methods included: 1) Project site selection based on the status of
Sacred Nature Sites (SNS); 2) Ethnobotanical inventory; 3) Importance ranked list of SNSs at
community level; 4) Participatory work plan with local community; 5) Facility with local community for
project activities implementation; 6) Monitoring and evaluation; 7) Capacity building on traditional
culture and biodiversity conservation.

Results and Discussion

Sacred Natural Site management patterns in Kegong village and Zuida village
Sacred Natural Sites
General SNS are called “Zeda” and “Laini” for village level SNS in Tibetan language. There are three
SNSs in Kegong village, one of regional SNS and two of village SNS. There are 1300ha community
level and 2000ha village level SNS surround Kegong village. Over the course of centuries, local
people have been protecting these sacred sites with special care and thus protecting and promoting
sacred birds and animals, sacred plants and trees and associated landforms. Baima Snow Mountain
State Natural Reserve is home to more than thousand plant species., many of which are endemic.
This high degree of diversity of life forms in sacred sites could be explained by the fact that sacred
sites are places of origin of certain families or clans, and have been protected because many of these
species are believed to be their ancestors, such as local villagers’ belief that the Golden Monkey is
their ancestors in these SNS. There are 2000 ha regional level SNS is called “rinibowoduji” in local
language and 1000 ha village level SNS called “dujiou” surround Zuida village.
Conservation Status
Local people have a long tradition of conservation of SNS. These SNS include diverse ecosystems,
from coniferous forests, mixed broadleaved evergreen, and deciduous forests to pastures, meadows
at high altitude, and agricultural ecosystems. Collecting of wild mushroom and medicinal plants is
done by all households in forest ecosystems in the area. Until now, local people have participated in
pilgrimages in regional SNS every year and in village SNS every day. However, these SNS are under
some pressure from pilgrimage fires, management power, pollution, non-timber forest product (NTFP)
harvesting etc. Some wild species are becoming endangered and rare due to over-harvesting and
related local economic development. The devout attitude of local people to sacred places and both
their inability (unwillingness) to destroy the inherent harmony of these places, has created optimal
conditions for the conservation of biodiversity. Sacred sites are the cornerstone of their cultures,
worldviews and native philosophies, not mere conservation activities. The efforts of local peoples to
protect biodiversity and to preserve their cultures are interconnected and inseparable. Rare species of
flora and fauna exist today by virtue of their special place in traditional cultures and their protection
and regeneration within sacred sites. However, local villagers face livelihood pressures for economic
development, fuelwood, wood for house construction, etc.

Conservation activities in Kegong and Zuida villages

Capacity building on understanding and cognition on conservation SNS concept and methodologies.
These include: 1) Training workshop on ‘Ethnic Culture and Nature Conservation’ organized in
September, 2005 in Chuxiong City of Yunnan Province, during which 30 protected area staff, site
villagers and religions professionals were trained by 8 experts from different organizations; 2)

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Workshop on “Ethnic traditional culture and biodiversity conservation in Northwest Yunnan, China”
held in Lijinag City in August 2006; 3) Organization of a workshop on SNS and biodiversity
conservation at the local level in Nov. 14-15, 2007 in the project area.
Establishment of demonstration sites for SNS conservation in buffer area of Baima Snow Mountain
National Nature Reserve
Specific activities included: 1) Establishment of community organization on “Tibetan culture and nature
conservation” with 16 members of the two demonstration villages; 2) Development of village
regulations on sacred natural sites and community participatory management; 3) Support for
construction of 9 platforms for incense burning in the sacred forest mountains in order to avoid forest
fire during pilgrimages activities; 4) Support to community for developing regulations on mushroom
and medicinal plant harvesting and trading at the village level; 5) Building of a small market for
mushroom trade at the community level for equity benefits and monitoring regulation implementation;
6) Support for construction of two bulletin boards in village sites for announcement of regulation and
monitoring.

References
Yunnan Provincial Forest Department et al. 1993, Baima Snow Mountain State Natural Reserve,
Yunnan Nationality Publication, pp. 6-232.

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ACCESS TO FOREST RESOURCES, TRADITIONAL FOREST-

RELATED KNOWLEDGE AND LIVELIHOOD OF MOUNTAIN
VILLAGERS: CASES IN KOREA
Youn Yeo-Chang

Department of Forest Sciences, Seoul National University

599 Gwanak-gu , Gwanak-gu, 151-921 Seoul, Republic of Korea; Email: youn@snu.ac.kr

Depopulation in rural areas in South Korea has been observed for the last three decades as the
country has become industrialized and urbanized. The remote villages located on mountain slopes
suffered most from depopulation. There are some villages in mountainous areas where people have
stay in their home or returned. The reasons of their stay or return may be explained in relation to
utilization of forest resources around the villages. A popular hypothesis is that greater their income,
the greater likelihood that people stay or return to mountain villages.

It is expected that there would be more opportunities for the mountain villagers to earn their income
from forests if there are enough forest lands accessible to them or if tourists are visiting their villages.
The value of forest resources can be increased if they acquire knowledge which adds value or
capitalizes on cultural services associated with the forest resources. A hypothesis is proposed to
explain why people decide to live in mountain villages in Korea: if there are more forest resources or
cultural heritages maintained in the village, the likelihood of villagers to stay in mountain villages
increases.

The mountain areas of South Korea were surveyed in 2003 by the author in collaboration with
researchers from the Korea Forest Research Institute. The above-stated hypothesis was tested with
the data collected from Gangwon-do Province. The data shows that there is a positive correlation
between number of households utilizing forest resources and amount of forest resources measured
by area, but little impact of forest resources on the average household income in the Province. (See
Figures 1, 2) There was a week relationship between the number of tourism sites such as national
parks or recreational forests and average household income observed (correlation coefficient -0.5).
(See Figure 3) These indicate that mere existence of forest resources and cultural services does not
guarantee residents’ income to be increased. There may be other conditions that are necessary
before forest resources or tourism development projects can contribute to the livelihood of local
people. One of such conditions is their right to access forest resources, while the marketing capacity
of products and cultural services is another.

There are many non-timber forest products being collected by mountain villagers in South Korea.
Among them native honey and maple sap are on high demand from consumers who concern food
safety. There are customary laws still actively working in rural society where the right to access forest
resources are restricted to those who have resided there for a long enough time.

A case is found in the Seoul National University Forest area in Gwang-yang City where maple sap
drinking is a spring cultural activity. The culture of maple sap drinking and tapping is based on the
traditional knowledge of fishermen who believe drinking maple sap help their health. The fishermen’s
culture has spread to urban people nowadays and created a new market for maple sap in Korea. The
Seoul National University (SNU) contracts with the mountain residents who are collecting maple sap
from the trees in SNU’s forests and the forest is protected by the local community in return. The
university has a research program to improve the maple sap production efficiency for the benefit of
the local community near the SNU forests. This is an example in which traditional knowledge and
modern science work together for sustainable forest management and poverty alleviation. The
mountain villagers collecting maple sap participate in this research program. The household income in
the village collecting maple sap from SNU Forests is higher on average compared to the average in
rural communities without the access right to forest resources.

Honey bee keeping has been a long tradition in Korea. Nowadays there are two groups of bee
keepers in Korea: those who cultivates bees imported with scientific knowledge introduced from

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abroad and another practicing native bee culture based on traditional knowledge inherited from
ancestors. An interview survey on traditional knowledge on native honey bee keeping was carried out
in the Seolpee Village where the native bees are protected by the Livestock Promotion Act. The
village is surrounded by natural forests which are legally protected by the Forest Genetic Resource
Conservation Act. The bee keepers should understand the sensitive nature of the bee’s life and
ecosystems connected to the species. But the bee keepers do not see honey bee keeping as the
main income source, but a complementary one for extra income. The main constraint against further
income generation from forest resources utilization including bee keeping is lack of marketing
channels and limited accessibility to forest resources. The residents of Seolpee Village wish to attract
more customers visiting their village for eco-tourism with open access to the protected forest, which is
not allowed under the forest conservation law.

Figure 1. Number of houselholds utilizing forest resources and acreage of forest land in
Korean mountainous districts

Figure 2. Annual houselhold income and acreage of forest land in Korean mountainous
districts

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Figure 3. Annual houselhold income and number of national parks and tourism sites
developed in Korean mountainous districts

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HISTORIC INTRODUCTION OF FENGSHUI FORESTS AND THEIR

ROLE IN ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION - A CASE STUDY OF THE
BUYI ETHNIC MINORITY IN SOUTHERN GUIZHOU PROVINCE
Yuan Juanwen and Liu Jinlong

Guizhou College of Finance and Economy, Guiyang 550004, China

E-mail: yuanjuanwen@yahoo.com; Juanwen.yuan@wur.nl

Sustainable Forestry Research Center, Chinese Academy of Forestry

Yiheyuan, Dongxiaofu, Haidian, Beijing, 100091, China
Email: liujl@caf.ac.an

Introduction
Guizhou province is a mountainous province located in Southwest China. Many ethnic groups live in
this province. The main ethnic groups are the Miao, Buyi and Dong. Forests play a very important role
in their daily lives. Fengshui forests or sacred forests are very popular in minority areas in Guizhou
province. Logging and gathering activities in sacred forests are prohibited, thus giving these sacred
forests a very important role in forest regeneration, biodiversity conservation, and soil and water
conservation. This type of forest is usually established at the village entrance, the tomb or burial area,
the hilly areas behind the village and in the yards (Yang 1999). There are many kinds of Fengshui
forests including: village protection forest, tomb-purpose forest and temple-purpose forest (Guan
2002). Some Fengshui forests are natural forest and whereas others are planted. According to Guan
(2006) and Yang (1999), Fengshui forests came into being because of religious thinking and people
seeking harmony between themselves and nature. Fengshui is a combination of two words: Feng -
wind and Shui –water. Fengshui forest is also called dragon-backing forest. The Dragon is a symbol
of the development and security of the village (Guan 2006).

Research sites: Guntang village and Dabuyang village

Two villages, Guntang and Dabuyang, were selected as study areas for conducting studies of the
Buyi people and Fengshui forest management in Guizhou Province. The two villages are located in
the Kaizuo township in Southern Guizhou Province, which is a subtropical and hilly region. The Buyi
people tend to live in areas which are near water and hills. Rice is the main staple food of this ethnic
group. Nowadays, the elderly people speak the Buyi language and wear the traditional dress. The
Buyi people worships the power of the nature and they have their own traditional festivals. For
example, on the third of March they celebrate the seedling festival, which is a festival for remembering
ancestors. An annual gathering is held for all of the villagers. The eighth of April is a day for children
to celebrate and enjoy nature.
There are 67 households in the Guntang village, a village with 700 years of history, which is typical for
a Buyi village. With a population of over 300 people, only a few non-Buyi nationalities have married
into this village. The village land can be divided into various use categories: forests, 67 ha; paddy
fields, 27 ha; and the uplands, 13 ha. The contours of Guntang village looks like a black dragon lying
down. A Fengshui Xiansheng (a person who is skilled in identifying good locations for houses and
tombs according to Fengshui) lives in this village.
Dabuyang village is similar in size to the Guntang village in terms of population and arable lands, but
it has only 300 years of history. This village has a larger area of forest (133 ha) and about 300 ha of
pasture land. A Fengshui Xiansheng also resides in this village. This person also graduated from an
agricultural professional school.
Key informant interviews, group discussions, participatory observation and secondary methods of
data collection were used to gather data. The elders and village heads selected from these two
villages are the primary interviewees. Women were involved in the group discussions.

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History of the Fengshui forests

Both of the villages have Fengshui forests. In Guntang there is only one area of Fengshui forest which
covers 1.3 ha, which is predominantly comprised of pine, birch, and Chinese fir. The largest tree is
more than 1.4 meters in diameter and is several hundred years old, thus forming part of the history of
this village. In Dabuyang, there are three separate areas of Fengshui forest. One area covers 1.3 ha
and is located behind the village. The other two areas of Fengshui forest are located in the front of the
village and cover a total area of approximately 20 ha. The villagers say that the sacred forests are like
a like a good head of hair on a man.
Fengshui forest is regarded as being sacred and guaranteeing the local people’s quality of life. The
local people realize the harmony that exists between people, nature and established Fengshui forests.
They believe that there are some formidable spirits within the village and that the villagers have been
punished by them in the past. They worship the power of nature. There is very famous legend in
Guntang village: a teacher from another village gave free tuition to the local landlord. This teacher
asked this landlord to give him a piece of land to cultivate chilies but the landlord thought that the land
was suitable for people to be buried there. In retribution, the teacher buried the landlord’s mother alive
on the land. Although the teacher was punished for his behavior, the legend says that after the
landlord’s mother was buried alive, the dogs in the village did not bark and the chickens did not crow
for 3 years. The villagers tried many different things to solve this evil, including using the blood of a
black dog. The villagers believed that the actions of this person had damaged the spirit of the village.
In Guntang, the trees were growing naturally when the ancestors settled the village 700 years ago.
Nobody knows how and when these trees were established. Forests (covering approximately 67 ha)
in this village were defined as Fengshui forests by villagers in the period before the 1980’s. These
forests have been kept in sustainable way, except for the period of severe destruction during the
Great Leap Forward (1958-1960). During that time, all trees were supposed to be harvested for steel
production. Only one big tree in the village was protected by villagers. After the Great Leap period, the
collective began to let the forest grow naturally again. The trees now grow well and the villagers do
not damage the vegetation. In 1980, China started a new phase and the householder responsibility
system was introduced. At that time, all of the forest land was allocated for management by individual
householders, except for 1.3 ha of the sacred forest which remained under collective management.
In Dabuyang, the people who settled the village began planting trees around 300 hundred years ago.
During the period of the Great Leap Forward, all of the trees were felled with only one tree remaining
because it was located near a homestead and was difficult to cut down. The falling branches
damaged the house nearby very much but the tree was not felled. Unfortunately, this tree died several
years ago. The trunk is still located in the village and the local people will let it decay naturally.
Villagers began to discuss how to manage the land and they have planted pine trees after the trees
were cut down during Great Leap Period. All the existing Fengshui trees on the back hill were planted
in 1963 and the trees regenerated naturally on the front hill.

Function of Fengshui forests

The residents of both villages consider that the Fengshui forests have religious significance and value.
This sacred purpose is very important as the tombs of their forefathers are located there. They believe
that their spirits are well protected in another world by the forested hills. Villagers believe that only
well-protected hill can bring fortune to the village, and the gods protect and help the village. According
to the Fenghsui Xiansheng in Dabuyang, both the front and back mountains must be protected, which
can guarantee good life for the current generation and future generations. The front hill is for the
purpose of keeping current generation living well and back hill is for future generations. The green
forest and pure water can help the village to grow well. The mountain represents human being’s
capacity and power and water is necessary for material wellbeing. So, the Fengshui forests play a role
in water conservation.
However, the villagers recognize that there are many benfits realized from the Fengshui forests have
been paid. For example, the villagers notice that if the trees are cut down, there are problems with the
villages’ water resources. In Guntang, villagers have highlighted the roles of Fengshui forests in water
and soil conservation. In Dabuyang, the villagers highlighted the role of Fengshui forests in making
the village beautiful.

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Village forest management regulations

The Fengshui forests are strictly untouched. There are many regulations for protecting the Fengshui
forests. Some of these are oral agreements and others are written down in the Village regulations and
folk customs. Whether these regulations are in oral or written form, the villagers must strictly obey
them (Chen 1999). As Wu (2007) indicated, the income from and utilization of this kind of forest is
strictly for collective purposes. There are some particular activities which can guarantee the effective
enforcement of these regulations in the Buyi villages. For example, the festival in Spring which is held
on the third of March, all of the villagers gather together to remember their ancestors and guarantee
the enforcement of the regulations. However, participation in these traditional activities has been
declining due to increased migration and lack of interest in these traditional activities by the younger
generation. Enforcement of the village regulations should be promoted and supported by local
governments.
In Guntang, the regulations include: no cutting of trees, no land reclamation and no burning of trees
for ash. If a tree dies, nobody can cut it down and natural regrowth is required. The tree branches
cannot be used as firewood because there is a danger that some people may cut the branches
purposely for firewood. Any violations of the regulations will be punished. There is one case 30 years
ago in which a villager cut a tree in a Fengshui forest which was 5 cm in diameter. The villager was
caught. Based on the village regulation, the village head gathered all of the villagers to the home of
the offender and killed his pig and poultry. The offender accepted this punishment and regretted his
irrational behavior. Since that incident, nobody has violated the regulations. The trees can be used for
some collective purpose, e.g. to make coffins for deceased persons. These collective or public goods
must be stored by the village head. The Fengshui trees can also be used for collective welfare on
special occasions, e.g. eight years ago several trees were cut down and sold for building the village
road.
In Dabuyang, Fengshui forests are under collective management. The regulations stipulate: no cutting
trees, no land reclamation and no burning for ash. The detailed regulations stipulate: trees over one
meter in diameter can only be cut when the collective deems it necessary for public welfare. Trees
cannot be cut for subsistence use by the villagers. Anyone who steals wood from the Fengshui forests
will be fined 10 yuan for small trees (below 1.3 inch in diameter), 10 yuan for each additional 1.3
inches and 10 yuan for a bundle of firewood. Collecting firewood is not allowed except at the time of a
funeral. Only branches may be collected and cannot be cut from the tree. Trees are not allowed to be
cut and the collective can only sell the dried tree for collective welfare. In this village, there is one case
involving one villager who cut the trees to build a mushroom cultivating shed in the year 2000. The
village leader received a report of this and discussed it with the other village management group
members. They decided to fine him 300 yuan. The offender is the relative of the village head and
refused to accept the punishment. The other villagers were not satisfied with this situation. They went
together with the village head to collect the fine. They planned to destroy the shed if the offender did
not pay the fine. The offender wanted to use dangerous behavior to free himself from the obligation to
pay the fine. The villagers asked the government to intervene. In the end, the offender had no choice
but to pay the fine to the local government. The local government then returned the fine to the village.
Local regulations play an important role in protecting the forests, whether the regulation is in oral or
written form. The local villagers strictly obey the regulations. The local festivals provide a good
platform for the villagers to realize the enforcement of regulations. How these regulations and festivals
can be further used to promote sustainable management of forest resources requires further study.

References
Chen, D.S. 1999. Positive research on management of community-based natural resources in the
mountainous areas of Guizhou. China Population, Resources and Environment, 9(4): 22-26
Guan Chuanyou, 2002, Ancient Fengshui Forest. Agricultural Archaeology, 3: 28-33
Wu Quanxing, 2007. Indigenous knowledge and livelihood of Dong people. unpublished. Guizhou.
Yang, G.R. 1999. Traditional Forestry heritage – History of Fengshui Forest. Forestry Economy, 6: 60-
63.

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TRADITIONAL FORESTRY-RELATED KNOWLEDGE AND ITS

CONTRIBUTION TO DEVELOPMENT IN THE
YI NATIONALITY REGIONS:
A CASE FROM NANHUA COUNTY OF YUNNAN PROVINCE

Zhang Renhua1 and Liu Jinlong2

1
Bureau of Religious Affairs, Nanhua County of Yunnan Province, 675200, China
E-mail: zhrenhua@126.com
2
Sustainable Forestry Research Center, Chinese Academy of Forestry
Yiheyuan, Dongxiaofu, Haidian, Beijing, 100091, China
Email: liujl@caf.ac.an

Introduction
The Yi nationality has a long history of living in the mountainous region of southwest China. In the
long period during which they have lived in the forests, the Yi nationality have created and invented a
rich and unique system of forest related knowledge in their production and lifestyles. The forest has
enriched the values, costumes, and culture of the Yi nationality, including their religion (Li 2004). This
system of knowledge and culture has been part of the Yi heritage for generations. However, with the
intervention of scientific knowledge, in particular modern farming technologies, their traditional
knowledge and lifestyle has been continuingly eroded and marginalized. This paper intends to
document the close and complex relationships between the Yi nationality and the forest, and the value
of their knowledge and related culture in contemporary society for social and economic development.
This paper also seeks to explain how to achieve win-win outcomes for rural development within ethnic
regions which protects the forest related culture and knowledge, in addition to aspects of their folk
culture, costume, customary regulations cultural tokenism, primitive religion, festivals and the
ceremony of etiquette.

Methodology
Nanhua county is located in the western part of Yunnan province, in Southwest China. In 2006, the
county had a population of about 230,000, of which the Yi ethnic nationality constitutes 33.9%. The Yi
nationality has been living in Nanhua county for more then 500 years, and so far, the Yi people have
enjoyed a traditional way of life in the mountains, far from the coastal and other industrialized regions.
The research started from journey to a few Yi villages with strong traditional Yi culture to collect and
document forest related folk music, religions, traditional lifestyle, and festivals. Key informant
interviews, group discussions and participatory observation were used in these investigations.
Secondary data, including historic records and files on the Yi ethnic people, were gathered from
villages visited, townships, and Nanhua county agencies such as the Nanhua County Ethnic and
Religion Bureau. A second visit was made to these Yi villages, at which time group discussions were
organized.

Discussion and Conclusion

Roles of forests in the life and production of Yi ethnic people
Yi people usually regard forests and waters as the sole indicator of the wealth of their residences.
They consider families who live in the barren hills to be poor and regard families which live in good
forests to be rich, although by general standards among the wider community these families are poor.
A typical house of Yi family is made of wood and has wooden furniture. Utensils such as bowls and
cups which are used on a daily basis are also made of wood. The objects used for local religious
purposes, like Bimo which is a typical Yi religious ceremony, are also made from wood. The Yi people
usually heat their houses in winter using fire. Fire is also used for lighting and cooking. Traditionally, Yi
people collected a type of grass which was made into a jacket. Yi people in Nanhua still practice a

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local dance during which they wear the traditional jacket made of grasses.
Regarding agricultural production, forests are the core component for their farming system. Yi people
have a long history of practicing rotational cultivation, using about a 15 year rotational system to
generate natural forests after 3-4 years cropping. This farming practice has declined dramatically
under the new policy regime implemented by central governmental through programs such as Nature
Forest Protection Program and the Grain for Green Program. Nowadays, cultivation is being practiced
in other ways. In the spring, Yi people light fires on the permanent farming land to burn the grass and
bushes. They consider this to be the best way to make fertilizers for crops, and to kill crop pests. They
follow the same method of seeding as they did under traditional rotational cropping. On the 24th of
June on the Chinese calendar, Yi people make a baton made of grass which they light and use to
drive pests away from their farming land. It originates in a typical Yi festival, called the Hand Fire
Festival.
Now, non-timber forest products, in particular wild mushrooms and walnuts, have become one of the
major sources of income for the Yi people. In Nanhua county, on average, one-sixth of the revenue
earned by the Yi people was generated from wild mushroom collection. For example, in the Kaimeng
natural village, which is part of the Miheimeng administrative village, for 95 households, revenue from
wild mushroom collection amounts to an average of 13,000 yuan per household, which accounts for
70% of total revenue.
Meanings of forests in the context of culture and religion
The Yi nationality has a close relationship with the forest, having lived in this ecosystem for
generations. The Yi nationality have a primitive religion, which is concerned with nature (in particular
mountains and forests), being close to nature, respecting the earth and having a protective attitude
towards the natural environment (Yang 2007). Yi people believe every living thing has a god. There is
a haven god in the haven, earth god in the earth, sun god in the sun, and moon god in the moon.
Similarly, mountain, trees, birds, wind, rain, river, etc. have their own gods, which should be respected
and worshiped. Based on these primitive values and religion, the Yi people created a set of religious
and moral understandings which govern their daily life. These are passed on from generation to
generation. That is why nature and Yi society have been harmonized for many generations, and the
forests have been sustainable managed in the mountains by the Yi people, although their economic
development has been limited.
God trees exist in each Yi ethnic village to protect their village. These trees are mostly hundreds of
years old. The Yi people believe that these trees can provide safety, fortune and good harvest to their
village. No one is allowed to cut down these trees, and any person who cuts these trees will be
punished. There is a folk story in Nanhua county, in which a Yi person cut a god tree: his hand was
broken the next day and he was sentenced to death by drowning. Thus, he would be punished by the
water god. This folk story reminds the Yi people that the forest and water are friends and they are
linked. If you harvest forests irrationally, water and rain will become abnormal too, usually resulting in
floods. At Mihei village of Wujie township, Nanhua county, a grave stone stands in front of a god tree.
The story was told that in this village a young man once cut down a god tree down and soon
afterwards he passed away. His father planted a tree and built up this grave stone to relieve his son of
the guilt. These cultures have strong imperative to protect the trees and forests. Yi people believe the
soul of deceased people never dies. Yi people place dead bodies in a cave nearby their villages,
which is called an ancestor soul cave, which should be then covered by good forests. They believe
these good forests safeguard the soul of their ancestor. The Yi also have a saying that a living man
could not be able to be part of the nature although he wishes to be. Only after passing, his soul can
be part of nature. With these beliefs, it is easily to understand why the forests have been well
protected.
Implications for development and practices in Nanhua county
Yi people have enjoyed a good relationship with forests in Wuhua county for generations. However,
with rapid social and economic change and development, adoption of systematic knowledge and
technologies, in particular farming techniques, the ecosystems have undergone rapid decline. During
the 1990s’, tobacco plantations were expanded and became a major cash source for the Yi people in
the mountains. It required a large amount of chemical fertilizer and pesticides to make a good harvest
of tobacco. It also required large quantities of wood fuels to desiccate the tobacco before it was sold
to a tobacco company. The younger generation of Yi people wishes to have more money to buy motor
cars, TV sets and therefore have significant interest in tobacco farming. Large areas of forests were

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degraded, and floods and drought followed. Coming into the new century, the local government
recognized the importance of traditional forest related knowledge and the culture of the Yi people, and
changed the development strategy to explore win-win approaches for economic development and
ecological protection.
Based on the social and economic conditions, Nanhua county selected three pillars for their economic
development and poverty alleviation, namely production of wild mushrooms, establishment of walnut
plantations, and the tourism industry which relies on the beautiful ecosystems of the Yi region as well
as its traditional foods. Up until 2006, the area of mountain closures amounted to 50,000 ha, with
nearly half of the county territory designated for producing wild mushrooms. With the support of Grain
for Green program, the area of walnut plantation has increased to 18,000 ha. About 2000 Yi people
were employed by the tourism industry, in particular by nearly 400 private Yi food restaurants. These
have shown great potential to develop the economy of the Yi ethnic regions and to preserve the
natural forests.

References
Li Xiaoli. 2004. Roles of primitive religion and belief of Li Ethnic People in ecological protection in
Yunnan province. Academy Journal of Southwest China Ethnic Minority University, 3: 21-25. (in
Chinese)
Yang Fuwang & Zhu Heshuang. 2007. Forum of Chuxiong Ethnic Culture. No. 1. Yunnan University
Publishing House, Kunming. (in Chinese)

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THE TRADITIONAL FOREST MANAGEMENT KNOWLEDGE

OF JINGPO PEOPLE IN YUNNAN
Zhang Yunke

Quamo Villager Group, Nongbing Administrative Village, Xishan Township, Luxi City,
Dehong Autonomous Prefecture of Thai, Jingpo and De Ang Ethnic Groups
Yunnan Province, China
E-mail: zykyx@163.com

Introduction
The Jingpo are one of the multi-ethnic peoples of China. The Jingpo people originally migrated from
the remote Menggan Plateau and Qingzang Plateau. Over the long history of development, they had
undergone untold hardships and perils, looking for the ideal paradise—Wnubvong Shingra (translated
from Wa language). At last, they have settled down in Dehong and become a major ethnic group of
the Autonomous Prefecture of Dehong.
Their residence is located in subtropical mountainous areas with dense forest, fertile soil, full of
sunlight, abundant rainfall, mild temperate and rich in all kinds of resources. Abundant ecological
resources and mysterious landscapes of mountains and forests comprise the sacred place which the
Jingpo people depend on. They have long lived in such a unique environment and attached
importance to protection and management of ecological resources. They regard forests and other
ecological resources as the cradle of the Jingpo people and the object of worship. They have
developed gradually a traditional culture which restrains and shapes people’s ideas and behaviors
and a philosophy of living in harmony and coexistence with nature.

Sacred Village Forest – a Treasury of Ecological Resources

Every Jingpo village is an ecological resource treasury. The well-designed Jingpo houses are located
in mountainous areas and often shaded in dense forests. It is a graceful and peaceful landscape
when the cooking smokes rise under the golden rays of sunlight. It is a magical result of the Jingpo
people looking after the forest for a long time.
Why are the ecological resources of sacred village forests protected so well? The sacred forests
embody the sovereignty and sacredness of the village. When Jingpo people choose a place to set up
a village, they followed such criteria as “behind there is a hill to support, front there is the fertile soil to
cultivate, and there are rich resources around the village”. Besides, there must be plentiful water
resource and woods for sacred village forests. The tribe’s leader would be invited to head the village
after the common people have settled down. A place where there are many old trees with dense
canopies will be chosen as the gate of the village, called Lumshang in Jingpo language. After they
observe the rites - Shidip Zhipang - for the tribe’s leader to assume the role of village headman, the
common people will then take responsibility for management of sacred forests, and live and work in
peace and contentment.
On both sides of the gate, there are standing stakes for ancestors and deities. These would be
worshiped to bless village, pray for good harvest and health, grow and prosper and demarcate the
boundary between human and ghost. These stakes make people feel sacred and honor. In the sacred
forest, people are not allowed to cut trees, fire a gun, hunt, court a lover and so on. Regardless of
whether they are common people, tribe leaders and even the King, when they pass through the
sacred forests, they are not allowed to talk aloud, go to lavatory and spit. If you come across the
sacred forest by horse or sedan, you must get down and walk through the sacred forests, otherwise,
you would offend the village deity and lose the blessing of the sacred forests and bring calamity to
people and the village. As a result, the sacred forests in the Jingpo village are protected very well, and
are rich in biodiversity. The sacred forest is the village symbol of growth and prosperity and the mark
of the village’s autonomy.

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Zhitung and Wuinat - the Deities of Water-source Forests

Jingpo people believe that after they dig well in a valley with a spring, and sacrifice chicken and pigs
to the mountain deity—Zhitung and the water deity—Wuinat, these deities would take the
responsibility to protect the well and surrounding forests that protect these waters, and would bestow
health, intelligence and ability for dancing and singing on the person who drinks water from the well. If
somebody were to destroy the well and water-source forests, he or she would be severely punished
by Zhitung and Wuinat. It is said that the person would have hallucinations, lose consciousness and
direction and finally be pulled into the deep gully by a ghost. Those who survive could be paralyzed or
become dumb. They could be killed on the spot due to loss of blood.
When Jingpo people migrated to Dehong, they were very much attracted by beautiful mountains,
rivers, vast forests and fertile soils and had regarded Dehong as the ideal place—Wunbvong Shinra.
After they settled down, they learned techniques to develop wet fields and to use water resources.
With the tradition for conservation of water-source forests, they formulated a custom that does not
allow cutting trees or opening a field in the water resource areas. During the sowing season and at
harvest time, tribe leaders organize villagers in observing the rites of sacrificing chickens and pigs at
the deity temple (Lunshang) and well. This is a traditional custom used to pass on the knowledge on
management and conservation of “protection forest, landscape forest and water forest”. During the
ceremony, tribal leaders teach people how to protect and manage forest and other ecological
resources, and to pray for God’s blessing for a healthful and long life, intelligence and wealth. In this
way the Jingpo people’s traditional custom of conservation of water-source forests has been passed
down over many generations.

Firewood Forests
Jingpo people all live in the mountainous areas. There are many trees around their houses. Firewood
is the main source of energy for cooking and keeping livestock in their daily lives. However, the
species for firewood are selective. Generally, Jingpo people choose the species which are not
suitable for timber and do not produce edible fruits. If somebody cut such timber or fruit trees for
firewood, he or she would be punished and regarded as uneducated and self-destructive.

Shifting Cultivation and Home Garden Systems

There are more hilly lands and less flat lands in the Jingpo’s area. Therefore, wet fields for rice
production are insufficient. In order to meet needs of survival, people cultivate dry fields on
mountainous areas through shifting cultivation with upland rice as the main crop. Normally, they
cultivate crops in newly opened dry fields for 3 years and then fallow the fields for forest regeneration
for 8-10 years. There are 8 varieties of upland rice in our village. Different varieties are planted in a
different years. At the same time, farmers mix other crops, such as melons, fruits, oil-bearing crops,
beans, millets, sorghum, taro, and paprika to keep diversity of crops and food and reduce risk of crop
failure. When they cultivate the dry fields, they maintain the seed trees outside and inside fields for
spreading seeds for forest regeneration. This practice helps dry fields to recover to forests and
enhance soil fertility quickly when cropping stops.
There are a number of timber and cash trees around Jingpo people’s houses. They select the
different species depending on climate and location. The traditional species are banana, bamboo,
plum, pomegranate, orange, walnut, Betula alnoides, Toona sinensis, Phoebe ahennan, Artocarpus
heterophyllus, Citrus sinensis, Chaenomeles sinenesis, Illicium verum, Lindera glauca, etc. The
different kinds of fruit, flowers and grasses constitute the rich ecological biota. It also presents a
picture of prosperity.
The green trees set off the red flowers in each Jingpo village. The clear mosaics and beautiful color
reflect the traditional ideas that Jingpo people live in harmony with natural environment, and their
ideas to protect ecological resources and to build up a beautiful home.
The ancient legend and notion of deity constitute the primitive idea of harmonious coexistence
between human and nature. Now what we should do is to think about how to combine traditional
management of ecology with modern production, life and social development. We should use the
ancient legend and play an active role during the ecological conservation. We also want our beautiful
Jingpo Mountain to become more attractive and vigorous.

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Conclusion
Xishan Township is where most of the Jingpo people reside in China. It is one of the areas where the
Jingpo’s traditional culture with its contents are preserved intact. It is also a place where nature
resources, ethnic culture and eco-tourism resources integrate so well. Jingpo people from China and
overseas all regard the Township as “a sacred and beautiful place where people look forward to
“Wunbvong Shingra”. It is a ready base for understanding the society, history, culture, ecological
resources and mountainous areas of the Jingpo people.
In recent years, with the help of Party committees and governments at different levels, Xishan
Township has analyzed the advantages of local resources carefully and put forward a strategy for
development. It is to “enhance the ethnic culture as the foundation, develop ethnic culture tourism as
the leading sector, build up the green sector, and construct the heaven on earth—“Wunbvong
Shingra.” We also plan to combine the attractive natural landscape with legendary Jingpo traditional
culture for eco-culture tourism. Currently, we are planning the Wunbvong Shingra eco-culture tourism
zone as a way to maintain good ecological environments and demonstrate traditional culture of the
Jingpo people and develop green sector with ethnic characteristics and local advantages for faster
and better development.

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CONSERVATION AND UTILIZATION OF TRADITIONAL FOREST-

RELATED KNOWLEDGE FOR ACHIEVING SUSTAINABLE
LIVELIHOODS OF LOCAL COMMUNITIES -
A CASE STUDY IN JAMBI PROVINCE, INDONESIA
Zuraida

Puslitbang Hutan Tanaman (Center for Plantation Forest Research and Development,
Forest Research Development Agency Departement of Forestry).
Jl Gunung Batu No 5 Bogor - PO. BOX. 331-Jawa Barat. Indonesia
Email: zuraidaus@yahoo.com

Introduction
Forests are one of the renewable natural resources that provides essential goods and services for
human beings. Forest resources can be utilized on sustainable basis if their exploitation does not
exceed the natural regeneration capacity of forest ecosystems. If it is exceeded, forest resources can
be degraded and forest resources’ function as a source of goods and services is threatened
(Soemarwoto 2001). Forests are therefore important, not just for the production of the timber, but also
for many social, and ecological functions such as conservation of biodiversity, the supply of water,
and carbon sink (Inoue & Isozaki 2003).
Indigenous people and local communities have an important role in the management of biodiversity.
Traditional knowledge is a combination of ancient indigenous practices and techniques, locally
adapted and distinctive to a territory or a community. Traditional forest related knowledge has
important implications for forest management and conservation of forest biodiversity. People of
tropical rain forests have long been collecting wild forest resource for their subsistence. Hunting,
fishing, and gathering of plant foods, timber, fire wood as well as medicines still provide an important
part of diet and health care needs of rural people in the region. Extraction for subsistence purposes is
usually quite sustainable, having little negative impact on individual resources and the ecosystem,
because the demand for subsistence products is relatively low compared with the availability of
targeted resource. In times of crisis, however, the impact may become temporarily negative as
pressure on forest resources for wild foods and other products increases. As long as the periods of
high demand occur far enough apart in time, individual forest species generally have time to
regenerate.
Indigenous knowledge is defined as a cumulative body of knowledge and beliefs handed down
through generations by cultural transmission about the relationship of living beings (including humans)
with one another and with their environment (McCall 1996). Therefore indigenous knowledge is said
to be unique to a given culture. Kamara (1994) warned that once it is lost it cannot be recovered.
There is increasing recognition that the use and application of Indigenous knowledge and indigenous
natural resource management systems provide effective strategies for the conservation of biological
diversity and the sustainable use of natural resources.
There are three key features may be used to characterize indigenous resources/biodiversity
management. These are; (1) The indigenous social organization that controls the access to natural
resources within the community (Luoga 1994), (2) The customary norms and procedures for control,
acquisition, maintenance and transfer of natural resources, and (3) The indigenous utilization
techniques for conserving and preserving resources (Boonto 1993, Luoga et al. 2000).

In Jambi, a province in Indonesia, there are villages in which local people use their traditional
knowledge to manage their forests. The objective of this study is to develop a better understanding of
how local people in Lubuk Bedorong Village use their traditional knowledge to manage their forest for
sustain their livelihoods.

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Methodology
The study was conducted in Jambi, a Province of Indonesia located on the east coast of central
Sumatra island. The study site was Lubuk Bedorong, a lowland village located in the Limun Sub-
District of the Soralangun Region of the Province.. .
This study identifies local knowledge and practices used in the management of forests in Lubuk
Bedorong Village-Jambi Province, Indonesia. The study, conducted in July 2007, utilized a variety of
approaches, including direct observations in the field, a questionnaire for interviewing village leaders,
Focal Group Discussion (FGD) community meetings, household surveys (including 50 chiefs of
households), and interviews with other key informants.

Result and Discussion

Traditional Knowledge of Local People in Lubuk Bedorong Village - Jambi Province
Lubuk Bedorong Village is surrounded by forest. People around the forest have lived there for many
years. According to the villagers, there had been a decline of forest cover and wildlife species in the
forest over the years. However, the presence of traditional leaders, called ninik mamak, and traditional
taboos continue to play active roles in conserving and utilization of forest and wildlife resources.
The result of the study showed that local people are very dependent on the forest for their livelihoods.
Some of them go to the forest to collect fungi, durians and some plants (edible fern) for foods, as well
as firewood used for cooking. They also use plant species found in the forest for medicine, such as
dragon’s blood (produced from jernang, a rattan palm of the genus Daemonorops). The collection of
honey bees is also one of the activities that generates income through sales of honey to markets
outside of their region. In addition to the products obtained directly from their forests, traditional forest
management practices are used to enhance their livelihoods, including the planting of rubber jungle, a
traditional practice that has been passed from one generation to the other. Jungle rubber is planted
with other crops such as vegetables, corn, fruits, and rice.
Local people are very conversant with their environment, and harvest and use their forest products
wisely. Ritual practices also play important roles in the conservation of the forest. For example, in a
river in the village called Lubuk Larangan (“larangan” means prohibited in Bahasa-Indonesia) fishing
is prohibited except during the Muslim fasting month and on feast days. Similarly, it was also revealed
that several animal species are protected through hunting restrictions and use prohibitions. Further,
cultivation and tree cutting is not allowed in the forest except for the purpose of obtaining building
materials for village houses; cutting for trade or sale is prohibited. These regulations ensure that these
“adat forests” (traditional forests) are managed on a sustainable basis.
Other forest use practices contribute to the conservation of traditional culture. For example, men and
women are not permitted to bathe or otherwise use the same river locations but must be separated.
Further, women should cover their bodies if they want to take a bath in the river.
Those who break these rules face penalties, with punishments depending on seriousness of their
mistakes. The more these rules are broken, the greater the punishment. These increasingly serious
punishments include: i) requirement to slaughter a hen or cock for meat to be shared with other
community members; ii) requirement to slaughter a goat; iii) requirement to slaughter a cow; iv)
expulsion from the community;

References
Boonto, S. 1993. In: International Institute of Rural Reconstruction; Indigenous Knowledge and
Sustainable Development. Symposium Proceedings, Silang, Cavite, Philippines
Inoue, Makoto and Isozaki, H. 2003. People and Forest Policy and Local Reality in Southeast Asia,
The Russian Far East, and Japan. London. Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Kamara, B.A. 1994. Indigenous knowledge: A necessary asset in the conservation of biological
resource in Tanzania. In: Rutatora, D.F. Kajembe,G.C. and Neke, S.M. (eds); 1994. Indigenous
knowledge and sustainable development. Proceedings of a National Conference held at the Institute
of continuing education. SUA 15th – 16th Sept. 1994.

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Luoga, E.J. (1994). Indigenous Knowledge and Sustainable Management of forest resources in
Tanzania. In Malimbwi, R.E. and Luoga, E.J. (Eds) Information for sustainable natural resources of
Eastern, Central and Southern Africa. Workshop proceedings Arusha Tanzania. pp 139 - 148.
Luoga, E. J , Witkowski, E T.F and Balkwill, K. (2000) Differential Utilization and Ethnobotany of trees
in Kitulangalo Forest Reserve and Surrounding Communal Lands Eastern Tanzania. Economic
Botany 54:328-343.
McCall. M.K., 1996. Indigenous Technical Knoeledge in East African farming systems. Indigenous
Knowledge and Development Monitor, 4(1): 20.
Soemarwoto, Otto. 2001. Life of Environment and Development. Pembangunan. Jakarta. Djambatan

Acknowledgements
This study could have not been possible without considerable support from a number of institutions
and individuals and it is my pleasure to acknowledge their support. Deepest appreciation goes to
FLEGT (Forest Law Enforcement and Governance Trade) for funding this research. Sincere
appreciation goes to Forest Research Development Agency (FORDA), Department of Forestry for
their cooperation in this project, and local government of Jambi. I also thank the Head of Village
Lubuk Bedorong for his wonderful support and assistance in all aspects. Last but not least, I wish to
mention a few colleagues who deserve special gratitude for their contributions in various ways: Mr
Herman Daryono, M. Zachrul, Fitri, Eka, and Nita from FORDA.

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Appendix I

International Conference on
Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation:
Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge

Sponsors:
International Union of Forest Research Organizations (IUFRO)
Chinese Academy of Forestry (CAF)
Korea Forest Research Institute (KFRI)
Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO)
Austrian Federal Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, Environment and Water
Management, Division V/9 - International Environmental Affairs
Chinese State Forestry Administration (SFA)
Asia Pacific Association of Forestry Research Institutions (APAFRI)
Seoul National University (SNU)
United Nations University (UNU)
Organizer:
Sustainable Forestry Research Center, Chinese Academy of Forestry
Scientific Committee:
Chair
Dr. John Parrotta, IUFRO TFRK Task Force, U.S. Forest Service,
jparrotta@fs.fed.us
Vice Chairs
Prof. Liu Shirong, Chinese Academy of Forestry, liusr@caf.ac.cn.
Prof. Youn Yeo-Chang, Seoul National University, youn@snu.ac.kr
Members
Dr. Bae Jaesoo, Korea Forest Research Institute, forestory@foa.go.kr
Dr Ram Boojh, UNESCO Asia Regional Office, India, r.boojh@unesco.org
Prof. Cao Fuliang, Nanjing Forestry University, samcao@njfu.com.cn
Mr. Patrick Durst, FAO Regional Office, Thailand, Patrick.Durst@fao.org
Prof. Luohui Liang, UN University, Tokyo, Japan, liang@hq.unu.edu
Dr. Lim Hin Fui, FRIM, Malaysia, limhf@frim.gov.my
Dr. Liu Jinlong, Chinese Academy of Forestry, liujl@forestry.ac.cn
Prof. Pei Shengji, Kunming Institute of Botany, peishengji@mail.kib.ac.cn
Dr. Joon Hwan Shin, Korea Forest Research institute, kecology@foa.go.kr
Dr. Tohru Nakashizuka, Tohoku University, Japan, toron@mail.tains.tohoku.ac.jp
Prof. P S Ramakrishnan, Jawaharlal Nehru University, psr@mail.jnu.ac.in
Dr. Eklabya Sharma, ICIMOD, Nepal, esharma@icimod.org

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Appendix II
International Conference on
Sustainable Forest Management and Poverty Alleviation:
Roles of Traditional Forest-related Knowledge

17-20 December 2007, Kunming, China

PROGRAMME

DATE ACTIVITY MODERATOR

16 December 2007 Registration

17 December 2007
Opening Lu Wenming
9:00-10:00 CAF: Dr. Liu Shirong
SFA: Mr. Su Min
Yunnan Provincial Forestry Department: Mr. Guo Huijun
IUFRO: Prof. Don Koo Lee
IUFRO: Dr. John Parrotta
FAO: Mr. Patrick Durst
APAFRI: Mr. Sarath Fernando
10:00-10:30 Coffee break and group photo

General Overviews Patrick Durst

10:30-11:00 P.S. Ramakrishnan. Knowledge systems: the basis for sustainable forestry and linked food
security in the Asian region
11:00-11:30 Youn Yeo-Chang. Access to forest resources, traditional forest-related knowledge and
livelihoods of mountain villagers: cases in Korea
11:30-12:00 Liu Jinlong. Traditional forestry-related knowledge and its implications for development
practices in China - development anthropological perspectives
12:00-14:00 Lunch

Traditional knowledge contributions to achieving

Session I Youn Yeo-Chang
Millennium Development Goals
14:00-14:30 Keynote: Cho Kyoung-Mann. Envisioning ecological and cultural place for sustainable
livelihoods
14:30-15:50 Kanok Rerkasem. Transformation of traditional knowledge management in the Mountainous
Area of Mainland Southeast Asia: past experiences and lessons
C. Nanjundaiah. The economic value of indigenous environmental knowledge in ensuring
livelihood needs and protecting local ecological services
Zhang Renhua. The traditional knowledge of Li nationality in Yunnan and sustainable forest
management
Rishi Bastakoti. Food insecurity and use of wild and traditional food plants in Chepang
communities of Dhading district, central Nepal
15:50-16:20 Tea break
Session I continued Xiao Wenfa
Arsenio B. Ella. Indigenous Collection and marketing of honey and almaciga resin in
16:20-17:40
Palawan: the NATRIPAL experience
Khaled Misbahuzzaman. Traditional indigenous knowledge-based conservation and livelihood
strategies for sustainable resources management in the uplands of Bangladesh

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Hemant Ojha. Beyond the traditional-scientific knowledge divide: multi-actor knowledge

systems and deliberative interface in natural resource management in Nepal
Marinor Soriano. Strengthening the Aetas' ecological values for sustainable
development
18:30 Welcome dinner

18 December 2007

Session Ⅱ Traditional knowledge in forest management P.S. Ramakrishnan

8:30-9:00 Keynote: Latipah Hendarti. Traditional knowledge of forest resource management among the
Kasepuhan people in the upland area of West Java Indonesia
9:00-10:00 Juanwen Yuan. The role of “Fengshui” forests in forest management and protection in
minority areas in Guizhou province
E.D. Israel Oliver King. Strategies for conservation of sacred forests of Kolli Hills, Tamil Nadu,
India: a study on botany, ecology and community interactions
Delbert Rice. Indigenous forest management systems of the Ikalahan

10:00-11:00 Tea break and Poster Session Liang Luohui

11:00-12:00 Evangeline Galacgac. Traditional weather forecasting for sustainable agroforestry
management and poverty alleviation in Ilocos Norte - Philippines
Elok Mulyoutami. Knowledge and use of local plants from Simpukng (forest gardens) among
Dayak people in East Kalimantan
Zhang Yunke. Traditional Forest Management of Jingpo People
12:00 Lunch

Session III Traditional knowledge in utilization of forest resources Baskaran K. Krishnapillay

14:00-14:30 Keynote: Pei Shengji. Application of traditional knowledge in forest management:

Ethnobotanical indicators for sustainable use of forests.
14:30-15:50
B.K. Tiwari. Forest management practices of the tribal people of Meghalaya, Northeast India

Mustafa Kamal Akand. ‘Mauals’ traditional resource utilization in the Sundarbans of

Bangadesh: a case of mangrove forest people
Endela Tipot. Traditional knowledge in the use of the natural resources in the Penan
community in Northern Sarawak, Malaysia
Chun, Young-Woo. Songgae, Korea's traditional knowledge for sustainable forest
management
Wu Qiaoming. The current situation and tentative plan for the ancient and famous trees in the
village communities of Guizhou Province
15:50-16:20 Tea break

Session III Continued Pei Shengji

16:20-18:00 M. Zulfiquar Ali Islam. Indigenous catechu production and survival strategies of the producers
in Bangladesh: a study on forest resource management
Chen Xutu. Impact study on Qinghai-Tibet highland ecological protection of traditional Tibetan
culture
Kalpana Ghimire & Rishi Bastakoti. Traditional Knowledge of Tharu Tribe on Medicinal Plants
and Healthcare Systems in Nepal
Lee Su See. Utilization of macrofungi by some indigenous communities for food and medicine
in Peninsular Malaysia

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Zuraida. Conservation and utilization of traditional forest related knowledge for achieving
sustainable livelihoods of local communities in Jambi province, Indonesia

19 December 2007 Field Trip

20 December 2007

Session IV Contribution of traditional forest knowledge to

Lee Su See
sustainable livelihoods
8:30-9:00 Keynote: Luohui Liang. Building on traditional shifting cultivation for rotational agroforestry:
experiences from Yunnan, China
9:00-10:40 Wu Zhaolu. Valuing Traditional Knowledge: a case of forests of Alstonia scholaris in
Southwest China
Shimako Takahashi & Luohui Liang. Lessons and challenges of community-based forest
management practice in pursuit of sustainable forest management in Indonesia

Long Chunlin. Traditional ecological knowledge and forest management in the Jinuo society

Chee Yoke Ling. Traditional Knowledge: IPRs and Benefit Sharing

Ke Suo. Overview of land use and management in Bala village
10:40-11:00 Tea break
Session V: Traditional knowledge shaping forestry policies Lim Hin Fui
11:00-11:30 Keynote: Hemant Gupta. Integrating traditional knowledge systems, local institutions, and
forest conservation for sustainable forest management in Indian Himalayas
11:30-12:10 Valentine Udoh James. The lessons from Asia: protecting Africa’s rainforest by examining the
Nigerian and Ghanaian examples
Xu Jianchu. Traditional ecological knowledge for forest policy development in Asia: implication
to ecosystem restoration in Asia Water Tower.
12:10 Lunch
Session V: continued
14:00-15:40
Andrei Laletin. Traditional forest-related knowledge and the current international forest policy

Lim Hin Fui. Enhancing the value of forest traditional knowledge through forest certification

Pankaj Thapa. Forest-related policy implications in Bhutan - with special reference to the
Brokpas
Siddhartha Krishnan. Co-management of biodiversity: traditional knowledge and forest rights
of the Soligas in South India
He Jun. Indigenous knowledge and agroforestry: using participatory technology development
to improve the sloping land conversion program in Yunnan, P.R. China
15:40-16:10 Tea break
Panel and closing John Parrotta
16:10-17:30 Panel Discussion
Panelists: Pei Shengji, P.S. Ramakrishnan, Patrick Durst, Lim Hui Fui and Liu Jinlong
17:30-18:00 Closing ceremony Liu Jinlong
IUFRO: Dr. John Parrotta
APAFRI: Dr. Baskaran Krishnapillay
CAF: Dr. Xiao Wenfa

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Appendix III

Conference Participants
Md. Mustafa Kamal Akand Pashupati Chaudhary
Department of Anthropology Dept. of Biology, 100 Morrissey Blvd.,
University of Rajshahi, Boston MA 02125, USA
Rajshahi 6205, Bangladesh Tel: 1-617-287-6656 Fax: 1-617-287-6650
Tel: 88 0721 750041 ext 4139 (O) , E-mail: pashupati.chaudhary@umb.edu
88 0721 751415 (R) , 88 01718 103594 (Cell)
Fax: 88 0721 750064 Chen Hang
Email:drakand@gmail.com; Kunming Institute of Botany, Chinese Academy
mkakand@yahoo.com of Sciences, 132# Lanhei Rd, Heilongtan,
Kunming 650204,Yunnan, China
David Bain
Registered Professional Forester, Chen Tongxuan
Association of B.C. Forestry Professionals Guizhou Forestry Collegue, Guiyang, China
(ABCFP), B.C. Province, Canada
E-mail: treebystream@psmail.net Chen Jun
Kunming Institute of Botany, Chinese Academy
Kalpana Ghimire Bastakoti of Sciences, 132# Lanhei Rd, Heilongtan,
District Road Support Programme, P.O. Box: Kunming 650204,Yunnan, China
113, Manbhavan, Lalitpur, Nepal
Tel: (977-1) 5543142/5542143 Chen Xutu
Fax: (977-1) 5543144 Beijing Forestry University, PO Box573, No 35,
Email: Kalpana.ghimire@drspnepal.org Qinghua East Road, Beijing 100083, China
Tel: 8613488685708
Rishi Ram Bastakoti E-mail: chenxutu@sina.com
Resource Identification and Management
Society, Nepal (RIMS Nepal), Chee Yoke Ling
GPO Box- 2464, Kathmandu, Nepal Third World Network, #4-1-132 Jianguomenwai,
Tel: (977-1) 4274940 100600 Beijing, China
Email: rishibastakoti@hotmail.com E-mail: yokeling@myjaring.net

Vineeta Bhardwaj Nakul Chettri

365/II, Sirmour Road, Kishan Nagar Extension, Post Box 3226, Khumaltar, Kathmandu, Nepal
Kaulagarh, Dehradun, India Tel: 977 1 5003222 Fax: 977 1 5003277
Tel: 91 9412319650, 91 135 3297851 Email: nchettri@icimod.org
Fax: 91 9412319650, 91 135 3297851
E-mail: vinvin44@gmail.com Ram B. Chhetri
Thribuvan University, Kathmandu, Nepal
Ram Boojh Tel: 977-1-4280564 (R ), 4331852 (O)
UNESCO, New Delhi, India Email: rchhetri@info.com.np
E-mail: r.boojh@unesco.org
Cho, Kyoung Mann
Natalie Ceperley Major in Cultural Anthropology, Division of
Yale University, School of Forestry and History and Culture,
Environmental Studies Mokpo National University, Torimri 61,
152 Mansfield St. New Haven CT 06511, USA Chonggye-myun, Muan-gun,
Tel : 203-530-0346 Jeollanamdo, Republic of Korea
Email : Natalie.ceperley@yale.edu Tel: 82-61-450-2191 Fax: 82-61-450-2197
Email: Chkm1@paran.com, chkm@mokpo.ac.kr
Chang Yu Shyun
Forest Research Institute Malaysia Chun Young-woo
(FRIM) FRIM, 52109 Kepong, 861-1 Chongnung-dong, Songbuk-gu,
Selangor, Malaysia Seoul, 136-702, Korea
Tel: 60-3-62797352 Tel: 82-2-910-4812 Fax: 82-2-910-4809
Email: changys@frim.gov.my Email: ychun@kookmin.ac.kr

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Patrick Bryan Durst Hemant Kumar Gupta

FAORAP, 39 Phra Atit Road, Bangkok 10200 Forest Survey of India, North Zone,
Thailand, (room 313) Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, 171001 India
Tel: 662 697-4139 Tel: 91 177 2658282 Fax: 91 177 2657517
Email: Patrick.Durst@fao.org Email: Ghemant_sml@hotmail.com,
hemantgup@gmail.com
Arsenio B. Ella
Forest Products Research and Development Syuqiyah Abdul Hamid
Institute (FPRDI), Department, of Science and Forest Research institute of Malaysia,
Technology (DOST), College, 52109 Kepong, Selangor, Malaysia
Laguna 4031, Philippines Tel: 60-3-6272 2516; Fax: 60-3-6277 3249
Tel: (63) 049 536 2360 E-mail: syuqiyah@apafri.org,
Fax: (63) 049 536 3630 syuqiah_apafri@frim.gov.my
Email: Arsie_Ella@yahoo.com
Han Jin
Kamal Solhaimi bin Fadzil Rural Development Institute, Guizhou Academy
Department of Anthropology and Sociology, of Social Science, No.19, Suoshi Lane, Nanming
Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, District,
University Malaya, 50603, Kuala Lumpur, Guiyang 550002, China
Malaysia
Tel: 6016-205 1656 He Jun
Email: Kamalsolhaimi@hotmail.com Centre for Mountain Ecosystem Studies, ICRAF-
China, c.o. Kunming Institute of Botany 3/F
Anton Upali Sarath Fernando Library Building, Heilongtan,
Rajamalwatta Road, Battaramulla, Forest Kunming, 650204, China
Department, Sri Lanka Tel: 86-871-5223014; Fax: 86-871-5216350
Tel: 94-11-2866616 E-mail: h.jun@cgiar.org
Email: forlib@sitnet.lk
He Pikun
Evangeline S. Galacgac Centre for Mountain Ecosystem Studies, ICRAF-
Research and Development Directorate, Mariano China, c.o. Kunming Institute of Botany 3/F
Marcos State University, City of Batac, Ilocos Library Building, Heilongtan,
Norte, Philippines Kunming, 650204, China
Tel: 63 (77) 792-3131 Tel: 86-871-5223014
Email: eva_galacgac@yahoo.com E-mail: hepikun@public.km.yn.cn

Ge Yuhang Latipah Hendarti

Foreign Affairs Division, Yiheyuan, Dongxiaofu, JL. Sempur No. 55 BOGOR 16154, Indonesia
Haidian, Beijing, 100091, China Tel: 62-251-311097
Email: Lati246@indo.net.id,
Gerhard Glatzel aldaka2004@yahoo.com
Raimund Zoder-Gasse 10/2,
A-1190 Vienna, Austria Md. Zulfiquar Ali Islam
Tel: 4369912244170 Address : Department of Sociology , University of
Email: Gerhard.glatzel@boku.ac.at Rajshahi, Rajshahi 6205, Bangladesh.
Tel : 88 0721 750041 ext 4159 (O) , 88 0721
Gong Zhiwen 750013 (R) , 88 01715 359715 (Cell)
Beijing Forestry University, No 35, Qinghua East Fax : 88 0721 750064
Road, Beijing 100083, China Email : drzulfiquarai@ru.ac.bd;
drzulfiquarai@gmail.com
Guan Yuhe
Rural Development Institute, Guizhou Academy Valentine U. James
of Social Science, Address : Fayetteville State University, 1200
No.19, Suoshi Lane, Nanming District, Guiyang Murchison Road, Newbold Station, Fayetteville,
550002, China North Carolina 28301-4298, USA
Tel : 910.672.1681 Fax : 910.672.1470
Guo Huijun Email : vjames@uncfsu.edu
Yunnan Forestry Department, No 19, Youth
Road, Kunming, 650021, China

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Kang Xingang Don K. Lee

Beijing Forestry University, PO Box 573, Building No. 200, SNU-CALS Gwanak-gu, Seoul
Qinghua East Road, Haidian District, 151-921, Republic of Korea
Beijing 100083, China Tel: 82-2-880-4751; Fax: 82-2-878-9783
Tel: 86-13521655900 E-mail: leedk@snu.ac.kr
E-mail: xingangk@163.com
Jae Keun Lee
Ke Suo Division of Forest Management College of Forest
Bala Villiage, Menghai County, Xishuangbanna & Environmental Sciences,
Prefecture, Yunnan, China Kangwon National University
Tel: 13887939628 Chuncheon, 200-701, Korea
Tel: 82-33-250-8338; Fax: 82-33-243-4484
Ichikawa Masahiro E-mail: jklee81@kangwon.ac.kr
Organization: Research Institute for Humanity
and Nature, Lee Su See
457-8 Motoyama, Kita, Kyoto, Japan Forest Research Institute Malaysia,
Tel: 81-75-7072303 Kepong, 52109 Selangor, Malaysia
E-mail:ichikawa@chikyu.ac.jp Tel: 6 03 6279 7118
Email: leess@frim.gov.my
Inae Kim
2619-2424 Main Mall, Vancouver, BC, Canada. Jules Feja Lesniewski
V6T 2C3, Canada School of Oriental and African Studies,
Tel: 1 778 554 7521 Russell Square, London, WC1H 0XG, UK
Email: inae@interchange.ubc.ca Tel: 44 (0)208 525 1534
E-mail: feja@soas.ac.uk
E.D.Israel Oliver King
M.S.Swaminathan Research Foundation, Li Shuxin
III Cross Road, Institutional Area, Taramani, No 18, East Hepingli Street, Dongcheng District,
Chennai. 600 113, India Beijing, 100714, China
Tel: 04286-224499 (off), 04286-224287 (Res),
09443364287 (Mobile) Li Ting
Fax: 04286-233219 No. 2, Chaoyangmen Nandajie, Chaoyang
Email: mssrfnam@sancharnet.in, District, Beijing, 100701, China
ediok151173@gmail.com Tel: 86-10-65961114

Cheryl Kitchener Li Zhengli

Anaiwan Nation, 4 Cheshire Close, Rankin Park, Centre for Mountain Ecosystem Studies, ICRAF-
Australia China,
Tel: 0249576221; Fax: 0249576221 c/o Kunming Institute of Botany 3/F Library
E-mail: Cki23701@bigpond.net.au Building, Heilongtan,
Kunming, 650204, China
Siddhartha Krishnan Tel: 86-871-5223014; Fax: 86-871-5216350
Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the E_mail: lizhengli@mail.kib.ac.cn
Environment (ATREE),
659, 5th A Main, Hebbal, Luohui Liang
Bangalore 560024, India Environment and Sustainable Development,
Tel: (91-80) 23533942, 23540639 (ext:33), United Nations University,
094492-41523 (mobile) 53-70, Jingumae 5-chome, Shibuya-ku,
Fax: 91-80-23530070 Tokyo 150-8925 Japan
Email: siddhartha.krishnan@atree.org Tel: 81-3-3499-2811; Fax: 81-3-3499-2828
Email: Liang@hq.unu.edu
Baskaran K Krishnapillay
APAFRI Secretariat, c/o Forest Research Liao Chongguang
institute of Malaysia, 4-2-151, Waijiao Compound, Jianguomenwai,
52109 Kepong, Selangor, Malaysia Beijing 100060, China
Tel: 60-3-6279 7085 Tel: (8610) 6532-2835
Email: baskaran@frim.gov.my E-mail: Liao.Chongguang@fao.org

Andrei Laletin Lim Hin Fui

28-13, Academgorodok, Forest Research Institute Malaysia,
Krasnoyarsk, 660036, Russia Kepong 52109, Selangor, Malaysia
Email: sibforest@akadem.ru Tel: 603-62797541; Fax: 603-62736587
Email: limhf@frim.gov.my

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Lin Rong Daimon Makoto

Foreign Affairs Division, Yiheyuan, Dongxiaofu, Sino-Japan Forestry Ecology Training Center
Haidian, Beijing, 100091, China Office, No 8 Linxiao North Road, Daxing District,
102600, Beijing, China
Liu Kaifeng Tel: 8610-69220261
Sino-Japan Forestry Ecology Training Center E-mail: daimon@cnjp-forestry.cn
Office, No 8 Linxiao North Road,
Daxing District, 102600, Beijing, China Mikio Masuda
Tel: 8610-69220261 Sino-Japan Forestry Ecology Training Center
E-mail: liukaifeng@cnjp-forestry.cn Office, No 8 Linxiao North Road, Daxing District,
102600, Beijing
Liu Jinlong Tel: 8610-69220261
Sustainable Forestry Research Center, E-mail: narumi@cnjp-forestry.cn
Yiheyuan, Dongxiaofu, Haidian,
Beijing, 100091, China Khaled Misbahuzzaman
Tel: 8610-62889632 Fax: 8610- 62872015 Institute of Forestry and Environmental Sciences,
E-mail: liujl@caf.ac.cn Chittagong University,
Chittagong 4331, Bangladesh
Liu Shirong Tel: 880-31-714914, 2550187
Chinese Academy of Forestry, Yiheyuan, Email: kmzaman_for@yahoo.com,
Dongxiaofu, Haidian, Beijing, 100091, China kmisbahuzzaman@gmail.com

Liu Shunqing Nalong Mize

Rural Development Institute, Guizhou Academy Future Generations, India
of Social Science, Tel: 91-11-46575375
No.19, Suoshi Lane, Nanming District, Guiyang E-mail: nalongmize@gmail.com
550002, China
E-mail: qing6511@yahoo.com.cn Ved Parkash Mohan
Sunny Villa, Nigan Vihar, Shimla-171002,
Long Chunlin Himachal Pradesh, India
Kunming Institute of Botany, Chinese Academy Tel: 91-177-2623753
of Sciences, 132# Lanhei Rd, Heilongtan, Email: vpmohan1937@sify.com,
Kunming 650204,Yunnan, China vpmohan59@hotmail.com
E-mail: long@mail.kib.ac.cn
Daimo Elok Ponco Mulyoutami
Lu Mengzhu World Agroforestry Centre, ICRAF Southeast
Institute of Forestry Research, Yiheyuan, Asia Regional Office,
Dongxiaofu, Haidian, Beijing, 100091, China Jl. CIFOR Situgede - Sindang Barang Jero
Tel: 0251 625415 ext 757
E-mail: E.MULYOUTAMI@CGIAR.ORG
Lu Wenming
Foreign Affairs Division, Yiheyuan, Dongxiaofu, C. Nanjundaiah
Haidian, Beijing, 100091, China Centre for Economic Studies and Policy, Institute
for Social and Economic Change, Nagarabhavi
Luo Ming PO, Bangalore- 560072, Karnataka, India.
No11, South Street of Agriculture Exhibition Hall, Tel: +91-80-23215468 Extension: 206 Cell: +91-
Beijing, 100026, China 9448182611
Email: nanjundaiah@isec.ac.in;
Luo Yaofeng cnnanjundaiah@yahoo.co.uk
Beijing Forestry University, PO Box573, No 35,
Qinghua East Road, Beijing 100083, China Masaki Narumi
Tel: 86-13811005093 Sino-Japan Forestry Ecology Training Center
E-mail: lyfcl@163.com Office, No 8 Linxiao North Road,
Daxing District, 102600, Beijing, China
Ming E Tel: 8610-69220261
Bala Villiage, Menghai County, Xishuangbanna E-mail: narumi@cnjp-forestry.cn
Prefecture, Yunnan, China
Tel: 86-13887939628 Nie Xiuli
Rural Development Institute, Guizhou Academy
of Social Science, No.19, Suoshi Lane, Nanming
District,
Guiyang 550002, China

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IUFRO World Series Volume 21

Jeong-Hak Oh Alfredo R. Rabena

207, Cheongryangni2-dong, Dongdaemun-gu, University of Northern Philippines, Vigan City,
Seoul 130-712, Republic of Korea Ilocos Sur, Philippines
Tel: 82-2-961-2164 Fax: 82-2-961-2629 Email: alfredorabena@yahoo.com
Email: jehoh@foa.go.kr
Nazratul Raudzah Abdul Rahman
Hemant R Ojha APAFRI Secretariat, c/o Forest Research
ForestAction Nepal, Satdobato, P O Box 12207, Institute of Malaysia,
Kathmandu, Nepal 52109 Kepong, Selangor, Malaysia.
Tel: 977-1- 5550 631 (office), 977 98511 02080 Tel: +60-3-6272 2516
(Mobile) Email: rauzah@apafri.org,
Fax: 977 1 5535 190 rauzah_apafri@frim.gov.my
Email: hojha@wlink.com.np
Palayanoor Sivaswamy Ramakrishnan
Joseph Sebastian Paimpillil School of Environmental Sciences, Jawaharlal
Center for Earth Research and Environment Nehru University,
Management, 37/1387, Near Parkland Apts, New Delhi – 110067, India
Kaloor Kadavanthara Road, Tel: 91-011-26704326 (O), 124-4085970 (R),
Cochin 17, India, 682017 9312257870 (M)
Tel: 0091 484 2203035 Email: psr@mail.jnu.ac.in; kpoonam@vsnl.com
Email: psjoseph@eth.net
Ren Wanzhu
Park Jung-Hwan Yunnan Provincial Institute of Forestry
207 Choengnyangni-dong, Doangdaemun-gu, Investigation and Planning,
Seoul, Korea 130-712 Kunming, 650051, China
Tel: 02-961-2708; Fax: 02-961-2719 Tel: 86-13888005376
E-mail: hwanpark@foa.go.kr E-mail: wanzhu_11@yahoo.com.cn

Yeong Dae Park Kanok Rerkasem

Department of Forest Sciences, Seoul National Multiple Cropping Center, Faculty of Agriculture,
University, Gwanak-gu, Chiang Mai University,
Seoul 151-921, Republic of Korea Chiang Mai 50200, Thailand
Tel: +82-2-880-4760 Fax: +82-2-874-4706 Tel: 66 5394 4654, 66 5321 0000
E-mail: forest_park@hanmail.net, Email: kanok@chiangmai.ac.th
parkyd70@gmail.com
Mohd Hamami Sahri
John A. Parrotta Faculty of Forestry, Universiti Putra Malaysia,
U.S. Forest Service, Research & Development, 43400 Serdang Selangor Malaysia
RP-C 4th floor, 1601 N. Kent Street, Arlington, Tel: 603-89467171, 7181, 6019-351 3073.
VA 22209, USA Email: hamami@putra.upm.edu.my
Email: jparrotta@fs.fed.us
R. Siddappa Setty
Pei Shengji # 659, 5th A Main Road, Hebbal,
Kunming Institute of Botany, Chinese Academy Bangalore. India
of Sciences, Heilongtan, Lanhei Road No.132, Tel: 91-821-2511899, 91-9980299595
Kunming 650204, China Email: Siddappa@atree.org
E-mail: peishengji@mail.kib.ac.cn
Sim Heok Choh
Peng Fashou APAFRI Secretariat, c/o Forest Research
Chuxiong Forestry Bureau, Yunnan, China institute of Malaysia,
52109 Kepong, Selangor, Malaysia
Peng Shengjing Tel: 60-3-6272 2516
Institute of Ecology and Geobotany, 2# of North Email: sim@apafri.org, simhc@frim.gov.my
Cuihu Road Yunnan University
Kunming, Yunnan, 650091, China Rekha Singhal
Tel: (+86) 13508712598 Indian Institute of Forest Management Nehru
E-mail: psjing@gmail.com Nagar, Bhopal, India
Tel: 91-755-2494857
Qu Sheng Email: rekhasinghal@gmail.com
Sustainable Forestry Research Center,
Yiheyuan, Dongxiaofu, Haidian,
Beijing, 100091, China

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Marinor Cabauatan Soriano Alexander Vernon, Jr.

Sibley House 108, International Christian 1151 East 15th Avenue, Vancouver, BC V5T2S7,
University, 3 – 10 – 3 Osawa, Mitaka-shi, Tokyo, Canada
Japan Tel: 1-604-877-0580 Fax: 1-604-822-9105
Tel: 81- 042-233-3588 / 0909-8080257 Email: AlexVernon@shaw.ca
Email: nor_c_soriano@yahoo.com.ph
Wang Dong
Su Ming Institute of Forestry Research, Yiheyuan,
No 18, East Hepingli Street, Dongcheng District, Dongxiaofu, Haidian, Beijing, 100091, China
Beijing, 100714, China
Wang Guozhong
Sun Yanhong Sino-Japan Forestry Ecology Training Center
Sustainable Forestry Research Center, Office, No 8 Linxiao North Road, Daxing District,
Yiheyuan, Dongxiaofu, Haidian, Beijing, 100091, 102600, Beijing, China
China Tel: 8610-69220261
E-mail: wangguozhong@cnjp-forestry.cn
Kwang-Il Tak
Faculty of Forestry, Kookmin University, 861-1 Wu Jianlei
Jeongnung-dong Songbuk-Ku, Seoul, Korea China Greentimes, at Yunnan Station, Kunming,
Tel: 82-2-910-5460 China
Email: leotak@kookmin.ac.kr
Wu Jie
Shimako Takahashi Rural Development Institute, Guizhou Academy
5-53-70, Jingumae, Shibuya-ku, of Social Science,
Tokyo 150-8925 Japan No.19, Suoshi Lane, Nanming District, Guiyang
Tel: 81 3-3499-2811, +81 3-5467-1294 550002, China
Email: stakahashi@hq.unu.edu
Wu Nansheng
Tao Hanwei Jiangxi Agriculture University, Nanchang,
Sustainable Forestry Research Center, Jiangxi, 330045, China
Yiheyuan, Dongxiaofu, Haidian, Tel: 86-13807056058
Beijing, 100091, China E-mail: Rensh111@126.com

Pankaj Thapa Wu Qiaoming

Department of Geography & Planning, Sherubtse Guizhou Forestry College, Zhazuo Township,
College, Kanglung, Bhutan Xiuwen County, Guiyang 550201, China
Tel: 975-4-535292 E-mail: wqm6029@163.com
Email: Pankajthapa2002@yahoo.co.in
Wu Quanxin
Endela Tipot Centre of Indigenous Knowledge and Community
Sarawak Forestry, Forest Research Centre, KM Development, Research Institute of Folk Culture,
10, Jln Datuk Amar Kalong Ningkan Qiandongnan Miao and Dong Ethnic
93250 Kuching, Sarawak, Malaysia Autonomous Region,
Tel: 6082-614824 Kaili 556000, Guizhou, China
Email: endela@sarawakforestry.com E-mail: wuquanxin@yahoo.com.cn

Brajesh Kumar Tiwari Wu Xunfeng

Centre for Environmental Studies, North-Eastern Centre of Forest Restoration Research, Yunnan
Hill University, Shillong-793022, India
Tel: 91 364 27211578 (O), 91 364 2550774 (R), Wu Zhaolu
9436100984 (Cell); Fax: 91 364 2551599 Institute of Ecology and Geobotany,Yunnan
Email: bktiwarinehu@yahoo.co.in University, 2 Cuihu Road, Kunming 650091,
Yunnan, China
Ronald L. Trosper E-mail: zlwu@xtbg.ac.cn
Faculty of Forestry University of British
Columbia, 2045-2424 Main Mall, Xia Jun
Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z4, Canada No 18, East Hepingli Street, Dongcheng District,
Tel: 1-604-822-8089 Beijing, 100714, China
Email: Ronald.Trosper@ubc.ca
Xiao Wenfa
Sustainable Forestry Research Center,
Yiheyuan, Dongxiaofu, Haidian,
Beijing, 100091, China

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Xu Jianchu Zhang Renhua

World Agroforestry Centre, China Programme Bureau of Religious Affairs, Nanhua County of
12 Zhongguancun Nandajie, CAAS, Mailbox 195, Yunnan Province, 675200, China
Beijing 100081, P.R. China E-mail: zhrenhua@126.com
Tel: +86 10 6211 9430
Fax: +86 10 6211 9431 Zhang Yunke
E-mail: jxu@mail.kib.ac.cn; J.C.Xu@cgiar.org Quamo Village, Nongbing Administrative Village,
Xishan Township,
Xu Zhijiang Luxi City, Yunnan Province, China
Yunnan Forestry Department, No 19, Youth Tel: 86-13988263188
Road, Kunming, 650021, China E-mail: zykyx@163.com

Yan Mei Zhao Junhui

Centre for Mountain Ecosystem Studies, ICRAF- Beijing Forestry University, PO Box 573,
China, c.o. Kunming Institute of Botany 3/F Qinghua East Road, Haidian District,
Library Building, Heilongtan, Beijing 100083, China
Kunming, 650204, China Tel: 86-13466696144
E-mail: zjhjyj@hotmail.com
Yang Lixin
Kunming Institute of Botany, Chinese Academy Zhao Lixia
of Sciences, Heilongtan, Lanhei Road No.132, Sustainable Forestry Research Center,
Kunming 650204, China Yiheyuan, Dongxiaofu, Haidian, Beijing, 100091,
China
Yang Zhiwei
Kunming Institute of Botany, Chinese Academy Zhao Min
of Sciences, Heilongtan, Lanhei Road No.132, Kunming Institute of Botany, Chinese Academy
Kunming 650204, China of Sciences, 132# Lanhei Rd, Heilongtan,
Kunming 650204,Yunnan, China
Youn Yeo-Chang
Department of Forest Sciences, Seoul National Zheng Baohua
University, Sillim-dong San 56-1, Gwanak-gu, Institute of Rural Development, Yunnan
151-921 Seoul, Republic of Korea Academy of Social Science, Kunming, China
Email: youn@snu.ac.kr
Zhu Zhenyan
Yuan Juanwen Central University for Nationalities, No27, South
Guizhou College of Finance and Economy, Zhongguancun Street, Beijing, 100081, China
Guiyang 550004, China
E-mail: yuanjuanwen@yahoo.com Zou Lvliu
Kunming Institute of Botany, Chinese Academy
Zhang Dongfang of Sciences, 132# Lanhei Rd, Heilongtan,
Sino-Japan Forestry Ecology Training Center Kunming 650204,Yunnan, China
Office, No 8 Linxiao North Road, Daxing District, E-mail: zoululiu@mail.kib.ac.cn
102600, Beijing, China
Tel: 8610-69220261 Zuraida
E-mail: dongfang98xy@yahoo.com.cn Puslitbang Hutan Tanaman (Center for
Plantation Forest Research and Development,
Zhang Fangyu Forest Research Development Agency
Hongqiang Village, Zixi Mountain, Chuxiong, Departement of Forestry).
China Jl Gunung Batu No 5 Bogor - PO. BOX. 331-
Jawa Barat. Indonesia
Tel: 0251-7520005; 631507
Email: zuraidaus@yahoo.com

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en español. Equivalencias en alemán, inglés, francés,
World Series No.9 (es) 20.--
italiano, portugés, húngaro y japonés. IUFRO 4.04.07
SilvaPlan y el proyecto de terminología de IUFRO SilvaVoc.

World Series Vol. 9 (jp) Terminology of Forest Management Planning - in Japanese 20.--

World Series Vol. 9 (en) Terminology of Forest Management Planning - in English out of print
World Series Vol. 9 (ch) Terminology of Forest Management Planning - in Chinese 30.--
World Series Vol. 9 (it) Terminology of Forest Management Planning - in Italian 20.--
Forging a New Framework for Sustainable Forestry: Recent
World Series Vol. 10 20.--
Developments in European Forest Law
Protection of World Forests from Insect Pests: Advances in
World Series Vol. 11 20.--
Research
World Series Vol. 12 Modelización del Crecimiento y la Evolución de Bosques 20.--
Médición y Monitoreo de la Captura de Carbono en
World Series Vol. 13 20.--
Ecosistemas Forestales - available in electronic form only!
World Series Vol. 14 Forestry Serving Urbanised Societies 20.--
Meeting the Challenge: Silvicultural Research in a Changing
World Series Vol. 15 20.--
World
La Contribución del Derecho Forestal – Ambiental al
World Series Vol. 16 20.--
Desarrollo Sustentable en América Latina
World Series Vol. 17 Forests in the Global Balance – Changing Paradigms 20.--
World Series Vol. 18 Information Technology and the Forest Sector 20.--
World Series Vol. 19 Global Forest Decimal Classification (GFDC) 35.--
World Series Vol. 20-I Keep Asia Green, Vol 20-I, "Southeast Asia" 20.--
World Series Vol. 20-II Keep Asia Green, Vol 20-II, ""Northeast Asia" 20.-

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