INTRODUCTION:

• The death of Aurangzeb in 1707

• was marked by the decay of Mughal Empire
• especially the central power in Delhi.
• This was followed by the emergence of successor:
⎯ BENGAL
⎯ HYDRABAD
⎯ AWADH
• There were also new States:
⎯ MARATHAS
⎯ SIKHS
⎯ JATS
⎯ FARUKHABAD
⎯ ROHILAKHAND
• Some Independent Kingdoms:
⎯ MYSORE
⎯ RAJPUTS
⎯ KERELA
⎯

Successor States
❖ Bengal
• It has been argued that in the 17th century the Mughal administration was
extremely compact and cohesive.
• The mansabdars appointed by the centre and posted in the provinces
constituted the upper layer of administrative official hierarchy.
• Their position was transferable and the central government had absolute
control over the provincial administration especially through the
various officials (viz. subedar and diwan) posted there who served as a
curb on each other’s power.
• Bengal however was a unique province because:
⎯ the zamindars as land holders at the local level
⎯ he enjoyed tremendous power
⎯ and performed the function of revenue collection and maintenance of
law and order.
⎯ In the administrative hierarchy the provincial officials supervised the
zamindar and other landholders and peasants.
• In the 17th century the zamindaris in Bengal were not large and
therefore it was easier for the imperial government to manage them.
• During the 18th century
 ⎯ with the weakening of the central government the provincial
government in Bengal also underwent transformation.
⎯ The power of the mansabdars in Bengal weakened and the size of
imperial contingents was reduced.
⎯ The mansabdars found it difficult to send remittances to Delhi due to
the declining military capabilities.
⎯ Now a new phenomenon emerged in the form of an alliance between
the representatives of Mughal power in the province (Suhedar,
Diwan) and the zamindars.
⎯ This collaboration later incorporated the commercial and the
financial groups in Bengal.
• In the 18th century Aurangzeb
⎯ was confronted with the Maratha problem.
⎯ He needed to mobilize resources for meeting the Maratha challenge.
⎯ Irfan Habib:
→ in his Agrarian System of Mughal India points out that
→ in comparison to the 1580 the revenue demand did not
increase much in Bengal in the 18th century,
→ although in other provinces of northern India the increase was
higher as compared to Bengal.
→ Due to devaluation of silver coinage (influx of metal due to
European traders) in the 17th century agricultural prices
soared but correspondingly the jama did not increase in
Bengal.
• Bengal in the 17th century was quite prosperous.
⎯ Evidence shows that on account of extension of cultivation, growth of
trade and influx of silver the province of Bengal was economically
quite stable.
⎯ We have pointed out that inspite of economic prosperity the revenue
demand in Bengal did not increase.
⎯ The evidence of the administrative document (Risala-i-Ziraat, written in
about 1760) informs us that the revenue demand had continued to be the
 same since Akbar’s period and it had not been subject to revision on the
basis of actual measurement.
⎯ The officials responsible for revenue collection i.e, the mansabdars who
possessed jagirs, the zamindars and other intermediate groups (collectors)
remitted the revenue to the centre in accordance with the official rate of
demand whereas the actual collection was much higher.
⎯ Therefore, the mansabdars, zamindars etc. were amassing huge amounts
at the cost of the centre.
⎯ Hardpressed for funds to finance wars against the Marathas Aurangzeb
decided to streamline the revenue administration in Bengal since its jama
was low and it remitted only a small sum to the central treasury.
• Therefore in 1700 Aurangzeb sent Murshid Quli Khan from the Deccan to
Bengal as Diwan.
⎯ He had earlier demonstrated his skill In revenue administration in the
Deccan.
⎯ In Bengal he proved to be an adept revenue administrator who was
initially appointed as Diwan but later combined the office of Diwan and
Nazim.
⎯ His revenue reforms prepared the ground for increase in jama (estimated
revenue) and hasil (revenue collected) in the 18th century Bengal.
⎯ Murshid Quli Khan was successful in raising the revenue collection in
Bengal.
⎯ The increase in jama in the 18th century was about 22.5% as compared to
the figures of revenue demand in 1580.
⎯ This increase was however not very high if we compare it with the
increase in the other provinces of north India in the 17th century.
⎯ The increase in hasil between 1700-1722 was about 20% as compared to
rise of 22.5% in the 17th century.
⎯ The upward swing in revenue collections was accompanied by
transformation of the revenue administration in Bengal and the
establishment of new political alignments in Bengal due to the growth of
trade and banking.
⎯ In this period the sum total of zamindaris (number of zamindars less)
decreased but there was increase in large zamindaris.
⎯ Money lenders and bankers emerged as important groups and they
provided finances to the zamindars who served as the revenue
appropriating agency at the local level for the Nazim.
⎯ The revenue reforms introduced by Murshid Quli entailed increasing the
revenue demand and collection through measurement and thereby abiding
with the emperor’s order for increased remittances to Delhi.
⎯ This was also meant to act as a check on the jagirdars, zamindars and
others who were depriving the centre/government of revenue.
⎯ The important steps taken by Murshid Quli Khan for achieving his aim of
increasing revenue collection were:
o the jagirs of the mansabdars in Bengal were shifted to Orissa
and
o consequently, those lands in Bengal were placed under Khalisa
(they yielded more revenue than the lands of Orissa) and
o thus, the revenue collection went directly into the state coffers.
⎯ The Nazim tried to tighten his hold over the zamindars by enquiring
into their collections and ensuring that they paid revenue in
accordance with state demand.
⎯ By bringing jagir land under khalisa he was able to ensure that
revenue assessment was proper and officials were sent to inquire into
the revenue yielding capacity through actual field investigation.
⎯ Although surveys and investigations were conducted by the Nazim
through his officials to get information about the revenue paid by the
zamindars but it seems that these could not have been done at the
village level as mentioned in the contemporary evidence (chronicles)
and the efforts of the provincial government were directed to make
the zamindars and the lower intermediate landholders accountable for
proper revenue assessment and collection.
⎯ Zamindari sanads (documents relating to revenue records) refer to
assessment only upto zamindari level and not village level.
⎯ Thus, the Nazim’s policies were aimed to control the zamindar and
the lower intermediate land holders and affected the peasants only
indirectly.
⎯ In such a situation a zamindar who was not able to pay the state
demand was deprived of his holding and it was either taken over by
the government or money lender or given to a capable and loyal
zamindar who would be able to fulfil the government’s demand.
⎯ Certain zamindars were encouraged to create big zamindaris by
bringing other zamindaris under their control and also due to grant of
lands to them by the Nazim.
⎯ Rajshahi developed as a big zamindari between 1700-1727. Dinajpur,
Nadia and Burdwan also emerged as large zamindaris in this period.
⎯ By 1727 half of the revenue collected for the province was provided
by 15 large zamindaris which existed in this period.
⎯ The policies of the Nazim eliminated the zamindars who were not
able to pay their dues in time.
⎯ The zamindars who made prompt remittances to the government,
were rewarded for their performance.
⎯ Zamindars along with the bankers and money lenders had emerged as
a powerful group within the province both economically and
politically.
⎯ The Risala-i-ziraat refers to the mahajans who gave money to the
zamindars as loan.
⎯ For making revenue payments to the Nazim.
⎯ In many cases the zamindars got into the debt cycle especially since
the Nazim was stern and strict in dealing with defaulters (zamindars).
⎯ The banking house of Jagat Seth benefited immensely due to the
revenue policies of the Nazim.
⎯ They were able to establish a big and powerful banking house and
became the custodians of the fiscal transactions of the provincial
government by the 1730s due to the support of the Nazim.
⎯ They provided loans to zamindars who were defaulters in payment of
revenue and on these loans they charged interest and thus made huge
profits.
⎯ They also provided surety on behalf of the big zamindars to the
government that the revenues would be paid in time irrespective of
the actual collection and financial situation.
 ⎯ A hierarchically stratified landholding system existed with big
zamindars at the top and smaller at the bottom.
⎯ Similarly in the case of moneylenders, there were small
moneylenders catering to small zamindars and bigger ones catering to
bigger zamindars.
• In the period when Murshid Quli served as the Nazim in Bengal the power
of the central government (Mughal) continued to weaken:
⎯ further and this gave opportunity to him to exercise greater autonomy
in provincial matters.
⎯ He tried to strengthen his position by appointing to official position
those who were his relatives and who were loyal to him and
removing antagonistic mansabdars.
⎯ The big zamindars were his supporters since they had been permitted
to enlarge their zamindaris and the government did not investigate
into their activities as long as they adhered to the schedule in paying
their dues.
⎯ The category of moneylenders and bankers too profited and they had
the official backing in this context.
⎯ Murshid Quli was able to establish a firm foothold in Bengal.
⎯ He was interested in handing over the Nizamat which he had created
to someone in his family.
⎯ This was the first manifestation of the autonomy gained by Bengal
since the centre had little real role to play in the important provincial
appointments henceforth.
• During the period of Shujauddidn
⎯ son-in-law of Murshid,
⎯ the successor of Murshid Quli
⎯ the bond between the centre and the province was further undermined.
⎯ Although he did not possess his father-in-law’s acumen,
⎯ but he was an efficient administrator and imperial revenues continued
to be transmitted to Delhi in his period.
⎯ The fact that Bengal now relied mainly on its own resources
(mobilizing troops) for maintenance of law and order meant that he
 had to seek the support of zamindars, bankers and local militia in
Bengal.
⎯ The military support from the centre could not be sought (due to the
decline of jagirs and removal of mansabdars) in the context of
independent policies pursued by the Nazim.
⎯ Shujauddin initiated measures to win the loyalty of zamindars and
bankers. The zamindars who had been defaulters earlier and had been
punished by Murshid Quli were pardoned and an advisory council was
established which had as its member Jagat Seth Fateh Chand.
⎯ Shujauddin tried to secure his position by sending huge amounts to
Delhi.
⎯ Thus in the 1730s the provincial administration in Bengal was carried
out through the cooperation between Nazim, zamindars and bankers.
This was not in accordance with the Mughal system.
⎯ Thus it seems that the administrative link between the centre and
province had been loosened and it was on the verge of being cut.
⎯ Under Shujauddin taxes (abwabs) were imposed on the basis of the
prevailing jama as a fixed percentage.
⎯ It seems that a comprehensive assessment below the zamindari level
(pargana level) was not carried out.
⎯ During Murshid Quli’s period surveys of zamindaris had been
conducted to get information about the productivity and efforts were
made to arrive at assessment, which was based on field investigations.
⎯ In Shujauddin’s period this policy was given up and therefore we find
that revenue records of the period after Murshid Quli till 1757 were
fewer and less comprehensive.
⎯ The emergence of big zamindars in Murshid Quli’s time enabled the
provincial government to increase the jama and hasil.
⎯ In the subsequent period (Shujauddin’s) these zamindaris posed a
problem. Murshid Quli being a stern administrator was able to control
the big zamindars but his successor was not able to put a check on the
growing power of the big zamindars.
⎯ The imposition of abwabs further aggravated the problem as it led to
peasant distress.
⎯ The zamindars however continued to benefit. In the 1730s the banker
and the zamindar category emerged powerful vis a vis Nazim.
⎯ In 1739 the Nazim Sarfaraz Khan was removed due to the connivance
of the Jagat Seth and the zamindars who installed a military
commander Alivardi Khan as Nazim.
⎯ Thus the coup of 1739 marks a new phase in the history of the
province of Bengal.
⎯ It shows the complete alienation of the province from the centre
which was now virtually being controlled by zamindars, bankers and
the ambitious military men.
⎯ Alivardi was raised to the position of Nazim on the pretext that
Sarfaraz was inefficient and Alivardi would provide better governance
to the province.
⎯ Thus in the 18th century, as a province of Mughal empire, Bengal was
able to move on the path of autonomy.
⎯ But independent Bengal did not witness a crisis in administration but
a transformation of the Mughal pattern and many new features were
introduced in its political system.
Hyderabad
• As a Mughal province of the Deccan, Hyderabad in the 18th century
witnessed frequent transfers of the officials which were at times a
consequence of the political activities at the Delhi court.
• Rivalries and hostilities at the imperial court had the impact on the
appointments and postings of officials at Hyderabad.
• The emergence of Marathas in the western Deccan as a major contender for
power further aggravated the problem.
• In this situation:
⎯ Nizam-ul-mulk Asaf Jah I
⎯ strengthened his power in the Deccan
⎯ gained autonomy for the province in 1724.
⎯ His initial appointment as Subedar took place in 1713.
⎯ He was summoned to Delhi by the Mughal Emperor many times
between 1719 to 1737.
⎯ In 1719 he was called upon to confront the Marathas,
⎯ in 1722 he was made Wazir of the Empire
⎯ in 1737 he was deputed to fight the Marathas and was again made
Wazir.
⎯ He came back to the Deccan as Subahdar in 1719
⎯ in 1724 by forcing the emperor to grant him the governorship.
⎯ The year 1724
→ was a landmark
→ since he was able to establish his superiority over the
entrenched Mughal subedar.
⎯ By 1740 the position of the Nizam was secure in the Deccan.
⎯ He made appointments and also removed officials without reference to
the imperial court.
⎯ This was a sign of independence acquired by Hyderabad under the
Nizam.
⎯ The Nizam maintained merely a pretension of allegiance to the Mughal
emperor.
• Karen Leonard points out:
 ⎯ Nizam-ul-mulk conducted war,
⎯ made treaties
⎯ conferred titles and mansab appointments himself.
⎯ The mansabdars appointed by the Nizam were known as ‘Asafia’
mansabdars to maintain the distinction with the ‘Padshahi’
mansabdars appointed by the Mughal Emperor.
• In this period the symbols of imperial authority which illustrated the
subordination of the province to the Mughal Emperor were replaced.
⎯ The ‘Padhshahi Diwan’ whose function was to confirm the land
grants and supervise the revenue assessment and collection ceased
to exist.
⎯ Certain practices which served as the basis of link and bond between
the centre and the province and which also emphasized the
subordination of the province to the centre were discontinued.
⎯ Gestures such as gifts to Mughal Emperor
⎯ festivities related to regnal year and ceremonies observed when
farmans were received were practiced comparatively to a lesser
degree.
⎯ Although for practical purposes the Nizam had emerged as an
independent ruler but he continued to rely on the outward
manifestations of owing nominal or symbolic allegiance to Mughal
power through mentioning the Emperor’s name in the Khutbah,
inscribing his name on the coins, and procuring his orders (farmans)
for imparting legitimacy to the appointments.
• The second half of the 18th century:
⎯ was marked by the shift of the capital from Aurangabad to
Hyderabad.
⎯ Here the establishment of a court and an administrative system which
was based on certain novel features laid the foundation of a new
phase in Hyderabad’s political history.
⎯ Between 1762-1803 Nizam Ali Khan became the ruler.
⎯ In this period, a political structure emerged which was no longer a
replica of the Mughal pattern.
• Karen Leonard refers to:
 ⎯ the patron-client paradigm in analyzing the nature of Hyderabad
state.
⎯ An important feature of the system which emerged in Hyderabad was
the participation of vakils or intermediaries who were basically
middlemen employed by local nobility and outsiders (other local
powers).
⎯ All these categories were woven into the system through a
complicated network.

• The Nizam and the nobles in the late 18th century:

⎯ on the strength of the revenues from the jagirs could support a
large administrative, military and household apparatus.
⎯ The nobles gave employment in their personal capacity in the
form of administrative appointments or made cash payments for
services rendered.
⎯ They could also procure positions for their clients in the Nizam’s
estate.
⎯ The Noble’s position was reflected through the patronage extended by
him to various clients, relatives, employees, artisans, poets, etc.
⎯ These patron-client ties were not based on clan considerations but
rested on individual relationships.
⎯ The vakils or intermediaries played an important role in the
Hyderabad political system.
⎯ The nobility maintained its ties with the Nizam through the vakils
who performed the role of diplomatic agents of the noble and all kinds
of exchanges and transactions (official, personal, ceremonial) were
conducted through them.
• The Vakils and courts
⎯ The vakils sometimes played the role of patrons when they found
employment for others in their master’s establishment.
 ⎯ The vakils of political powers also performed the role of diplomats in
the Nizam’s court on behalf of their masters (viz. Peshwa, Nawab of
Arcot etc.).
⎯ These vakils managed the estates of their employers in Hyderabad and
were able to employ men for assisting them.
⎯ Although they were deputed by outsiders but they were able to win
over the confidence of the Nizam who assigned jagirs to them and
sometimes they shifted their loyalties to the Nizam along with their
clients.
⎯ The court at Hyderabad was initially dominated by the Mughal vakils
but towards the end of the 18th century vakils of the Peshwa, the
Maratha chiefs (Scindia, Holkar) and of the Nawab of Arcot were able
to secure an important position at the court.
⎯ The dominions of the Nizam were being ruled by many local
hereditary chiefs who gave annual tribute to the Nizam.
⎯ There were roughly eight important samasthans or Hindu royal houses
who had their own courts and they performed the role of patrons in
the same manner as the Nizam and the nobles at Hyderabad.
⎯ These local rulers were based mainly in Telingana (including
Raichur), however, the exception was Sholapur in Marathwara.
⎯ They hailed from the Telegu peasant castes.
⎯ The territories ruled by these chiefs had been granted to them by the
powers viz. Bahmani, Vijayanagara, Mughal etc. as a reward for their
military services.
⎯ The tributary relations of these local chiefs were an important feature
of the political system in this period.
⎯ These local landholders turned local chiefs ruled over their hereditary
territories and maintained formal, tributary relations with the suzerain
power which bestowed titles and honours upon them thus providing
legitimacy to them.
• Bankers, moneylenders
⎯ The bankers, moneylenders and military commanders (generally
mercenaries) also took part in the political activities of this period.
 The latter performed the role of military personnel and military
commanders in wars.
⎯ The bankers and moneylenders were responsible for the financial
transactions.
⎯ This group comprised of several communities viz. the Komati
(Telegu), Marwaris, Agarwals, Jains etc. who had come from North
India as merchants in the 18th century.
⎯ The nobles and the Nizam depended on these financial groups in
times of monetary emergency.
• Military
⎯ The army of the Nizam was not organized on the basis of central
command.
⎯ The troops were placed under the command of nobles who were paid
by the Nizam in cash for maintaining the troops.
⎯ These contingents were made available to the Nizam whenever
required.
⎯ The commanders of the troops belonged to the community from
which the troops hailed.
⎯ However, European military commanders were also employed by the
Nizam in the 18th century.
⎯ The troops placed under the European military adventurers were
recruited from Deccani Hindu martial castes and they were organized
in accordance with European standards.
• The above-mentioned nobles:
⎯ The categories comprising of the nobles, vakils, military and financial
groups played an important role in the political set up in Hyderabad.
⎯ The nobles exercised power on account of their military capability and
diplomatic acumen.
⎯ The external vakils also played an important role as agents of other
local powers and they together with the local vakils also performed
the function of patrons.
• Administration:
⎯ The civil administration was not centralized. Power was dispersed
since the administrative offices were largely hereditary which
accounted for the fragmented nature of the polity.
⎯ The most important feature of the administrative system was the
emergence of specialized hereditary offices related to record keeping.
⎯ They played an important part in Hyderabad state under the Nizam.
⎯ The administrative system though derived from the Mughal pattern
was strikingly different in many ways.
⎯ The most noticeable difference was with regard to the maintenance of
financial records and land revenue administration.
⎯ The Nizam as subedar of the Deccan was the supreme authority in the
state.
⎯ The next important officer was the diwan appointed by the Nizam.
⎯ His function was to look after the administration of revenue, to
conduct diplomatic relations and to appoint talukdars (revenue
contractors).
⎯ Another important functionary in the administrative hierarchy was the
daftardar (record keeper).
⎯ This office was hereditary and though the diwan was the head of the
matters related to revenue administration but in Hyderabad real power
of supervision of finances was vested with the daftardar.
⎯ The two offices: Daftar-i-diwan and Daftar-i-mal were created in
Hyderabad around 1760.
⎯ The officers were responsible for record keeping in various areas and
their jurisdiction was divided region wise viz. Marathwara region,
Telingana region etc.
⎯ The task of record keeping entailed the work of maintaining statistics
related to income and expenditure.
⎯ They performed the role of registering the revenue assignments viz.
jagir, inam and grant of mansab rank.
⎯ The important appointment orders viz. those of talukdar were formally
issued by this office.
⎯ Though the officers associated with these offices were subordinate to
the diwan but in practice they subverted the power and position of the
diwan.
⎯ In the Mughal revenue administrative system there existed a hierarchy
of officials who were responsible for collection and assessment of
revenue who were placed at various levels arranged vertically viz.
centre, province and local.
⎯ In Hyderabad the Mughal system was replaced by a system in which
contractors were responsible for revenue administration.
⎯ These autonomous contractors were called talukdars and they entered
into an agreement with the diwan for assessing and collecting revenue
for a particular area.
⎯ They were given a fixed sum for their services and the surplus
collected by them was also retained by them.
⎯ Their transactions with the government were conducted through the
office of daftardar who determined the revenue demand, issued their
appointment orders as talukdars and also fixed their jurisdiction.
⎯ The talukdars also maintained their personal records.
⎯ Under the Mughals revenue farming was deliberately avoided since it
was not considered a proper method of revenue collection though it
came to be extensively practiced in the 18th century.
⎯ In Hyderabad direct control of the centre over the parganas and
villages could not be established.
⎯ The talukdars were not subordinate to the centre and functioned
according to the terms of the contract.
⎯ At the pargana level the hereditary intermediaries (deshmukhs,
deshpandes) negotiated with the Talukdars as representatives of the
local village officials.
⎯ The mansab and jagir system in Hyderabad also differed from the
Mughal pattern.
⎯ The composition of the nobility in Hyderabad was also at variance
from the organisation of the nobility under the Mughals.
⎯ In Hyderabad mansabs (ranks) represented merely a ceremonial and
military honour whereas in the Mughal system the zat mansah
determined status of the noble.
⎯ In Hyderabad the category of noble was characterized as possessing
hereditary jagirs.
⎯ However, the most important feature of the nobility was its hereditary
character (especially of the jobs) i.e. administrative or military
positions held and the personal relations with the Nizam.
Awadh
• As a province of the Mughal empire Awadh’s place was strategic since it
linked the eastern provinces to the centre (route from Delhi via Lucknow to
Patna and Hugli).
• A large number of mansabdars and other nobles belonged to Awadh.
• In the case of Awadh it is important to study how the governors tried to
enhance their power in the province and the process by which they emerged
autonomous and established autonomous rule.
• The problems related to various groups such as the zamindars, madad-i-
mash grantees and the jagirdars/mansabdars could be resolved by the
governor by adopting measures which at times encroached on the imperial
power and the position of the nobles at the court and those serving outside
Awadh.
• It is important to study the emergence of autonomous states in the context of
the alienation of various social groups and categories of the regions from the
centre.
• This may have facilitated decline of the central power but this did not imply
a corresponding decline of the economy and polity of the region.
• In the 17th century the province of Awadh witnessed economic prosperity.
• However, in the 18th century the imperial power was weakened and the
zamindars and the peasants defied the imperial authority and resisted them.
• This compelled the governor to seek greater powers for the proper
functioning of provincial administration.
• Through an analysis of the Persian sources we find reference to zamindar or
rural resistance, which was a consequence of their desire to obtain a share in
power and authority.
• They tried to organize armed resistance against the central power by
mustering their clan and kin support.
• The rebellions were mainly planned and executed by the big and strong
zamindars.
• These insurrections could be quelled by the Mughal officials through
playing one group against the other or appeasement of these powerful local
groups.
• At times these uprisings were not directly aimed at the imperial power but
sought to enhance the power of the local groups through acts of defiance.
• However they did succeed in weakening the central power.
• In this situation, the bond which existed between the emperor and the local
groups and provincial officials began to weaken.
• The nobles and officials at the provincial level relied less on the Emperor
and more on the nobles at the court for dealing with the problems at the
provincial level.
• This paved the way for the emergence of the new subedari in Awadh.
• To deal with the local situation several measures were adopted such as
creation of loyal zamindars and jagir-i-mahal-i-watan.
• The practice of jagir-i-mahal-i-watan undermined the imperial power since
they were a deviation from the classical Mughal jagir system.
• The power of the provincial officials was strengthened and the foundation of
the autonomous state was laid.
• Under Sadat Khan Burhan-ul-Mulk nawabi rule got firmly rooted in Awadh.
• Several changes were made in the faujdari and jagir administration and the
widespread practice of ijaradari enabled the subedar to establish autonomous
rule in Awadh.
• The amils as agents in jagirs were placed directly under governor.
• Amils were responsible for administration of jagirs under the supervision of
governor.
• By 1722 the faujdars were placed under the governor and their appointments
were made by governor and he was responsible to the governor as his deputy
in the sarkar and chakla.
• It has been pointed out that due to the political stability and harmony under
the Mughals economic growth got a boost.
• Trade was instrumental in linking the towns and markets in various regions
of the empire. Economic prosperity proved advantageous for the zamindars
and merchants.
• As a powerful local group the zamindars had managed to find a place in the
Mughal system but their aspirations continued to rise since they wished to
have a greater share in political power.
• However, they could not pose a major threat because they constituted a
narrow group based on kin and clan interests.
• The madad-i-mash holders as a privileged group came into conflict with the
zamindars.
• They became rich enough to acquire zamindaris and ijaras and also lent
money to zamindars.
• The jagirdars’ power was enhanced by conversion of their jagirs into
permanent possessions.
• In 1719 Giridhar Bahadur the governor of Allahabad rebelled against the
centre. The defacto Sayyid brothers were forced to give him the subedari of
Awadh along with the diwani and faujdari.
• The chief characteristics of new subedari were: extended period, total
control over administration and military spheres etc.
• The failure of the local groups to unite against the Mughals enabled the
provincial governor to mobilize those groups to his own advantage and
emerge as an autonomous power in the region.
• The independent region of Awadh continued to pay allegiance to Mughal
Emperor for a long period of time.
• The Mughal institutions continued but were transformed to suit the local
purpose.
• In Awadh the new subedari emerged on the basis of new alignment with the
zamindars and jagirdars.
• During the Nawabi period the office of the governor was confined to the
family of the Nawab and it was called the suba-i-mulki (home province) of
the governor.
• The symbolic link with the imperial power was not broken and the subedars
maintained their connections with the nobles at the court.
• A pertinent point to be noted is that inspite of autonomous ambitions the
provincial governor continued to pay allegiance to the Mughal imperial
power.
• In the 18th century though the central power was weakened but the
realignment with the groups in the region was made possible within the
Mughal institutional system.
• Though the central power was waning but it was not possible for regions to
break their ties totally with the centre.
• The regions were linked to each other and depended on each other for trade
and money transactions.
• Decentralisation did not imply that the political powers which emerged as
autonomous in the regions were in a position to command the loyalty and
support which the Mughals enjoyed.
• They needed the sanction of the Mughal imperial power for legitimizing
their authority.
• The Mughal authority symbolized prestige and power and though it could
not prevent the regions from asserting their independence but it still inspired
awe in the minds of the people.
• Thus the attempts by the governors posted in the province to acquire
positions at the court reflected their aspirations to validate their position in
the province by having access at the centre.
• Once the provincial governor had subdued and won over the local elements
he tried to consolidate his regional power base by obtaining a position at the
court.
• Thus the periphery tried to maintain its links with the centre for furthering its
regional aspirations.
• But the Mughal prestige was unchallenged in the 18th century and the
autonomous regions had to seek the allegiance of Mughals for legitimacy.
• The problems related to the disintegration of Mughal empire were
manifested in the zamindar rebellions and for countering them, the
provincial officials sought greater authority which the emperor perceived as
a threat to the central structure.
• Thus the balance between the emperor, nobles and local groups was
disturbed. Since the reign of Farukhsiyar the provincial governor had tried to
arrogate greater power by ensuring an extended tenure, bringing provincial
finance under his purview, etc.
• In 1716 the governor opposed the conferment of military and executive
powers on the provincialmDiwan by the imperial power.
• In this period the powerful nobles themselves took decisions regarding the
administrative affairs.
• Giridhar Bahadur was appointed subedar of Awadh in 1719, a position he
had himself asked for.
• The emperor was dependent on the nobles for support.
• He permitted the governors to exercise greater powers in order to keep them
away from the centre.
• At the court he generally sought the support of the faction which was
comparatively less ambitious to maintain his power.
• Farukhsiyar initially depended on Sayyid brothers (nobles) but later the
relations between the two became strained and gave rise to factional politics
at the court.
• The provincial governor's attempt to get wider power also suited the
interests of the other categories of ruling groups in the province.
• The weakened centre was not in a position to provide guidance or security to
the province.
• Thus the provincial authorities themselves tried to resolve their problems by
forging alliances with the local groups.
• The central power itself was ridden with factional politics at the court and
this percolated down to the provinces and brought about instability and
confusion.
• The governor emerged as powerful and the classical Mughal system of
checks and balances received a set back.
• The politics at the court (nobles vs. emperor) also permeated into the
provinces and the provincial appointments were affected.
• An Important feature of administration in Awadh in the 18th century was the
transformation of offices into hereditary positions.
• The qazis as holders of madad- i-mash, which was granted to them in lieu of
their services, tended to treat them as hereditary.
• The jagirs also got metamorphosed into hereditary domains of zamindar and
non-zamindar mansabdars.
• The imperial power found it difficult to control the provincial administration
when the local officials defied the agents of jagirdars or amils in khalisa.
• The waqianavis were ineffective and did not get the support of the jagirdars
for obtaining information.
• An Important feature of the 17th century was the boom in economy.
• Trade and artisanal production received impetus. In the 18th century the
central and southern districts of Awadh were connected with the towns in the
provinces of Allahabad and Agra.
• This area recorded remarkable agricultural growth due to favourable.
Physiography.
• This got reflected in the high jama (revenue demand) from the 16th century.
• In this situation the powerful zamindars allied with the peasant groups and
tried to strengthen their position by encroaching upon the adjoining
territories.
• This brought them into conflict with centre, other zamindars or the
provincial authority.
• Against the background of economic growth, which benefited the zamindars,
the latter were better equipped to challenge Mughal imperial power.
• The Mughal system was poised on the delicate equilibrium between the local
groups and the emperor, his nobles and mansabdars.
• The local groups led by zamindars could never emerge supreme because
they were organized on caste and community basis and had a parochial
character.
• Sometimes the zamindars allied with the Mughals against their own king
groups. Mansa Ram, a Bhumihar zamindar of Gangapur, forged an alliance
with the Mughals against the Rajputs and established the Banaras Raj.
• To further their aspirations the mutinous zamindars were hostile to the
symbols of Imperial power like qazi, kotwal trade and urban centres.
• The provincial authority thus had to contend with the power of the
zamindars and the madad-i-mash grantees.
• To meet the challenge the governor tried to augment his power.
• Thus the governor tried to combine the powers of diwan and faujdar, which
brought him into conflict with the other officials posted in the province who
acted as a check on the power of the governor.
• In this way the Mughal model of equilibrium among various groups was
disturbed.
• The governor’s desire for extended tenure also emanated from the need to
re-organise the political alignments in the region.
• Burhan- ul-mulk was transferred through imperial order to Malwa. He
however defied the imperial directive and laid the foundation of Nawabi rule
in Awadh.
• His sister’s son Safdar Jang succeeded him in Awadh.
• The governor’s political and administrative initiatives were based on
securing his position in the province and at times were in conflict with the
position of the imperial power in Delhi.
• Though the position of governor was independent of the centre yet the aura
of imperial centre and emperor still persisted and the imperial symbols were
not totally abandoned.
• In 1739 during Nadir Shah’s invasion Burhan-ul-mulk came to the aid of the
Emperor. However, at times the governor defied the imperial farman.
• The functioning of the jagir administration also created problems for the
governor.
• The jagirs in Awadh were assigned to nobles posted either at the court or in
other provinces.
• The agents of the jagirdars along with the other rural and urban groups posed
a challenge to the governor. The emergence of jagir-i-mahal-i-watan and the
practice of giving faujdari rights to jagirdar also served as a threat to the
governor therefore, further changes were introduced in jagir administration.
• The formal links with the Emperor helped the governor to legitimse and
further strengthen his position and also to obtain favours from the Emperor.
Burhan-ul-mulk and Safdar Jang kept themselves informed and aware of the
court politics.
• The nobles who held jagirs In Awadh tried to interfere in the provincial
administration through the medium of their agents in jagirs.
• Therefore, Burhan-ul-mulk introduced changes in the working of the jagir
administration.
• Jagirs in the region were a manifestation of imperial authority and
symbolized the jagirdars’ power.
• The agents of jagirdars often tried to subvert the power of the governor.
• The reduction of the jagirs and converting them into khalisa would have
incurred the wrath of nobility therefore under Burhan-ul-mulk the agents
 responsible for revenue collection were made directly subordinate to the
governor rather than to the jagirdars.
• Thus he could ensure proper revenue collection through local service groups.
The interference of jagirdars was reduced and payments were made to them
by the officials under the control of governor.
• The big jagirs of nobles outside Awadh were also reduced.
• The jagirs in Awadh were now mainly held by the officials and military men
of the governor.
• Various local groups (shaikzadas and Afghans) were inducted into the
provincial administration and the army by the governor.
• The shaikhzadas, Afghans and Hindus constituted the local ruling groups in
Awadh.
• The madad-i-mash holders were also appeased by conversion of their grants
into zamindaris.
• The conciliatory move with regard to the zamindars (esp. Baiswara) through
the taahhud (a contractual system which permitted the zamindars to collect
revenue and pay a fixed sum to the government in lieu of military,
administrative powers) arrangement led to the emergence of talluqdaris in
18th century Awadh.
• The decline of faujdari is attributed to the combining of governorship with
faujdari rights and the appointment of local men as naib and nazim or the
governor’s subordinates entrused with executive and financial authority.