CD

The American Political Science Association

A PS A
Volume 12, No. 3 Comparative Democratization November 2014
I n Th i s I s s u e
T he D iff usion of A u thoritarianism : E urope and
L atin A merica
“Regime Change: Kurt Weyland, University of Texas at Austin
Useful Lessons from

O
the Past” ver the last decade, political science has seen an outpouring of diffusion
research. Numerous scholars have investigated the wave-like spread of
political or policy innovations across a number of autonomous decision-
1 Editorial Board Note
making units. After the trail-blazing study by Samuel Huntington, 1 political
Kelly M. McMann regime change has drawn particular attention from students of diffusion. This burgeoning
1 The Diffusion of literature has mostly analyzed progressive change, especially the demise of authoritarian
Authoritarianism: Europe and
Latin America rule and subsequent move toward democracy. But in recent years, autocracy has fortified
Kurt Wayland
itself and has started to spread in the world; for instance, in reaction to the color revolutions
1 Mores and Institutions: that rippled across the post-Communist world from 2000 to 2005, Vladimir Putin has
Tocquevillian Insights and
Postcommunist Democratizations tightened authoritarian rule in Russia and promoted this regime type among his country’s
Venelin I. Ganev
neighbors.
2 Rethinking Backsliding: Insights
from the Historical Turn in
Democratization Studies
Amel Ahmed My new book project provides a historical perspective on these recent developments by
2 Old Concept, New Cases: One-
trying to explain earlier waves of autocracy, namely the spread of authoritarianism and
Party Dominance in the Third fascism during the interwar years and the rash of Latin American military coups in the
Wave
Kharis Templeman 1960s and 1970s. Interestingly, these dramatic moves away from political liberalism and
19 Section News
1. Samuel Huntington, The Third Wave (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
25 New Research (continued on page 4)

34 Editorial Committee

M ores and I nstitu tions : T ocquevillian I nsights and

P ostcommunist D emocratizations
F rom the E ditorial Venelin I. Ganev, Miami University

A
B oard
lexis de Tocqueville is undoubtedly one of the most widely read
This is the first issue of the
witnesses of the “first wave” of democratizations. But are his writings
newsletter under the new
helpful to those who study the “third wave”? I submit that the
team of editors from the
answer to this question is yes – because the large-scale effort to transform
V-Dem Institute: Staffan
the former Soviet satellites in Eastern Europe into liberal democracies inevitably relied on
I. Lindberg, Eitan Tzelgov,
the replication of alien constitutional models and the mechanical transplantation of foreign
Yi-ting Wang, Brigitte
legislation, and this is a phenomenon about which Tocqueville has a lot to say. But I will also
Zimmerman, and Kelly M.
contend that in order to grasp his truly relevant insights we need to go beyond conventional
McMann. We enthusiastically
take on this important service interpretations of his arguments and pay due heed to the complexity and contextual sensitivity
for our section. The preceding of his analyses. Specifically, I will demonstrate that Tocqueville’s ideas about the political
editorial team at University phenomena he described as unsettled mores, the entry of the masses in the political process,
of Florida did an excellent and electoral elite competition shed light on the institutional and historical peculiarities that
job, introducing symposia to made it possible for democratic consolidation to persist in the postcommunist period.
which a series of renowned
scholars contributed, among
(continued on page 3) (continued on page 8)
Vol. 12 No. 3 Comparative Democratization N ov ember 2014

Ar ticles

R ethinking B acksliding : I nsights from the H istorical T urn in D emocratization S tudies

Amel Ahmed, University of Massachusetts, Amherst

D
iscussions of democratization have increasingly turned to the question of backsliding. As democratic
experiments spread around the world, the study of backsliding has become perhaps more important than
even transition as a focus of analysis. Understood as authoritarian retrenchment, failed reform, or a sign
of incomplete transition, backsliding has also been a central concern of policymakers. Analysts had barely begun
discussing the Arab Spring before concern about an Arab Winter crept into the conversation. 1 And scholars have maintained
that backsliding is likely to be an issue for most contemporary democratizers who, unlike historical democratizers, lack the luxury
of gradualism. 2 Such perspectives, while usefully highlighting the challenges that accompany democratization, are problematic,
both in their conceptualization of backsliding and in their attribution to historical democratizers of a path of democratization
that never actually existed. In particular, they ignore the many contradictions and ambiguities that have always accompanied
processes of democratization.

In recent years, students of democratization have increasingly turned to the experience of historical democratizers for critical
insights in the dynamics of democratic development. What has been termed “the historical turn” has focused primarily on the
Western European experience but with significant implications for the study of contemporary democratizers. Because the dynamics
of democratic development in these cases have in many ways informed our theories of democratization, this mode of inquiry
has offered important theoretical challenges to the dominant schools of democratization studies. At the most basic level, new
research into the development of historical democratizers has introduced important empirical correctives to our understanding
of political development in these countries, challenging the received wisdom which often attributes a gradual and relatively
1. Daniel Byman “After the Hope of an Arab Spring, the Chill of an Arab Winter” Washington Post, December 1 2011.

2. Larry Diamond. “Thinking about Hybrid Regimes” Journal of Democracy 13.2 (April 2002): 21-35.
(continued on page 12)

O ld C oncep t , N ew C ases : O ne -P art y D ominance in the T hird W ave

Kharis Templeman , Stanford University

W
hat allows some political parties or alliances to retain power for decades in countries with free elections?
This phenomenon—what I will call one-party dominance—has intrigued and puzzled scholars for at
least 60 years, extending back to long periods of single-party or coalition rule in first wave democracies
such as France, Canada, Sweden, Norway, and Luxembourg. These cases were joined in the post-WWII period by
prominent instances of dominance in all of the former Axis powers—West Germany, Austria, Japan, and Italy—as well as in
many of the newly-founded post-colonial states, notably in Israel, India, Malaysia, and Singapore. More recently, one-party
dominance has also appeared in third wave democracies large and small, ranging from well-known cases such as the African
National Congress in post-apartheid South Africa to less familiar ones such as the Human Rights Protection Party in Samoa.

In this essay, I show how work on the earlier examples of one-party dominance provides valuable insights and theoretical tools
for research on current cases. Recent work on one-party dominance has mostly taken its cues from the burgeoning literature
on authoritarian regimes rather than scholarship on party system development and change. Yet findings from first wave
democracies offer a rich source of concepts, theories and empirical evidence that deserves greater consideration by researchers
interested in one-party dominance.

What Is One-Party Dominance, and How Do We Operationalize It?

The concept of one-party dominance is an old one, dating back at least to Maurice Duverger’s Political Parties, and notably
extended by Giovanni Sartori in his influential Parties and Party Systems. 1 In its colloquial usage, “dominance” captures an
1. Maurice Duverger, Political Parties: Their Organization and Activity in the Modern State, (Meuthen: Wiley, 1954); Giovanni Sartori, Parties and Party Systems: A
Framework for Analysis, Vol. I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976).
(continued on page 15)

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Vol. 12 No. 3 Comparative Democratization N ov ember 2014

Editors

F rom the E ditorial B oard , continued

(continued from page 1)

other innovations. We feel both humbled shows how the concept of asymmetrical loss historical cases. Together,
and encouraged to continue their good aversion is useful in explaining the historical these pieces underscore
work. cases and the later democratization of how the past can help us
Latin America. Venelin Ganev draws on better explain the present.
As Giovanni Capoccia and Daniel Ziblatt the work of Alexis de Toqueville, observer
observed in their Comparative Political of first wave democracies, to help us better Finally, we naturally warmly
Studies article from 2010, a good deal of understand democratic consolidation in welcome proposals for themes from you and
research on democratization has taken a Eastern Europe after 1989. How is it that initiatives to become guest-editors for an
historical turn. Yet, it is also evident that democratic institutions and practices foreign issue! Looking ahead, we anticipate a series
while many scholars study historical cases of to the local cultures of Eastern Europe of issues on new emerging forms of both
regime change and endurance, only a small thrived? Ganev shows us that Toqueville’s democracy and autocracy, as well as on both
number explicitly apply the lessons from writings offer an answer. Amel Ahmed domestic and international dimensions
the past to contemporary puzzles. How draws on her firsthand research on early of democratization and autocratization.
have and should findings from historical democratizers to problematize the concept The upcoming winter issue (under Yi-
cases influence questions, concepts, and of backsliding or movement away from ting Wang’s leadership) will focus on the
theories in our research on recent regime democracy. She shows how her proposed international/diffusion side of the spread
change? The contributors to this issue of the approach casts the current political changes of authoritarianism. Finally, we are very
newsletter provide some answers that we in Egypt in a different light. In his piece, grateful to Melissa Aten for her diligence
believe are relevant to a broad audience. Kharis Templeman examines what can and professionalism, always making our
be viewed as incomplete democratization work easy and fun.
Kurt Weyland’s examination of the spread and regime endurance—a single party’s
of authoritarianism in Europe between or political alliance’s retention of power On behalf of the Editorial Committee,
the World Wars and in Latin America in despite free elections. He demonstrates Kelly M. McMann
the 1960s and 1970s highlights the value how contemporary one-party dominance in
that cognitive psychology can bring to our Africa and Asia can be better understood
study of contemporary regime change. He with theory from and comparison to

“Fall of the Berlin Wall”

(photo courtsey of Daniel Antal/Flickr/Creative Commons)

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Weyland, continued
(continued from page 1)

democracy constituted reactions to development does not reliably move even mainstream Social Democrats to
the perceived threat of revolution. toward modern, advanced institutions fear the spread of Communism beyond
After the Russian Revolution of 1917 and practices. The diffusion of Russia’s borders. While radical leftists,
and the Cuban Revolution of 1959 authoritarian rule also holds great especially the Spartakus Group of Karl
suggested to a wide range of political theoretical significance. The breadth Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg,
actors that leftist radicals had good and depth of these non-progressive eagerly promoted the world revolution,
chances of taking power, conservative waves may require a rethinking of a wide range of anti-Communist forces
sectors used any means to forestall prevailing approaches. were determined to forestall this
this danger. The fear of Communism danger at all cost. Ironically, both the
triggered disproportionate loss aversion, For these reasons, my new book project overeager revolutionaries and their
which prompted a fierce backlash, led investigates the autocratic wave of the fierce adversaries acted on the same
to the abandonment of democracy, interwar years and the rash of military underlying belief, which they derived
and induced many political sectors coups in Latin America during the from the dramatic Russian Revolution
to demand, accept or acquiesce in 1960s/70s. This study of reactionary via inferential shortcuts (documented
dictatorial rule. diffusion is in line with the recent amply by cognitive psychologists): 4
reorientation of the regime change both sides rashly inferred from this
By substantiating this novel argument, literature, which has moved from unique experience that established
my new project diverges from the democratization to authoritarianism. states were precarious and that
optimistic perspective informing Diffusion studies should broaden their Communism could easily take hold in
much of American political science. view as well and examine the spread their own country. The fact that left-
Modernization theory, in particular, sees of dictatorship – not only of political wingers and right-wingers shared this
history as a process of advancement and liberalism and democracy, as my perception across their stark ideological
has difficulty accounting for retrocession. recent volume did by examining the divide shows that it reflected cognitive
Constructivism, a prominent approach to revolutions of 1848, the preemptive heuristics, not wishful thinking by the
diffusion research, also tends to assume reforms adopted in response to the left or scare tactics by the right.
that modern norms and values spread Russian Revolution of 1917, and the
and displace traditional, backward third wave of democratization in Latin This perception of fragility inspired
habits and practices. But contrary America (late 1970s to 1990). 3 radical left-wingers to try to imitate
to these progressive expectations, the Russian Revolution at any apparent
there were important time periods Given that regressive regime changes opportunity. The resulting rash of
during which political liberalism and run counter to the main approaches to uprisings in 1919 exacerbated the sense
democracy looked weak and fated to diffusion studies, what explains their of jeopardy among non-Communists
decay while authoritarianism, fascism, occurrence? My argument arises from and induced them to squash extremist
or military dictatorship found support the second contentious wave analyzed stirrings with full force. Thus, the same
and spread from country to country. in my 2014 book, namely the riptide belief inspired by the Russian precedent
of conflicts triggered by the Russian spurred Communists to action, yet also
These reverse waves, which even a Revolution all over Europe. The provoked brutal reaction, namely the
conservative like Huntington mentioned speeches, letters, diaries, and memoirs suppression of the Spartakus Uprising
only briefly,2 deserve systematic scholarly left behind by the main actors in the in Berlin, of the radical “council
attention. The abridgment of political German Revolution of 1918/19, for republics” in Bremen and Munich,
liberty and the atrocities committed instance, document the acute fear and of the fleeting Soviet Republic in
by many of these regimes endow caused by the downfall of Czarism and Hungary. In sum, precipitous efforts
this topic with substantive relevance. the subsequent Bolshevist takeover. to emulate the Bolshevist Revolution
Indeed, what if nuclear weapons had The surprising ease with which a prompted fierce responses and striking
allowed Germany’s National-Socialist long-ruling autocracy crumbled and a overreactions.
regime, the most important product revolutionary vanguard grabbed power
of the interwar wave of autocracy, induced conservatives, centrists, and
to win WWII and push history in a
3. Kurt Weyland, Making Waves: Democratic
very regressive direction? Political Contention in Europe and Latin America since 4. Thomas Gilovich, Dale Griffin, and Daniel
the Revolutions of 1848 (Cambridge: Cambridge Kahneman, eds., Heuristics and Biases (Cambridge:
2. Huntington, Third Wave, 15-21, 25, 290-94. University Press, 2014). Cambridge University Press, 2002).

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Weyland

My new project extrapolates from entitlements against threats. My new revolutionary precedent therefore set in
this initial sequence of overoptimistic study argues that this asymmetrical motion a rash of emulation efforts in
radicalism and its disproportionate loss aversion explains why the specter Latin America. These imitative guerrilla
suppression and develops an analogous of extremist revolution provoked such challenges affected a wide range of
argument to explain the subsequent a powerful reaction: anti-Communists diverse countries—middle-income or
wave of dictatorships that rippled across greatly outnumbered Communists, truly poor, democratic or authoritarian,
Europe and Latin America during the and they were determined to resort to institutionalized or personalistic. This
1920s and 1930s. This theory posits any means to block radical challenges. indiscriminate diffusion suggests that
that the persistence of the Communist This skewed set of preferences the outburst of leftist radicalism was
threat was a decisive reason for the accounts for the growing willingness guided by facile, simplistic beliefs
downfall of many liberal regimes. to sacrifice liberal safeguards, abandon derived from the Cuban success, not
Communism consolidated its hold democracy, and advocate, endorse, by careful, thorough assessments of
on Russia and continued to support or at least acquiesce in autocratic opportunities and constraints. 6
revolutionaries all over the world, rule, as a reliable protection against
fueling strong concerns among the right revolutionary extremism. The intense Interestingly, conservative and centrist
and even the center. The perceived ease loss aversion activated by genuine fear sectors again shared these beliefs in
of revolution instilled genuine anxiety of Communism thus helps explain why the fragility of the existing order and
on the other side of the ideological reaction proved much more powerful the ease with which Communists
spectrum, which cannot be reduced to than revolution and why radical-left could overthrow it. Therefore, as in
rightwing fear-mongering. This threat efforts to emulate the Soviet precedent Europe after the Russian Revolution,
perception exacerbated ideological were overwhelmed by a groundswell of attempts at emulation in Latin America
polarization and weakened many authoritarianism and fascism. after the Cuban Revolution ran
democracies, especially in countries that afoul of merciless repression as well.
had emerged from autocratic rule only This argument is inspired primarily by Concerned that established regimes
recently. Because their fundamental the historical experiences of Europe. were brittle and vulnerable, status-quo-
interests seemed endangered, broad Yet interestingly, it can also explain the oriented groupings combated radical
conservative sectors had minimal faith wave of military coups in Latin America challenges with any means necessary.
in democracy, if not active aversion. during the 1960s and 1970s. In the Precisely because the right shared
Determined to defend the established New World, the Cuban Revolution set the left’s conviction in the chances
sociopolitical order, these groupings in motion similar sequences of quick of revolutionary success, it attacked
came to see liberalism and democracy emulation efforts and brutal repression; subversive efforts with full force. Thus,
as weak and vulnerable; more and more and then of continued Communist while the left and the right pursued
people longed for “stronger,” more activism and the eventual breakdown antagonistic goals, they both embraced
dynamic and forceful types of rule, of democracy in one country after the the inference derived from the Cuban
especially authoritarianism and fascism. other. The amazing success of Fidel events, namely that leftwing extremists
Castro and his small band of comrades had an uncanny ability to overthrow
While these pressures for regime change in defeating a fearful dictator and the current sociopolitical system. Given
were informed by the above-mentioned installing a revolutionary, soon openly their divergent interests, this shared
overestimation of Communists’ chances Marxist regime—right on the doorstep belief did not result from wishful
for political success, they were driven of the hegemonic United States— thinking on the left or manipulative
by a fundamental human motivation, triggered the same kinds of inferences fear-mongering on the right. Instead,
namely our disproportionate aversion that the Russian Revolutions of 1917 it reflected basic cognitive shortcuts
to losses. As cognitive psychologists had inspired. Both radical left-wingers that drive diffusion processes, as my
have thoroughly documented, losses and political forces on the other side 2014 book documented for waves of
weigh much more heavily on people’s of the ideological spectrum jumped to democratic contention and the new
minds than gains of equal magnitude. 5 the conclusion that established regimes study substantiates for the spread of
Consequently, people go out of were precarious and that determined authoritarianism.
their way to safeguard their current assaults held good chances of bringing
5. Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky, eds. them down. As it had happened in 6. Timothy Wickham-Crowley, Guerrillas &
Choices, Values, and Frames (Cambridge: Europe from 1918 onward, a dramatic Revolution in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton
Cambridge University Press, 2000), part three. University Press, 1992).

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Weyland

As in Europe during the interwar years, dramatic revolution made people of applied by international hegemons is
loss aversion also operated in Latin all ideological stripes believe in the not a necessary condition.
America during the 1960s and 1970s, as fragility of the established order. This
the profound fear of Communism among cognitive inference in turn unleashed The project’s broad comparison also
the right and center shows. Due to these a rash of emulative rebellions, but casts doubt on ideational theories of
asymmetrical concerns, attempts to also disproportionate repression. And horizontal diffusion. For instance,
emulate the Cuban Revolution drew a as the Communist threat persisted, autocracy, especially fascism, held
disproportionate reaction. The forces of loss aversion led broad sectors of the significant appeal and attraction during
order responded with fierce repression, population and especially elites to the interwar years; Benito Mussolini
and important sectors of the citizenry advocate the installation of autocracy. drew admiration from an amazing
and elites endorsed and supported these Leftist action prompted rightist range of intellectuals, poets, artists,
countermeasures. Typically, defenders reaction; radical challenges drew and philosophers. Constructivists could
of the status quo vastly outnumbered conservative responses, but of far therefore adopt a historicist approach
and outgunned those who tried to greater magnitude and intensity, due and conceive of modernity and
overturn it. to loss aversion. These commonalities progress in relative, subjectivist terms
across the two most striking waves of – whatever “public opinion” regarded
This imbalance marked subsequent reactionary regimes suggest the crucial as advanced and promising at the time.
developments as well. As the Cuban role of basic mechanisms of cognitive Such an explanation would highlight
Revolution survived concerted U.S. psychology, which shape human choice the cultural pessimism that took hold
pressures and as the Castro regime and information processing. in Europe during the late 19th century
continued to foment and inspire the and slowly sapped the developmental
export of extremism, conservative At the same time, the comparison across optimism prevailing in the preceding
and centrist sectors saw the threat two waves casts doubt on alternative decades. Due to this profound
of Communism persist. The Cuban arguments that claim to explain either inflection of the Zeitgeist, liberalism
precedent had a strong radicalizing one of these diffusion processes. Waves no longer seemed to embody progress,
effect on leftwing forces, such as the of regime change could result from but became identified with relativism,
Socialist Party of Chile, which came pressure or imposition by a great power. weakness, and decadence. By contrast,
to advocate armed struggle; and it In line with this theory, the United States forceful leadership, the axis around
turned the groundswell of progressive provided support and legitimation which autocracy revolves, now came
populism in several Latin American for counter-insurgency and anti- to look like the best way of marshaling
countries menacing, at least in the Communist authoritarianism in Latin national energies for a dynamic future.
eyes of right-wingers. 7 Because ample America; thus, the regional “hegemon”
middle-class groupings, business played a significant role in the second But in Latin America during the 1960s
people, conservative politicians, and wave of reactionary rule. But clearly, and 1970s, military rule did not depict
military leaders regarded the existing this factor was not decisive in the first itself as a fundamental alternative to
regimes as fragile and helpless in the wave. The spread of authoritarianism liberal democracy; it spread without
face of radical advances, they came to and fascism during the interwar years such a principled appeal. Many of
opt for authoritarian rule in one country unfolded mostly in a horizontal fashion, the dictatorships made no claims to
after the other. Loss aversion induced without “vertical” promotion by a great genuine legitimacy, but wanted to
these sectors to preclude the specter of power. Mussolini’s Italy was too weak serve as temporary housecleaners who
Communism at all cost and to endorse to exert influence (beyond Austria), and would forcefully straighten out flawed
or accept military dictatorship as the Nazi Germany acquired strength only democracies – and then hand power back
lesser evil. in the second half of the 1930s, when to civilians. Thus, this wave of coups
the autocratic wave was long under suggests that ideational, normative
In sum, the same sequence of waves way. The two-wave comparison thus appeal is not the decisive motor of
played out twice, at different world- suggests that the spread of inferences reactionary diffusion. A close look at
historical moments and with different and feasibility judgments among the first wave casts further doubt on
regional epicenters. An unprecedented, autonomous countries is sufficient this modified version of constructivism.
7. Maria D’Araujo, Gláucio Soares, and Celso for setting in motion processes of Interestingly, the regime type regarded
Castro, eds. Visões do Golpe (Rio de Janeiro: reactionary regime diffusion; power as particularly attractive at that time,
Relume-Dumará, 1994).

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Weyland

namely fascism, spread much less widely socioeconomic preconditions; many learned from their political failures and
than more traditional, backward, stodgy were so backward that industrial therefore moderated, conservative and
forms of authoritarianism; in fact, on a deepening was not on the agenda. In centrist sectors perceived much lower
number of occasions, the imposition fact, even in Latin America during the threats, saw less “need” for authoritarian
of authoritarianism was designed to 1960s and 1970s, the rash of military rule, and came to tolerate and accept
forestall not only Communism, but coups advanced beyond the middle- democracy. Thus, the third wave in
also fascism, whose plebeian nature and income nations of the Southern Cone; Latin America did not only result from
mobilizational tendencies conservative it afflicted underdeveloped countries the upswing of democratic diffusion,
sectors disliked. such as Bolivia, which was not about but also from the downswing of
to leave the early stages of ISI behind. reactionary diffusion. Opposing waves
As constructivist idealism founders Essentially, reactionary waves were too of political regime change intersect in
on the two-wave comparison, so does wide-ranging and indiscriminate to be complex ways, causing crosscurrents
economic structuralism. The most attributable to specific socioeconomic and undertows.
prominent explanation for the wave structures or conjunctures.
of Latin American coups arose from In sum, the analysis of the two main
Guillermo O’Donnell’s arguments Interestingly, the argument about waves of authoritarian rule shed light
about the crisis of “easy” import- reactionary diffusion that can best on important political transformations
substitution industrialization (ISI) explain the two waves of authoritarian and yield broader theoretical
and the requirements of industrial rule may also elucidate the subsequent conclusions. The new study highlights
deepening, which were said to prompt spread of democracy. In particular, it that during important time periods,
the authoritarian concentration of sheds light on the special features of the history moved “in the wrong direction.”
power in Argentina and Brazil. 8 But “third wave” in Latin America, which Therefore, theoretical approaches that
this political-economy argument is not lacked the clear, singular precedent assume ongoing political progress,
very convincing. Above all, it cannot of other waves of democratization such as modernization theory and
account for the reactionary wave of the and which unfolded in a much more constructivism, need some rethinking.
1920s and 1930s. While fascist Italy can complex, less tightly clustered fashion.
be characterized as a “developmental The analysis of the preceding rash Kurt Weyland is the Lozano Long
dictatorship,” 9 the countries to which of military coups suggests a crucial Professor of Latin American Politics
autocracy spread in Europe and permissive cause, namely the fading of in the Department of Government at
Latin America cover a diverse set of left-wing radicalism, which had been the University of Texas at Austin. His
boosted by the Cuban Revolution. 10 most recent book is Making Waves:
8. Guillermo O’Donnell, Modernization and
Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism (Berkeley, CA: As rightwing dictatorships suppressed Democratic Contention in Europe and
Institute of International Studies. University of leftist extremism and left-wingers Latin America since the Revolutions of
California, Berkeley, 1973).
10. Similar Scott Mainwaring and Aníbal Pérez- 1848.
9. Anthony Gregor, Italian Fascism and Liñán, Democracies and Dictatorships in Latin
Developmental Dictatorship (Princeton: Princeton America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
University Press, 1979). 2013).

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G anev , continued
(continued from page 1)

The Disjuncture between Mores and argument that countries like Hungary circumstances the encounter with novel
Institutions and Poland would be able to build institutions may in fact alter mores and
Tocqueville was well aware of the democracy within a generation; thus add a momentum to, not curb,
fact that any attempt to democratize similar arguments about countries like processes of democratic change. In my
a non-democratic polity by means Romania and Bulgaria elicited sheer view, it is on this aspect of his analyses
of institutional engineering might ridicule. 3 The conventional wisdom was that we need to focus.
result in a situation that might be best Tocquevillian: at least in the short and
characterized as disjuncture between medium run, local mores will derail Unsettled Mores
imported institutions and local mores. the effort to transplant democratic Tocqueville certainly believed mores
What is the scenario most likely to institutions. to be a factor decisively shaping a
unfold when a disjuncture transpires? nation’s politics. However, both his
The answer with which Tocqueville’s With the benefit of hindsight we can historical explorations and his personal
name is usually associated is that the now say that this conventional wisdom experiences made it clear to him that
mores will trump the institutions, i.e. was not borne out by the facts. By 2007, sometimes extraordinary developments
hubristic institutional engineering all former Soviet satellites in Eastern may unsettle mores. Or, as he put it,
will fail once it encounters the stiff Europe had become members of the “sometimes in the life of peoples, a
resistance of local customs and “habits European Union. Of course, in and of moment occurs when ancient customs
of the heart.” Tocqueville expressed this itself this fact does not mean that they are changed, mores destroyed, beliefs
view on many occasions, but perhaps have evolved into model democracies. shaken, the prestige of memoires has
nowhere as emphatically as in Democracy But it does mean that postcommunist vanished… Then men no longer see the
in America: “physical causes contribute experiments with democracy produced country except in a weak and doubtful
less than laws, and laws infinitely less results much better than anyone light...” (DA, p.386). So what might
than mores … The importance of mores anticipated. happen when mores are unsettled and
is a common truth to which study and can no longer play the role of the glue
experience constantly lead. It seems to What are the implications of this that holds together the body politic?
me that I find it placed in my mind like success for Tocqueville’s thesis about Tocqueville considers two scenarios.
a central point; I see it at the end of all the disjuncture between mores and
of my ideas.” 1 institutions? One possible answer The first scenario might be called
to this question is that Tocqueville descent into feckless individualism.
In the literature on postcommunist has been proven wrong – that East If amidst the confusion and turmoil
democratizations the name of European experiences with imported typical for acute political crises
Tocqueville is rarely mentioned (an institutional models have exposed the citizenry see no opportunities
important exception is the pioneering the intellectual limitations of his for effective political participation,
work of Aurelian Craiutu). 2 But arguments and that therefore his work they may be overwhelmed by the
throughout the 1990s much of the is irrelevant to the study of post-89 feeling that their connections with a
literature on the subject was permeated democratizations. In what follows I will broader community have been severed
by the sentiment he articulated: most offer a different answer. I will argue that and “withdraw into a narrow and
analysts treated with skepticism the Tocqueville’s various writings contain unenlightened individualism,” (DA,
1. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America: insights that suggest that he treated p.386). Once mores are unsettled, new,
Historical-Critical Edition of “De la démocratie the proposition about the primacy of more individualistic mores emerge that
en Amérique, ed. Eduardo Nola, trans. James T,
Schleifer, 4 vols. (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund,
mores over imported institutions more are inimical to the spirit of democratic
2010), p.499. Hereafter referred to as DA. See also as a hypothesis rather than the basis liberty.
Alexis de Tocqueville, Selected Letters on Politics of a law-like generalization. In other
and Society, edited by Roger Boesche (Berkeley:
The University of California Press, 1985), p.294, words, he did assert that ordinarily it But Tocqueville also considers a
and Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the would be reasonable to expect that second scenario – a scenario that
French Revolution, (New York: Doubleday, 1955),
p.209.
the attempt to change mores through revolves around the encounter of
institutional engineering might fail, but unsettled mores with institutionalized
2. Aurelian Craiutu, “Tocqueville and Eastern he also made it clear that under certain opportunities for political involvement.
Europe,” in: Christine D. Henderson ed.,
Tocqueville’s Voyages: The Evolution of His Ideas 3. See Jon Elster, Claus Offe and Ulrich Preuss, In order to illustrate his point,
and Their Journey Beyond His Time (Indianapolis: Institutional Design in Post-Communist Societies, Tocqueville gives a very interesting
Liberty Fund, 2014), pp.390-424. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).

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example: recent immigrants to the collapse of communist dictatorships Democratic citizens did not rule – but
United States. Despite the fact East Europeans felt like immigrants they could and did throw the rascals
that they come from very different in their own countries, but that settled out. In this limited sense, local practices
backgrounds and have internalized an mores were radically shattered is were permanently changed by imported
array of mores, they almost instantly undeniable. On the other hand, however, democratic institutions.
“get involved in the affairs of their within a year all these countries had
town, their district, and the entire state” held multi-party elections for newly The Entry of the Masses in the
(DA, p.381). This example is worth established parliaments and local Political Process
thinking about. From the point of view municipal councils. The collapse of one-party regimes in
of the relationship between mores and Eastern Europe was precipitated by
institutions this is clearly the kind of My claim that the “habits of the heart” massive anti-government mobilization
situation I characterized as disjuncture: were unsettled should not be construed – it marked the moment when “the
what all immigrants shared, despite to mean that they instantly became people” assertively entered the political
their diversity, was mores acquired irrelevant. It is not possible to answer arena. Tocqueville was well aware that
in an environment less free and less the question why unrepentant former the masses’ entry might be problematic:
egalitarian than America’s cultural communists won the first free elections “It cannot be doubted that the moment
milieu. Hence these mores did not “fit” in Bulgaria and Romania but reformed when political rights are granted to
the institutionalized practices which communist parties lost in Poland and a people who have, until then, been
immigrants encountered upon their Hungary without discussing the cultural deprived of them is a moment of
arrival. What American democracy landscapes in the respective countries. crisis, a crisis often necessary, but
offered them, however, was the chance But even in the former set of cases always dangerous.” (DA, p.392). He
to get involved in political affairs. As the introduction of novel institutions characterized the main danger in the
a result, immigrants’ mores did not failed to trigger a mores-driven anti- following way: “The common man, at
undermine the democratic institutions democratic momentum. While local the moment when he is granted political
which would be considered alien in mores did shape voters’ preferences, rights, finds himself in relation to these
their native lands; rather, what has they did not motivate them to reject rights, in the same position as the child
been happening, and will continue to imported things like free elections vis-à-vis all of nature. In this case, the
happen, Tocqueville asserted, is that the and a pluralistic public sphere. And celebrated phrase of Hobbes applies to
institutions changed the mores so that by the late 1990s the anti-communist him, Homo puer robustus… The child
“each person … takes an active part in opposition had won national elections inflicts death when he is unaware of
the government of society,” (DA,p.387). in both countries – a clear sign that the the value of life; he takes property from
Under certain circumstances, then, the foreign institutional transplants had others before knowing that someone
people may consider the confusion and had a mores-transforming effect. can rob him of his.” (DA, p.392).
uncertainly that surround them not as
a pretext to withdraw in their private Of course, I do not want to offer a In other words, the rise of the people
spheres, but as an invitation to display simplistic and self-congratulatory may trigger what might be called
“an interest in the fate of their country interpretation here. I am not arguing, the Homo puer robustus run amok
and…participate in its government” Pollyannaishly, that in 1989 the scenario: chaotic violence and a series
(DA, p.387). According to Tocqueville, people “took their fate in their own of confiscations or appropriations
therefore, it is possible that a crisis hands.” In fact, that did not happen – that may destabilize the very concept
which begins with unsettled mores may real power in most of these countries of private property and exacerbate to
end with the reassertion of democratic was in the hands of former secret the point of murderous conflict latent
institutions. service officers, shady conglomerates, tensions between different social
networks of corrupt politicians and groups. The opportunities which liberty
In 1989-1990 both components of organized criminal groups. But once presents might be used to negate such
Tocqueville’s second scenario, namely the participatory opportunities of the important attributes of democracy as
unsettled mores and opportunities for early 1990s materialized, politics in the peaceful resolution of conflicts and
political participation, materialized the region became a spectacle from respect for the rights of others.
in Eastern Europe. It would be an which the citizens’ part could no longer
exaggeration to claim that after the be written off by aspiring dictators.

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Among the most remarkable facts about scenario Tocqueville conjured up was hypothesize that foreign institutions
the end of East European communism impossible because there were no rich would wilt quickly when transplanted
is that the entry of the masses was, for classes, there was virtually nothing to into the inhospitable soil of non-
the most part, peaceful and orderly. confiscate, and private property was democratic mores.
So a good Tocquevillian question to not a resentment-generating political
ask would be: why is it that at this factor. Given the peculiarity of socio- As we know by now, this did not
particular juncture the discrepancies historical context, then, the kind of happen. 6 Why? I would argue that
between non-democratic mores and chaotic action whereby the deprived Tocqueville’s analysis of elite behavior
democratic opportunities did not result masses dispossess the privileged and in the context of electoral competition
in violence and destructive turmoil? derail democracy in the process could may help us answer this question. His
Once we ask this question, I think, two not materialize. argument is that political elites who
salient aspects of the historical context are forced to compete for votes are
become noticeable, one ideological and In sum, Tocqueville recognized that the transformed by the experience – their
one structural. arrival of the masses is fraught with mores change dramatically once they
dangers because it may lead to violent confront the novel reality of multi-
The ideological aspect of Sovietized manifestations of majority rule – but candidate electoral contests.
Eastern Europe is that across the region also necessary because it might be the
the idea that violence can be effectively first step in a sequence of events that If and when aspiring politicians realize
used to resolve political problems eventually bring about, rather than that their careers depend on voters’
had been completely discredited. render impossible, the consolidation of reactions, Tocqueville points out, a
The ideas of leading dissidents who democracy. If and when a gap between psychological transformation begins:
valorized peaceful resistance as well existing mores and newly established “When the public governs … several
as popular disillusionment with the institutions such as expanded suffrage of the passions that chill and divide
communist rhetoric about the virtues and free elections opens up, certain hearts are then forced to withdraw
of violent revolutionary action had ideological and structural factors might deep into the soul and hide there.
created a climate of opinion where the create a transformative dynamic that Pride conceals itself, scorn dares not to
use of violence in pursuit of political pushes countries toward, and not away show itself ” (DA, 889). The outcome
objectives was rejected by virtually from, democratic forms of governance. of this transformation is described in
everyone except the Marxist regimes’ the following way: “It then happens
most fanatical supporters. that you think about your fellows out
Electoral Elite Competititon of ambition and that often, in a way,
The structural reason why the dangers One particularly striking example of an you find it in your interest to forget
Tocqueville worried about were averted effort to change local political practices yourself ” (DA 889). When rules
is that the type of redistribution through the transplantation of foreign change, elites find it in their interest
he envisaged – the have-nots strip models was the attempt to adopt to forget themselves: I cannot think
the haves of their possessions – was constitutions that would set the terms of a more radical way of conveying
impossible in a postcommunist context. of elite competition for, and exercise of, the message that imported institutions
While there were nomenklatura cadres power. But since none of the nations of might have a transformative impact on
who were relatively better off, they were Eastern Europe except Czechoslovakia pre-existing mores and identities. What
still incomparably poorer than the rich had experienced constitutional rule really matters, Tocqueville seems to be
aristocrats or wealthy bourgeois that in their modern history, there was saying, is not whether political elites
could be a natural target in countries like no reason to expect that national have genuinely internalized democratic
France (or Russia in 1917, or Eastern political elites would respect imported normative principles, but whether
Europe in the late 1940s). As I have “parchment institutions.” 5 To the they are forced by the circumstances
argued elsewhere, the most important contrary, it would be reasonable to to act as if they have embraced such
fact about early postcommunism is Transformation of Bulgaria After 1989 (Ithaca: principles. Self-restraining elites: that
Cornell University Press, 2007).
that what had to be redistributed were 6. For a fuller treatment of this topic, see Venelin
publicly held resources rather than 5. On “parchment institutions,” see John M. I. Ganev, “The Rule of Law as an Institutionalized
privately owned assets. 4 Hence the Carey, “Parchment, Equilibria and Institutions,” Wager: Constitutions, Courts and Transformative
Comparative Political Studies, Vol.33, Nos. 6-7 Dynamics in Eastern Europe,” The Hague Journal on
4. Venelin I. Ganev, Preying on the State: The (August-September 2000), pp.735-761. the Rule of Law, Vol.1, No.2 (Fall 2009), pp.263-283.

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is exactly what imported constitutions to the following interpretation: new In sum, Tocqueville’s oeuvre provides an
purported to create amidst non- constitutions survive because, broadly excellent point of departure for scholars
democratic mores. Tocqueville’s analysis speaking, they serve the interests of who wish to integrate in their studies of
of the psychological effects of electoral local elites. Most of these elites have the “third wave” analytical clues from the
contests on politicians who had not been the incentive to compete against, but literature on the “first wave.” His sharp
socialized in a democratic environment also collaborate with, rivals who are observations about the ways in which
and yet were forced to abide by interested in maintaining the integrity of constitutional changes and institutional
democratic rules when they ran for democratic procedures – and to oppose experiments reshape established
public office might help us understand those who aspire to establish a system behavioral patterns, the relationship
why the project might succeed. where power is concentrated in the between rulers and ruled in a post-
hands of unaccountable cliques. To be authoritarian context, and evolving
Another relevant observation which sure, this “collaboration” might damage modes of elite interaction may still guide
Tocqueville offers is that what he the public good: seemingly rival political the research of social scientists striving
describes as “the desire to be elected” groups might strike corrupt deals and to comprehend the political dynamics
might stimulate self-interested politicians reduce policy-making to the pursuit of underpinning democratic consolidations
to cooperate within the framework of their own well-being. The quality of in the modern world.
democratic politics rather than seek its democracy might suffer as a result. 7 But
destruction. This desire can be disruptive it makes it more unlikely that democracy Venelin I. Ganev is an associate professor
– it motivates elites to “make war on will be replaced by something else – as of political science at Miami University
each other” and foments “particular East European experiences in the 1990s and a faculty associate at the University’s
hatreds.” At the same it heals some of amply demonstrate. Havighurst Center for Russian and Post-
the wounds it inflicts: this same desire 7. On the problem of declining democratic quality in Soviet Studies. He is author of Preying
“leads all [political] men in the long Eastern Europe, see Venelin I. Ganev, “Bulgaria’s Year on the State: The Transformation of
of Civic Anger,” Journal of Democracy, Vol.25, No.1
run to lend each other natural support” (January 2014), pp.33-45. Bulgaria After 1989.
(DA 890). This statement lends itself
Tunisia Forever (2011)

(photo courtsey of Wassim Ben Rhouma/Flickr/Creative Commons)

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A hmed , continued
(continued from page 2)

smooth transition to democracy. 3 These developments as forward movement. with it a longer gaze, as scholars seeking
empirical correctives contribute to a to understand the broad contours of
novel theoretical understanding of the In this view, forward movement does not political change must look for it in
process of democratization based in necessarily mean progress toward a more successive historical episodes, some of
rigorous historical methodology and democratic endpoint but carries with which may contain dramatic displays of
careful attention to the temporalities of it ambiguities and contradictions that democratic opening, but many of which
political change. Among other important result in a complex and often disjointed will be much subtler. Thus, in addition to
contributions, this body of scholarship institutional collage. Moving away from the typical critical junctures in the history
offers a radical reconceptualization of the idea of wholesale regime change, of democratization such as 1848, 1918,
the concept of backsliding. 4 the historical turn approach offers a and 1945 when the main institutions
model of asynchronic change, whereby of democracy were implemented in
The notion of backsliding in the institutions of democracy emerge most countries, we might also look at
contemporary democratization studies at different times and for different moments when these institutions were
can be traced to Samuel Huntington’s purposes. 6 For example, the push for reformed such as the introduction of the
highly influential work on the three suffrage expansion and that for electoral secret ballot, the adoption of obligatory
waves of democracy and particularly reform in Europe in the 19th century voting, or the development of investiture
his insights into the reverse waves. emerged from distinct movements and rules. Moreover, this mode of “episode
The reasons for reversals, Huntington during different episodes of political analysis” takes seriously both successful
explained, were as varied as those for change. Though in some countries reform and partial or failed reform, as
democratization itself. Nonetheless, by the movements overlapped briefly at it is often in these episodes that we
conceptualizing the contradictions of the turn of the century, the goals of find the sources of political change:
democratization as reversals, Huntington suffrage expansion and that of electoral partial reform may shift the path of
invited scholars to think of certain types reform were often very much at odds; future reformers and failed reforms
of political change as a move backward the former advanced by a coalition of may provide actors with powerful
in time. Indeed, he maintained in his workers’ organizations and progressive mobilizing narratives to take into later
discussion of reversals that “History is parties seeking a reconfiguration of the episodes. Take, for example, the Chartist
not unidirectional,” 5 suggesting that political order, the latter by a coalition of Movement in Britain in the 1830s and
reversals represent a theoretical move anti-democratic and conservative forces 1840s which yielded little in the way of
back on an imagined linear trajectory. working to maintain their power in the tangible results at the time but set the
From the perspective of the historical changing political landscape. 7 While stage for working class mobilization,
turn, this conceptualization introduces today the development of universal which did, in fact, yield fruit decades
highly problematic temporalities. suffrage and electoral reform have been later. To be sure, the Chartist movement
While it is true that political change homogenized into a single narrative of was quite distinct from later workers’
follows complex trajectories, history democratization, a historically grounded movements that pushed for suffrage
can only move forward. Contradictions look into the circumstances of their expansion and the implication here is
and ambiguities are always a part of emergence reveals their contradictory not that one seamlessly led to another,
this, and even if the process leads to roles in the formation of 19th century but rather that the Chartists Movement
the introduction of un-democratic democracy. provided a set of political and rhetorical
institutions or practices, a historically tools that actors in later episodes could
grounded view of political change For this reason, the focus of scholarship try to utilize for their own purposes.
requires that we recognize even these in the historical turn is often on the Without this frame of reference, it
3. Sheri Berman, “How Democracies Emerge: development of specific institutions would be difficult to understand the
Lessons from Europe” Journal of Democracy rather than attempts to explain entire dynamics of political change in England
Volume 18, no. 1 (January2007).
regimes. The shift from whole regimes in the 1860s and 1880s.
4. Giovanni Capoccia and Daniel Ziblatt, “The to discrete institutional arenas brings
Historic Turn in Democratization Studies: A New
Research Agenda and for Europe and Beyond.” 6. Daniel Ziblatt “How Did Europe Democratize?”
Importantly, this approach also suggests
Comparative Political Studies 43.8-9 (2010): 931- World Politics, Vol. 58.1 (January 2006), 311-338. that the institutional landscape at every
968. point in time may contain unresolved
7. Amel Ahmed, Democracy and the Politics of
5. Samuel Huntington, The Third Wave: Electoral System Choice: Engineering Electoral ambiguities and contradictions. It is,
Democratization in the Late 20th Century (Norman, Dominance (Cambridge: Cambridge University therefore, crucial to take seriously the
OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991). Press, 2013).

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internal institutional configuration some cases, such institutional safeguards contains contradictions, and while some
of political systems at each point in may be temporary and ultimately give features of the political system may bear
time. Analyses of democratization way in subsequent waves of reform. a resemblance to a previous state, they
have generally concentrated attention In other cases, however, they may will necessarily entail a reorganization
on the regime as a whole as a unit of become entrenched in the system, of political life that transforms their
analysis, considered dichotomously (as forming a permanent part of a new function significantly.
democracy vs. non-democracy, at times politico-institutional order. 9 Thus while
with the addition of an intermediate mechanisms, such as indirect elections Some might object that such a reading
class of hybrid regimes). By contrast, and plural voting, did ultimately give of the concept of backsliding is much
an important insight of the historical way to more inclusionary reforms, too literal -- that in the ordinary usage
turn approach is that many institutional the various mechanisms of “minority of the term, backsliding is simply
features that appear inconsistent representation” introduced through the meant to indicate a move back to a
with democratic reforms may, in fact, 19th and early 20th centuries became a non-democratic form of government.
be essential for regime stability. In permanent feature of political systems However, even this more general usage
particular, scholars have shown that throughout Europe, helping to maintain is highly problematic. It suggests that
important institutional features of the power of established pre-democratic non-democratic states are comparable
authoritarian regimes often constitute parties and diminish that of nascent enough to make such claims analytically
part of the complex institutional workers parties. The historical turn useful. In fact, we know that non-
collages that emerge from clashes over approach underscores that friction or democracy is as complex and varied as
democratic reform. More often than not, complementarity between different democracy, and if our goal is to capture
the outcome of an episode of democratic institutional arenas or the different the dynamics of political change, setting
reform is the combination of reformist timing in their development will have up such simplistic binaries will surely
institutions with institutional safeguards important consequences for democracy, frustrate our efforts.
that protect pre-democratic elites who often introducing features that may
would otherwise oppose democratic seem contradictory from the perspective Take, for example, recent developments
openings. Unelected upper chambers, of wholesale regime change but are, in the Egyptian transition, which
institutional privileges to the military or in fact, essential to the dynamics some have labeled as “backsliding”:
the clergy, dependence of the judiciary on of democratization, conceived as The ouster of Mohammed Morsi, the
the executive, independent central banks asynchronic political change. first democratically elected president,
protecting business interests, limits through military coup; the subsequent
on land or property restitution, biased In this view, the very notion of election of the Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi, the
electoral systems, and other institutional backsliding sets up a temporal fiction, military general who led the coup; and
arrangements are often crucial in making creating the illusion that political the general contraction of civil liberties
possible the democratization of other systems can somehow approximate a that has ensued. While these events
institutional arenas (such as competitive previous episode in their history. Within certainly tarnish the country’s claim
elections and universal suffrage). 8 In the historical turn framework, however, to democracy, to call it “backsliding”
8. Richard Robison and Vedi Hadiz, Reorganising instances of so-called backsliding would would suggest that the current state
Power in Indonesia: The Politics of Oligarchy in be seen as forward motion towards of affairs bears some meaningful
an Age of Markets (London: Routledge, 2004);
Marcelo Pollack, The New Right in Chile 1973-97
a new political status quo in which resemblance to the regime of Hosni
(Basingstoke: Palgrave, 1999); Delia M Boylan, inclusionary measures are combined with Mubarak. However, reading forward
“Preemptive Strike: Central Bank Reform in Chile’s new modes of exclusion. Even in cases from the revolutionary events of 2011,
Transition from Authoritarian Rule,” Comparative
Politics 30, no. 4 (July 1998): 443-462; Ruth Hall, where old institutions are re-introduced we see that both the institutions of the
“Reconciling the Past, Present, and Future: The into the political system, their political regime and the coalition of actors who
Parameters and Practices of Land Restitution in
South Africa” in Land, Memory, Reconstruction, and
function almost always changes. Each have supported it at each stage reflect a
Justice, ed. Cherryl Walker, Anna Bohlin, Ruth Hall, successive stage of political change path dependence that at no point moves
and Thembella Kepe (Athens OH: Ohio University Frances Millard, Marina Popescu, and Kieran back to a previous state of affairs. The
Press, 2010), 20-21; Barbara Geddes, “Initiation Williams, Embodying Democracy: Electoral Systems
of New Democratic Institutions in Eastern Europe Design in Post-Communist Europe (Basingstoke: constitution has changed at each stage,
and Latin America,” in Institutional Design in New Palgrave, 2002). as has the electoral system, civil society
Democracies: Eastern Europe and Latin America,
ed. Arend Lijphart and Carlos Waisman (Boulder, 9. Ahmed, Democracy and the Politics of Electoral
regulations, and a wide range of other
CO: Westview Press, 1995), 15-42; Sarah Birch, System Choice, 2013. institutional features. And at each stage

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it has been a different constellation of the political system under Mubarak the asynchronic model calls for a more
of actors that have come together to made NGO activity less threatening, nuanced approach, positing that so-
support the status quo. The liberal- whereas, the introduction of competitive called “backsliding” need not always be
conservative coalition that supports the elections under Morsi and Al-Sisi meant remedied. Indeed, certain safeguards that
current political system is not only very that civil society organizations could could be viewed as backsliding, in some
different from the Islamist coalition of pose a more credible threat. In this cases, may in fact help to strengthen and
Morsi’s government, but it is also very case, the introduction of competitive consolidate democracy in the long run.
different from the populist clientelism elections entailed tradeoffs which came It is often through the tradeoffs and
of the Mubarak era. That leaders may at the cost of civil liberties. To view this complementarities across and within
have use for institutions that bear as backsliding is to miss the point that institutional arenas that the process
some similarity does not mean that these contradictions supply the logic of progresses. This means that at any given
the institutions are being used in the political change. 12 point there will be contradictions in the
same way. And while at each stage we system, but these need not be a sign of
see inclusionary reforms combined with The model of asynchronic political authoritarian retrenchment. Even events
exclusionary measures, we find that the change found within the historical that might be viewed as democratic crises
political calculus is quite different. 10 turn framework helps to make sense can contribute to long-term democratic
Moreover, it is not clear that the of democratization as a piecemeal and stability if they allow for adjustment of
regimes of either Morsi or Al-Sisi have often incomplete process where actors the political apparatus, such that they
represented a more democratic status may not have a strong sense of the reflect new social configurations.
quo than the Mubarak era. Particularly direction in which they are headed.
with regard to the regulation of NGOs This certainly reflects the process for The approaches advanced in the
and the contraction of civil liberties in historical democratizers. And while historical turn do not subscribe to an
some arenas, both would seem to fall it can be argued that the situation unduly relativistic view of democracy.
well below the mark of an inclusive is different today – that countries However, they do suggest that we
democratic polity. 11 do embark on democratization with need to relax our assumptions about
a strong sense of what the endpoint democratization moving toward a
The point is not to cast aspersions on should be and with the expectation of singular endpoint of greater inclusiveness
the Egyptian transition, but to show wholesale regime change – it is clear where non-democratic institutions
that for contemporary democratizers, as that for most countries this is not the are progressively stripped away. The
with historical democratizers, political reality. Wholesale regime change often experience of historical democratizers
change moves asynchronically. That is meets with resistance, resulting in the shows us that the institutional landscape
to say, modes of political inclusion are non-uniform application of democratic after each episode of reform is likely to
combined with exclusions at each stage elements. Thus, the asynchronicity be contradictory from the point of view
of the process in ways that would defy emerges de facto as the defining feature of democratic inclusion. Hence, we
any linear notions of development. In of political change. However, whereas need more nuanced ways of discerning
fact, the contradictions across arenas are, previous schools of democratization what safeguards are detrimental to the
in many ways, what facilitate political studies see in this signs of backsliding, endurance of democratic government and
change. For example, the closed nature within the historical turn scholarship it what safeguards can be accommodated
10. Rutherford, Egypt after Mubarak; Andrea
is seen as part of the process. in the democratic regime or its future
Teti, Vivienne Matthies-Boon , Gennaro Gervasio, evolution.
“Sisiphus” MERIP Online, June 10 2014. Adopting an asynchronic model of
11. For example a new NGO law passed under Morsi political change also has important Amel Ahmed is an associate professor
placed heavy restrictions on the funding of NGOs policy implications: rather than offering of political science at the University
and their management and a protest law signed into
law by Adly Mansour, the interim President under the
blanket remedies in the form of of Massachusetts, Amherst. Her book,
military rule of Al-Sisi, imposed heavy fines and jail economic or institutional adjustments, Democracy and the Politics of Electoral
time on those participating in public demonstrations System Choice, won the best book award
without government authorization. See Mariz Tadros, 12. For a more detailed discussion of the historical
“The Politics of Mobilising for Gender Justice in turn framework applied to the case of the Egyptian from the European Politics and Society
Egypt from Mubarak to Morsi and Beyond”, IDS transitions, see Amel Ahmed and Giovanni Capoccia section of the American Political Science
Research Paper, Published online May 2 2014; “The Study of Democratization and the Arab Spring”
Mohammed Abdelaal, “Egypt’s Public Protest Law Middle East Law and Governance Journal, Vol 6.1
Association.
2013: A Boost to Freedom or a Further Restriction?” (2014) 1-31.

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T emplemann , continued
(continued from page 2)

outwardly simple idea: that one party partisanship, and party appeals. And (3) Compared to What? Where are the
or coalition not only wins power, but if we define it as ruling party survival, “Non-Dominant” Cases?
wins so decisively and consistently as then the question is about why The third issue involves a selection
to preclude any realistic alternatives. some parties last so long in power. bias problem: most recent research has
Like many old concepts, though, it has Depending on whether one wants to proceeded by comparing cases of one-
over the decades been operationalized limit this question to democracies or to party dominance to each other. But if
in many different ways, along the way include autocracies as well, the relevant we want to understand why dominance
accumulating modifying adjectives, research could include findings about occurs in the first place, then we need
shifts in emphasis, and a tangled array the determinants of elections or about to look not only at cases of “successful”
of alternative definitions and measures. leader survival. dominance but also at “unsuccessful”
Thus, today we do not have one term ones, however we might define those
but half a dozen variants: dominance, (2) Democracies versus Autocracies: Does outcomes. And that raises a difficult
dominant party, dominant party system, Dominance Mean The Same Thing in question: what are the corresponding
dominant party regime, and their close Both? “non-dominant” cases to which we
relatives the predominant, one- or single- The second issue is about the limits should compare? To put the question
party and hegemonic party regimes. This on electoral contestation for power: slightly differently, how should we
multiplicity of competing terms stems when we talk about “dominance” in define the universe of cases within
from three unresolved issues that have democracies and autocracies, are we which one-party dominance can occur?
bedeviled research on dominance: (1) even talking about the same outcome?
the appropriate level of analysis, (2) And if so, can we assume the same It turns out that old scholarship on first
the kinds of regimes in which one- causes operate in both settings? Recent wave cases provides good answers to
party dominance is puzzling, and (3) work is split on this question: some all these questions, if we take the time
the universe of cases to compare. Older has proceeded on the assumption that to examine it carefully. Sartori’s work
work on first wave cases offers helpful dominance is only really puzzling is particularly valuable in this regard.
guidance for thinking about each of in a democratic context, where one He argues clearly and convincingly
these problems. party consistently wins even when that one-party dominance is really
restrictions on opposition parties are about a type of party system, rather
(1) Is One-Party Dominance about absent. 2 Other work has asserted that than party or regime. 3 Dominant
Regimes, Party Systems, or Parties? the difference between dominance in party systems are distinct because they
The first issue is about the level of autocratic and democratic regimes is are both highly institutionalized and
analysis: does one-party dominance a matter of degree, not of kind, and highly asymmetric: one party is much
refer to a type of regime, party that the same mechanisms are at work more likely than any other to win
system, or party? Although often in both settings. Moreover, a key and retain power over several election
used interchangeably, each of these is indicator of democracy is the presence cycles, and as a consequence, that
potentially quite distinct and engages of elections that incumbents lose; party retains control of government
different questions and bodies of as a practical matter, distinguishing for long periods of time. Sartori also
research. If we define our dependent between autocracies and democracies is explicitly includes both democratic and
variable as regime survival, then the therefore especially fraught in the cases authoritarian cases, but distinguishes
central question of dominance is of one-party dominance, whose central between “predominant” party systems
why “dominant party regimes” are so feature is the absence of ruling party in the former and “hegemonic” in the
durable—a concern which dovetails turnover. latter. And he suggests that the line
with the burgeoning literature on between dominant “hegemonic” and
variation within autocracies. But if we closed single-party systems should be
instead define it as electoral performance, drawn between regimes that legally
then we are tasked with accounting for 2. T.J. Pempel, ed., Uncommon Democracies: The allow multiparty contestation for power
why one party so consistently outpaces One-Party Dominant Regimes, (Ithaca: Cornell and those that do not: Singapore versus
University Press, 1990); Ethan Scheiner, Democracy
all its competitors in elections. That without Competition in Japan: Opposition Failure in China, for instance.
question sends us in a very different a One-Party Dominant State, (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2006).
direction, to the rich and variegated
body of work on voting behavior, 3. Sartori, Parties and Party Systems, p. 195.

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If we follow this conceptual scheme, the diversion of public funds from state- positions to appeal to the median
then, the central question of one-party owned or party-owned enterprises, voter. 6 The third is about coordination
dominance is: what sustains party and directly from the public budget, in elections: resource advantages enable
system asymmetry? The appropriate to fund party activities; control over the ruling party to keep its own elites
universe of cases in which to investigate public-sector jobs for patronage and unified through side-payoffs, and
this question is the set of democracies spoils; manipulation of state laws for to convert support into votes, votes
and electoral autocracies: all regimes kickbacks and campaign contributions into seats, and seats into power more
in which winning contested elections from businesses; and the prevention of efficiently than its competitors. 7
is the primary way to win and retain businesses from assisting challengers,
power. And the first place to go for as through discriminating use of tax Despite the different mechanisms,
potential explanations of one-party audits. They also typically involve the these theories all generate the same
dominance is to the research on party use of state resources, both monetary prediction: the systematic use of
system stability and change, rather than and organizational, to mobilize voters public resources for partisan ends is
party or regime organization. This is to turn out to the polls, and to maintain what sustains party system asymmetry
not to say that the other issues are not their loyalty to the ruling party. In the and keeps dominant parties in power.
important—clearly, questions about more repressive regimes, these resources Resources create such enormous
authoritarian regime survival or leader are of course supplemented with more electoral advantages for ruling party
turnover are worth investigating, too. overt forms of manipulation, including candidates that defeat is unlikely, even
But the further we get away from a restrictive laws on speech and assembly, when the incumbent party is widely
focus on the party system, the more we intimidation and harassment of reviled, and even when state repression is
have to stretch the idea of “one-party opposition candidates and supporters, absent. Only when resources decline—
dominance” beyond its original meaning and outright vote fraud. But these tactics for example, because of financial crises,
and context, and the less useful it is as are typically signs of weakness: as long privatization of state-owned enterprises
an organizing concept. In recent work, as other resources remain available, the (SOEs), rising incomes and social
cases as disparate as Conservative Party most formidable dominant parties have mobility, or institutional changes that
rule in Britain under Thatcher and little need for them. disrupt clientelist networks or reduce
China under the Chinese Communist politicization of state employment—
Party have been called “dominant.” Recent scholarship suggests at least does the party system start to become
And we have probably stretched too three distinct mechanisms through more symmetric, and ruling party
far when we end up lumping together which these resources can sustain party defeat become a real possibility.
one of the world’s oldest democracies system asymmetry. One is a story about
with its most prominent single-party clientelism: the ruling party targets How First Wave Theories Can Help
autocracy. benefits to supporters and denies them Us Understand Deviant Third Wave
to opponents, ensuring a large bloc of Cases
Recent Explanations of One-Party loyal voters that will turn out en masse Taken as a whole, this recent work
Dominance in the Third Wave for the incumbent at election time no has significantly improved our
The thrust of most recent work on matter who the candidates are or what understanding of party system
one-party dominance can be summed positions their parties take. 5 The second asymmetry. It has established much
up in one phrase: resource advantages. 4 is about elite recruitment and spatial firmer micro-foundations specifying
Scholars have documented an positioning: a biased electoral playing the relevant actors and their motives,
impressive array of ways that ruling field means that opposition parties tend and it has provided better explanations
parties in these systems exploit public to attract candidates and activists who for stylized facts about dominant party
assets for partisan ends, greatly biasing are highly ideologically motivated and systems—for instance, that electoral
the electoral playing field before any hold relatively extreme views, while the competition usually involves a centrist
elections are even held. These include ruling party attracts pragmatists who incumbent versus extremist challengers,
4. For representative work in this vein, see Beatriz care mostly about holding office. As a 6. Greene, Why Dominant Parties Lose.
Magaloni, Voting for Autocracy: Hegemonic Party
Survival and Its Demise in Mexico, (New York: consequence, opposition parties remain 7. Magaloni, Voting for Autocracy; Gary Cox,
Cambridge University Press, 2006); Kenneth unable to moderate their ideological Making Votes Count: Strategic Coordination in the
Greene, Why Dominant Parties Lose: Mexico’s World’s Electoral Systems, (New York: Cambridge
Democratization in Comparative Perspective, (New 5. Scheiner, Democracy without Competition in University Press), Ch. 13.
York: Cambridge University Press, 2007); Scheiner, Japan.
Democracy without Competition in Japan.

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and that many voters continue to erosion in electoral support and its asymmetry of the party system, even as
support the incumbent party even when defeat in the 2000 presidential election the KMT ’s resource advantages remained
they openly disapprove of its record in simply should not have happened. From enormous. 9
power. this perspective, Taiwan looks like a
deviant case. Nor is Taiwan the only case where
Nevertheless, in advancing our a resource advantage explanation is
understanding of dominance in the But we do not have to craft an intricate potentially misleading. The reverse
third wave, this research has tended new theory to account for Taiwan. situation holds in Malaysia, where
to play down what was good about We merely need to return to the older the long-time ruling coalition Barisan
old scholarship and overlook what was tradition of work on social cleavages Nasional (BN) and its main constituent
known about old first wave cases. The and party realignments. 8 And when we party, UMNO, have survived a series
emphasis on resource advantages is an do, a vital cleavage is staring us in the of increasingly threatening economic
understandable reaction to unresolved face: Taiwanese independence, which shocks and elite defections to remain in
empirical puzzles and the vagueness moved from a taboo subject under power today. Most notably, the Asian
of some theories about party system martial law in the 1980s to the primary Financial Crisis that hit Malaysia in
development and change. But in recent issue dividing the parties by the end 1997-98 dramatically reduced the
years, the pendulum may have swung of the 1990s. Moreover, the rise of finances available to the coalition for
too far: some of these theories are still Taiwanese nationalism was, initially patronage and voter mobilization.
essential for understanding third wave at least, a “wedge” issue that worked to As resource advantage theories
party systems. the opposition’s favor and the KMT’s would predict, BN suffered from
detriment. The KMT’s core vote base elite defections to the opposition—
For example, in several of the newish was mainlander émigrés, but they were none more serious than the deputy
regimes of Asia and Africa, the less than 15 percent of the electorate; prime minister Anwar Ibrahim—
patterns of party system asymmetry the party relied as well on a large and a surge in support for opposition
do not map neatly onto a resource share of the “native” Taiwanese vote parties around the country. But the
advantage explanation. Take the case to win elections. The opposition DPP, combined opposition in Malaysia was
of Taiwan. Taiwan’s ruling Kuomintang by contrast, could focus its appeals hindered then, as it is today, by the
(KMT) held a commanding resource exclusively on this latter group—and sharp regional, religious, and ethnic
advantage when it first began facing self-determination for the island was divisions that have long characterized
fully contested elections at the central a popular position that it embraced Malaysian society. Under Malaysia’s
government level in the 1990s. It from its earliest days. The result was system of plurality-rule single-member
had a vast patronage machine and a realignment that the KMT’s vast districts, knocking the BN out of power
financial resources that dwarfed those resources were unable to prevent: the requires pre-election cooperation and
of its opponents, controlled most of the DPP steadily gained support from voter coordination between parties
island’s print and broadcast media, and native Taiwanese, prompting the appealing to a largely conservative,
held a firm grip over the civil service, ruling party to move toward a centrist Islamic, ethnically Malay rural base, on
the military, and the security services. position on Taiwan’s political status, the one hand, and to a largely urban,
And it remained one of the richest which in turn led to the defection of secular, well-educated, wealthy, and
political parties in the world, directly many of its core supporters to a new disproportionately ethnically Chinese
controlling at minimum several billion mainlander-dominated party, the New and Indian base on the other. More
dollars in assets through party-owned Party. In short, realignment around the than 15 years after the Asian Financial
enterprises and indirectly influencing independence issue rapidly reduced the Crisis hit, the opposition has still not
the spending of billions more by SOEs. managed to break through despite a
By contrast, the Democratic Progressive dramatic decline in vote share for the
Party (DPP), the primary opposition, ruling coalition. Whereas the primary
remained close to broke and struggled underlying social cleavage proved
even to pay party worker salaries
9. Kharis Templeman, “The Origins and Decline
throughout the 1990s. If we take the 8. See, for instance, the classic readings collected in of Dominant Party Systems: Taiwan’s Transition
predictions of resource advantage Peter Mair, ed., The West European Party System, in Comparative Perspective,” Ph.D. dissertation
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990). (Department of Political Science, University of
theories at face value, the KMT’s steady Michigan, 2012), Ch. 6.

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advantageous to the opposition in Lipset and Stein Rokkan’s “Cleavage ANC’s continued dominance in South
Taiwan, it has consistently hindered Structures, Party Systems, and Voter Africa is due not to resources delivered
opposition coordination in Malaysia, Alignments” remind us that most through clientelist networks but to a an
despite the decline in the BN ’s access to voters in established party systems can enduring psychological affinity forged
state resources. be fiercely loyal to a political party at a moment when an entire generation
without quid pro quo exchanges of any of black South Africans came to view
Another case where the recent emphasis kind. 10 And these partisan ties, once the ANC as the national savior, the
on resource advantages appears to miss formed, are both remarkably stable over party that ended apartheid. And these
something important is in South Africa, time and the single best predictor of cases also suggest that, whatever
where the African National Congress voting behavior in any given election. might happen to the ANC’s resource
(ANC) has held uninterrupted power Viewed from this perspective, it should advantages, the decline of party
since taking office at the end of not be surprising to us that South system asymmetry in South Africa
apartheid in 1994. In May 2014, the Africa’s party system has changed only will probably occur only gradually,
party won its fifth consecutive election, gradually over the post-apartheid era. through the process of generational
all with over 60 percent of the national The circumstances surrounding the replacement—and the opportunities for
popular vote; the nearest competitor, ANC’s ascension to power—its long opposition party growth will be limited
the Democratic Alliance, won less history of struggle against apartheid, and expand only incrementally, as well.
than 23 percent. Resource theories its peaceful negotiated takeover of
are not very persuasive in accounting the new regime, and the extraordinary Democratic Regimes, But Dominant
for this remarkably stable party system popularity of Nelson Mandela, its Party Systems
asymmetry. For one, there are few first president—combined to solder Recent work on one-party dominance
hints of the kind of underhanded to the party the majority of an entire has for the most part focused on the
ruling party election tactics that are generation of black South Africans. more authoritarian end of the spectrum,
widespread elsewhere on the continent: taking its cues from the rapidly growing
South Africa consistently scores high Earlier examples of one-party literature on political survival and
on various indicators of democracy, dominance are instructive here, as change in autocracies. Although this
including freedoms of press and well. As in South Africa, many of work has significantly improved our
assembly, a well-regarded election these cases emerged at the beginning understanding of dominance in more
administration, and an independent of the democratic period. In Germany, repressive political settings, it has less
judiciary. Moreover, South Africa’s Austria, Israel, India, Italy, and arguably to say about prolonged one-party rule in
electoral system features closed-list even in Japan, the ruling party started many of the third wave democracies. For
PR elected in a single national district: out with a significant lead in partisan these cases, old work on first-wave party
it is hard to think of a system less support, and it took a generation or systems offers a rich source of concepts,
susceptible to gerrymandering and more for opposition alternatives to theories, and empirical evidence that
malapportionment that favors the approach parity in vote share and for deserves renewed consideration in the
ruling party, or less likely to encourage these first incumbents to relinquish study of one-party dominance.
the development of clientelist party- executive control: 20 years after the
voter or candidate-voter ties. first election in Germany, 25 in Austria, Kharis Templeman is the program
26 in India, 29 in Israel, 33 in Italy, manager of the Democracy in Taiwan
and 38 in Japan. These examples Project at Stanford University. He
If we turn to research on first wave cases, imply that, at least to the present, the completed his Ph.D. in political science
however, there is a straightforward at the University of Michigan in 2012
10. Philip Converse, “Of Time and Partisan
explanation of the ANC’s continued and is working on a book manuscript on
Stability,” Comparative Political Studies, 2/2 (1969),
dominance: partisanship. Classics such 139-171; Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, the origins and decline of dominant party
as Philip Converse’s “Of Time and “Cleavage Structures, Party Systems, and Voter systems around the world during the past
Alignments,” in Peter Mair, ed., The West European
Partisan Stability” and Seymour Martin Party System, pp. 91-138. 60 years.

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S ection N ews
2014 Section Awards The committee is also extremely pleased to Nacional de Córdoba) for Brokers, Voters,
award the Linz Prize to Leonid Pesakhin’s and Clientelism: The Puzzle of Distributive
Juan Linz Dissertation Award Co- dissertation, Long Shadow of the Past: Politics (Cambridge, 2013).
Winners: Paula Valeria Munoz (UT Identity, Norms, and Political Behavior. This
Austin) for “Campaign Clientelism in dissertation masterfully sheds light on the This year’s committee included Milan
Peru: An Informational Theory”; Leonid ways in which past political institutions Svolik (University of Illinois at Urbana
Pesakhin (Yale University) for “Long and arrangements can influence present Champagn) (chair), Michael Coppedge
Shadow of the Past: Identity, Norms, and political identities, attitudes and behavior. (University of Notre Dame), and Dali Yang
Political Behavior” Joining other studies employing clever (University of Chicago).
natural experiments, Pesakhin situates
This year’s award committee included his empirical investigation along the Committee Remarks on the Award
Gwyneth McClendon (Harvard now-defunct border of the Austrian and Winners: We reviewed 29 nominated
University) (chair), John D. Stephens Russian empires in contemporary Ukraine, books and after carefully deliberating
(University of North Carolina), and Noam convincingly arguing that the exact decided to award this year’s best book
Lupu (University of Wisconsin-Madison) placement of the part of the border between prize to two books. The first awarded book
the two that he examines was arbitrary, thus is Brokers, Voters, and Clientelism by Susan
Committee Remarks on the Award “as-if ” randomly dividing otherwise similar Stokes, Thad Dunning, Marcelo Nazareno,
Winners: Paula Valeria Muñoz’s people into different political arrangements and Valeria Brusco; the second awarded
dissertation, Campaign Clientelism in Peru, and into different national communities for book is Democracies and Dictatorships in
is a rich empirical examination of clientelist well over a century. Pesakhin then presents Latin America by Scott Mainwaring and
electoral strategies in a setting of weak results from an original interview-based Aníbal Pérez-Liñán.
party organizations. Focusing on Peru, survey that he conducted of more than
she outlines a theory of the informational 1600 rural villagers living on either side of Brokers, Voters, and Clientelism addresses
role that clientelistic practices play in the that border and uses the survey responses a number of key questions in the study
absence of political machines: by providing to explore the ways in which the “invisible of accountability, clientelism, and
material incentives for voters to participate line” of that now-defunct border continues redistributive politics: Why do we observe
in mass rallies and other campaign events, to influences the identities and political clientelistic politics in some countries but
she argues, politicians who cannot rely attitudes of these citizens. Most impressive, programmatic redistribution in other?
on powerful party brands or allegiances Pesakhin conducts comparisons of different Why do clientelistic parties reward core
demonstrate their strength and electoral historical regions within the geographical instead of swing voters? Why is clientelism
promise. Using an impressive combination bands around the arbitrary border, in order so pervasive in developing countries but
of observational survey data, focus groups, to identify mechanisms by which local rare in advanced democracies?
field observation and a survey experiment, elites, particularly through schools and
Muñoz digs deeply for the observable churches, carry the past into the present. The book’s key theoretical innovation is
implications of her theory. The resulting Pesakhin’s dissertation cannot help but to focus brokers – the local intermediaries
dissertation is both a pleasure to read compel a more nuanced conceptualization that link the party leadership to the voters.
and remarkably incisive, especially since of comparative democratic behavior from Brokers help parties address a major
it investigates a type of behavior that is its readers. informational problem in the clientelistic
not typically recorded or publicized in exchange of votes for benefits: Who are the
a systematic way. Although the study Best Book Award Co-Winners: Scott voters who can be swayed by the promise
of clientelism is an area of comparative Mainwaring (University of Notre Dame) of a particularistic reward? How do we
democratization that is already filled with and Aníbal Pérez-Liñán (University distinguish them from those voters that
impressive and important work, Muñoz’s of Pittsburgh) for Democracies and have already made up their mind about
dissertation makes an empirically rich Dictatorships in Latin America: Emergence, whether to vote for or against the party?
contribution that could easily extend to Survival, and Fall (Cambridge, 2014); This is what brokers know. Yet by holding
weakly institutionalized party systems in Susan C. Stokes (Yale University), Thad that information, brokers also gain power
other developing countries. Dunning (Yale University), Marcelo and thus create an agency problem for the
Nazareno (Universidad Nacional de machine: They may favor loyal, core voters
Córdoba), and Valeria Brusco (Universidad

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instead the politically crucial swing voters empirical contribution to the study of at least parts of it) developed greater rule
or even misappropriate resources. democratization and Latin American of law, early parliamentary organizations
politics. It presents a new classification of and earlier democracy. Blaydes and Chaney
Brokers, Voters, and Clientelism employs regimes into democratic, semi-democratic, suggest that one important factor was
this theoretical insight to explain not only and authoritarian between 1900 and 2010 the rise of feudalism in Western Europe.
key empirical regularities in clientelistic in all of Latin America. Moreover, for each According to them, because the fall of the
politics but also its persistence and demise. of the countries in the region throughout Roman Empire was more complete in the
Economic development and urbanization the period 1944-2010, the book identifies West than the East, successor Empires
make it harder for brokers to form or key actors under each administration and (i.e., the Carolingians) could not rely
maintain the personal relationships codes their attitudes toward democracy on an established bureaucracy and thus
that are the source of their political as well as the degree of their political could not extract sufficient tax resources
indispensability. Once brokers become moderation or radicalism. This data will be to maintain a standing army. Thus, they
obsolete, party leaders are happy to trade an invaluable resource for future research relied on networks of local landowners
them in favor of policies that are more on Latin America. who paid taxes in the form of soldiers and
effective in developed democracies – that knights in times of war. However, because
is mass, programmatic redistribution. Best Article Award: Lisa Blaydes (Stanford these soldiers and knights were not directly
Brokers, Voters, and Clientelism thus helps us University) and Eric Chaney (Harvard under the king, local elites had greater
understand the transition from clientelistic University) for “The Feudal Revolution power relative to the sovereign and were
to programmatic redistributive policies and Europe’s Rise: Political Divergence of able to limit his power. The negotiations of
– a key step in the process of democratic the Christian West and the Muslim World kings with local barons, lords, and bishops
consolidation. before 1500 CE,” published in the February created the foundation for parliaments and
2013 American Political Science Review. resulted in greater protection of private
Democracies and Dictatorships in Latin property, ultimately (ironically) creating
America, the co-winner of this year’s best This year’s award committee included greater political stability and longer life
book award, gives the most comprehensive Robert D. Woodberry (National University expectancies for kings. However in the
analysis to date of the emergence, survival, of Singapore) (chair), John Gerring (Boston East, Muslim rulers were able to take over
and fall of democracy and dictatorship in University), and John A. Doces (Bucknell earlier Byzantine and Persian bureaucracies
Latin America since 1900. University). and thus were able to extract more taxes
and established standing armies of foreign
In order to explain regime outcomes, the Committee Remarks on the Award slaves (Mamlukes). As a result, local elites
authors examine the political preferences Winners: Lisa Blaydes and Eric Chaney. had less ability to limit abuse by sultans,
of key, powerful actors; that is, presidents, 2013. “The Feudal Revolution and Europe’s rule of law suffered, parliaments were
the leaders of parties, unions, and business Rise: Political Divergence of the Christian not established, and political instability
associations, and the military. A major West and the Muslim World before 1550 increased. Thus, ironically, sultans had
innovation in Democracies and Dictatorships CE.” American Political Science Review. shorter reigns and were more likely to be
in Latin America is the authors’ focus on overthrown.
the extent to which these actors favor Some articles are great because they answer
democracy as an intrinsically desirable end an old question decisively, other articles Blaydes and Chaney attempt to
-- whether they believe that democracy is are great because they provide a new demonstrate their thesis with a major new
the best political regime even if it does not perspective on an old question and provide dataset which codes the lengths of reigns of
favor their substantive economic interests. new data for analyzing that question in a the vast majority of rulers in Europe and the
The second explanatory factor in the book is way that opens up debate. “The Feudal Near East and geocodes the borders of the
the international environment. Notably, the Revolution” by Blaydes and Chaney is this polities these rulers controlled. They also
authors disentangle the effects of regional later type of article. employ a series of clever experiments using
regime diffusion from the consequences of the timing of change and regional variation
the shift toward democracy promotion in Many scholars have puzzled over why the in the patterns to test the plausibility of
American foreign policy. Muslim world was politically, militarily their preferred explanation versus other
and technologically superior to Europe in explanations.
Democracies and Dictatorships in Latin earlier periods, but later fell behind. Many
America also makes an impressive scholars have also debated why Europe (or No one article can adequately deal with all

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the complexities of 1,000 years of history progressive in advancing human rights praise students and do not challenge
over such a broad region of the world. As law, particularly toward the protection of problems existing in the current system.
we read we kept on thinking of alternative victims of gender-based violence. Lake Themes of nationalism further undermine
explanations such as the Gregorian legal finds that the weak state presence in the the crafting of an entrepreneurial citizen.
reforms circa 1050-1080, the timing of DRC has allowed international NGOs Jones’s fieldwork involved the deployment
when the Byzantines were being defeated to directly encourage courts in the realm of an impressive set of methods—
or ruled by Venetian invaders (which of human rights law and protection ethnography, interviews, and a survey
can shorten lengths of reigns), etc. We for victims of violence. The selection of approximately 2000 Emirati high-
also wished for more precise data about committee was deeply impressed with school students. It provides an exemplar
the actual implementation of feudalism Lake’s fieldwork on several fronts. Lake of multi-method fieldwork technique and
and other competing explanations. But spent over a year in the DRC collecting data triangulation. Jones’s research thus
what impressed us was that Blaydes and original court documents, observing court represents a significant contribution to
Chaney provided data that could allow us proceedings, conducting interviews and scholarship on the political sociology of
to plausibly make comparisons over such focus groups, and administering a survey citizens and the state.
a long period of time, over such diverse among victims of gender-based violence.
settings; and that they made their argument She additionally spent several months Best Paper Award: Christian Houle
in such an elegant and clever way. While conducting comparative fieldwork on the (Michigan State University), for “Ethnic
this article will not shut down any of the same issues in South Africa. The committee Inequality and the Dismantling of
debates it takes on, it will hopefully get was particularly impressed by her drive to Democracy: Evidence from Sub-Saharan
scholars thinking about new factors that represent under-studied populations in Africa”
may have influenced the rise of parliaments comparative research and her simultaneous
and the rule of law and scurrying to find awareness of the risks of re-traumatization. This year’s award committee included
additional data to test these and other For these many reasons, we are pleased Olukunle P. Owolabi (Villanova University)
explanations even more rigorously. We look to name Milli Lake the receipt of the (chair), Carlos Gervasoni (Universidad
forward to the debate. 2014 Best Fieldwork Award from the Torcuato Di Tella), Maya Tudor (Blavatnik
Comparative Democratization Section. School of Government).
Best Field Work Award: Milli Lake
(Arizona State University) The 2014 selection committee is also Committee Remarks on the Award
Honorable Mention: Calvert Jones (City pleased to award Calvert Jones with Winner: We found Houle’s paper to be
College of New York) an Honorable Mention for her deeply particularly innovative, as he develops new
innovative, multi-method fieldwork indicators to measure ethnic inequality
This year’s award committee included conducted in the United Arab Emirates. (between group inequality) and class
Adam Auerbach (University of Notre Jones’s dissertation, “Bedouins into inequality (within-group inequality) in
Dame) (chair), Sarah Parkinson (University Bourgeois? Social Engineering for a 14 Sub-Saharan democracies, from 1980
of Minnesota), and Jill Schwedler (Hunter Market Economy in the United Arab to 2005. His main finding, that ethnic
College). Emirates,” examines how state leaders inequality is particularly harmful for
attempt to craft more entrepreneurial democracy when class inequality is low,
Committee Remarks on the Award and innovative citizens who are ready to contributes to social science literature on
Winners: The 2014 selection committee compete economically while at the same ethnicity, inequality, and democratization.
has very enthusiastically selected Milli time being less reliant on the state and less This paper has a tremendous amount
Lake to receive the Best Fieldwork Award likely to engage in contentious political of potential, although there are still one
from the Comparative Democratization action. To these ends, leaders have brought or two methodological ambiguities that
Section of APSA for her dissertation, “The in international teachers and organizations need to be worked out. We are pleased to
Politics of Punishment: Politics, Power and to educate and construct a new UAE award Christian Houle the best paper in
the State in Judicial Responses to Gender citizen. Jones’s research, however, reveals comparative democratization, and we look
Violence in the Democratic Republic a critical unforeseen consequence—these forward to seeing this article in print in the
of Congo and South Africa.” Situated efforts of social engineering have served to near future.”
in an environment of dramatic violence, further encourage attitudes of entitlement
social conflict, and weak state institutions, and suppress entrepreneurism. Fearing
Congolese courts have been remarkably dismissal, teachers and staff excessively

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NEWS FROM MEMBERS: riots, and protests. However, as long as available at www.systemicpeace.org.
Claire L. Adida, assistant professor of democracy is functioning above a minimal
political science, University of California level, the political protest that results from Javier Corrales, professor and chair of
San Diego, Gwyneth McClendon, NGO activity is not generally incompatible political science, Amherst College, and
assistant professor of government, with democracy. Michael Penfold published “Manipulating
Harvard University, Eric Kramon, and Term Limits in Latin America” in the
Jessica Gottlieb won the Experiments Michael Bratton, University Distinguished October 2014 Journal of Democracy, in
in Governance and Politics Network Professor of Political Science, Michigan which the authors examine how the
Regranting Initiative Award for a project State University, published Power Politics in relaxation or elimination of presidential
entitled “Can Common Knowledge Zimbabwe (Lynne Rienner, 2014). The book term limits in many Latin American
Improve Common Goods? A Field analyzes Zimbabwe’s failed power-sharing countries have impacted democracy in the
Experiment in an African Democracy.” experience, examines its institutional region. Corrales was also awarded a Five
origins, and explains its demise. Bratton College Digital Humanities grant to help
Naazneen H. Barma, assistant professor of and Carolyn Logan published “From develop the first ever timeline of LGBT
national security affairs, Naval Postgraduate Elections to Accountability in Africa,” in rights in the Americas.
School, Elisabeth Huybens, and Lorean the July 2014 Governance in Africa.
Viñuela edited Institutions Taking Root: Jonathan Fox, professor of international
Building State Capacity in Challenging Archie Brown, Emeritus Professor of service, American University, published
Contexts (World Bank, 2014). Drawing Politics at the University of Oxford, is a working paper entitled “Social
on mixed-method empirical research coauthor (with Stephen Whitefield) of “The Accountability: What Does the Evidence
carried out on nine public agencies in Lao Study of Communist and Post-Communist Really Say?” in September 2014 for
PDR, Sierra Leone, The Gambia, and Politics” in Forging a Discipline: A Critical the Global Partnership for Social
Timor Leste, this volume identifies the Assessment of Oxford’s Development of the Accountability.
shared causal mechanisms underpinning Study of Politics and International Relations
institutional success in fragile states by in Comparative Perspective, edited by Elisabeth Gidengil, Hiram Mills
examining the inner workings of these Christopher Hood, Desmond King, and Professor of Political Science, McGill
institutions, along with the external Gillian Peele and published by Oxford University, and Ekrem Karakoç, assistant
operational environment and sociopolitical University Press in 2014. Professor Brown professor of political science, Binghamton
context in which they exist. has been elected to the Council of the University, SUNY, published “Which
British Academy. Matters More in the Electoral Success of
Michael Bernhard, Raymond and Miriam Islamist (Successor) Parties—Religion or
Ehrlich Chair of Political Science, Lena Bustikova, assistant professor Performance?” in a forthcoming issue of
University of Florida, and Keith of politics and global studies, Arizona Party Politics (but now available online).
Weghorst published a piece entitled State University, published “Revenge of The authors examine whether the electoral
“From Formlessness to Structure? The the Radical Right” in the October 2014 success of Islamist parties depends on the
Institutionalization of Competitive Party Comparative Political Studies, in which support of religious voters or more to their
Systems in Africa” in the October 2014 the author presents a new theory of the performance in dealing with key political
Comparative Political Studies. success and failure of radical right parties and economic issues.
that emphasizes their reactive natures and
Carew Boulding, assistant professor of views them as backlash against the political Kenneth F. Greene, associate professor of
political science, University of Colorado at successes of minorities and concessions government, University of Texas at Austin, is
Boulder, published NGOs, Political Protest, extracted on their behalf. spending the 2014-15 academic year as the
and Civil Society (Cambridge University Chair of Excellence and visiting professor
Press, 2014), in which she argues that Benjamin R. Cole, assistant professor at the Juan March Institute-Carlos III
NGOs have an important effect on of political science and international University in Madrid. He also published
political participation in the developing relations, Simmons College, and Monty a new article, “Making Clientelism Work:
world and finds that in countries where Marshall “Global Report 2014: Conflict, How Norms of Reciprocity Increase Voter
democratic institutions are weak, NGOs Governance, and State Fragility” in June Compliance” (with Chappell Lawson) in
encourage much more contentious political 2014. This report includes an updated the October 2014 Comparative Politics.
participation, including demonstrations, edition of the State Fragility Index and is

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Section News

Samuel Greene, acting dean of King’s Cooperation, Conflict, and the Consequences readers: Political Extremism (SAGE, 2014,
Global Institutes, and director of King’s (Cambridge University Press, 2014), in 4 volumes) and Youth and the Extreme Right
Russia Institute, King’s College London, which she explores what religious and (IDEBATE, 20114).
published Moscow in Movement: Power political authority want from one another,
and Opposition in Putin’s Russia (Stanford how they negotiate the terms of their Joan M. Nelson’s article, “Will Malaysia
University Press, 2014). The book traces relationship, and how cooperative or Follow the Path of Taiwan and Mexico?”
the evolution of the relationship between conflicting their interactions are in Russia was published in the July 2014 Journal of
citizens and the Russian state beginning and China. Democracy. The article notes the considerable
in 2005 and running through the summer similarities between the dominant party
of 2013 and finds an active citizenry that Carl Levan, assistant professor of systems and their unraveling in Taiwan
struggles to gain traction against a ruling international service, American University, and Mexico before 2000 and Malaysia
elite that would prefer to ignore them. published Dictators and Democracy in before 2008, and then explores causes for
African Development: The Political Economy Malaysia’s contrasting trajectory in recent
Mary Alice Haddad, associate professor of Good Governance in Nigeria (Cambridge years.
of government, Wesleyan University, University Press) in October 2014. He also
contributed a chapter entitled “Paradoxes of published “I Am Here Until Development Sebastián Royo, professor of government,
Democratisation: Environmental Politics in Comes: Displacements, Demolitions, and Suffolk University, published “Spain After
East Asia” to the book Routledge Handbook Property Rights in Urbanizing Nigeria” the Fiesta” in Europe Today, 5th Edition
of Environment and Society in Asia, edited with Josiah Olubowale in the July 2014 (Rowman and Littlefield), edited by Ronald
by Paul Harris and Graeme Lang and African Affairs. Tiersky and Erik Jones, in June 2014. He
published by Routledge in 2014. also published “Institutional Degeneration
Staffan I. Lindberg, professor of political and the Economic Crisis in Spain” in a July
Henry Hale, associate professor of science, University of Gothenburg, 2014 special issue of American Behavioral
political science and international affairs, was awarded “Best Article Prize” for Scientist entitled “The Economic Crisis
George Washington University, published “Mapping Accountability: Core Concept from Within: Evidence from Southern
Patronal Politics: Eurasian Regime Dynamics and Subtypes,” which was published in Europe,” edited by Anna Zamora-Kapoor
in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge International Review of Administrative and Xavier Coller.
University Press, 2014). The book examines Sciences in 2013. He is also the coauthor
how in countries where the rule of law is of “A New Approach to Measuring Howard Sanborn, associate professor of
weak and corruption is pervasive democratic Democracy” in the July 2014 Journal of international studies and political science,
or authoritarian breakthroughs are often Democracy. Virginia Military Institute, and Clayton
merely predictable phases in longer-term L. Thyne, associate professor of political
cyclic dynamics, or patronal politics. Devra Moehler, assistant professor of science and director of the Peace Studies
communication, Annenberg School for Program, University of Kentucky, published
Jonathan Hartlyn, KR Reckford Professor Communications at the University of “Learning Democracy: Education and
of Political Science, University of North Pennsylvania, and Jeffrey Conroy-Krutz the Fall of Authoritarian Regimes” in the
Carolina at Chapel Hill, Jana Morgan, won the American Political Science October 2014 British Journal of Political
assistant professor of political science, Association’s Best Paper Award for the Science. The authors consider how levels of
University of Tennessee, Alissandra T. experimental section and an honorable education influence democratization and
Stoyan, Sara Niedzwiecki, and Rosario mention for the comparative politics under what conditions education is most
Espinal published “Trust in Government section’s Sage Best Paper Award for their likely to promote democracy.
Institutions: The Effects of Performance work on “Mobilization by the Media? A
and Participation in the Dominican field Experiment on Partisan Media Effects Eve Sandberg, associate professor of
Republic and Haiti” in a forthcoming issue in Africa.” politics, Oberlin College, and Kenza
of International Political Science Review. Aqertit published Moroccan Women,
Cas Mudde was promoted to associate Activists and Gender Politics: An Institutional
Karrie J. Koesel, assistant professor of professor with tenure in the department Analysis (Rowman and Littlefield, 2014).
political science, University of Oregon, of international affairs at the University Using both feminist and institutionalist
published Religion and Authoritarianism: of Georgia. He recently published two approaches, Sandberg and Aqertit explore

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Vol. 12 No. 3 Comparative Democratization N ov ember 2014

Section News

how in twenty-five years Moroccan Alberto Simpser, associate professor of Indonesia’s Accountability Deficit in
women activists altered their national political science, Instituto Tecnologico Historical Perspective” in the June 2014
gender institution to improve substantially Autonomo de Mexico, won the Sage Best Critical Asian Studies.
the lives of all Moroccan women. They Paper Award at the American Political
operationalize and offer an institutional Science Association’s 2014 annual meeting Jan Teorell, professor of political science,
template for studying change in national in Washington, D.C., for his paper on “The Lund University, received a Fernand
gender institutions that can be adopted by Intergenerational Persistence of Attitudes Braudel Senior Fellowship to spend a
practitioners and scholars in other country Towards Corruption.” The prize is awarded sabbatical year at the European University
settings. to the best paper in the field of comparative Institute in Florence for the 2015-2016
politics presented at the previous year’s academic year. Teorell, Staffan I. Lindberg,
Scot Schraufnagel, associate professor APSA annual meeting. professor of political science, University of
of political science, Northern Illinois Gothenburg, John Gerring, professor of
University, Michael Buehler, lecturer in Svend-Erik Skaaning, professor of political political science, Boston University, and
comparative politics, University of London’s science, Aarhus University, has been Michael Coppedge, professor of political
School of Oriental and African Studies, and awarded the Aarhus School of Business and science, University of Notre Dame,
Maureen Lowry-Fritz published “Voter Social Sciences Award for young, talented published “V-Dem: A New Way to
Turnout in Democratizing Southeast researchers. Moreover, together with Jørgen Measure Democracy” in the July 2014
Asia: A comparative Analysis of Electoral Møller he has published The Rule of Law: Journal of Democracy.
Participation in Five Countries” in the July Definitions, Measures, Patterns, and Causes
2014 Taiwan Journal of Democracy. (Palgrave). Skaaning has also released the Tariq Thachil, assistant professor of
Civil Liberties Dataset (CLD), offering political science, Yale University, published
David Siroky, assistant professor of indicators of freedom of expression, Elite Parties, Poor Voters: How Social Services
political science, Arizona State University, freedom of assembly and association, Win Votes in India (Cambridge University
published two new articles: “Principle freedom of movement, and freedom of Press, 2014). The book examines why poor
and Prudence: Rousseau on Property and religion for all countries in the world from voters vote against their material interests
Inequality” with Hans-Joerg Sigwart in 1976 to 2010. The coding procedures and in developing democracies, and the use
the October 2014 Polity and “External other information are described in detail of social services to win votes, through a
Rebel Sponsorship and Civilian Abuse: in “Respect for Civil Liberties during the mixture of qualitative fieldwork and survey
A Principal Agent Analysis of Wartime Third Wave of Democratization: Presenting data from India. Thachil also published an
Atrocities” with Reed Wood in the summer a New Dataset,” which appears in the July article based on this book, entitled “Elite
2014 International Organization. 2014 Social Indicators Research (co-authored Parties, Poor Voters: Theory and Evidence
with Jørgen Møller). from India,” which appeared in the May
During the summer of 2014, Siroky was 2014 American Political Science Review.
a visiting researcher at the University of Dan Slater, associate professor of
Bern, Switzerland, where he completed a political science, University of Chicago, Henry Thomson, Ph.D. candidate,
project on Jurassic separatism with Micahel Benjamin Smith, associate professor of department of political science, University
Hechter. He was also a guest lecturer at Yale political science, University of Florida, of Minnesota, joined Nuffield College,
University’s Summer Program in Prague, and Gautam Nair published “Economic Oxford, as a Postdoctoral Prize Research
Czech Republic, at Qafqaz University in Origins of Democratic Breakdown? The Fellow in September. He published
Baku, Azerbaijan, and at the Hertie School Redistributive Model and the Postcolonial “Landholding Inequality, Political Strategy
of Governance in Berlin, Germany. From State” in the June 2014 Perspectives on and Authoritarian Repression: Structure
September 2014 to September 2017, he Politics. and Agency in Bismarck’s Second Founding
will be the co-principle investigator on a of the German Empire” in the June 2014
$980,000 National Science Foundation Slater also published “The Elements of Studies in Comparative International
grant called “Religious Infusion and Surprise: Assessing Burma’s Double- Development.
Asymmetric Group Conflict” with Carolyn Edged Détente” in the June 2014 South
Warner and Steven Neuberg. East Asia Research and “Unbuilding Blocs: Guillermo Trejo, associate professor of
political science, University of Notre Dame,
published “The Ballot and the Street: An

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Vol. 12 No. 3 Comparative Democratization N ov ember 2014

New Research

Electoral Theory of Social Protest in “From Politics to Protest” by Ivan Krastev 2014 were not an “earthquake,” but they did
Autocracies” in the June 2014 Perspectives on The protests that have been erupting around signal that Euroskeptic parties are drawing
Politics. Trejo shows that the introduction the world may signal the twilight of both the closer to the European political mainstream.
of multiparty elections in a wide variety of idea of revolution and the notion of political
autocracies around the world gave rise to reformism. II. “The Missing Debate” by João Carlos
major cycles of protest and discusses why Espada
the relationship between the ballot and the India’s Watershed Vote Disagreements over how much power should
street is a crucial factor for understanding I. “Behind Modi’s Victory” by Eswaran reside in Brussels must be allowed to become
the dynamics of stability and change of Sridharan a normal aspect of debates about European
authoritarian regimes. India’s sixteenth general election ushered in affairs.
a new era in the country’s politics, putting
Ashutosh Varshney, Sol Goldman Narendra Modi and the BJP firmly in charge. Indonesia’s 2014 Elections
Professor of International Studies and What accounts for the sharp swing away from I. “Parliament and Patronage” by Edward
the Social Sciences, Brown University, the long-dominant Congress party? Aspinall
published “Hindu Nationalism in Power?” Indonesia’s 2014 legislative elections went
in the October 2014 Journal of Democracy, II. “Hindu Nationalism in Power?” by smoothly. Yet the “money politics” that featured
in which he examines whether India Ashutosh Varshney so heavily in these contests suggests a grave
under the BJP will see a period of renewed Will India under the BJP see a period of need to reform the country’s electoral system.
communal violence or if Hindu-nationalist renewed communal violence, or will Hindu-
politicians will be reined in by constitutional nationalist politicians be reined in by II. “How Jokowi Won and Democracy
constraints and their desire to stay in power. constitutional constraints and their desire to Survived” by Marcus Mietzner
Varshney’s book Battles Half Won: India’s stay in power? Indonesians came close to electing as their
Improbable Democracy (Penguin, 2013) will new president a populist challenger promising
be out in paperback in October 2014. III. “What It Means for the Economy” by to restore the country’s predemocratic order.
Rajiv Kumar Democracy prevailed in the end, but its
Rebecca Weitz-Shapiro, Stanley J. Modi promised “good days” to aspiring young continued vulnerability was exposed.
Bernstein Assistant Professor of Political Indians, and they voted for him in droves.
Science, Brown University, published But he is off to a slow start in carrying out External Influences and Democratization
Curbing Clientelism in Argentina: Politics, the economic reforms necessary to ensure that I. “Gatekeepers and Linkages” by Jakob
Poverty, and Social Policy (Cambridge U better days lie ahead. Tolstrup
Press, Oct 2014), in which she argues Levitsky and Way’s account of linkage and
that the combination of a growing middle IV. “The Risks Ahead” by Sumit Ganguly leverage leaves out the key role of “gatekeeper”
class and intense political competition can Will the Modi government focus on the elites.
create incentives for local politicians to stop economy, or will it seek to implement a
using clientelism. The book uses evidence transformational Hindu-nationalist agenda? II. “The Revenge of Geopolitics” by Ghia
from field work, a dataset on social policy Nodia
implementation in a large sample of “Growth, Security, and Democracy in Advancing the democratic cause is threatening
Argentine municipalities, and a survey Africa” by Richard Joseph to autocrats and they will fight back.
experiment to support its claims. Democracy’s fortunes rose in Africa in the
1990s, but more recently have been in retreat. III. “Structure vs. Choice” by Steven
The forces of democratic resurgence remain Levitsky and Lucan Way
N ew R esearch in play, however, as a look at the key case of Linkage and leverage largely reflect long-
Nigeria suggests. term structural factors, and only in certain
Journal of Democracy situations can they be affected by policy choices.
Euroskepticism Arrives
The October 2014 (Vol. 25, no. 4) Journal I. “Marginal No More” by Liubomir
of Democracy features clusters of articles Topaloff
on India, Euroskepticism, Indonesia’s The European Parliament elections of May
2014 elections, and external influence and
democratization.

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Vol. 12 No. 3 Comparative Democratization N ov ember 2014

New Research

“Manipulating Term Limits in Latin Western commentators—portray Ukraine as a Mistake” by Jan Erk and Wouter Veenendaal
America” by Javier Corrales and Michael hotbed of nationalist extremism. The truth is Tiny countries have come in for praise as
Penfold quite different. miniature models of democracy, but closer
More and more Latin American countries have examination tells a mainly more somber tale.
sought to relax or even eliminate presidential VI. “Oligarchs, Corruption, and European
term limits. What are the consequences for Integration” by Anders Åslund “El Salvador’s Beleaguered Democracy” by
democracy? Controlling corruption is a huge challenge Forrest D. Colburn and Arturo Cruz S.
for Ukraine, especially in the natural-gas In February 2014, Salvadorans narrowly
The July 2014 (Vol. 25, no. 3) Journal of industry. The steps needed are well understood, elected as president a former FMLN guerrilla
Democracy features a cluster of articles if only the political will to take them can be commander, but he will have to deal with a
on “The Maidan and Beyond,” as well as summoned. dire economy and horrific levels of crime.
individual case studies on Malaysia, Russia,
and El Salvador. VII. “The Russia Factor” by Lilia Shevtsova “V-Dem: A New Way to Measure
The regime of Vladimir Putin has been a key Democracy” by Staffan I. Lindberg,
“The End of the Transitions Era?” by Marc driver of the crisis in Ukraine. Under challenge Michael Coppedge, John Gerring, Jan
F. Plattner at home for several years now, it turned to Teorell, et al.
Regime change will always be a feature of Ukraine in part to firm up its own grip on In order to mark democracy’s progress and to
political life, but we are unlikely to see again power in Russia. inform policy, we need to be able to measure
transitions to democracy on the scale of the “the democracy in sufficient detail. The V-Dem
wave.” VIII. “Finding Ukraine” by Nadia Diuk Project aims to deliver exactly such a tool.
Ukrainians flocked to the Maidan to express
The Maidan and Beyond a “choice for Europe,” but they may also have Democratization
I. “The House That Yanukovych Built” by forged the beginnings of a new Ukrainian
Serhiy Kudelia identity. The Volume 21, no. 5 (2014) issue of
The events surrounding the EuroMaidan Democratization is a special issue on
cannot be understood apart from the preceding “Gay Rights: Why Democracy Matters” by “Inequalities and Democracy in Southeast
five years of increasingly corrupt and Omar G. Encarnación Asia.”
authoritarian rule. The year 2013 featured unprecedented strides
for gay rights in some parts of the world, “Inequalities and Democracy in Southeast
II. “Civil Society and Democratization” by particularly in Western Europe and the Asia” by Aurel Croissant and Jeffrey Haynes
Lucan Way Americas, but also startling setbacks elsewhere,
Despite the spirit of participation that as in Russia and some countries in Africa. “Explaining Myanmar’s Regime Transition:
characterized the Maidan, organized civil The Periphery Is Central” by Lee Jones
society groups were not a key factor. “Will Malaysia Follow the Path of Taiwan
and Mexico?” by Joan Nelson “Health Care and Democratization in
III. “Who Were the Protestors?” by Olga The hegemonic-party systems of Taiwan and Indonesia” by Edward Aspinall
Onuch Mexico began to loosen in the 1980s, eventually
Survey data reveal the makeup of the crowds yielding to democracy. Malaysia’s ruling party, “Civil Society Activism and Political
in the Maidan and the factors that motivated by contrast, has tightened the reins of power in Parties in Malaysia: Differences over Local
them to take part in the protests. the face of increasing opposition. Representation” by Garry Rodan

IV. “The Media’s Role” by Sergii Leshchenko “Russia’s Nationalists Flirt with Democracy” “Considerations on Inequality and Politics
Media, both new and traditional and both by Pål Kolstø in Thailand” by Kevin Hewison
Russian and Ukrainian, played a major role Russia has witnessed a growing rapprochement
in the EuroMaidan story from the very outset. between some of its nationalists and some of “Of Inequality and Irritation: New Agendas
its democrats, but this trend is threatened by and Activism in Malaysia and Singapore”
V. “Ukraine’s Radical Right” by Anton divisions over the annexation of Crimea. by Meredith L. Weiss
Shekhovtsov and Andreas Umland
Russian propagandists—echoed by some “Is Small Really Beautiful? The Microstate “Exploring the Impact of Mass Cultural

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Vol. 12 No. 3 Comparative Democratization N ov ember 2014

New Research

Changes on the Patterns of Democratic American Political Science Review, Vol. “Occupations as a Site of Political
Reform” by Kavita Heijstek-Ziemann 108, no. 2, May 2014 Preference Formation” by Herbert Kitschelt
“Can Descriptive Representation Change and Philipp Rehm
“The External-Domestic Interplay in Beliefs about a Stigmatized Group?
Democracy Promotion: A Case Study on Evidence from Rural India” by Simon “From Formlessness to Structure? The
Public Administration Reform in Croatia” Chauchard Institutionalization of Competitive Party
by Lisa Groß and Sonja Grimm Systems in Africa” by Keith R. Weghorst
“Social Policy and Regime Legitimacy: The and Michael Bernhard
“Democracy Promotion between the Effects of Education Reform in China” by “Revenge of the Radical Right” by Lenka
‘Political’ and the ‘Developmental’ Xiaobo Lü Bustikova
Approach: US and German Policies
towards Belarus” by Azar Babayev “Elite Parties and Poor Voters: Theory and Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 47, no.
Evidence from India” by Tariq Thachil 11, September 2014
“Recrafting the National Imaginary and “Pocketbook Protests: Explaining the
the New ‘Vanguardism’” by Brian D. Shoup Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Emergence of Pro-Democracy Protests
and Carolyn E. Holmes Vol. 47, no. 2, June 2014 Worldwide” by Dawn Brancati
“Kim Jong-il’s Military-First Politics and
SELECTED JOURNAL ARTICLES Beyond: Military Control Mechanisms “Multicultural Policy and Political Support
ON DEMOCRACY and the Problem of Power Succession” by in European Democracies” by Jack Citrin,
Jongseok Woo Morris Levy, and Matthew Wright
African Affairs, Vol. 113, no. 452, July 2014
“When Kleptocracy Becomes Insolvent: “Assessing the Leadership Transition in “Voter Polarization, Strength of Partisanship,
Brute Causes of the Civil War in South North Korea: Using Network Analysis and Support for Extremist Parties” by
Sudan” by Alex de Waal of Field Inspections, 1997–2012” by John Lawrence Ezrow, Margit Tavits, and
Ishiyama Jonathan Homola
“‘Do Not Cross the Red Line’: The 2010
General Elections, Dissent, and Political “Re-Evaluating Democratic Revolutions, “Refining the Oil Curse: Country-Level
Mobilization in Urban Ethiopia” by Marco Nationalism and Organized Crime in Evidence From Exogenous Variations in
Di Nunzio Ukraine from a Comparative Perspective” Resource Income” by Yu-Ming Liou and
by Taras Kuzio Paul Musgrave
“Briefing: Benin: Challenges for Democracy”
by Richard Banégas “From the Provinces to the Parliament: Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 47, no.
How the Ukrainian Radical Right Mobilized 10, September 2014
American Political Science Review, Vol. in Galicia” by Alina Polyakova “When Do Political Parties Protest
108, no. 3, August 2014 Election Results?” by Svitlana Chernykh
“Is Voter Competence Good for Voters?: “An Anatomy of Mass Protests: The Orange
Information, Rationality, and Democratic Revolution and Euromaydan Compared” “Veto Players and the Value of Political
Performance” by Scott Ashworth and by Irina Khmelko and Yevgen Pereguda Control: A Theory With Evidence From
Ethan Bueno de Mesquita Energy Privatization” by David Szakonyi
“Was Tito’s Yugoslavia Totalitarian?” by and Johannes Urpelainen
“Terrorism and Voting: The Effect of Rocket Sergej Flere and Rudi Klanjšek
Threat on Voting in Israeli Elections” by “Improving Social Well-Being Through
Anna Getmansky and Thomas Zeitzoff Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 47, no. New Democratic Institutions” by Michael
12, October 2014 Touchton and Brian Wampler
“Show Me the Money: Interjurisdiction “Labor Shortages, Rural Inequality, and
Political Competition and Fiscal Extraction Democratization” by Martin Ardanaz and
in China” by Xiaobo Lü and Pierre F. Isabela Mares
Landry

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Vol. 12 No. 3 Comparative Democratization N ov ember 2014

New Research

Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 47, no. “Making Clientelism Work: How Norms East European Politics, Vol. 30, no. 3, 2014
9, August 2014 of Reciprocity Increase Voter Compliance” “Party Regulation and Party Politics in
“Distributive Politics in a Multiparty by Chappell Lawson and Kenneth F. Post-Communist Europe” by Fernando
System: The Conditional Cash Transfer Greene Casal Bértoa and Ingrid van Biezen
Program in Turkey” by S. Erdem Aytaç
“An Informational Theory of Campaign “Party Regulation and the Conditioning
“Oil, Democracy, and Context: A Meta- Clientelism: The Case of Peru” by Paula of Small Political Parties: Evidence from
Analysis” by Anar K. Ahmadov Muñoz Bulgaria” by Ekaterina R. Rashkova and
Maria Spirova
“Electoral Gender Quotas: A Conceptual Comparative Politics, Vol. 46, no. 4, July
Analysis” by Mona Lena Krook 2014 “Regulating Polish Politics: ‘Cartel’
“Unexpected Brokers of Mobilization: Parties in a Non-Collusive Party System”
“Partisan Politics and Privatization in by Fernando Casal Bértoa and Marcin
OECD Countries” by Herbert Obinger, Contingency and Networks in the 2011 Walecki
Carina Schmitt, and Reimut Zohlnhöfer Egyptian Uprising” by Killian Clarke
“Limits of Regulation: Party Law and
“How Populist Are the People? Measuring “Institutional Formation in Transitional Finance in Slovakia 1990–2012” by
Populist Attitudes in Voters” by Agnes Settings” by Nadya Hajj Fernando Casal Bértoa, Kevin Deegan-
Akkerman, Cas Mudde, and Andrej Krause, and Peter Ucen
Zaslove “Reassessing Collective Petitioning in
Rural China: Civic Engagement, Extra- “When Permissiveness Constrains: Money,
Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 47, no. State Violence, and Regional Variation” by Regulation and the Development of Party
8, July 2014 William Hurst, Mingxing Liu, Yongdong Politics in the Czech Republic (1989–
“Who Votes in Latin America? A Test of Liu, and Ran Tao 2012)” by Tim Haughton
Three Theoretical Perspectives” by Miguel
Carreras and Néstor Castañeda-Angarita “Persuade Them or Oust Them: Crafting “Engineering Party Competition in a
Judicial Change and Transitional Justice in New Democracy: Post-Communist Party
“Breaking Out of the Coup Trap: Political Argentina” by Ezequiel González Ocantos Regulation in Romania” by Marina Popescu
Competition and Military Coups in Latin and Sorina Soare
America” by Fabrice Lehoucq and Aníbal Demokratizatsiya, Vol. 22, no. 3, Summer
Pérez-Liñán 2014 “From Party Cartel to One-Party Dominance.
“Reaffirming Russia’s Remote Control: The Case of Institutional Failure”by Gabriella
“Recentralization and the Left Turn in Exploring Kremlin Influence on Television Ilonszki and Réka Várnagy
Latin America: Diverging Outcomes in Coverage of Russian-Japanese Relations
Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela” by Kent and the Southern Kuril Islands Territorial International Political Science Review, Vol.
Eaton Dispute” by Tina Burrett 35, no. 4, September 2014
“A Cross-National Analysis of the Guarantees
“Exogenous Shocks and Democratic “Domestic Power Relations and Russia’s of Rights” by Udi Sommer and Victor Asal
Accountability: Evidence From the Foreign Policy” by Marcin Kaczmarski
Caribbean” by Karen L. Remmer “Bringing the Military Back In: The
“Georgia between Dominant-Power Politics, Politicisation of the Military and Its Effect
Comparative Politics, Vol. 47, no. 1, Feckless Pluralism, and Democracy” by on Democratic Consolidation” by Rollin F.
October 2014 Christofer Berglund Tusalem
“Varieties of Populism in a Changing
Global Context: The Divergent Paths of “Beyond the Transition Paradigm: A
Erdogan and Kirchnerismo” by S. Erdem Research Agenda for Authoritarian
Aytaç and Ziya Öniş Consolidation” by Thomas Ambrosio

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Vol. 12 No. 3 Comparative Democratization N ov ember 2014

New Research

International Political Science Review, Vol. Perspective Through the Argentine Case” Middle East Journal, Vol. 68, no. 3,
35, no. 3, June 2014 by S.J. Rodrigo Zarazaga Summer 2014
“The Legal Regulation of Political Parties: “Saddam and the Islamists: The Ba‘thist
Contesting or Promoting Legitimacy?” “Indigenous Autonomy and the Regime’s Instrumentalization of Religion
by Ekaterina R Rashkova and Ingrid van Contradictions of Plurinationalism in in Foreign Affairs” by Samuel Helfont
Biezen Bolivia” by Jason Tockman and John
Cameron “The Cost of Belonging: Citizenship
“Regulation of Political Parties and Party Construction in the State of Qatar” by
Functions in Malawi: Incentive Structures “Outsiders and Executive-Legislative Conflict Zahra R. Babar
and the Selective Application of the Rules” in Latin America” by Miguel Carreras
by Lars Svåsand “The Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic
“Loyalty and Disloyalty in the Mexican Development and Its Activities in African
“Shaping Parties’ Legitimacy: Internal Party System” by Yann P. Kerevel Countries, 1961–2010” by Benyan Turki
Regulations and Membership Organisations
in Post-Communist Europe” by Sergiu Latin American Politics and Society, Vol. Middle East Journal, Vol. 68, no. 2, Spring
Gherghina 56, no. 2, Summer 2014 2014
“Why Party Organization Still Matters: “The Pashtunistan Issue and Politics in
“Political Legitimacy, Fragmentation and The Workers’ Party in Northeastern Brazil” Afghanistan, 1947–1952” by Faridullah
the Rise of Party-Formation Costs in by Brandon Van Dyck Bezhan

Contemporary Latin America” by Gerardo “Inching Toward Accountability: The “Pakistan and Saudi Arabia: Deference,
Scherlis Evolution of Brazil’s Anticorruption Dependence, and Deterrence” by Marvin
Institutions, 1985–2010” by Sérgio Praça G. Weinbaum, Abdullah B. Khurram
“Legitimising Political Party and Matthew M. Taylor
Representation: Party Law Development “Tribal Politics in Contemporary Jordan:
in Latin America” by Fransje Molenaar “Explaining Electoral Volatility in Latin The Case of the Hirak Movement” by Sean
America: Evidence at the Party Level” by L. Yom
“The World Upside Down: Delegitimising Yen-Pin Su
Political Finance Regulation” by Fernando Middle East Policy, Vol. 21, no. 2, Summer
Casal Bértoa, Fransje Molenaar, Daniela R “Multicultural Institutions, Distributional 2014
Piccio, and Ekaterina R Rashkova Politics, and Postelectoral Mobilization in “Why Hassan Rouhani Won Iran’s 2013
Indigenous Mexico” by Todd A. Eisenstadt Presidential Election” by Clifton W. Sherrill
Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 52, and Viridiana Ríos
no. 3, September 2014 “Jordan since the Uprisings: Between
“The Fall of a Donor Darling: The Role of “Hooking Workers and Hooking Votes: Change and Stability” by Nur Köprülü
Aid in Mali’s Crisis” by Isaline Bergamaschi Enganche, Suffrage, and Labor Market
Dualism in Latin America” by Matthew E. “Peacemaking and Political Survival in
“The Politics and Crisis of the Petroleum Carnes S.J. Sadat’s Egypt” by Albert B. Wolf
Industry Bill in Nigeria” by Marc-Antoine
Pérouse de Montclos “Assessing Candidates at Home and Party Politics, Vol. 20, no. 5, September
Abroad: A Comparative Analysis of 2014
“Gender Equality in African Customary Colombian Expatriates in the 2010 “Dominant Party Rule and Legislative
Law: Has the Male Ultimogeniture Rule Presidential Elections” by Cristina Escobar, Leadership in Authoritarian Regimes” by
Any Future in Botswana?” by Charles Renelinda Arana, and James A. McCann Ora John Reuter and Rostislav Turovsky
Manga Fombad
“Countering Convergence: Agency and “Party System Competitiveness and
Latin American Politics and Society, Vol. Diversity Among Guatemalan NGOs” by Corruption” by Petra Schleiter and Alisa M
56, no. 3, Fall 2014 Erin Beck Voznaya
“Brokers Beyond Clientelism: A New

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Vol. 12 No. 3 Comparative Democratization N ov ember 2014

New Research

“The Effects of Party Fractionalization British General Elections Since 1964: Policies. Edited by Stephen Farrall and
and Party Polarization on Democracy” by Diversity, Dealignment, and Disillusion. Colin Hay. The British Academy, 2014. 352
Ching-Hsing Wang By David Denver and Mark Garnett. pp.
Oxford University Press, 2014. 224 pp.
“Factors Influencing Intra-Party Democracy The Measure of American Elections. Edited
and Membership Rights: The Case of Delivering the People’s Message: The by Barry C. Burden and Charles Stewart
Turkey” by Mehmet Kabasakal Changing Politics of the Presidential III. Cambridge University Press, 2014. 362
Mandate. By Julia R. Azari. Cornell pp.
“Social Democracy’s Mobilization of New University Press, 2014. 206 pp.
Constituencies: The Role of Electoral Moral Minorities: The Making of American
Systems” by Christoph Arndt Democracy in Decline: Steps in the Wrong Democracy. By Kyle G. Volk. Oxford
Direction. By James Allan. McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2014. 291 pp.
Party Politics, Vol. 20, no. 4, July 2014 University Press, 2014. 181 pp.
“Party Organization and Party Proliferation Obama Power. By Jeffrey C. Alexander and
in India” by Pradeep Chhibber, Francesca Demographic Gaps in American Political Bernadette N. Jaworsky. Polity, 2014. 183
Refsum Jensenius,and Pavithra Suryanarayan Behavior. By Patrick Fisher. Westview, pp.
2014. 242 pp. Origins and Evolution of the European
“Preferential Voting and the Party– Union. 2nd edition. Edited by Desmond
Electorate Relationship in Slovakia” by Era of Experimentation: American Political Dinan. Oxford University Press, 2014. 422
Miroslav Beblavý and Marcela Veselkova Practices in the Early Republic. By Daniel pp.
“Who Gets In? Ideology and Government Peart. University of Virginia Press, 2014. Politics in Contemporary Portugal:
Membership in Central and Eastern 237 pp. Democracy Evolving. By José M. Magone.
Europe” by Lee Michael Savage Lynne Rienner, 2014. 295 pp.
Framing Citizen Participation:
“Islamists, Democracy and Turkey: A Test Participatory Budgeting in France, Taking Liberties: A History of Human
of the Inclusion-Moderation Hypothesis” Germany and the United Kingdom. By Anja Rights in Canada. Edited by David Goutor
by Mehmet Gurses Röcke. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. 227 pp. and Stephen Heathorn. Oxford University
Press, 2014. 291 pp.
World Politics, Vol. 66, no. 4, October 2014 Harold and Jack: The Remarkable
“Brand Dilution and the Breakdown of Friendship of Prime Minister Macmillan Why Government Fails So Often: And How
Political Parties in Latin America” by and President Kennedy. By Christopher It Can Do Better. By Peter H. Schuck.
Noam Lupu Sandford. Prometheus, 2014. 332 pp. Princeton University Press, 2014. 471 pp.

“Are Developing Countries Really Defying In Search of Canadian Liberalism. By Frank AFRICA
the Embedded Liberalism Compact?” by G. Underhill. Oxford University Press, Africa Consensus: New Interests, Initiatives,
Irfan Nooruddinand Nita Rudra 2014. 282 pp. and Partners. By Ludger Kühnhardt.
Woodrow Wilson Center, 2014. 380 pp.
“Communism, Federalism, and Ethnic Is the EU Doomed? By Jan Zielonka. Polity,
Minorities: Explaining Party Competition 2014. 128 pp. Democratization in Africa: The Paradox of
Patterns in Eastern Europe” by Jan Rovny State Strength. Edited by J. Tyler Dickovick
The Last Democrats: How America and James S. Wunsch. Lynne Rienner,
SELECTED NEW BOOKS ON Fought and Lost the War Against Judicial 2014. 317 pp.
DEMOCRACY Supremacy. By Joseph P. Dailey. Joseph P.
Dailey, 2014. 530 pp. Human Security and Sierra Leone’s Post-
ADVANCED DEMOCRACIES Conflict Development. By Francis Wiafe-
Blaming Europe? Responsibility Without The Legacy of Thatcherism: Assessing and Amoako. Lexington, 2014. 133 pp.
Accountability in the European Union. By Exploring Thatcherite Social and Economic
Sara B. Hobolt and James Tilley. Oxford Inside the Hotel Rwanda: The Surprising
University Press, 2014. 186 pp. Story and Why It Matters Today. By

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Vol. 12 No. 3 Comparative Democratization N ov ember 2014

New Research

Edouard Kayihura and Kerry Zukus. The Pashtun Question: The Unresolved Key University Press, 2014. 226 pp.
BenBella Books, 2014. 260 pp. to the Future of Pakistan and Afghanistan.
By Abubakar Siddique. Hurst and Presidential Decrees in Russia: A
Mandela’s Kinsmen: Nationalist Elites and Company, 2014. 271 pp. Comparative Perspective. By Thomas F.
Apartheid’s First Bantustan. By Timothy Remington. Cambridge University Press,
Gibbs. James Currey, 2014. 208 pp. The Politics of Accountability in Southeast 2014. 174 pp.
Asia: The Dominance of Moral Ideologies.
The Political Economy of Tanzania: Decline By Garry Rodan and Caroline Hughes. Ruling Russia: Authoritarianism from
and Recovery. By Michael F. Lofchie. Oxford University Press, 2014. 230 pp. the Revolution to Putin. By William
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014. 265 Zimmerman. Princeton University Press,
pp. The Ruling Elite of Singapore: Networks of 2014. 329 pp.
Power and Influence. By Michael
Power Politics in Zimbabwe. By Michael Barr. I.B. Tauris, 2014. 200 pp. LATIN AMERICA AND THE
Bratton. Lynne Rienner, 2014. 281 pp. CARIBBEAN
Warlords, Strongman Governors, and the State The Argentine Silent Minority: Middle
ASIA in Afghanistan. By Dipali Mukhopadhyay. Classes, Politics, Violence, and Memory in
The Army and Democracy: Military Politics Cambridge University Press, 2014. 374 pp. the Seventies. By Sebastián Carassai. Duke
in Pakistan. By Aqil Shah. Harvard University Press, 2014. 357 pp.
University Press, 2014. 399 pp. EASTERN EUROPE AND THE Authoritarian El Salvador: Politics and the
FORMER SOVIET UNION Origins of the Military Regimes, 1880–
Bargaining with a Rising India: Lessons After the Revolution: Youth, Democracy, and 1940. By Erik Ching. University of Notre
from the Mahabharata. By Amrita Narlikar the Politics of Disappointment in Serbia. By Dame Press, 2014. 459 pp.
and Aruna Narlikar. Oxford University Jessica Greenberg. Stanford University
Press, 2014. 238 pp. Press, 2014. 235 pp. Borderland on the Isthmus: Race, Culture,
and the Struggle for the Canal Zone. By
Confucian Democracy in East Asia: Theory Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Kosovo. By Maria Michael E. Donoghue. Duke University
and Practice. By Sungmoon Kim. Koinova. University of Pennsylvania Press, Press, 2014. 349 pp.
Cambridge University Press, 2014. 321 pp. 2014. 328 pp.
Brazil: Reversal of Fortune. By Alfred P.
Failed Democratization in Prewar Japan: Chechnya’s Secret Wartime Diplomacy: Aslan Montero. Polity, 2014. 241 pp.
Breakdown of a Hybrid Regime. By Maskhadov and the Quest for a Peaceful
Harukata Takenaka. Stanford University Resolution. By Ilyas Akhmadov and Nicholas Foreign and Domestic Investment in
Press, 2014. 241 pp. Daniloff. Translated by Anatoly Semenov. Argentina: The Politics of Privatized
Palgrave Macmillan, 2013. 296 pp. Infrastructure. By Alison E. Post. Cambridge
Following the Leader: Ruling China, From University Press, 2014. 250 pp.
Deng Xiaoping to Xi Jinping. By David M. Conflict, Crime, and the State in
Lampton. University of California Press, Postcommunist Eurasia. Edited by Svante The Life of Captain Cipriani: An Account of
2014. 293 pp. Cornell and Michael Jonsson. University of British Government in the West Indies. By
Pennsylvania Press, 2014. 286 pp. C.L.R. James. Duke University Press, 2014.
Getting India Back on Track: An Action 193 pp.
Agenda for Reform. Edited by Bibek Democracy Assistance from the Third Wave:
Debroy, Ashley J. Tellis, and Reece Trevor. Polish Engagement in Belarus and Ukraine. Mobilizing Democracy: Globalization and
Carnegie Endowment for International By Paulina Pospieszna. University of Citizen Protest. By Paul Almeida. Johns
Peace, 2014. 333 pp. Pittsburgh Press, 2014. 245 pp. Hopkins University Press, 2014. 198 pp.

Growing Democracy in Japan: The Ethnonationalist Conflict in Postcommunist Paper Cadavers: The Archives of Dictatorship
Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868. States: Varieties of Governance in Networks in Guatemala. By Kirsten Weld. Duke
By Brian Woodall. University Press of and Institutions in Europe’s Emerging University Press, 2014. 335 pp.
Kentucky, 2014. 284 pp. Markets. By Roger Schoenman. Cambridge

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Vol. 12 No. 3 Comparative Democratization N ov ember 2014

New Research

The Tupac Amaru Rebellion. By Charles F. Politics of Modern Muslim Subjectivities: Charter of the United Nations: Together
Walker. Belknap Press, 2014. Islam, Youth, and Social Activism in the with Scholarly Commentaries and Essential
Middle East. By Dietrich Jung, Marie Juul Historical Documents. Edited by Ian
The Resilience of the Latin American Right. Petersen, and Sara Lei Sparre. Palgrave Shapiro and Joseph Lampert. Yale
Edited by Juan Pablo Luna and Cristóbal Macmillan, 2014. 213 pp. University Press, 2014. 255 pp.
Rovira Kaltwasser. Johns Hopkins
University Press, 2014. 377 pp. The Reckoning of Pluralism: Political Confronting the Curse: The Economics and
Belonging and the Demands of History Geopolitics of Natural Resource Governance.
State of Ambiguity: Civic Life and Culture in Turkey. By Kabir Tambar. Stanford By Cullen S. Hendrix and Marcus Noland.
in Cuba’s First Republic. Edited by Steven University Press, 2014. 218 pp. Peterson Institute for International
Palmer, José Antonio Piqueras, and Economics, 2014. 188 pp.
Amparo Sánchez Cobos. Duke University Taking to the Streets: The Transformation
Press, 2014. 365 pp. of Arab Activisim. Edited by Lina Khatib Corruption, Contention, and Reform:
and Ellen Lust. Johns Hopkins University The Power of Deep Democratization. By
MIDDLE EAST Press, 2014. 351 pp. Michael Johnston. Cambridge University
About the Prospects for Arab Democracy. By Press, 2014. 308 pp.
Stephen R. Grand. Brookings Institution,
2014. 258 pp. Temptations of Power: Islamists and Curtailing Corruption: People Power for
The Awakening of Muslim Democracy: Illiberal Democracy in a New Middle East. Accountability and Justice. By Shaazka
Religion, Modernity, and the State. By By Shadi Hamid. Oxford University Press, Beyerle. Lynne Rienner, 2014. 323 pp.
Jocelyne Cesari. Cambridge University 2014. 269 pp.
Press, 2014. 423 pp. Deliberative Democracy: Issues and Cases.
Understanding Tahrir Square: What Edited by Stephens Elstub and Peter
Counting Islam: Religion, Class, and Elections Transitions Elsewhere Can Teach Us McLaverty. Edinburgh University Press,
in Egypt. By Tarek Masoud. Cambridge Warlords, Strongman Governors, and the State 2014. 227 pp.
University Press, 2014. 252 pp. in Afghanistan. By Dipali Mukhopadhyay.
Cambridge University Press, 2014. 374 pp. Democracy and Crisis: Democratising
Democracy, Identity and Foreign Policy in Governance in the Twenty-First Century.
Turkey: Hegemony through Transformation. COMPARATIVE, THEORETICAL, Edited by Benjamin Isakhan and Steven
By E. Fuat Keyman and Sebnem Gumuscu. GENERAL Slaughter. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. 273
Palgrave and Macmillan, 2014. 202 pp. Betrayed: Politics, Power, and Prosperity. pp.
By Seth D. Kaplan. Palgrave Macmillan,
Democratization and Authoritarianism in 2014. 294 pp. Democracy Disrupted: The Politics of Global
the Arab World. Edited by Larry Diamond Protest. By Ivan Krastev. University of
and Marc F. Plattner. Johns Hopkins Breaking Democracy’s Spell. By John Dunn. Pennsylvania Press, 2014. 84 pp.
University Press, 2014. 424 pp. Yale University Press, 2014. 192 pp.
Electoral Protest and Democracy in the
Journal d’un Prince Banni: Demain, le Maroc. Brokers, Voters, and Clientelism: The Puzzle Developing World. By Emily Beaulieu.
By Moulay Hicham el Alaoui. Grasset, 2014. of Distributive Politics. By Susan C. Stokes, Cambridge University Press, 2014. 229 pp.
362 pp. Thad Dunning, Marcelo Nazareno, and
Valeria Brusco. Cambridge University The Fourth Revolution: The Global Race to
The New Middle East: Protest and Revolution Press, 2013. 316 pp. Reinvent the State. By John Micklethwait
in the Arab World. Edited by Fawaz A. Gerges. and Adrian Wooldridge. Penguin Press,
Cambridge University Press, 2014. 502 pp. Civil Society and Democracy Promotion. 2014. 320 pp.
Edited by Timm Beichelt, Irene Hahn-
Political Aid and Arab Activism: Democracy Fuhr, Frank Schimmelfennig, and Susann Governance and Finance of Metropolitan
Promotion, Justice, and Representation. By Worschech. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. 238 Areas in Federal Systems. Edited by Enid
Sheila Carapico. Cambridge University pp. Slack and Rupak Chattopadhyay. Oxford
Press, 2014. 250 pp. University Press, 2013. 372 pp.

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Vol. 12 No. 3 Comparative Democratization N ov ember 2014

New Research

The Governance Report 2014. By Hertie Making Waves: Democratic Contention Referendums and Ethnic Conflict. By Matt
School of Governance. Oxford University in Europe and Latin America since the Qvortrup. University of Pennsylvania Press,
Press, 2014. 183 pp. Revolutions of 1848. By Kurt Weyland. 2014. 188 pp.
Cambridge University Press, 2014. 318 pp.
The Handbook of Development Communication Reflections of Uneven Democracies: The
and Social Change. Edited by Karin Gwinn The Myth of the Strong Leader: Political Legacy of Guillermo O’Donnell. Edited by
Wilkins, Thomas Tufte, and Rafael Leadership in the Modern Age. By Archie Danielle Brinks, Marcelo Leiras, and Scott
Obregon. Wiley Blackwell, 2014. 512 pp. Brown. Basic Books, 2014. 466 pp. Mainwaring. Johns Hopkins University
Press, 2014. 422 pp.
How Think Tanks Shape Social Development Peaceland: Conflict Resolution and
Policies. Edited by James G. McGann, the Everyday Politics of International Religious Pluralism and Values in the Public
Anna Viden, and Jillian Rafferty. University Intervention. By Séverine Autesserre. Sphere. By Lenn E. Goodman. Cambridge
of Pennsylvania Press, 2014. 370 pp. Cambridge University Press, 2014. 329 pp. University Press, 2014. 221 pp.

Independence of the Judges. Edited by Nils People’s Government: An Introduction to Theorizing NGOs: States, Feminisms, and
A. Engstad, Astrid Lærda Frøseth and Democracy. By Del Dickson. Cambridge Neoliberalism. Edited by Victoria Bernal
Bård Tønder. Eleven International, 2014. University Press, 2014. 268 pp. and Inderpal Grewal. Duke University
344 pp. Press, 2014. 379 pp.
The Political Theory of Judith N. Shklar:
International Law and the Future of Exile from Exile. By Andreas Hess. Palgrave Tyranny: A New Interpretation. By Waller
Freedom. By John H. Barton, edited by Macmillan, 2014. 235 pp. R. Newell. Cambridge University Press,
Helen M. Stacy and Henry T. Greely. The Politics of Uncertainty: Sustaining and 2013. 544 pp.
Stanford University Press, 2014. 266 pp. Subverting Electoral Authoritarianism. By
Andreas Schedler. Oxford University Press, Why Electoral Integrity Matters. By Pippa
Law and Development of Middle-Income 2013. 512 pp. Norris. Cambridge University Press, 2014.
Countries: Avoiding the Middle-Income 297 pp.
Trap. Edited by Randall Peerenboom and The Promise of Party in a Polarized Age.
Tom Ginsburg. Cambridge University By Russell Muirhead. Harvard University The Worth of War. By Benjamin Ginsberg.
Press, 2014. 386 pp. Press, 2014. 317 pp. Prometheus, 2014. 256 pp.

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V ol . 12, No. 3 Comparative Democratization N ov ember 2014

Editorial Committee

APSA-CD
is the official newsletter of the American Political Science Association’s Comparative
Democratization section. Formerly known as CompDem, it has been published
three times a year (October, January, and May) by the National Endowment for
Democracy’s International Forum for Democratic Studies since 2003. In October 2010, the newsletter was renamed APSA-CD and
expanded to include substantive articles on democracy, as well as news and notes on the latest developments in the field. The newsletter
is now jointly produced and edited by faculty members of the V-Dem Institute and the International Forum.

The current issue of APSA-CD is available here. A complete archive of past issues is also available.

To inquire about submitting an article to APSA-CD, please contact Staffan I. Lindberg or Melissa Aten.

Editorial Board Members

Executive Editor
Staffan I. Lindberg is professor of political science Yi-ting Wang is a post-doctoral fellow in the Varieties
and heading the V-Dem Institute at University of of Democracy (V-Dem) Institute, Department of
Gothenburg; is one of four principal investigators Political Science at the University of Gothenburg. Her
for Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem); Wallenberg work primarily focuses on legislative institutions and
Academy Fellow; selected member Young Academy of Sweden; politicians’ accountability strategies with an emphasis
and a Research Fellow at the Quality of Government Institute. on questions of conditions for democratic stability. Her dissertation
He is author of Democracy and Elections in Africa and editor of addresses how and why legislative committees differ in their
Democratization by Elections: A New Mode of Transition?, and abilities to exert policy influence across democracies. Her current
has also worked on women’s representation, political clientelism, project explores the consequences of different legislative capacities
voting behavior, party and electoral systems, democratization, to participate in law making and monitor the executive for the
popular attitudes, and the Ghanaian legislature and executive- quality of democracies.
legislative relationships.
Brigitte Zimmerman recently obtained her PhD from
Members the University of California, San Diego and is currently
Kelly M. McMann is an associate professor a post-doctoral fellow in the Varieties of Democracy
of political science at Case Western Reserve (V-Dem) Institute, Department of Political Science at
University and the Varieties of Democracy project the University of Gothenburg. Her research agenda examines
manager for subnational government. She currently is conducting accountability institutions in consolidating democracies, with a
research on how democracy develops within countries, initially by geographic focus on sub-Saharan Africa. In her dissertation, she
examining contemporary cases in Africa, Asia, and the former analyzed the strategic responses of political officials to anti-
Soviet Union and historical cases in Europe. Her earlier research corruption interventions, documenting patterns of corruption
focused on corruption and activism and has been published in substitution through extensive fieldwork. Other current research
the books Corruption as a Last Resort: Adapting to the Market addresses discrimination in petty corruption, incumbency
in Central Asia and Economic Autonomy and Democracy: Hybrid advantage in diverse institutional contexts, the political economy
Regimes in Russia and Kyrgyzstan. of FDI and foreign aid, and the ethics of field research.

Eitan Tzelgov is a post-doctoral fellow in the Varieties Managing Editor

of Democracy (V-Dem) Institute, Department of Melissa Aten is the senior research and conferences
Political Science at the University of Gothenburg. He officer at the National Endowment for Democracy’s
studies legislative institutions and political parties. His International Forum for Democratic Studies and
dissertation, awarded the Carl Albert Award by the Legislative associate director of the Network of Democracy Research
Studies Section of the American Political Science Association, Institutes. She earned an M.A. from The George Washington
examines the strategic use of parliamentary speeches by the University’s Elliott School of International Affairs, where she
legislative opposition. focused on foreign policy and Central Europe.

The International Forum for Democratic Studies

1025 F Street, NW, 8th Floor
Washington, DC 20004
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