Learning Arvanitic in Late 19th and Early 20th Century

Greece: Linguistic Maintenance and Cultural Idiosyncrasies

in Greece’s Arvanitic Speaking Communities
Theodore G. Zervas (Chicago)

Historical Origins
Most historians agree that the Arvanites first settled central and southern Greece in
the thirteenth century. A succession of migrations into Greece continued until the
early nineteenth century. The Arvanites are thought to have originated from parts of
present day Albania. Their identity has been linked to their Arvanitic (Arvanitika) or
Tosk Albanian language and their practice of Greek Orthodox Christianity.
One of the earliest accounts to mention the Arvanites is from Anna Comnema
(1083–1153 ACE) in the twelfth century, where she briefly describes a town and
people from Durrës in present day Albania called Arbanus (Sewter 2009). It is here,
that contemporary historians believe the name Arvanite or Αρβανßτες originated.
Later Byzantine accounts describe them as Christians who settled in parts of present
day southern Albania and northwestern Greece. It is also said that they were encour-
aged by Byzantine officials to migrate south in undeveloped and under-populated ar-
eas of Central Greece and the Peloponnese where many of these communities still
live today.
Historians and anthropologists continue to debate the Arvanites geographic and
ethnic origins. Some have characterized them as a “hybrid” Greek/Albanian culture
since they speak both Greek and Albanian while others mostly nationalists in both
Greece and Albanian have claimed them to be purely Greek or purely Albanian.
For nearly 900 years Arvanite towns were scattered around Athens in Attica,
Central Greece, Southern Euboea, Corinth, the Argolis, western Laconia and many
of the Soronic and Cycladic Islands in the Aegean. For some time the Arvanites was
Greece’s biggest public secret in that the Greek state had always been aware of them,
but reluctant to acknowledge that the language they spoke was not Greek (Mag-
liveras 2009).
After the creation of the modern Greek state in 1827 the Arvanites identified as
being almost exclusively Greek or Greek Orthodox Christians, but preferred to
speak Arvanitic instead of Greek. The Greek state had also seen them this way,
mainly because they had participated the Greek Revolution and had been active in
the political and cultural life of Greece.
At the same time, the Arvanites remained mysterious and many Greeks assumed
that the Arvanitic language was ancient northern Greek dialect. But when Albanian
immigrants began flooding into Greece in the 1990s (after the collapse of communism
in Albania) it became apparent that Arvanitic was not Greek at all, but an “old” Tosk
Albanian dialect. Arvanite communities nonetheless clung to their Greek national
identity. They found it offensive to be called Albanians and were quick to point out
differences between themselves and the Albanian immigrants.

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While Greek and Albanian are distinct languages within the Indo-European clas-
sification of languages, they share many similarities in syntax and grammar. There are
even ancient Greek words in the Arvanitic that are not used in Modern Greek. The
word for mouse, μι in Arvanitic, is the ancient Greek word for mouse μις. Νουκ for
the contraction “not” in Arvanitic is suspected to derive from the ancient Greek of
ουκ. The Arvanitic word for house, στεπÞ is also thought to derive from the ancient
Greek word σκεπÞ. Similarly, hades is often used when referring to the underworld
or afterlife. There are about 30 ancient Greek loan words in Arvanitic, but many lin-
guists suspect that there are likely more. At the same time, colloquial Greek has
adopted many Albanian words. George Babiniotis attributes about 50–75 words used
in Modern Greek that derive from Tosk Albanian (Babiniotis 1998). Some examples
include: γκομÜρι for donkey, γουβα for ditch, λουλουδι for flower, μπÝσα for the
intransitive verb “come”, καλικουτσα to carry on ones back, λουτσα to be soaked,
σβÝρκος for neck, and σßγουρα, for the adverb “clearly” or “certainly”.
The Arvanite case is complex and language (in this case) is not the only factor
when determining the Arvanites’s ethnic identity. Many scholars have suggested that
the Arvanites spoke only Albanian and that it was only in the last one hundred years
that they learned Greek. However, in most Arvanite communities in the Peloponnese
(where the language has survived until the present), older generations of Arvanitic
speakers recall that they and their families had always spoken Greek in addition to
Arvanitic or as they call it Αρβανßτικα.
Older generation remember their great grandparents and great, great grandpar-
ents speaking Greek. Greek revolutionary heroes such as Andreas Miaoulis, Markos
Botsaris, Antonios Kriezis, Georgios Kountouriotis, and Laskarina Bouboulina who
were of Arvanite descent were also known to speak both Greek and Arvanitic. Thus,
it is likely that the Arvanite communities in Greece spoke both Greek and Arvanitic
for more than one hundred years. It is also likely that many Arvanite communities
had known Greek since late Byzantine times. As Orthodox Christians they were un-
der the authority of the Byzantine Empire and would have known Greek to engage
in the political, economic, religious, and social affairs of the state.
Moreover, while historians and anthropologists have declared them as primarily
an agriculturally based people who rarely left their towns and communities, many
historical accounts mention them as mercenaries, hired by the Ottomans, Byzantines,
Venetians, and Habsburgs to defend their empires. At the same time, historical rec-
ords show that the Arvanites were also merchant traders who traded goods through-
out the Mediterranean (Biris 1960).
Their identity also centered on their families or clans (φÜρα), towns, and Church
(Dede 1998). Moreover, because a Greek education was valued in the Balkans for
much of the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, wealthy Arvanite merchants sent
their children to Greek schools, where they were expected to learn Greek and drop
their Arvanitic/Albanian language. Moreover, when Arvanites began immigrating to
the United States, Australia, and Canada in the late nineteenth century, many of them
identified as being Greek. In cities like New York, Chicago, Sydney, and Toronto,
most Arvanites settled alongside other Greek immigrants and participated in the
cultural and social life of that community.

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Within Arvanite communities in Greece, both Greek and Arvanitic were spoken
and depending on the occasion one language dominated the other. Funeral dirges and
wedding songs for example were almost always sung in Arvanitic. Business contracts
and other agreements between community members were almost always in Greek.
Church services were exclusively in Greek, and families typically communicated in
Arvanitic within their homes and towns.

Photograph 1: Members of an Arvanite community in the Argolis region

of the Peloponnese. Circa 1950.

If a fellow Arvanitic speaker entered an Arvanitic town, locals would have preferred
to communicate with the visitor in Arvanitic. If a non-Arvanitic speaker entered the
community, members of the community spoke to visitors in Greek. At the same time
Arvanitic speakers never felt threatened if discovered that they spoke a language
other than Greek. The Arvanites saw themselves as being Greek, and their neighbors
saw them this way as well. Differences between Greek speakers and Albanian speak-
ers were seen as minor.
While early Greek school textbooks make no mention of the Arvanites, many late
nineteenth century textbooks suggest that the Albanian people had a common cul-
tural and historical connection to the ancient Greeks (Philippidou 1900). Often they
are described as the descendants of the pre-classical Pelasgians and Dorians who set-
tled the Greek peninsula between 1000 and 800 BCE (Philippidou 1900: 38). Differ-
ences between the two nations are not made apparent (or embellished) until the early
twentieth century during Albania’s national awakening and Greece’s territorial ex-
pansion in the Balkans.
Attempts to promote cultural links between Albanians and Greeks were also en-
couraged by Markos Botsaris, Panayiotis Kupitoris and Anastas Kullurioti. It is im-
portant to say a few words about Botsaris, Kupitoris and Kullurioti since they all
viewed an Arvanite ethnic identity differently. All three also promoted the teaching
and learning of the Arvanitic language in Greece.

Botsaris, Kupitoris, and Kullurioti

Markos Botsaris’s (1788–1823) was part of the Greek-Albanian speaking Souliot clan
of Epirus. He is most remembered for his heroism during the Greek War of Inde-
pendence (1821–1827). His Greek-Arvanitic (Albanian) Dictionary (Λεξικüν της Ρω-

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μαϊκοις και ΑρβανητηκÞς ΑπλÞς) provides a glimpse of the Arvanitic language just
prior to the Greek Revolution (Botsaris 1809). It is also the first known attempt to
link the Greek and Arvanitic languages. Botsaris’s dictionary was completed in 1809
at the request of Francois Pouqueville the French general consul at the court of Ali
Pasha. It is believed that Botsaris wrote the dictionary while his father and uncle
dictated the words to him.
Botsaris’s original dictionary includes about 1700 Greek entries and 1494 Ar-
vanitic entries. The Greek words are in the left hand columns while the Albanian
words are on the right.

Photograph 2: Botsaris’s original Dictionary

The words are in no particular order. The Greek re-print of the dictionary is nearly
500 pages in length. It begins with Greek words used in Arvanitic. There are about
500 words that are borrowed from the Greek. For example, αδικßα – αδιηικÞ, ελευ-
θερßα – ελφτÝρη, ευχαριστþ – ευχαριστßσουρε, φως – φως, θαυμÜζω – θαμÜξεμ.
There are also about 150 Turkish and 30 Italian loan words. There are no Latin words
listed even though there are over 400 Latin loan words found in Tosk Albanian
today.
Many of the Arvantic words listed in Botsaris’s dictionary are merely Greek
words with an Arvantic and Albanian pronunciation. Almost all of these deal with
the religious practices of the Greek Orthodox Church.

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Table 1: Sample of Greek Religious Words Used in Arvanitic

Agapis – αγαπþ foton – φþτων
aghatho – αγαθüς kallogjer – καλüγερος
aksi – αξßα kandile – κανδýλη
amarti – αμαρτßα kolas – κüλαση
amartolo – αμαρτωλüς konismë – εικüνισμα
engjëll – Üγγελος ksemollojis – εξομολüγο
apostoll – απüστολος liturji – λειτουργßα
athanat – αθÜνατος livadh – λιβÜδι
dhemon – δαßμων stavrosurë – σταυρþνω
dhoksasurë – δοξÜζω thamasmë – θαýμασμα
eklisiasurë – εκκλησιÜζω thavsmë – θαýμα
evjeni – ευγενßα vllojisure – εýλογο
fanero – φανερüς zoi – ζωÞ
Panayiotis Kupitoris (1821–1881) was born on the island of Hydra in 1821. The is-
land is thought to bee settled almost exclusively by Arvanites. Like many of the lo-
cals of Hydra, Kupitoris grew up speaking both Greek and Arvanitic. After studying
at the University of Athens, Kupitoris was appointed principal at several Greek sec-
ondary schools. He also opened an independent night school in Athens that taught
students the Arvanitic/Albanian language. After purchasing a printing press with his
close friend Anastas Kullurioti (who I discuss later in this section) in 1879, Kupitoris
and Kullurioti began publishing the Greek and Albanian language newspaper The
Voice of Albania (Η ΦωνÞ της Αλβανßας/Zëri i Shqipërisë). The newspaper found a
small readership and was discontinued after publishing only 40 issues.
The newspaper was seen as fervently nationalistic since it promoted the develop-
ment of an Albanian national party in Greece and the liberation of Albania from the
Ottoman Empire. In 1873, Kupitoris published his Dictionary of Greek and Latin
Words (Λεξικüν Λατινοελληνικþν), which he hoped students in the upper Greek
high schools would use (Kupitoris 1873). In 1879 he published his Albanian Studies:
A Historical and Literary Essay About the Albanian Nation and its Language (Αλβα-
νικαß ΜελÝται – Πραγματεßα ιστορικÞ και φιλολογικÞ περß της γλþσσης και του
Ýθνους των Αλβανþν) and his Study on Albanian Pronouns in the Third Person: In
the Albanian Dialect in Greece and Particularly Hydra (ΔιατριβÞ περß της παρ' Αλ-
βανοßς αντωνυμßας του τρßτου προσþπου: ΚατÜ την διÜλεκτον των εν ΕλλÜδι Αλ-
βανþν μÜλιστα την των Υδραßων). In all three of these works Kupitoris argued that
modern day Albanian was derived from ancient Illyrian, which was merely a lost
northern ancient Greek dialect (Kupitoris 1879a). He also tried to find similarities
between the two languages, arguing that the Albanian language was mostly Greek
with some Latin words and a few Germanic and Celtic words.
Like Kupitoris, Anastas Kullurioti (1822–1887) was also interested in the histori-
cal and linguistic relationship between Greek and Arvanitic. Kullurioti was born on
the island of Salamis in 1822. Like Kupitoris he grew up speaking both Greek and
Arvanitic/Albanian. He briefly immigrated to the United States, where he made a
small fortune. Later he returned to Greece and settled in the Plaka district in Athens.
Kullurioti attempted to preserve the Arvanite culture in Greece through the publica-

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tion of his Albanian Primer or spelling book in 1882 (Αλβανικþν Αλφαβηταρßων in

Greek and Albanian) and in the same year his children’s book Milk for Babies
(Klumësht për foshnja in Greek and Albanian). Kullurioti’s primer included Greek
and Albanian folk tales, poetry, and proverbs. He later looked to document the oral
literature of the Arvanites in a 196-page notebook, which was never published (Cor-
nis-Pope and Neubauer 2006: 290).
Kullurioti was also interested in establishing Albanian language schools through-
out Greece. On June 4, 1883 he found the organization Albanian Brotherhood, whose
mission was to strengthen cultural ties between Greeks and Albanians. It members
were composed of Arvanite intellectuals, professionals, and veterans of the Greek
Revolution. In the early 1880’s Kullurioti travelled to southern Albania to encourage
Albanian nationalists to rise up against the Ottoman Empire (Elsie 2012: 264). This
brought him into conflict with both Greece and Turkey. He was imprisoned when he
returned to Greece where he died under mysterious circumstances.
Most of his Kullurioti’s work was intended for Arvanite communities in Greece.
Kullurioti found the Arvanitic language to be no different than southern Albanian.
He is considered a national hero in Albania today for his early attempts to preserve
an Albanian national identity in Greece. He is also the only known writer of late
nineteenth century Greece who made an effort (although minimal) to document what
Arvanitic speaking children learned in their communities.

Contemporary Linguistic and Cultural Landscapes

An 1879 Greek census found that in the Peloponnese, Central Greece, Euboea and
the island of Andros there were nearly 225.000 Albanian/Arvanitic speakers. This
number did not include Hydra and Spetses, which were traditionally Arvanitic
speaking. The entire population of Greece at the time was about 1.6 million people.
Today, the Arvanitic language has survived in several towns of the Argolis. Anastasia
Karakasidou’s study on Slavic speaking groups in northern Greece found that many
Slavic groups felt pressure to change their last names into Greek sounding names
(Karakaksidou 1997). Today many Arvanite’s bear Greek and Albanian derived last
names. Some last names that are believed to be Albanian in origin include: ΠλÜκας,
ΛιÜπης, Κüλιας, ΛιÜκος, ΒιρÞς, ΜανεσσÞς. None of the locals remember having to
change their names. At the same time, in some Arvanitic speaking villages the nick-
name (παρατσοýκλι) of older generations are Albanian in origin. Some examples in-
clude: Κüκκας, Μποýτος, Σκυρτεση, and ΔιλλιλÞς.
Natural landmarks in many of the towns bear both Greek and Arvanitic names.
One finds this in the Arvanite town of Prosymni. The town’s official name is
Prosymni, but locals still refer to it by its Arvanitic name of Berbati. For much of the
twentieth century the Greek state took steps to officially change the names of towns
that were not Greek. For example, Charvati became Mykinai (1916), Priftani – Mo-
nastiraki, (1928), Gkermpesi – Medea (1928), Dousia – Metochi (1927), Mermpakas –
Agia Tria (1950), Pasas – Inachos (1975) (National Hellenic Research Foundation
2014).
Ancient landmarks in Prosymni typically have Greek names. Masto (Ancient
Greek for breast) is named for a hill located on the town’s plain (κÜμπος). Glisoura
(narrow or closed) is named for the ravine or valley that leads into the town. There is

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also a local dish in Prosymni that is thought to be Albanian in origin. The dish giosa
(γιüσα) or mutton, which is thought to have originated in Albania, is still made al-
most daily in several of Prosymni’s taverns.
The question however remains how the Arvanitic language survived in towns like
Prosymni for so long? Arvanite men were more likely to speak both Greek and Ar-
vanitic because they typically ventured outside their towns and interacted with Greek
speakers. Arvanite women rarely left their towns and had no real practical need to
learn Greek. One early traveler from 1892 noted that,
The process of Hellenization is still going on, and the Albanian [Arvanitic]
language is doomed in Greece; at present it is kept alive by the women, who,
speaking no other, teach it to their children, and will continue to do so until
the system of primary education for women is more widely extended in the
Hellenic Kingdom (Renell 1892: 19).
There are many cases in the later part of the last century of Arvanite women knowing
no Greek at all, while their husbands and children knew both Greek and Arvanitic.
Like most communities in Greece from the late nineteenth to early twentieth centu-
ries women’s roles revolved around their home, local town, family and the rearing of
thier children. Since women were expected to raise their children they often commu-
nicated with their children in Arvanitic. It was through this process that the language
was passed on to future generation.
The Arvanitic language was also the spoken language of the community. It was a
language that community members felt most comfortable communicating in, and it
was the language of everyday expression. Members of many Arvanite communities
remember their mothers and grandmothers singing to them in Arvanitic. Common
expressions included zemër mou (my heart), vajzë mou (my girl) djalë mou (my boy),
chaidiari mou (my dear). Many also remember the following childhood rhyme:
τÜνα του τÜνα του Come on, come on
νιÜλη βßνγα μÜνα του the child is rushing home from grandma’s
ΜÜνα του σε ντοýονου But grandma did not welcome him
που με γκιοýρ εγνιοýνου she warded him off with rocks
One of the best-known folk songs, sung in many of the Arvanite communities in the
Peloponnese is Pα ΚαμπÜνα ε Παπαντßς (The Chimes of our Lady Papandi):
The chimes have pealed from our Lady Papandi; rise up dear soul and go to
Church. The chimes have rung twice or thrice; Rise up dear soul and adorn
yourself with your most elegant kerchief. Come this very instant, now that
your mother’s away at the dance. Come let me seize a kiss from you, now that
I have drunk some wine (Moraitis 2010 and Hemetek et al. 2004).
The Chimes of our Lady Papandi is a romantic song that centers around the town,
community, and Church and about how two lovers who find the opportunity to
meet while their families are away (Moraitis 2010).

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Another romantic song dealt with a young man’s obsession with a young maiden
'Απε τσÝ γιÝ κουμπισοýρε There you are leaning
Σß σενγκÝ ε ζογραφßσουρε Like a painted portrait
Ρουσοý πüστε τÝ τÝ φλÜs Come down so I could sing to you
Μüs νομßs σι üτι τÝ γκÜs And don’t worry I will not fondle you
Other songs or ballads dealt with the Greek revolution and its Arvanite heroes:
Κιü γκλιοýχα Αρμπερßστε The Arvanitic language
ßστε γκλιοýχ τρερßστε εßναι language of the brave
¸ φλßτ ναυαρχοß Μιαοýλη Spoken by the seaman Miaoulis
Μπüτσαρη Ýδε γκßθ Σοýλι Botsaris and all of Souli (Vambas 1879).
Children learned songs like these in their communities by their mothers, grandmoth-
ers and great-grandmothers.

Conclusion
Why were not the Arvanites assimilated like other multilingual speaking groups in
Greece, and why has the Arvanitic language survived in some parts of Greece until
today? Most of the towns that still speak Arvanitic are located in the Argolis region
of the Peloponnese. Older generations of people (between the ages of 60–100+) from
these towns continue to speak Arvanitic as well as Greek. Many of the younger gen-
erations have working knowledge of the language. The towns of Prosymni and Lim-
nes seem to have the greatest number of speakers today. The towns neighbor one an-
other, but are still about 4 kilometers apart. Limnes is on higher elevation at about
520 meters above sea level where Prosymni is closer to lower ground. The nearest
metropolitan cities are Argos and Nafplion. But the locals in Limnes still prefer to go
into Corinth instead of Argos or Nafplion. Today modern roads have made it easier
to access the towns, but for some time both Prosymni and Limnes had been mostly
isolated. Several other towns in the area such as, Manesi, Dendra, Mykines, Inachos,
Ira, Monastiraki, Neo Iraio, at one time are also thought to have also spoken Ar-
vanitic at one time.
There is no question however, that Arvanitic is dying and will likely disappear
with the next generation. The locals in the towns in Prosymni and Limnes likely
learned Greek when systems of communications and commerce were extended to the
neighboring commercial towns of Argos and Nafplion. Greek had historically been
the language of trade in the region. We know that the residents had schools of some
form or another from Ottoman times onward, and that some years after Greek inde-
pendence a national Greek school had appeared in the region. Arvanite was partly
preserved because the Arvanitic speaking communities in the area were not in the
area of expansion sought by the Greek state for most of the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries (they had become part of the Greek kingdom after the Revolu-
tion).
The Megali Idea or Greece’s nineteenth century policy to reclaim lands that were
thought to be Greek (and usually at the expense of other nation), looked to recreate
ancient and Byzantine Greece based along geographic and cultural lines. Thessaly
was incorporated in 1881, most of Macedonia and Epirus in 1913, and Western

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Thrace in 1919. Non-Greek speakers from these areas felt the most pressure to drop
their local languages and adopt Greek. Moreover, the Greek state diverted thier edu-
cational resources in these areas. Schools were opened to teach Greek and locals
eventually dropped their native tongues.
This type of pressure never occurred in most of the Arvanitic speaking towns in
the Peloponnese, since they were already part of the Greek state. It was also essen-
tially the women; the mothers, grandmothers, and great-grandmothers who helped
preserve the language in these towns. The language was learned by children in infor-
mal learning settings, in a space and around people that they were most comfortable
around. It was a language that community members associated with their past, and
with those that cared and nurtured them.

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