To cite this chapter:

2022 Author’s Introduction. In Studies in Ancient Mesoamerican Art and Architecture:

Selected Works by Karl Andreas Taube, vol. 2, pp. 8–35. Precolumbia Mesoweb Press, San
Francisco.
Author’s Introduction

This collection of ten studies was originally published in the decade between 1993 and
2003 when I was already pursuing an active academic career after securing tenure in the
Department of Anthropology at the University of California, Riverside. These works concern
topics that I continue to explore in my research, such as relating themes appearing in Classic
Maya iconography to contemporary Maya lore, as can be seen in the first chapter concerning
Maya birth symbolism and curing practices and the last chapter pertaining to ancient Maya
concepts of the maize field and forest wilds. In both studies I discuss the cosmic symbolism of
Maya houses, a theme also examined in Chapter 2, which focuses on Classic Maya temples,
which were essentially “god houses.” During this time I also began exploring Olmec religion
and iconography, and in particular maize and agricultural abundance, which in this volume
appears in Chapters 2, 3, and 6. In many talks at this time I spoke about breaking the “Olmec
barrier,” that is, demonstrating clear continuities between Olmec gods and iconography and
those of later cultures of ancient Mesoamerica. At this point this might seem a statement
of the obvious, but the very important and well-known god list and compilation of Olmec
iconography by Joralemon (1971) provided no road map or apparent attempt at that time

9
10 Karl Taube: Collected Works

to systematically pursue the topic of cultural continuity. When I began academic research
it was as if the Olmec culture was wholly strange and unrelated to later Mesoamerican
religious traditions, especially as regards their gods. Related to these studies, I subsequently
published the catalog Olmec Art at Dumbarton Oaks (Taube 2004c), where many themes per-
taining to corn and the Olmec Maize God also appear, especially on greenstone items of jade
and serpentine.
Aside from my growing interest in the Olmec, I also continued to develop my research
on the great city of ancient Teotihuacan, including the “Turquoise Hearth” study of Chapter
5, which addresses Teotihuacan and later Central Mexican concepts of fire, warfare, and the
afterlife solar paradise of warriors. Chapter 9 is a very different topic, this being the Early
Classic Maya presence and influence at Teotihuacan, especially as reflected in the Maya-style
mural fragments known as the Realistic Paintings from the Tetitla apartment compound.
With regard to concepts of souls and the afterlife, Chapter 7 concerns the symbolism of wind
as it relates to the breath soul, a theme that I have explored in a number of subsequent stud-
ies. In the case of Chapter 8, I also discuss supernatural serpents as embodiments of breath
and wind that I directly contrast with centipedes, skeletalized serpent beings pertaining to
the deathly underworld.

Chapter 1
The Birth Vase: Natal Imagery in Ancient Maya Myth and Ritual
I was first made aware of what I term the Birth Vase by Justin Kerr and others around
1990, this being a remarkable and elaborately painted four-sided vessel which some at the
time considered to be a “ceramic codex,” much as if each side constituted a page from an
ancient screenfold book. Although the sides could indeed be readily presented in a four-page
sequence or passage in a codex, in this study I take a very different approach and suggest that
the Late Classic vessel best corresponds to the four sides of a Maya house. In support I cite
Late Classic ceramic cache vessels excavated by the Carnegie Institution of Washington at
Quirigua and Guaytan in the Motagua region of eastern Guatemala, which resemble houses
with the lids as sloping roofs. For one example from Guaytan, one vessel side also has a
central doorway, marking it clearly as a house (see also Houston 1998:Fig. 14). Similar four-
sided cache vessels have also been discovered at Copan, where they have been interpreted as
domiciles: “as is clearly the case with the cylindrical examples, the [rectangular] vessels can
be viewed as small houses” (McNeil et al. 2006:242).
Among the more elaborate palace scenes appearing on a Late Classic vessel is the Vase
of the Seven Gods, which has a series of deities convening in darkness on the Calendar
Round date 4 Ahau 8 Cumku, corresponding to a Long Count date in 3114 bc (see Coe
1973:106-109). Although this is a cylindrical vessel, a four-sided version of the same theme
known as the Vase of the Eleven Gods has more recently come to light and is now on dis-
play at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art (see K7750 at Mayavase.com; Chinchilla
Mazariegos 2017:Fig. 19). Clearly its sides evoke the walls of the mythic palace chamber. In
view of its elaborate polychrome scenes, this vessel is notably similar to the Birth Vase. As
an interior palace scene, it also suggests that the Birth Vase portrays the interior rather than
the exterior of a house, in contrast to the cache vessels from Quirigua, Guaytan, and Copan.
This is entirely fitting with the primary scene concerning birth, performed privately within
houses among Maya to the present.
 Author’s Introduction 11

When I first viewed the Birth Vase, I realized that a pivotally important scene was a
young woman grasping a twisted serpent rope above her head while accompanied by aged
goddesses, all aspects of Chak Chel or Goddess O, with one of them embracing her abdo-
men, entirely consistent with contemporary birth practices in which a woman gives birth
while supporting herself by a rope strung through the rafters while a midwife squeezes her
abdomen. Since this study was published, Oswaldo Chinchilla Mazariegos (2017:118-123,
2018:43-45) has provided the most comprehensive discussion of the Birth Vase scenes. As I
note in my study, the twisted, bicephalic rope is commonly held in the beak of the Principal
Bird Deity, quite possibly denoting a means of transport and access to the heavens. Excavated
in 2004, the Late Preclassic West Wall mural at San Bartolo provides detailed depictions of
this motif, with three examples of the bird holding early versions of the same serpent rope
while perched atop a world tree (Taube et al. 2010). A goddess of curing and midwives, Chak
Chel typically is an aged, wizened being, at times with jaguar ears. One of her most spectacu-
lar examples is a finely carved Early Classic limestone figure with feline ears leaning over
a frame, almost surely for holding a rectangular divinatory mirror for scrying, divination
being a basic tool for determining illness and for curing among ancient and contemporary
Mesoamerican peoples (see Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:No. 58).
Another side of the Birth Vase features a young goddess—almost certainly the one in
the aforementioned birth scene—along with aged God N figures, including one holding a
bowl of sacrificial blades. A spiked burning censer containing a round element with flames
and central plumes dominates the lower part of the scene, which I identify as a vessel for
heart sacrifice. I subsequently compared such offering vessels to the Aztec cuauhxicalli bowls
for heart offerings. In the case of both the Maya and Aztec vessels the interior often contains
a solar device—for the Maya the k’in sign and for the Aztec the date Nahui Ollin (Four
Earthquake), the calendrical name for the sun deity, Tonatiuh (Taube 2009c). For the Birth
Vase scene, I relate this offering to the Maya concept of k’ex, the ritual substitution between a
given subject and another object of less value, such as chickens substituted for human souls
in curing ceremonies. Although we have for many years discussed ancient Maya sacrificial
offerings related to such positive and life-giving themes as the sun, ancestors, maize, and
rainmaking, I believe that this is one of the first studies dedicated to the “dark arts” of magic
and witchcraft. I note the sacrifice of human infants, which surely must have constituted one
of the most precious substitutional offerings, here in relation to malignant curses and curing.
In his discussion of the Early Classic infant sacrifices in the Diablo tomb at El Zotz, Andrew
Scherer (2015:142-150) also relates the disturbing offerings of infants to the concept of k’ex
ceremonies.

Chapter 2
The Rainmakers: The Olmec and Their Contribution to Mesoamerican Belief
and Ritual
It was during the early 1990s that I first started exploring the wonderful art and iconography
of the Olmec, among the most ancient cultures in Mesoamerica, in large part due to F. Kent
Reilly III inviting me to contribute to a major catalogue at Princeton University in which this
chapter was originally published. For me, understanding the Olmec is of critical importance
for seeing the development of later cultures, and I regard the Olmec in many ways and
with no reservations as a cultura madre of Mesoamerica, especially in terms of ritual and
12 Karl Taube: Collected Works

symbolism pertaining to agricultural wealth and fertility. Living in a region of rich soils
and abundant water where it is possible to have three crops a year, the Olmec were truly
role models of farming success during the Formative. In my “Rainmakers” study, I address
two important beings in Olmec iconography, the Olmec Rain God and a creature which I
term the Avian Serpent. I argue that the Avian Serpent is a very early form of the plumed
serpent known in the contact period as Quetzalcoatl by the Aztec, Kukulkan by the Yukatek
Maya, and Gukumatz by the K’iche’ of highland Guatemala. I note that the so-called “flame
eyebrows” found with this being are actually feathers, probably to evoke the crest of the
male quetzal. In fact, in subsequent research I have found that for the Classic Maya the
feathered serpent commonly has a quetzal crest, quite unlike the plumed serpent of Central
Mexico which, beginning with Teotihuacan, is a rattlesnake with quetzal plumes covering its
body (Taube 2003b, 2010a). For the Olmec, a mural from Juxtlahuaca, Guerrero, portrays this
creature with a quetzal head and crest. In addition, Monument 19 from La Venta depicts the
Avian Serpent as a rattlesnake with an avian head and crest, surely relating to the origins of
both Quetzalcoatl and the Maya feathered serpent.
In this study, I also take a very different slant on the so-called Olmec “torch” motif
and argue that rather than being a burning stick bundle, it is actually a bound package of
precious quetzal plumes. In addition I suggest that the “double merlon” sign in Olmec ico-
nography signifies the color green and is not only found on the feathers of these bundles but
also the serpentine mosaics from the Massive Offerings at La Venta, as well as basal registers
denoting the earth at Late Preclassic Izapa and other sites of southeastern Mesoamerica. In
a recent paper presented at the Society for American Archaeology meeting in Albuquerque,
I reassessed the double merlon motif, and I am still more confident that this is indeed the
Olmec motif for green and probably the origin of the Maya trilobate yax sign signifying this
color (Taube 2019). Despite the terms “flame eyebrows” and “torches” in Olmec iconographic
studies, there is at this point no evidence of the importance of fire in Olmec art and ritual,
including even from excavated offerings, where ash would obviously be present.
What I was still not aware of when I wrote the Rainmakers study is that the “torch motif”
is not simply a feather bundle but actually a maize ear fetish, strongly resembling examples
known for the ancient and contemporary Puebloan Southwest, which are often wrapped
with precious macaw plumes (see Taube 2000a). In addition, the Olmec Maize God—a being
that I discuss in detail in Chapter 3—commonly has the double merlon sign for green on his
face, quite probably marking him as verdant growing corn. An Olmec celt that has been at
the Aberdeen University Museum in Scotland since the early twentieth century portrays the
Olmec Maize God holding the maize ear fetish with the double merlon, and there are many
other examples of this deity grasping the same device (Hammond and Taube 2019).
The second half of my Rainmakers study concerns another significant complex of
ancient Mesoamerica, the rain god known as Tlaloc in highland Mexico, Cocijo for the
Zapotec of Oaxaca, and Chahk among the Maya. I based this discussion largely on the chart
concerning the evolution of Mesoamerican rain gods first published by Miguel Covarrubias
in 1946. However, at the time of this research very little was known about early Maya forms
of the rain deity, and in his diagram Covarrubias confuses the Maya Chahk with a zoomor-
phic head denoting a mountain or witz. Shortly before the Rainmakers study was published,
David Stuart identified both the Classic form of Chahk and the Witz creature, which in fact
surely overlap in both visual attributes and meaning, in part because rain deities are closely
identified with mountains in Mesoamerican thought.
 Author’s Introduction 13

In this chapter, I extend Stuart’s Late Classic identification of the Maya Chahk a good
deal earlier to not only Early Classic but Late Preclassic Maya examples, thereby bridging the
Olmec Rain God to the later Maya deity. I do believe that this argument has stood the test of
time, and at this point there seems to be an almost seamless evolution of the Olmec Rain God
to Chahk, including a Late Preclassic depiction of the Maya deity on the West Wall mural at
San Bartolo discovered in 2004 (see Taube et al. 2010). Among the earliest Olmec examples
of this being are Early Formative ceramic figurines—frequently ballplayers—with many
attributed to Tlatilco in the Valley of Mexico (see Bradley 1991; Taube 2009a). Whether these
are locally made or imports from San Lorenzo or other sites in southern Veracruz remains to
be seen. In her recent doctoral dissertation concerning Tlatilco, my former student Catharina
Santasilia (2019) documented a great many ballplayer figurines of the Olmec Rain God
attributed to the site. In recent research, I relate Mesoamerican rain gods to the overlapping
themes of ritual boxing and the ballgame, both sweaty and bloody sports concerning fertility
and rainmaking and probably beginning with the Formative Olmec. In addition, it appears
that many ballcourts were ritually flooded, as can be seen by their basin-like enclosed forms
as well as their drains (Taube 2018).

Chapter 3
The Olmec Maize God: The Face of Corn in Formative Mesoamerica
Following my study of Olmec concepts pertaining to rain and agricultural abundance, in the
third chapter I focus far more on Olmec concepts of their god of corn. To be clear, this was
not my original identification, as both Michael Coe and Peter David Joralemon had already
discussed examples of this being, albeit briefly. However, my work was the first systematic
effort to identify his basic attributes and relation to corn deities of later Mesoamerica, espe-
cially the Classic Maya Maize God, a being that I also discussed and defined in one of my
first publications (Taube 1985). Following the discussion of the Olmec Rain God and the
later Maya Chahk, this seemed like an obvious avenue. One of the most important attributes
I stress in this study is the Olmec Maize God’s cranial cleft, a trait very rarely found with
any other Olmec deity. I argue that this V-shaped element denotes the bracts or split husk
of the maize ear, making his entire head a mature cob, and not a “cosmic vaginal passage”
as proposed by Peter Furst (1981:151). In addition, I argue that Olmec greenstone celts of
serpentine and jade are symbolic ears of corn, and I note their deliberate placement oriented
to cardinal directions in Middle Formative caches, including at La Venta, Tabasco, and San
Isidro, Chiapas, much like the creation of the four-sided maize field. The more recent discov-
ery of similar offerings in Middle Formative contexts at the Maya sites of Cival and Ceibal in
the Peten have highlighted the importance of celts and world directions during the Middle
Formative period in relation to E-Group architectural complexes, a terminology based on
Group E at Uaxactun where a major “range structure” to the east faces a radial pyramid
(see Estrada-Belli 2006; Inomata and Triadan 2015). In addition, excavations in highland
Chiapas at Chiapa de Corzo uncovered a similar celt offering at the base of a major E-Group
designated as Group C (Bachand and Lowe 2008:Fig. 65).
In my study of the Olmec Maize God, I was strongly influenced by the aforementioned
Covarrubias diagram illustrating the evolution of Mesoamerican rain gods, and I thought
it reasonable to apply this elegant model to the origins and development of maize gods in
Mesoamerica. The earliest known examples of what I consider the Zapotec maize god from
14 Karl Taube: Collected Works

Figure 1. Early Zapotec portrayal of the maize deity, Monte Alban I,

Yale Art Gallery (photo by author).
 Author’s Introduction 15

Figure 2. Late Preclassic stucco sculpture of Maya maize deity, Los Angeles County
Museum of Art (from Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:No. 39).

Monte Alban Phase I urns look almost wholly Olmec and are probably only a century or
less since the demise of La Venta (Figure 1).
In “The Face of Corn,” I also note the striking similarity of Early Classic Maya
examples of the maize god to the Middle Formative Olmec deity, including an extended
upper lip framing prominent incisors. However, when I originally did this research there
were very few of what I considered Late Preclassic Maya examples, the critical bridge
between the Formative Olmec and Classic Maya. One of the few I could cite is a stucco
medallion in the Los Angeles County Museum of Art (Figure 2). However, with the
spectacular discovery by William Saturno of the Late Preclassic mural chamber in the
Pinturas Group at San Bartolo, this limited corpus extended greatly, with no fewer than
six examples of the god now known from this single room (Saturno et al. 2005; Taube et
al. 2010). At San Bartolo, he looks wholly Olmec and strongly resembles a jadeite mask of
the Olmec Maize God at Dumbarton Oaks (see Taube 2004c:Pl. 30). In addition, excava-
tions at Cival by Francisco Estrada-Belli (2011:Figs. 5.22-5.24) soon after found several
16 Karl Taube: Collected Works

Figure 3. Late Preclassic mural of the Maya Maize God from Cival, Guatemala
(photo courtesy of Francisco Estrada-Belli).

murals of this being dating to about the same time (Figure 3). At San Bartolo, an especially
important discovery was made by the Guatemalan archaeologist Boris Beltrán, who through
tunnel excavations discovered a still-earlier mural sequence under the Pinturas mural cham-
ber dating to the fourth century bc, in other words only roughly a century after the Olmec
demise (Taube and Saturno 2008). The face of this deity is virtually identical to the examples
from the mural chamber several centuries later (Figure 4). His visage is unquestionably
Olmec and at this point there is no gap or “missing link” between the Olmec Maize God and
early examples for the Maya.

Chapter 4
The Jade Hearth: Centrality, Rulership, and the Classic Maya Temple
A publication deriving from a 1994 symposium on Classic Maya architecture at Dumbarton
Oaks, Chapter 4 also concerns the house theme of Chapter 1, but in this case focusing on the
houses of gods, in other words temples, a topic I subsequently revisited at a conference in
 Author’s Introduction 17

0 5 cm

Figure 4. Mural fragment portraying the Maya Maize God dating to the fourth century bc, San Bartolo,
Guatemala (photo from Taube and Saturno 2008:Fig. 14b; drawing by Heather Hurst).

2012 for the Oriental Institute at the University of Chicago (Taube 2013). Among the themes I
discuss is houses, and by extension temples, as cosmic models, the four corner posts related
to world trees at the intercardinal points (see also Taube 2017b). In terms of the cosmic house,
the posts symbolically frame the central hearth, and in this paper I pursued a brilliant insight
by Linda Schele (Freidel et al. 1993) that the three stones mentioned in inscriptions pertaining
to the 4 Ahau 8 Cumku event beginning the last Long Count cycle concerned the setting
of these pivotal stones at the axis mundi, where they are prefixed by the term yax or green,
the color direction corresponding to the world center. According to David Stuart (2011:220),
a possible reading of this three-stone logograph is yoket, a word form which is probably
18 Karl Taube: Collected Works

Figure 5. Structure A-3 at Ceibal, Guatemala, viewed from the southwest

(photo by author).

Figure 6. Stela 21 atop

Structure A-3 at Ceibal,
Guatemala (photo by
author).
 Author’s Introduction 19

Figure 7. Epigraphic examples

alluding to Ceibal as the “central
place” from monuments in
the Structure A-3 Group: (a)
glyphic compound from Ceibal
Stela 1 referring to the ruler as
a yax kaloomte’; (b) three-stone
hearth sign with tahn logograph
denoting center or middle, Ceibal
Stela 10 (drawings by author). a
b
governed by the concept of inalienable possession of certain things in Mayan languages,
whereby the related word yotoch in Yukatek means not simply “house” but a house owned
by someone. As the symbolic center of the house, the hearthstones may have entailed a
similar concept of ownership, perhaps by the very house itself.
In support of the three-stone hearth identification, I supplied epigraphic examples with
smoke and flames in the “Jade Hearth” paper. Subsequently, excavations directed by William
Saturno of the West Wall mural at San Bartolo in 2004 provided explicit evidence of cooking
stones (Taube et al. 2010). Much of the West Wall mural features a series of world directional
trees, with three featuring animal sacrificial offerings, these being a fish, a deer, and an ocel-
lated turkey. All of these have smoking stones in their open abdomens, and while the fish
has five, the deer and bird have three, clearly relating to the three hearthstones so prominent
in Classic Maya texts.
In the Jade Hearth study the most striking discovery for me was the cache in Structure
A-3 at Ceibal, a radial temple bearing dates relating to the completion of baktun 10, although
the stelae in this group primarily concern an event a katun later, that being 10.1.0.0.0
5 Ahau 3 Kayab, corresponding to ad 849 (Stuart 2016). It is probably no coincidence that this
late date relates not only to a major period ending but also the time of the Maya Collapse.
This remarkable structure has stelae and altars on all four sides and, oddly, Stela 21 in the
pivotal center of the temple superstructure, with evidence of considerable burning on the
stucco floor (Figures 5 and 6). While gleaning over the Peabody Museum excavation reports
for the building, I realized that there were three jade boulders placed directly below this cen-
tral stela, hence my title “The Jade Hearth.” Of special relevance of course is that the Ceibal
royal emblem glyph denotes the “sacred lord of the three stone place.” David Stuart (2016)
observes that in fact the pivotal Stela 21 atop Structure A-3 explicitly refers to the green three
hearthstones pertaining to the 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahau 8 Cumku event. For Stela 1 from the same
radial temple, the lord bears the title yax kaloomte’—kaloomte’ being a major and rare title
for Maya kings, logographically portrayed as the rain God Chahk wielding a lightning axe
and typically designating particular cardinal points (Figure 7a). In Maya directional color
symbolism, red is east, north white, west black, and south yellow, with the center as green or
yax. In addition, on Ceibal Stela 10 from the same A-3 Group, the three-stone sign is prefixed
by the tahn glyph based visually on the human abdomen (Figure 7b), but meaning “middle”
or “central.”

The glyph for tahn, “within,” but also “chest,” is shown in later examples by the arch of the
solar plexus, two nipples, and a belly button. Earlier examples with quincunx signs prob-
ably indicated “centrality,” the center of the body. (Houston et al. 2006:36, see Fig. 1.37a)

Clearly enough, Late Classic inscriptions at Ceibal denote it as the “Middle Place,” both as
20 Karl Taube: Collected Works

regards the three hearthstones but also the color green denoting the center in Maya color
directional symbolism. At Late Classic Ceibal, Structure A-3 with its celtiform directional
stelae oriented to the four directions and center was probably the locus of ceremonies per-
taining to concepts of world creation and foundation involving calendrics and the cardinal
points, which can be seen as early as the Middle Formative with directional celt offerings
as well as the three hearthstone cache in the immediately adjacent E-Group to the north.
Recent excavations at Ceibal directed by Takeshi Inomata at the E-Group just north
of the A-3 complex uncovered a wide range of Middle Formative “Olmec-style” offerings
on the central axis, including directionally oriented greenstone celts and ceramic vessels as
well as a set of three large stone spheres placed in a triangular pattern, suggesting that at
a very early date Ceibal, as the place of the three stones, was a pivotally important center
of the ancient Maya world (see Inomata and Triadan 2015:Fig 32). Geographically, it is
indeed located in the center of the Maya lowlands, and perhaps Structure A-3 concerns
Maya lords from different realms in the Maya region converging at Ceibal to celebrate not
only the baktun ending of 10.0.0.0.0 (one katun later on 10.1.0.0.0) but also an extremely
long era of Maya rulership in the Peten. Although publicly commemorating the completion
or termination of royal dynasties may seem counterintuitive, the last known completely
carved major monument at Copan, Altar Q from ad 776, has four kings on each of its four
sides, which although creating a pleasantly symmetrical cosmogram leaves no room for a
successor, with the founder K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’ and the sixteenth ruler Yax Pasaj Chan
Yopaat facing each other on the western side, much as if marking the end of the Copan
dynasty that began with the arrival of K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’ 350 years earlier in ad 426. In
terms of the Maya Collapse, Dennis Puleston (1979:67-68) gathered a trove of ethnohistoric
data concerning the importance to Colonial Maya polities of katun endings of the “Short
Count,” and he noted that this was surely present among the Classic Maya as well:

[I]t seems undeniable that a thirteen-katun historical cycle was recognized and was of
great influence during the Classic Period. Even the katun prophesies which survived in
the Post-Conquest period may reflect something of these events which must have already
had a rhythm of their own which, like waves on an ocean of time, had a momentum that
carried the fortunes of civilization with them.

In this regard, there is also the Late Classic Altar 3 from Altar de los Reyes in Campeche
that appeared to have originally featured 13 emblem glyphs from major Maya centers, a
pattern strongly evocative of the katun cycle of the early Colonial period (see Taube 1988a;
Šprajc 2003).
The relation of the three hearthstones to the mythic 4 Ahau 8 Cumku event is not
limited to Quirigua but also appears in inscriptions from other sites, including Palenque,
Piedras Negras, and Dos Pilas. In addition, an important Early Classic example occurs on
the back of a greenstone mask of GI, an aquatic aspect of the sun deity (see Van Stone
2010:52-54). The inscription indicates that the mythic relation of the three stones to the
13.0.0.0.0 event was of considerable antiquity and widely shared by the Classic Maya.
The three hearthstones are relatively rare in the Postclassic Maya codices, although
page 43 of the Codex Madrid has a glyphic passage concerning offerings with eight col-
umns of vertical text beginning with the glyphs for East, North, West, and South, followed
by the three hearthstones, a temple glyph, then a fire sign, and finally an undeciphered
glyph with a ceramic vessel as the main sign (Taube et al. 2010:25, Fig. 15d) (Figure 8c). In
 Author’s Introduction 21

Figure 8. Depictions and

references to the three
hearthstones and turtles in
Classic and Postclassic Maya
writing and iconography: (a)
royal name of Early Classic
ruler, Naranjo Stela 43 (after
Tokovinine et al. 2018:Fig. 5c); (b)
hearthstones appearing on back
of probable celestial turtle, Codex
Madrid, p. 71; (c) hearthstones
following the world directions,
a Codex Madrid, p. 43 (drawings by
author).
b

addition, page 71 of the Codex Madrid also features a turtle below a skyband with falling
rain, a scene that has been interpreted as a depiction of the constellation Orion (see Friedel
et al. 1993:Fig. 2.16) (Figure 8b). Rather than being Orion, however, the Madrid scene could
perhaps simply portray a skyband shedding rain atop the earth turtle (Taube et al. 2010:25).
Nonetheless, an Early Classic royal name from Naranjo indicates that despite the fact that
the turtle is indeed a basic symbol of the earth, it may have celestial connotations as well.
The recently discovered Naranjo Stela 48 depicts the ruler Ajnumsaaj Chan K’inich wearing
a mask backpiece with his father’s name appearing as a turtle headdress along with the sky
glyph and the three hearthstones, with this sky turtle hearthstone name appearing in other
glyphic contexts pertaining to Naranjo (Tokovinine et al. 2018) (Figure 8a). In addition, in
my Jade Hearth study I also note textual examples of celestial hearthstones at Copan and
Salinas de los Nueve Cerros. At this point, I have no firm idea as to what this means, but I
am not confident that the celestial hearthstones and turtle indeed refer to the constellation
Orion.
As in my Birth Vase study (Chapter 1), I also discuss the relation of Maya temples to
ceramic censers and cache vessels, and I suggest that they serve as miniaturized symbolic
forms of the temple as the focus of ritual. The relation of temple facades to such ritual urns
is especially visible during the Early Classic, and the recent discovery of the elaborate Early
Classic El Diablo Temple at El Zotz is a striking example of the similarity of stucco facades to
the images on censers and cache vessels (see Taube and Houston 2015). In this case the royal
tomb within the structure could well be considered a symbolic “cache offering.” Indeed,
the sarcophagus of K’inich Janaab Pakal in the Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque has
been compared to a cache vessel, with the placement of five jades on Pakal’s hands and feet
as well as one on his loins being much like the directional placement of offerings in Classic
Maya caches, as seen for instance at Copan (see Miller 1992; Taube 2012b, 2015a).
22 Karl Taube: Collected Works

Chapter 5
The Turquoise Hearth: Fire, Self Sacrifice, and the Central Mexican Cult of War
After my Jade Hearth study focusing on Maya concepts of jade in relation to cosmic temples
and centrality, I published a paper concerning Teotihuacan and later Central Mexican concepts
of fire, warfare, and the afterlife, which I entitled the “Turquoise Hearth.” Although here I
only tangentially refer to the precious stone itself, I addressed it specifically in a conference
at the British Museum in 2009, published several years later (Taube 2012c). In the Turquoise
Hearth I discuss the subject of the cult of war at Teotihuacan, where despite the fact that there
is essentially no evidence of turquoise at the Early Classic site, themes pertaining to its later
symbolic significance were already present, including a supernatural creature linked to war,
fire, and meteors. In this work I reappraise my initial identification of the War Serpent, which
I first identified and named in my Temple of Quetzalcoatl paper (Taube 1992c). Here I take a
more nuanced approach and argue that rather than being based on a snake, the War Serpent
relates to widespread Mesoamerican concepts of fiery meteors and meteorites as caterpillars,
a theme entirely consistent with the Late Postclassic Aztec Xiuhcoatl, or “meteor snake,”
whose segmented body shares the same form with early Colonial portrayals of caterpillars
in the Codex Mendoza, Matrícula de tributos, and other documents (see also Taube 2012c). In a
Dumbarton Oaks symposium in 2008, I presented visual evidence linking Late Classic ver-
sions of the War Serpent to early forms of the Xiuhcoatl (Taube 2011). In the British Museum
conference on turquoise I also relate the Classic-period War Serpent to the Late Postclassic
Aztec Xiuhcoatl, the most impressive examples being the magnificent pair on the sides of the
great Calendar Stone, with flames emerging from each segment of their bodies, much like
pupate butterfly wings. In other words, this massive solar disk of Tonatiuh is surrounded by
supernatural caterpillars, meteoric beings of fire and turquoise (Taube 2012c).
Of particular interest to me in the Turquoise Hearth paper is the concept of fire in rela-
tion to the immolation of deceased heroic warriors transmuted into butterfly souls through
the transformational element of fire. That is, the burning of warrior mortuary bundles sym-
bolized the metamorphosis of the chrysalis or cocoon into a resplendent, fiery butterfly. At
Teotihuacan, the most direct expressions of this concept are the so-called “theater censers,”
which I argue are portrayals of masked mortuary bundles, with the act of burning the offering
symbolizing a reenactment of their cremation, as known for the later Aztec and illustrated in
the Codex Magliabechiano and Codex Tudela. Originally rendered in bright polychrome, these
censers are frequently ornamented with floral mica mirrors, butterflies, quetzal birds, and
other resplendent items and in fact serve as excellent Early Classic encapsulations of the
Flower World first defined and discussed by the late linguist Jane Hill (1992).
One of the main workshops for creating the mold-made ceramic appliqués for the
censers was annexed directly to the northwest corner of the Ciudadela at Teotihuacan,
and I argue in this study that the Ciudadela, containing the Temple of Quetzalcoatl (or the
Feathered Serpent Pyramid) with its massive dedicatory offering of sacrificed victims, may
well constitute the original “Turquoise Enclosure” of self-sacrifice during the Early Classic
period. The phenomenal discovery by the archaeologist Sergio Gómez Chávez (2017) of an
early massive tunnel with hundreds of thousands of offerings leading directly under the
center of the Temple of Quetzalcoatl creates a whole new perspective on the relation of
the Ciudadela to Teotihuacan as well as the cultural origins and development of this great
center.
 Author’s Introduction 23

Chapter 6
Lightning Celts and Corn Fetishes: The Formative Olmec and the Development
of Maize Symbolism in Mesoamerica and the American Southwest
I consider Chapter 6 to be one of my most ambitious and far-ranging papers as well as
among my favorites. This was composed when there were two major exhibitions devoted
to the Olmec, the aforementioned one at Princeton and another at the National Gallery of
Art in Washington, D.C., with my “Rainmakers” paper being the result of the first and this
paper the result of the latter. The central theme concerns the origins of maize ritual and
symbolism of not only Mesoamerica but the American Southwest as well. I argue that the
Olmec were the first to articulate an elaborate symbolic complex pertaining to maize and
wealth, including its relation to cosmic world directions, green jade, and quetzal plumes as
well as ritual items, especially greenstone celts and maize ear fetishes. It is important to note
that in native perspective, “wealth” is not simply something inherited and manipulated, but
reflects the moral value of living in the correct way and in balance so that the powers of rain
will bestow further abundance for the benefit of human increase, such as can be seen among
the contemporary Hopi. In other words, certain Olmec were probably regarded as sacred
mediators to this divine realm as “rain-makers.” The dissemination of maize agriculture did
not just include farming techniques but also elaborate symbolism and ritual, clearly in part
to ensure the summer rains that would make the growth of this sacred plant possible. One
of the reasons that maize was never adopted among native peoples in California where I live
is that in the absence of major irrigation networks, maize cannot grow without the summer
monsoon cycle of rain that is present in the American Southwest as well as Mesoamerica.
In this chapter I argue that this symbolic complex of corn first developed during Olmec
times, especially during the apogee of Middle Formative La Venta (ca. 900–400 bc) when
maize iconography becomes widespread, along with trade routes for acquiring jadeite from
the Motagua Valley of eastern Guatemala as well as quetzal plumes from the Maya high-
lands. I note that for the Olmec there are two precious items directly related to maize. One is
the maize ear fetish, a bundle of bound reeds or sticks surrounding a central ear of corn with
a tuft of feathers at the top, much like the verdant husk around an ear of maize. Although
in my 1995 Rainmakers study I identify these as simply bundles of precious plumes, they
almost invariably have a projecting ear of corn. In addition, there are stone examples carved
in serpentine or jadeite that explicitly show the head of the maize god with an emerging cob,
including an example from Ejido Ojoshal, to be subsequently discussed (Figure 9).
What I find truly remarkable is that for Puebloan peoples in the American Southwest to
this day, among the most prized and sacred items are perfect ears of corn—that is, the grains
go entirely to the tip of the cob—surrounded by feathers. These are the embodiments of the
maize spirit, and at times they can be supplied with necklaces as if sentient beings, as in the
case of a fetish from Sia Pueblo, New Mexico (Figure 10a). White (1962:307-308) graphically
describes the creation of these at Sia as personified embodiments of the corn spirit:

The fetish has a “face” on one side of the tip end. At the back of the “head,” two long parrot
tail feathers are inserted. A necklace of turquoise, obsidian and beads is placed around
iariko’s “neck.”

For Acoma close to Zuni, the goddess of the earth and maize created the first maize ear fetish,
known as honani:
 24 Karl Taube: Collected Works

Figure 9. Serpentine maize ear

fetish found with an offering of
over 100 greenstone celts, Ejido
Ojoshal, Chiapas: (a) overview
of offering (photo courtesy of
Mary Ellen Miller); (b) detail of
serpentine maize fetish in center
of offering (photo by author).

b
 Author’s Introduction 25

a b
Figure 10. Maize ear fetishes from North America: (a) maize fetish from Sia, New Mexico (from Stevenson
1894:Pl. 9); (b) maize fetish from the Pawnee of Oklahoma (from Fletcher 1904:Pl. 88).

So Iatiku made this honani with corn in the center into which she had blown her own
breath, into the hollow in the bottom of the cob, and then closed it with the cotton. This
breath was to be her own power in it; she blew her heart (soul) into it. This ear of corn
would thereafter symbolize herself… (Stirling 1942:31-32)

In the American Southwest, these precious and esteemed items are frequently bound
with feathers of the macaw, a bird from Mesoamerica, suggesting an origin for these sacred
maize ears further south where corn was actually first domesticated. What is quite remark-
able is that with the Pawnee of Oklahoma the corn fetish is documented in the late nineteenth
century, where it has a tassel of feathers on the tip, much like examples from the Puebloan
Southwest (Figure 10b). Alice C. Fletcher (1904:22) provides an account of the profound
significance of this maize ear:

The ear of white corn, called Atira, Mother, represented the fruitfulness of the earth. The tip
end was painted blue to represent the dome of the sky, the dwelling place of the powers,
and four blue equidistant lines, running halfway down the ear, were the four paths along
which the powers descended to minister to man.
26 Karl Taube: Collected Works

Given the fact that the maize deity is promi-

nently portrayed on images of Olmec maize
ear fetishes, it is more than likely that they
were similarly treated as items of reverence
and living embodiments of the spirit of
corn.
The other Olmec item of value
pertaining to maize is the greenstone celt,
symbolizing the verdant ear of corn. In
fact this axe contextually overlaps in many
ways with the feathered maize ear fetish.
An incised serpentine celt in the collection
of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art
portrays the maize fetish as the central ele-
ment of a quincunx pattern flanked at the
four corners by celtiform maize ears (Figure
11a). In addition a massive serpentine celt
in the Yale Art Gallery features an incised
a b image of a maize ear fetish, in this case with
the lower portion broken into four quarters,
again alluding to the directions and world
Figure 11. Middle Formative Olmec images of center (Figure 11b). However, the most
the corn ear fetish incised on serpentine celts: (a)
feathered maize fetish surrounded by four celtiform spectacular display of the relation of the
ears of corn, Los Angeles County Museum of Art maize fetish to celts is an Olmec offering
(from Taube and Saturno 2008:Fig 7d); (b) large found at Ejido Ojoshal, Tabasco, located
serpentine celt with maize ear fetish, Yale Art
Gallery (drawings by author). some 15 kilometers north of La Venta.
The cache had in the center a serpentine
rendering of the maize ear fetish with the head of the maize god surrounded by a bed of
over one hundred greenstone celts, with all the bit edges oriented in same direction (see Roca
Cogordan 2012:176) (Figure 9).
As has been mentioned, there have been many Middle Formative Olmec-style caches
found in recent years at sites in the Maya area, the most noteworthy being Cival and Ceibal
in the Peten of Guatemala. In addition, recent excavations at Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas,
have also uncovered celt offerings, including one with an incised image of the Olmec
Maize God. As I note in this study, the Hopi have sacred celts, chamahiya, fashioned of soft
hornblend—the same material used to carve European meerschaum pipes. Among the Hopi
Snake Society in the nineteenth century, certain chamahiya were actually encased in feathered
tiponi bundles as symbolic ears of corn. In addition, the Mennonite missionary Henry Voth
illustrates scenes of kiva initiation at the Third Mesa pueblo of Oraibi where there was a
sand painting with stone chamahiya of yellow, blue, red, and white, with corresponding ears
of maize oriented to the directions of the horizontal plane presided over by the four Cloud
Chiefs represented by stepped clouds (Figure 12). The middle of this cosmogram depicts the
levels of the worlds, with the sipapu place of emergence being in the center (corresponding to
a particular yellow travertine dome in the Grand Canyon) and then followed by the under-
world levels of yellow, blue, and red, with humankind living in the fourth world of white.
 Author’s Introduction 27

Figure 12. Hopi kiva initiation sand painting from nineteenth-century Oraibi of color
directional maize ears and chamahiya celts framing image of the central sipapu surrounded by
the four colored levels of the world (from Voth 1901:Pl. 52).

If this was found with the “chamahiya” buried in southeastern Mesoamerica, one would
assume it was an Olmec cache.

Chapter 7
The Breath of Life: The Symbolism of Wind in Mesoamerica and the American
Southwest
This study is the direct result of a question by the late Virginia M. Fields, then curator of Art of
the Ancient Americas at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, who asked me what would
be an exhibit that I would like to participate in. I immediately responded with “The Road
to Aztlan,” a way to bridge the rich cultures of the American Southwest to Mesoamerica,
with Los Angeles being a perfect place to do this. My particular piece in the exhibition
catalog focuses on native concepts of breath and wind, known in Hopi as hikwisi and a very
28 Karl Taube: Collected Works

sacred means of blessing among

the Zuni—moist breath being
the essence of the ancestral rain
spirits for both peoples. Once I
started delving into this some-
what arcane but surprisingly rich
topic, I realized that this complex
of breath and wind can be readily
traced to the Formative-period
Olmec, including Monument 1
at Chalcatzingo with its exhal-
ing cave maw, relating as well
to the importance of flowers as
sources of breath emanations, in
other words, their sweet aroma.
Simply put, flowers are symbols
of the breath soul, and as I note
in this study the sacred flutes of
the Hopi summer Flute Society
members have distal ends in the
form of flowers. Out of the ends
of these flutes hang hikwisi breath
cords, thereby linking the music
through synesthesia to the aroma
of flowers as well as the ancestors.
A fully initiated member of a kiva
society, the famed Hopi artist
Figure 13. Fred Kabotie painting entitled
“Flute Ceremony” (from Kabotie 1977:116).
Fred Kabotie painted a rendering
of Flute Society priests playing
their floral instruments before a pool inhabited by the plumed water serpent Paalölöqangw
(Figure 13). At the baseline, one can discern his rendering of the levels of the earth, begin-
ning with yellow, blue, and red, and ending with us in the white world, something perhaps
not that obvious but perfectly clear to initiated Hopi. In addition Kabotie depicts a demure
woman in the background, and almost surely this is a Corn Maiden, with the overlapping
cloak suggesting her head emerging from the cleft husk of maize. Her legs are blue, which is
the color of the hardy ear of corn first favored by the Hopi at their emergence from the sipapu
when they encountered Maasaw, the god of fire and death, who presented them with both
maize to eat and a gourd canteen of water to drink.
As it turns out, feathered flutes are widespread in ancient Mesoamerica, including
Aztec examples from the Primeros memoriales, and the roughly contemporaneous Codex Tudela
depicts a musician holding an explicit floral flute with a blossom and even vegetation on the
side (Figure 14a–b). Classic Maya imagery is replete with depictions of flutes and trumpets
having feather or paper elements at the distal ends, as can be seen in graffiti from Tikal (Figure
14c). In addition, a figurine attributed to Jaina grasps a floral trumpet rimmed with petals
having the central breath element explicitly portrayed three-dimensionally (see Miller and
Martin 2004:Pl. 19). Oddly enough, inscriptions from both La Corona and Tikal, Guatemala,
 Author’s Introduction 29

Figure 14. Floral and feathered

flutes or trumpets from the contact-
a period Aztec and Classic Maya:
(a) floral flute from Codex Tudela;
b
(b) flute with feather emanations,
Primeros memoriales, fol. 250r; (c)
Classic Maya scene of figures
blowing trumpets with pendant
feathers or paper elements, detail
of graffito from Tikal, Guatemala
(after Trik and Kampen 1983:Fig. 9).

refer to dance performances accompanied by yax k’uk’uum amaay “green-feathered flutes”

(David Stuart and Stephen Houston, personal communications, 2012). The relation of flutes
and trumpets to feathers extends to the southern limits of Mesoamerica. Dating to roughly
the Early Postclassic period, a Papagayo polychrome vessel from the Nicoya Peninsula of
Costa Rica depicts a human figure in apparent flight blowing a trumpet emanating feath-
ers (Figure 15). Blossoms with feathers appear on both his headdress and back, and clearly
enough this is a very southern extension of the Flower World concept first defined by Jane
Hill. Broken into four quarters, his chest piece recalls the Aztec symbol for gold, suggesting
that he is wearing a pectoral of this precious material. The identity of this being remains
obscure, although he could well be a local embodiment of a solar-related deity, much like a
version of the Aztec god of flowers and music known as Xochipilli, the Flower Prince.
In my Breath of Life study, I realized that much of the rich complex pertaining to breath,
flowers, and music was fully present among the Classic Maya. For the exhibition Road to
Aztlan, Maya material would not have been a good idea, as Classic Maya imagery is jarringly
different from the sharp and elegant imagery of the American Southwest. Nonetheless, these
distant regions do share fundamental cultural concepts, despite the fact that they may be
portrayed in very different styles. Because of issues of length, I cut a good deal of the Maya
30 Karl Taube: Collected Works

Figure 15. Feathered flute

blown by flying floral
figure, Nicoya Peninsula,
Costa Rica (from Fontana
Coto 2001:85).

content from my published chapter. What I was able to include, however, was the identifica-
tion of the Maya god of breath and wind, known as God H in the Paul Schellhas (1904)
classificatory system of deities appearing in the Madrid, Paris, and Dresden codices. About the
same time that I was working on this essay, Andrea Stone noted that God H of the Postclassic
codices seemed to be a god of flowers, much like the “Flower Prince” Xochipilli of highland
Mexico. However, what I realized was that this Late Postclassic deity seemed to better cor-
respond to a comely youthful being appearing in Classic Maya art and writing. In Classic
Maya texts he appears in very specific contexts—as the Initial Series Introductory Glyph
patron of the month Mac, as the personified form of the numeral 3, and most importantly as
the personified form of the second day name Ik, meaning wind, in the twenty named days
of the Maya calendar. In all three contexts he can appear with rattles and apparently singing,
thereby also identifying him as the Classic Maya god of music. It was thanks to Ginny Fields
that I pursued this whole field of research with flowers, music, and the breath soul in my
subsequent study entitled “Flower Mountain: Concepts of Life, Beauty, and Paradise among
the Classic Maya” (Taube 2004b), which I regard as one of my most important contributions
to our field.

Chapter 8
Maws of Heaven and Hell: The Symbolism of the Centipede and Serpent in
Classic Maya Religion
As the origin of this paper, I had the honor to be invited to a conference in Santiago de
Compostela, Spain, organized in 2002 by the Sociedad Española de Estudios Mayas. In this
study I note that among the Classic Maya, serpents serve as basic symbols of breath, much
like Quetzalcoatl of Central Mexico, and can appear as stylized heads floating before faces
of Maya gods and kings. Based on an insightful decipherment by Nikolai Grube and Werner
Nahm (1994) of the glyphic spelling chapaht, centipede, in a roster of Classic Maya wahy
characters, I pursued its meaning in ancient Maya thought as a creature basically antithetical
to the serpents of breath and life. At a number of sites, including Yaxchilan and Copan,
centipedes appear in monumental art and surely depict these creatures as skeletal snakes
 Author’s Introduction 31

of the night and darkness. Oddly enough, the south side of Temple 11 at Copan features a
pair of massive iguana heads chomping on centipedes in the corners of their mouths, quite
possibly some of their favorite fare (Figure 16).
In Mesoamerican iconography, it is readily possible to trace the centipede to the Early
Formative Olmec, including a ceramic vessel attributed to Las Bocas, Morelos, as well as a
shell carving excavated by archaeologists of Mexico’s National Institute of Anthropology
and History working at the very same site (see Paillés 2008) (Figure 17a). As it happens,
Justin Kerr also has an example of a carved shell centipede head in his exceptional corpus of
Precolumbian art (see K6207 in the Precolumbian Portfolio at Mayavase.com) (Figure 17b).
In the snake and centipede paper, I also note the exquisite Late Preclassic pair of centipede
shell carvings from Chiapa de Corzo, and clearly enough there is a close relationship to shell
with this odd creature. Quite possibly this might have to do with cut and polished shell

Figure 16. Iguanas from southwest corner of Temple 11, Copan, devouring centipedes
(photo by author 1995).

Figure 17. Shell portrayals of centipede heads in

Olmec iconography: (a) shell centipede head excavated
at Las Bocas, Morelos (after Paillés 2008:Fig. 6); (b)
Olmec-style shell centipede head (drawing by author
after Kerr Precolumbian Portfolio K6207). b
32 Karl Taube: Collected Works

(aside from Spondylus) usually being a non-colored and thus nocturnal material evoking the
lustrous moon, much as silver was compared to this celestial body in ancient Peru.

Chapter 9
Tetitla and the Maya Presence at Teotihuacan
One of my main research interests over many years has been the complex relationship of
Teotihuacan to its Maya neighbors, situated roughly 600 miles to the east. Oddly enough,
many researchers regard the Maya region as being “south” of Teotihuacan, but this is indeed
not the case. In fact during the Early Postclassic period two of the greatest sites in Mesoamerica
were Tula in central Mexico and Chichen Itza in Yucatan, and Chichen Itza is even slightly
further north in latitude than Tula. Since the research directed in the 1940s by Alfred Kidder in
Mounds A and B at Kaminaljuyu (Kidder et al. 1946), it is becoming increasingly clear that there
was direct and sustained contact between the Maya and Teotihuacan. This understanding of
the strong link between these two distant and very foreign cultures was further reinforced by
the major archaeological project directed by William Coe of the University of Pennsylvania
at Tikal with the discovery of the critically important monument Stela 31 dedicated in ad 445.
Due in large part to David Stuart’s (2000) groundbreaking readings of hieroglyphic texts from
Tikal and Copan, we now realize that Teotihuacan had a very direct influence on local Maya
dynasties during the Early Classic period. However, there has been surprisingly little interest
in how the Maya influenced Teotihuacan, which is the focus of this chapter.
Among the most striking traits during the earliest development of Teotihuacan are
triadic groupings, generally oriented to the northern part of the site, featuring a large central
pyramid flanked by two smaller ones facing each other across a plaza. This constitutes a
basic theme in Late Preclassic Maya architecture of the Peten in the central Maya lowlands.
In addition, one can only wonder where the inspiration for creating the massive pyramids
of the Sun and Moon and the Pyramid of the Feathered Serpent came from, given the obvi-
ous corollaries at El Mirador, Guatemala, where at this early time structures were far more
impressive and extensive than the contemporaneous Late Formative monumental architec-
ture of Tlapacoya or Cuicuilco in the Basin of Mexico. Moreover, dating to roughly ad 200,
the Pyramid of the Feathered Serpent features rattlesnakes with green quetzal plumes swim-
ming in an ocean of shells, the quetzal being entirely foreign to Central Mexico and a natural
inhabitant of the Maya realm of highland Chiapas and Guatemala. In other words, during
the initial development of the city, Teotihuacan was fully cognizant of the Maya culture and
the vast wealth and economic power to the east.
For my Tetitla paper, I was immediately intrigued by a major decipherment presented
by Stephen Houston and David Stuart (1996) concerning the impersonation of Maya gods by
kings, in which the glyphic phrase ubaahil aan referenced “the image of” the impersonated
deity. I realized that one of the “Realistic Paintings” fragments from Tetitla Corridor 12 exca-
vated by Agustín Villagra (1954) bore this very phrase. To his credit, Villagra readily realized
that these fragments from Tetitla portrayed Maya individuals, including such detailed traits
as the rendering of earspools. What my research did was to expand the Maya presence at
Teotihuacan not only to Tetitla but the greater site as a whole, including locally made plano-
relief ceramics, where there are many portrayals of what is clearly an Early Classic Maya
serpent head in profile. I suspect rather strongly that this motif at the site designated the
Maya as “people of the serpent” in local Teotihuacano thought. In addition, a good many of
 Author’s Introduction 33

Figure 18. Maya maize deity holding Spondylus shell, detail of Late Classic Codex Style
bowl, Los Angeles County Museum of Art (photo by author).

these vessels have what appear to be a series of tightly bound bundles on the rims, perhaps
alluding to the characteristic top knot of hair corresponding to the main sign of the emblem
glyph of Tikal. Although not mentioned in this study, it is more than likely that such local
burnished Maya-style vases at Teotihuacan were for drinking cacao, a foreign beverage from
the Maya area.
Following the publication of this paper in 2003, the most remarkable development at
the Tetitla compound was the discovery of hundreds more of Villagra’s renderings of Maya-
style fragments (Staines Cicero and Helmke 2017). While I am still trying to absorb this huge
amount of new material, it is clear to me that some of the murals featured the death and
underworld journey of the maize god in search of marine shell. A large Late Classic bowl at
the Los Angeles County Museum of Art features the Maya maize deity apparently singing
into a Spondylus shell in the context of the watery underworld, denoted by a central skull
sprouting waterlilies (Figure 18). Years ago, Charles Kolb (1987) suggested that Tetitla was a
compound for traders in marine shell, and the newly published fragments from Corridor 12
strongly indicate that this was the case. In my study, I noted that the mural fragments from
Tetitla constitute virtually pure versions of Maya art and writing of the Early Classic period.
Moreover, it is now clear that these examples were to be surpassed, and extremely fine
mural fragments currently being excavated by Nawa Sugiyama in the Plaza of the Columns,
southwest of the Pyramid of the Moon, reveal that in fact the relation of Teotihuacan to royal
34 Karl Taube: Collected Works

courts of the Maya was of a much higher level involving presumably Maya artists from
royal courts of major sites, with one of the themes being portrayals of the Maya god of maize
(Sugiyama et al. 2016). The new discoveries from this portion of the site are far finer than
anything of Early Classic Maya style that I have seen before at Teotihuacan.

Chapter 10
Ancient and Contemporary Maya Conceptions About Field and Forest
As in “Lightning Celts and Corn Fetishes” (Chapter 6), this “Field and Forest” study of Maya
concepts of the forest wilds was an opportunity to delve directly into Mesoamerican eth-
nology. I should note that I consider myself an archaeoethnologist, someone who embraces
complex excavated material and art from the past together with the living presence of native
perspectives. Another person who engages in this angle of research is Linda Brown, as seen
in her exceptional work documenting hunting shrines in the Lake Atitlan region (Brown
2009). As I mentioned in my introduction to the previous volume of these selected works, I
lived in a Maya community in Quintana Roo for almost a year and gradually learned to speak
Yukatek, along with a basic understanding of the surrounding natural environment. What
was very clear to me in local thought was that the bush is not such a great place for hanging
out, and aside from the immediately annoying presence of snakes and bugs, especially chig-
gers and ticks, there were insidious forest spirits, such as the alux and the x’tabay that would
readily take you to crazy land if you got lost. The alux are basically mischievous goblin-like
creatures that generally want to make things more difficult and annoying, especially in the
deep forest. The x’tabay, however, is a very scheming and ominous female being with long
and lovely hair, and once one embraces her as lost drunkards are wont to do, they realize that
her back is sheer bark and the experience starts going downhill from there.
In this study, I address the symbolic significance of the forest wilds among the ancient
and contemporary Maya, and note that in contrast to the carefully cultivated milpa or kool in
Yukatek, this is very much a region of both supernatural power and danger. Clearly enough
the unruly and truly creepy wahy spirits of dreams and nightmares come from this very mar-
ginal place. One of the insights that I was able to elaborate is the identification of the Classic
Maya god of the hunt and forest wilds, still known as Sip among the contemporary Yukatek
Maya. In ancient Maya art he typically appears as a quite ugly old man with a drooping
lower lip, an ungainly appearance that was probably unhappily common for hunters in
Classic Maya society, unfortunate isolates on the boundary of no man’s land. This god’s
striking features continued into the Late Postclassic period, and a remarkable censer from
Cerro Maya in the Chetumal Bay area of Belize depicts him wearing a deer headdress—quite
possibly to approach deer during the hunt—with deeply furrowed wrinkled features and a
long drooping lower lip flanked by a beard, a trait commonly used to designate old men in
Maya art (see Milbrath and Walker 2017:Fig. 10.13). I realized while working at Bonampak in
a project directed by Mary Miller that an extremely fine and detailed portrayal of this strange
and wily being appears in Room 3 of Structure 1, basically as a graffito but also of the highest
quality Maya artistry. Along with his wizened features and an antler on his brow he wears a
large hat, of obvious use when trekking into the bush.
At Copan, the Late Classic Maya ruler Waxaklajuun Ubaah K’awiil commissioned a
series of stelae in the Great Plaza, and Stela B names him as an impersonator of the god of
the hunt standing in a cave on Macaw Mountain with stacked Witz heads on both sides.
 Author’s Introduction 35

Figure 19. Head of Maya hunting

god Sip as old god with deer antler,
on stone hacha (after Shook and
Marquis 1996:119 [H53]).

The glyphic text explicitly refers to him in this monumental context as Sip, with a deer ear,
a repugnant protruding nose, and elaborate breath emanations that surely are smelly. This
monument closely relates to depictions of this very same being residing in his cave domicile
with stacked Witz heads at the sides in Late Classic Maya “Codex Style” vessel scenes (see
K1559 and K4012 at Mayavase.com). In a detailed study of ancient and contemporary Maya
hunting imagery and lore, Edwin Braakhuis (2001:Fig. 8) illustrates a Late Classic poly-
chrome Maya vessel with the obviously ailing Sip in a cave flanked by stacked Witz heads,
notably similar in composition to the sides of Copan Stela B. In the same study, Braakhuis
(2001:402) cites a Nicaraguan tale recorded by Wolfgang Haberland of a hunter following a
wounded deer to a mountain house, only to learn that in fact it is the Lord of the Deer who
is wounded.
In a study cited in my Field and Forest paper, Nicholas Hellmuth (1991) focused on
the relation of the god I identify as Sip to ballgame scenes on Late Classic Maya ceramics.
Hellmuth rightly points out that many of the ballplayers wear headdresses corresponding
to forest denizens, including the deer and vulture as well as the hunting god. Although not
elaborated by Hellmuth, stone hachas directly pertaining to the ballgame and dating to the
Late Classic period from the piedmont area of south coastal Guatemala and neighboring
regions of southeastern Mesoamerica very frequently depict the same wilderness environ-
ment, including many depictions of deer and vultures (Shook and Marquis 1996). One par-
ticular hacha features the god of the hunt as a wizened old being sprouting a deer antler from
his forehead (Figure 19). Although from a region distant from the Maya lowlands, the object
clearly portrays this deity in the context of the ballgame. As with many other insights arising
from the study of ancient Mesoamerican lore, there remains a good deal to be said about the
ancient Maya ballgame concerning its relation to animal spirits and gods of the forest wilds.
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2008 Los murales de San Bartolo: desarrollo temprano del simbolismo y del mito del maíz en la anti-
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2006 Bringing the Rain: An Ideology of Rain Making in the Pueblo Southwest and Mesoamerica. In
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2004 The Sourcing of Mesoamerican Jade: Expanded Geological Reconnaissance in the Motagua
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