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The Concepts of Modern Astrology

A Critique 2005
Ivan W. Kelly
University of Saskatchewan, Canada

An expanded 2001 version of an article published in Psychological Reports 1997, 81, 1035-
1066.
This 2005 update has recent additions and improved section headings and sub-headings.

Abstract -- Most research reviews are concerned with empirical findings. This one takes astrological concepts, the ideas
on which astrology is based, and submits them to expert critical thinking. It covers recent shifts in astrological ideas, how
astrologers avoid dealing with criticism, and the problems associated with (in turn) the fundamental assumptions of
astrology, the origins of astrological ideas, modern psychological astrology, astrological world views, astrological
symbolism, non-falsifiability, and magical influences. To be plausible astrology needs sound ideas with sound origins, and
sound methods for verifying those ideas. But none of the possible origins of astrological ideas (revelation, paranormal,
analogy, observation, theory) are plausible. Astrologers can explain away wrong chart interpretations by blaming the
symbolism, chart factor, method, data, astrologer or client. They can also dismiss the interpretation as misguided (it used
to be visible events, now it is invisible inner meaning). So astrologers could never know if astrology was wrong or which of
their explanatory theories could actually apply. Central ideas such as "as above so below" and "interconnectedness" and
the "whole chart" are too poorly developed to amount to anything useful. There is little agreement on basic issues and on
how to resolve differences among astrological techniques and ideas. Astrological symbolism is unsystematic and based on
metaphors, analogies, verbal associations, and mythology, which are developed in different ways by astrologers with no
clear way of evaluating them. The philosophies and worldviews associated with astrology are underdeveloped or poorly
described. Consequently astrology does not have, and never will have, the resources to put its house in order. Astrology
seems quite unlikely to deliver anything beyond what non-astrological factors (eg cognitive and perceptual biasses) can
account for. With copious quotes from leading astrologers and nearly 250 references.

This critique of the concepts of modern astrology is long and detailed. It looks first at the
awareness of problematic concepts, recent shifts in astrological ideas, and how astrologers
avoid dealing with criticism. It then looks at the problems associated with, in turn, the basic
ideas of astrology, the origins of astrological ideas, modern psychological astrology,
astrological world views, astrological symbolism, non-falsifiability, and magical influences.
My conclusion is that astrological concepts are deeply problematic from beginning to end,
and that astrology will never have the resources to put its house in order.

1. Awareness of problematic concepts

Since Newton, the views of astrologers and scientists have become increasingly opposed.
Astrologers today still hold that the connection between celestial and earthly phenomena is
so strong that knowing the heavens allows us to explain and/or predict the earthly
happenings. But scientists and philosophers disagree. The terrestrial and cosmological
sciences, including the life sciences and social sciences, even though no less interested in
extraterrestrial relations with earthly events, do not provide any support to these realms of
our existence as advocated by astrologers (see Kelly & Dean 2000). Note 1

Memo to reader: Notes need not be referred to as they occur. They can be read more
conveniently, and without loss of relevance, as a whole at your leisure once the main text
has been read.
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Furthermore, the symbolism, mythology, analogies, metaphors, and verbal associations that
underpin astrological claims are fraught with very problematic methodological issues.

Most of the symbolism modern astrologers use was created in times when the then
astronomer/astrologers had no idea whatever about the physical characteristics of the
planets. Consequently,there is little worldwide agreement on central tenets of astrology, let
alone agreement on how astrological issues can be resolved. Surveys of research into
astrology have provided no evidence that astrology does work, at least not in the way and
to the extent claimed by astrologers.

Facts are hard to find

Of course, every time we wake up with the sun, or plan barbecues on moonlit nights, or go
fishing at high tide, we are showing how celestial bodies have real impact on our lives. But
this is very different from the symbolic connection claimed by astrologers. Other channels of
relationship might exist and science is certainly open for unexpected discoveries (including
celestial effects on human behaviour). But in the sciences, tradition and authorities are not
deified as they are in astrology. Astrologers (unlike scientists), in general, can be
characterized as less interested in discovering the truth of their assertions, and more
interested in making a case for propositions already accepted in advance (check out
magazines like The Mountain Astrologer or astrological web sites like Stariq 2000).

Leahey and Leahey (1983) note that "Most popular works on astrology today do not even
attempt to defend it but simply teach their readers how to use it" (p.39). Similarly, Nias &
Dean (1986) note that "nobody should be surprised to learn that the hardest things to find
in astrology are facts" (p.357). But if you know where to look they can certainly be found.

Emergence of critiques
Before 1950 very few scientific studies of astrology existed. Most critiques of astrology over
the centuries focussed on the problematic nature of astrological theory or the gap between
the claims of astrologers and their actual performance (Long 1982). Something like a dozen
major statistical compilations by astrologers had appeared since 1900, notably in France,
Germany, England and the USA, but none were widely known, and in any case their
methodology was too poor (eg no controls) for meaningful results. Not surprisingly, the few
published critiques were confined mostly to historical surveys (eg Thomen 1938, Bok &
Mayall 1941; Eisler 1946). The only extensive scientific critique available was by the French
astronomer Paul Couderc (1951/1974).

Then in 1955 Michel Gauquelin published his landmark L'Influence des Astres, the first
rigorous study of astrological claims, with generally negative results but with what seemed
to be provocative exceptions (Gauquelin 1955). The research interest that Dean and Mather
(1977) stimulated led to the foundation in 1981 of Correlation, an international peer-
reviewed journal devoted entirely to scientific research into astrology, followed in 1982 by
Astro-Psychological Problems, oriented more to Gauquelin interests.

Enter computers
By then the advent of home computers in the late 1970s had revolutionized astrological
practice and research. Calculating a birth chart (as well as the often required
complementary charts, such as progressions, transits, etc.), once took anywhere from an
hour to a day; now it could be done in seconds, allowing researchers to do studies that were
previously unthinkable.
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Today there is a scholarly research base that covers most of the basic claims of astrology.
Even sun sign columns have been tested (Dean & Mather 2000). The outcome from all this,
in what probably amounts to well over two hundred person-years of research, is almost
uniformly negative (Dean, Mather & Kelly 1996). Unfortunately, much of this work is neither
widely known nor easily accessible.

Critiques since 1980

Critiques of astrology in the light of research findings, post 1980, include those by
psychologists Eysenck & Nias (1982), astronomers Culver & Ianna (1988), Crowe (1990),
skeptics Martens & Trachet (1998), and Bible scholars Ankerberg & Weldon (1989) and
Bourque (1997). The most recent reviews and the first to include meta-analyses are by
Kelly, Dean & Saklofske (1990) and Dean, Mather & Kelly (1996). Critiques of philosophical,
religious or social aspects of astrology include Kelly & Krutzen (1983), Leahey & Leahey
(1983), Thagard (1980), Kanitscheider (1991), Dean (1992), Dean & Loptson (1996), Kelly
(1998), and Spencer (2000).

Reviews of the arguments of astrologers include Kelly, Culver & Loptson (1989), Dean,
Mather & Kelly (1996), Dean (1997), and Kelly (1999, 2000). Theories of astrology
(including Jung's synchronicity theory) are critically examined in Dean, Loptson & Kelly
(1996) and Dean, Ertel, Kelly, Mather & Smit (2000). Descriptions of the Gauquelin work
include Gauquelin (1983 1988), Ertel (1992) and Dean (2000), for the most recent
description see this website under Gauquelin. The cognitive and perceptual biases that can
underlie belief in astrology are briefly reviewed by Dean (1992) and in detail by Dean, Kelly,
Saklofske & Furnham (1992), and Dean, Kelly & Mather (1999).

The social-psychological reasons for belief in astrology are described by Durant and Bauer
(1997), Lindeman (1998), and astrology along with other paranormal phenomena in Goode
(2000b). Recent critiques of the occult that cover astrology include Couttie (1988), Hines
(1988), and Neher (1990). There is of course an extensive and ongoing literature on the
history of astrology, for example ancient astrology (Baigent 1994; Barton 1994; Stewart
1996), medieval psychology (Kemp 1990), pre-19th century astrology (Tester 1987,
Spencer 1997), and 19th century astrology (Curry 1992). The recent scholarly journal
Culture and Cosmos edited by Nick Campion is an important contribution to the history of
astrology across the world.

Why the present article?

Since the mid-1970s psychology journals have averaged a total per year of about two
empirical studies of astrological claims, plus an equal number devoted to related topics such
as the acceptance of astrological statements or the prevalence of belief in astrology, all of
them easily accessible via PsycLIT, the American Psychological Association's computerized
abstract database. But for every such empirical study there are at least four more of equal
quality in journals not accessible via PsycLIT. Fortunately most of the major reviews listed
above cover this wider information base. On the other hand, the reviews are generally more
concerned with empirical findings than with paradigms and conceptual arguments. The
present article focusses on the latter, and brings together previously scattered material.

2. Recent shifts in astrological ideas

Classical (traditional) astrology was associated with prognostication and relatively specific,
testable hypotheses about planetary configurations and human activities (Barton 1994:
French 1996: Genuth 1997; Grafton 1998). Until the twentieth century, astrologers have
held that the stellar connection mainly reflected actual outward human behaviour, but today
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among the influential group of psychological astrologers there is the tendency to put main
weight on Jungian archetypes and (usually psychoanalyic) structures underlying personality.
To appreciate the shift in claim, consider first the view of Charles Carter, who was the
leading British astrologer in the mid-twentieth century:

Practical experiment will soon convince the most sceptical that the bodies of the solar system indicate, if they do not
actually produce, changes in: (1) our minds. (2) Our feelings and emotions. (3) Our physical bodies. (4) Our external
affairs and relationships with the world at large (1925, p.14).

Although every birth chart was different, and many astrological factors had to be assessed
(often with mutually conflicting indications) it was conceded that there was an observable,
relatively specific something in common that should be exhibited by people with a particular
planetary configuration in their birth chart (horoscope). As the Dutch psychologist Jan van
Rooij points out:

If one takes 100 people with the sun in Aries, they should have something in common, irrespective of other astrological
factors. And this commonality should be different from the common factor in 100 people with the sun in Taurus,
irrespective of additional factors (1994, p.55).

On this basis we should not expect to see the influence of a particular factor on a particular
person. But examining large groups of people should allow commonalities to be detectable,
if they exist.

Modern ideas
Contrast the above with the views of psychotherapist and astrologer Dr Glenn Perry, one of
the leading proponents of modern psychological astrology (also known as astro-psychology
and archetype astrology) in the United States today:

Astrology does not deal with quantities that can be objectively measured ... the [birth] chart depicts the structure and
dynamics of consciousness ... [it] shifts the emphasis from predicting outcomes to interpreting the meaning of outcomes
as they relate to the inner life of the person (1993, pp.7,8,9).

Further, "astrology only plays a role in the mental plane and does not express itself
consistently or systematically in events or behavior" (Terpstra 1994, p.42). Here Carter's
direct connection with outward behaviour and external events is played down. Instead the
emphasis is with theoretical psychic structures that are symbolically connected to the
planets. Note 2

In the latter half of the twentieth century, many astrologers thought scientific investigations
could confirm many of the claims of astrology. Since the 1950's many studies were
conducted by both astrologers and researchers sympathetic to astrology. The picture that
emerged out of this research, as pointed out, was mostly bad news for astrology. But
negative studies, even when they are cumulative, have been explained away and dismissed
in many different ways by astrologers, such as the stars incline but not compel, or the
astrologer or the technique is not infallible, allowing them to maintain their belief in
astrology whatever the evidence or criticisms (see Kelly 1998).

3. Dealing with criticism the astrological way

Reactions to bad news in the astrological camp include ignoring it, moving the goalposts,
retreating into metaphor, invoking subtlety, being dogmatic, blaming faulty methods, and
assuming the truth. In more detail these strategies are as follows:
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Ignore bad news

First of all, bad news and unwelcome findings can be ignored or played down. As the
astrologer Robert Hand tells us, "Positive results in the scientific study of astrology have to
be taken seriously undeniably, but negative results not so seriously" (cited in Perry 1995a,
p.37). Overall, this has been the dominant response by the astrological community.

For example this tack is taken by John Anthony West in his The Case for Astrology (1991)
where he says "Since the aim of this book is to present the positive evidence, intimate
details of the bulk of the negative evidence do not really concern us" (p.234). But nearly all
the evidence is negative or not commensurate with astrological claims, so West's deliberate
suppression of it is irresponsible (Dean 1993). A visit to any astrology bookstore will quickly
confirm that research into astrology is rarely cited and when it is, it usually only involves a
distorted presentation of the Gauquelin findings (Kelly & Saklofske 1994) Note 3 and an
outdated reliance and misinterpretation of studies examining alleged lunar effects on human
behaviour (see Kelly 2000, for an analysis of astrologers' misconceptions regarding lunar
studies, and Kelly, Rotton & Culver 1996 for a recent review of lunar effect studies). Note 4

Move goalposts
Criticisms and serious long lasting anomalies can also be dealt with by hand-waving in
another direction and the elevation of speculation to a futuristic higher plane. For example,
a serious problem for astrology is the great divide between the Eastern Sidereal zodiac and
the Western Tropical zodiac. These zodiacs currently differ by almost one sign. One may be
an Aries in North America but a Pisces in India (Cornelius, Hyde & Webster 1995, p.31). Is
this conflict between zodiacs a problem for astrology? Cornelius et al tell us this could occur
because there are "two different orders of influence, one from the constellations and the
other from the earth-sun cycle" or, alternatively, we can view "both zodiacs as two
reflections of the same symbolic forms ... [that] both show in their own different ways"
(p.32). The obfuscations "orders of influence" and "reflections ... showing in their own
ways" are nowhere clarified, hence we are no further in our understanding after being told
this than we were before. Note 5

Retreat into metaphor

What about people who are born at the same time and have different destinies? This has
long been a standard argument against astrology. The same astrologers tell us: "The
singular horoscope [can be] read as a signature for these particular twins with different
groups of planets describing the two individuals ... where frequently one twin answers to
the sun and the other to the moon in the same horoscope" (Cornelius et al 1995, p.131).
Here the term "frequently" refers to inclining not compelling, to avoid disconfirmation. Note
6 We are also entitled to ask how one would tell which one is sun and which one is moon,
but no answer is provided. Note 7

If that doesn't work, Cornelius et al remind us that we can always interpret astrological
symbolism in a metaphorical way, for example, "Sigmund Freud was born on a different
continent but within minutes of Robert Perry (sic). Freud discovered the unconscious and
Perry (sic) discovered the North Pole" (p.131, see also p.96). Hence, these time-twins were
both discoverers! Note 8 If interpretations encompassing both literal and symbolic
(including metaphorical) are equally admissible with astrological claims, then we cannot fail
to find a fit between the horoscope and the person. The positive side to this is never having
to admit you are wrong, the negative side saying very little of import.

Invoke subtlety
A fourth popular response is to say that the phenomena astrology deals with are very subtle
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and elusive, and what is needed are more creative ways of investigating them. For example,
even though a large, consistent body of research converges on the view that sun signs are
not valid (Dean & Mather 2000), the astrologer Harvey could still say "It is absolutely
correct to say that there is no evidence for signs and houses as yet ... (1982, p.47, italics
Harvey's) and twelve years later, after acknowledging an even larger body of negative
studies, tell us "I am personally still convinced that, given more sensitive and imaginative
tests, confirmation of the reality of sun-sign typologies, and the signs generally, will be
obtained" (1994, page v) Note 9.

Similarly, after finding no relationship between gender dysphoria and astrological factors,
Anderson (1997) tells us "Somewhere the astrological signature must exist predicting that
at some time during the native's life this devastating upheaval will take place" (p.106, italics
mine). Since it is difficult to prove a negative in such cases, this position can be maintained
indefinitely.

Be dogmatic
A further point is that astrologers with incompatible positions on fundamental tenets can
adopt the same dogmatic attitude in regard to their own beliefs. Such a posture in the face
of negative evidence can guarantee a static system and a lack of progress. The astronomers
Culver & Ianna (1988) see this posture as so pervasive among astrologers that they have
characterised astrology as "The Gemini Syndrome", the confident use of glaring
inconsistencies, after the two-faced nature of Gemini. If scientists had adopted similar
attitudes in the face of negative studies and argument, physics would still be Aristotelian.

The posture that more sensitive tests are needed also contradicts the supposed ease with
which astrological connections were first recognized. As Perry (1993) tells us of the
ancients, "the partial if not complete validity of astrology was self-evident to anyone willing
to attempt a serious study of the subject" (p.3). This contradiction is in need of explanation.
Furthermore, appeals to the self-evident have not been very fruitful guides to truth in the
history of ideas.

Blame faulty methods

Finally, one can say, that if researchers are obtaining negative results, they must be doing it
wrong. They are using the wrong methodology, the wrong paradigm or both. This approach
has been adopted by increasing numbers of astrologers since the 1950's, when research
(and negative results) got underway. West (1991, 1996), for example, contends that
scientific criticisms of astrology are irrelevant because astrology is "a system of magic"
(p.223), where magic is "the attempt to master the fundamental laws of resonance that
have produced the cosmos" (p.220). He is insufficiently explicit about this "system of magic"
and we are left with a conjunction of unformulated statements about "the creative powers of
nature", or the "laws of harmony" and appeals to "ancient wisdom". West (1991, pp.222-
223) attributes the symbolic planetary manifestations on earth studied by astrologers to the
interactions of poorly understood fluctuations in physical fields around the planets, with
even less understood, metaphysical "rarefied realms" higher than our own. He says:

it is Heka, Magic, the Principle of Correspondences that sees to it that Divine Inspiration (Will or Intention), made manifest
in the planets, transmits itself ... in subtle frequencies and amplitudes. These in turn produce fluctuations in
electromagnetic or geomagnetic fields ... as yet not clearly understood or specifically identified but whose existence is
acknowledged. These fluctuations are physical in a sense directly analogous to the fluctuations in the air, the sound waves,
that the ear interprets as music, or the eye interprets as color. In this case, those fluctuations represent celestial
harmonies, and they manifest on earth as "meaning". The study of this meaning is astrology.
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West's "direct analogy" between hearing and vision and astrological meaning is deeply
flawed. The dissimilarities between the two things being compared are far more significant
than any similarities. We have a great deal of knowledge of sound and colour waves. For
example, we know about the receptors involved, and the areas of the brain associated with
these senses. On the other hand, we have little idea what the phrase "fluctuations
representing celestial harmonies" means, nor can we identify methods which would allow us
to reliably distinguish different fluctuations from the planets and asteroids, let alone
understand how the frequencies and fluctuations would relate to hypothetical planets, nor
identify what receptors are involved.

Assume truth
Further, while we have some understanding of how sound waves are related to pitch etc and
are interpreted as music, we are provided with no parallel how we can reliably interpret or
identify these fluctuations as descriptive of our love lives, or financial lives, let alone future
possibilities, or how such "celestial harmonies" could lead to the claim that the herb
Cayenne is ruled by Mars. Furthermore, while our sensory capabilities vary among people,
and our sensory abilities decline with age, there is nothing analogous with people have
differing sensitivities to astrological effects, or our responsiveness to astrological influences
declining with age. As Evans (1994) points out, West's

magical system is a closed system. We are invited to believe that it is true, not because it connects up with other things
which experience has shown to be true, but by some inherent truth of its own which will have it that the planet Saturn
symbolizes contraction whereas Jupiter symbolizes expansiveness (p.413).

While, in general, astrologers give the impression that claims about zodiacal signs, houses,
planetary aspects, and so on are empirical statements (that is, claims capable of being
rejected or modified by research or theory), to most astrologers such claims actually
function as necessarily true claims (Kelly 1998). The truth of central astrological tenets are
themselves never in doubt. Note 10

4. Problems with the three basic ideas of astrology

Here I examine three basic ideas of astrology, namely as above so below, the
interconnectedness of things, and only the whole chart is meaningful. I will look at each in
turn. Other ideas such as those about what the birth chart actually indicates, will be looked
at later.

Idea 1: As above so below

The vague relationship as above so below postulated by astrologers between celestial and
terrestrial phenomena is correlational not causal. As former astrologer Joanna Ashmun
(1998, p.6) points out:

The basic notion of astrology is as above, so below. It's been elaborated to mean a lot of things, many of them goofy, but
its basic meaning is that the heavenly pattern is reflected in the individual, as if the horoscope is somehow embedded in
the person. It's just assumed that there is an identity between the natal pattern and the person.
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The notion as above so below is based on a statement in the famous alchemical

document Emerald Tablet, dating from around the 9th century. The statement
supposedly expresses a macro-micro cosmic unity, the basis of astrology, but
ironically it is a mistranslation of an earlier Arabic version that has nothing to do
with cosmic unity. According to Merkur (1990), the authentic statement originated
among alchemists and refers to distillation. The Arabic original is "That which is
above is from that which is below, and that which is below is from that which is
above" (p.36), meaning that the distilled vapours above are from the liquid being
heated below, whereupon they condense and return to the below again, as in the
adjacent woodcut. On this basis the supposedly transcendent core notion of astrology
is actually pure physics!

Traditional astrology usually adopted the notion that the relationships between celestial and
terrestrial affairs was a causal one. As Placidus said in 1657, "It is impossible for the
efficient heavenly causes (as being so very far distant from things below) to influence
sublunary bodies, unless by some medium or instrumental virtue ... the instrumental cause
of the stars is light", and "the stars, where they do not rise, are inactive", so astrologers
should "reject a secret influence as superfluous, nay, even impossible" (pp.1,3).

Most modern astrologers reject this causal approach Note 11. Perry (1994) tells us that the
relationship between people and their birth charts is only correlational. The astronomical
bodies reflect human life experiences rather like a mirror reflecting a landscape which has to
be interpreted. But there is much disagreement over the kinds of celestial configurations
that are relevant, and how they are to be interpreted.

Disagreement is the rule

In fact, no matter what an astrologer may claim, a search of the literature will invariably
find a conflicting claim by another group of astrologers. Unlike disputes in science, it is
unclear how such disputes can be resolved, even in principle. This disagreement exists even
at the most fundamental level for entire populations of astrologers, for example Western
astrologers disagree with Eastern astrologers on which zodiac to use and how many planets
to use. While the Indian astrologers apply the real, star-related constellations in their
charts, the Western zodiac is independent of the stars. Such systems are mutually
incompatible, yet are seen as completely valid by their users.

Signs are shaky

Astrological signs and houses are problematic and there are no agreed upon rules for
weighing their effects. For example, as the astrologer Prudence Jones (1996, p.282) says:

[The zodiac signs] rest on shaky foundations from the modern point of view. How in heaven do twelve 30 degree sectors of
the ecliptic, measured from the vernal equinox but named after now-far-distant constellations, impart any qualities at all to
the planets, houses, parts and nodes which we view against their backgrounds? Do they do so in fact, or is this wishful
thinking? Some astrologers justify the signs (taking, usually without explanation, the sun in the signs as their exemplar) as
shorthand for seasonal characteristics. But this implies that their order should be reversed in the southern hemisphere,
which seldom happens. And what, in any case of horoscopes for equatorial latitudes, where seasonal change is minimal,
but where, of course, astrology was invented?

Even though the Western Zodiac has lost its connection to the original sky (and cannot
simply be reduced to a seasonal effect), the people born within Western zodiac are signs
still said to display the personal characteristics associated with the original constellations.
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The sidereal signs have the same meanings as for tropical signs, eg Aries is aggressive in
both systems, but the piece of sky to which this meaning is applied is not the same. So one
side can believe a certain piece of the sky means intense, while the other side can believe
the same piece of sky means relaxed (this is Scorpio vs Libra).

Disagreement on houses
Much the same applies to the astrological notion of houses. The meanings across systems
are usually the same, but because the boundaries can vary, the meaning of any particular
piece of sky can depend on the system. House systems differ with regard to number,
sequence, method of division, and interpretation (Dean & Mather 1977; Martens & Trachet
1998). Further, some house systems (including popular Placidus) break down at high
latitudes. At high latitudes some parts of the zodiac never rise or set, and in affected house
systems any house cusps or planets that fall in such areas cannot be shown on the birth
chart, so in effect they cease to exist.

Disagreement on planets
Western astrologers also differ in how many planets should be used, some use undiscovered
hypothetical planets, others use asteroids (Dean & Mather 1977). The good/bad
interpretation of transits co-exists with the view that transits are to be viewed as
opportunities for learning and growth. This diversity in fundamentals gives us grounds to be
sceptical of claims that astrologers are speaking about something they have actually
apprehended. This diversity in fundamentals becomes even more problematic when it is
placed in a historical context. Astrology, in different senses, has been around for at least
twenty-five hundred years. At the beginning of the new millennium astrology is in a chaotic
state with an increasing plethora of conflicting claims with little agreement on how to
adjudicate among them Note 12 The claims become more varied and conflicting as some
astrologers (eventually) take notice of research findings and retreat to safer pastures.

Idea 2: Interconnectedness
Along with the vague, variously interpreted notion of as above, so below is the ambiguous
idea of interconnectedness. Harding says, "We are interconnected; I think this is the central
message of astrology" (in Phillipson 2000, p.187), and Brady tells us "The very centre
standing stone of astrology is the interconnectedness of things, so [astrology] can't say that
you are totally isolated and that's it. It can't" (in Phillipson 2000, p.189).

But astrologers do not have a monopoly on interconnectedness. It is our familiarity with

other notions of interconnectedness that gives initial plausibility to the more problematic
astrological notion. In the 1600's, Newton hypothesized interconnectedness in his statement
that every body in the universe attracts every other body. Evolutionary theory emphasizes
living organisms and their environments are constituted of interconnecting webs, and that
life shares the same chemical basis. Astronomy acknowledges that all matter in the universe
is interconnected in the sense that all matter is made of star stuff from the Big Bang.
Human beings are interconnected biologically in that they share the same DNA structure,
history and the social sciences show we cannot be isolated beings because we share culture
and a heritage, and increasing economic specialization ensures that we are interdependent
on others.

None of the above notions imply or even support the astrological idea of
interconnectedness, which is from a perspective that refers to symbolic connections
between heavenly bodies and terrestrial events mediated through interpretation based on
notions such as mythology (Mercury was the messenger of the Gods, so Mercury rules body
systems that function as messengers), literally taken metaphors (the rings of Saturn
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represent constraint), analogies (red Mars represents blood and aggression), and
idiosyncratically chosen associations ("If you want to activate Mars energy, wear red" --
Phillipson 2000, p.67).

None of the previously mentioned notions from the social or natural sciences suggest in any
way that symbolic planetary configurations (which are often unconnected with actual
configurations) have a strong relationship to earthy events, nor that the planetary
configurations at one's birth have any lasting effect on our lives, nor that the symbolism of
astrology is universal for people over time and space.

Idea 3: Only the whole chart is meaningful

Since everything is interconnected, astrological factors cannot be examined in isolation, the
whole birth chart is needed. So the golden rule is that "only the whole chart should be
considered, for any astrological purpose whatever" (Dwyer 1985, p.1). As Perry points out
"no one part of a horoscope can be isolated ... since everything influences everything else"
and "you cannot empirically observe a pure [astrological factor] isolated from other factors
in the chart" (Perry 1993, p.6; Vaughan 1998). But astrologers disagree over which
individual factors are important, so they disagree over what comprises the whole chart;
they just agree that whatever it is, it's important to keep it in mind when doing astrology.
As Van Rooij (1994) asked:

Where does the whole chart end? With ten planets, twelve signs, twelve houses, midpoints, Arabic points, nodes, aspects
and whatever other astrological concepts may be used, it is simply impossible to interpret a "whole chart". When
astrologers claim that they use the whole chart, they only refer to the fact that they use more factors than just one.
Nevertheless, no matter how many factors they may use, they always use a restricted number of factors, and therefore
only a part of the horoscope. They never use the whole chart. But then the question becomes how many factors would be
considered, and which factors? ... Suppose that I consider as many as 20 factors, then undoubtedly an astrologer will
come up who claims that I should use 21 factors (p.56).

The decisions of astrologers regarding what to include in their charts seems entirely
arbitrary. Some astrologers use asteroids in birth charts. As Hand (1981) points out, size of
an astronomical body is unrelated to astrological effectiveness, therefore "[t]he disaster is
that there are thousands of asteroids and other minor bodies orbiting the sun, and using
present-day astrological techniques there is no way of accounting for all of them in a chart"
(p.93). Other astrologers use hypothetical planets such as Vulcan and Lilith that have not
been detected by astronomers (Hand 1981, p.95). There is no evidence that astrologers
using asteroids or hypothetical planets are more insightful or more successful counsellors
than those using "incomplete charts", or than non-astrologically oriented psychotherapists
or even lay therapists (Dean 1985; McGrew & McFall 1992).

How can different sub-sets give the same meaningful whole?

This problem is exacerbated when we remember that conflicting Western astrologies utilize
different factors. And even when the same factors are used, they are often weighed
differently. If different schools of astrology use different astrological factors and hence
operate with different notions of the "whole chart", then any reference to the supposed
commonality of the "whole chart" is less than meaningful.

Perry (1995a) stated "every planet and every sign of the zodiac is influenced by the whole
in which it is embedded" (p.34). But if one astrologer's whole chart and another astrologer's
whole chart involve factors that are different in type or number, the end result must
(according to Perry) be open to question. It is as if we thought we were talking about the
same thing, but upon investigation found that I meant Volkswagen, while you were referring
to Cadillacs.
 11

Having it both ways

Furthermore, the writings of astrologers continually (very often in the same work that
condemns the use of isolated factors) violate this maxim (Kelly 1999). They constantly refer
to unqualified isolated factors. So in Phillipson (2000) we read, "Saturn does correlate with
failure to conceive" (p.80), "When I had Mars at an angle, I knew I was going to have a
hectic day" (p.81), and Moon square Mars is associated with people who work frenetically
(p.93). Astrologers continually select one isolated factor out of a large set of possible factors
in a chart (often ignoring conflicting factors) to explain both on-going terrestrial events, and
events that have already happened.

For example, Wolfstar (2000) explains the problems that Harrison Ford and his wife are
having as due to "the troublemaker Uranus", also known as "the divorce planet", because
"Over the past year, transiting Uranus has been opposite Harrison Ford's Mars ... this is the
major tension leading to separation from his wife." If the Harrison Ford marriage
relationship problems were not happening, Wolfstar and other astrologers would have no
difficulty finding astrological factors that indicate contentment.

Now you see it, now you don't

For example, when Suzanne Lilley-Harvey (1981), a top British astrologer, compared the
birth charts of Prince Charles and Lady Diana before their wedding, she found "very
fundamental rapport ... harmonious communication ... physical attraction ... general
emotional and social compatibility ... strong social-cultural-spiritual bond ... excitingly
attractive and romantic ... ability to work together in a very practical way." Which did not
stop Campion (1993, p.154), another top British astrologer, after their separation, seeing in
the same birth charts, only trauma, anger, rebellion, and disaster. The previous wonderful
compatibility was nowhere to be found.

Safety in numbers
In other words, due to the enormous number of factors, a perfect correspondence can
always be found between any chart, any person, and any event. Nothing could be easier
than picking the symbols to fit the circumstances, or the personal beliefs and expectations
of the astrologer. As an example of the latter, ten prominent astrologers were asked to
provide their predictions as to who would be in the White House after the year 2000
American presidential election; examining the birth charts of Gore and Bush, each
astrologer found multiple indicators for their preferred candidate. Four predicted Gore would
win, four predicted Bush would win, and two avoided predicting a winner (Stariq 2000). A
birth chart generally provides planetary configurations for any number of conflicting
predictions or after-the-fact explanations of events, so no wonder astrologers claim to see it
"working" everywhere.

Astrology works?
So when we are told by astrologers that "astrology works", we are not sure what to make of
it. Note 13 It is also important to note that the slogan "it works" put forward by astrologers
masks a number of issues. First of all, astrology is not one kind of animal, but a diverse set
of conflicting techniques, conflicting theories, conflicting worldviews, and conflicting claims
of what astrology can and cannot do. Second, that astrologers of all (often very conflicting)
persuasions will cite testimonials and stories as evidence for their very often incompatible
versions of astrology suggest that non-astrological factors may play a large role in the
perceived success (see Kelly 1999, p.43, footnote 6; also, Dean, Kelly & Mather 1999).
Third, "it works" can have a range of different meanings from "astrology is true" to "clients
are satisfied", so the statement is also ambiguous. Note 14
 12

5. Problems with the origin of astrological ideas

A legitimate query here concerns how astrological connections are established. For example,
why do astrologers say that "The Full Moon in Taurus is a good time to attend to the thyroid
gland" or "Avoid travelling when the planet ruling your ninth house is making an
unfavorable aspect to another planet" (Stariq 2000), or "Women travel on their Mars lines
to meet men" (Phillipson 2000, p.99), or "Neptune is associated with universal love,
spirituality, dreams, and drugs" (Equinox astrology site 1999)? Most astrologers write as if
astrological tenets are based on a form of "inductive empiricism", a basis where correlations
between heavenly events and terrestrial events have been observed in everyday practice.
Elwell (1999, p.24) says "This process of observation, refinement and confirmation, is how
astrology built up over centuries."

To make it easier in examining this contention, let us initially consider a relatively

straightforward astrological claim, and examine how astrologers explain it. According to
traditional astrology, the planets are associated with certain character traits, for example,
Uranus is associated with originality and independence. How did astrologers discover this?
What is the origin of this claim? Gauquelin (1980) and Startup (1981) have described five
possible origins that are taken seriously by members of the astrological community. In what
follows, I will describe each of these origins, relying heavily on the insights of Startup to
examine them critically:

Origin 1: Revelation by a higher intelligence

For example by gods, angels, demons, or extraterrestrials. Thus Pat Harris (in Phillipson
2000, p.17) suggests that astrology may have originated from spiritual beings that settled
on earth and predate Atlantis. Apart from begging the question about the existence of these
beings in the first place, explaining mysteries in terms of other mysteries does not take us
any further than we were before. "We have not explained how these aliens got their
knowledge" and so it merely pushes the problem elsewhere (Startup, p.26). It is also not
clear how this proposal could be independently tested.

Origin 2: Psychic means

This assumes that ESP is capable of establishing relationships far beyond the claims of
researchers of the paranormal. Also:

which particular psi ability is to be invoked? Surely telepathy is no good here since, prior to the establishment of the
typology, there was no one's mind to read. Clairvoyance is equally dubious since it is difficult to imagine what state of
affairs could have been paranormally perceived which was not available to ordinary perception. That leaves precognition ...
but this would presumably require that the ancient astrologers somehow saw the results of modern investigations which
were themselves, in turn, inspired, albeit indirectly, by the "insights" of the ancients (Startup 1981, p.26).

There are other problems. What is the "it" we are detecting by paranormal means? Some
"force" emanating from the celestial object? How do the items detected paranormally relate
to items detected by normal perception? (For example, if we detect all sorts of paranormal
"rays" around us, how can we tell that they are coming from what we visually perceive as
Mars?). How do we know that there is a correlation between the normal and the paranormal
item? By paranormal means? -- That's doubly question begging! By normal means? If so,
then why could not we have noticed the paranormal item through normal channels?

Origin 3: Analogy with planetary appearances

Startup elaborates on this conjecture:
 13

The idea here seems to be that the originator(s) of the planetary typology started out with the simple theory that the
planets influence human personality and then to discover what these influences are, they took note of the gross
appearances of the planets and interpreted these appearances analogically in terms of personality characteristics.
Francoise Gauquelin gives a typical explanation of how the ancients were supposed to have thought: "the large and
brilliant Jupiter suggests power, the red Mars suggests fire and war, the light blue Venus suggests tenderness, the ashy
yellowish Saturn suggests remoteness and old age, etc." (pp.26-27).

Startup contends that these analogies were unlikely to have been the source of the
personality characteristics associated astrologically with the planets:

Each of the planets has many characteristics visible to the naked eye, so how were the Babylonians to know which were
the relevant ones? ... Venus (and other planets to some extent) varies a great deal in visible brightness and yet is not
thought to be changeable in character. The sun, and also the moon, are glaringly different from the planets in appearance
and yet the temperaments attributed to all these bodies are of much the same order. Jupiter is comparatively large and
bright and brightness may perhaps suggest power but [to the naked eye] Venus appears even larger and brighter (Startup
1981, p.27).

Also, the portrait of the very ancients that astrologers profess to admire as scholars is
unflattering:

It requires us to believe that the learned men of Babylonia proceeded in a completely unsystematic, inconsistent manner.
It suggests that the planets were judged by a hotch-potch of different types of characteristic, the Moon was judged by its
phases, Mars by its colour, Jupiter by its brightness or size, Saturn by its apparent speed and so on (Startup 1981, p.27).

While knowledge can evolve by a hotch-potch of experiences, for example, Chinese popular
herbal medicine likely evolved by a variety of less than systematic experiences, such claims
can be investigated and demonstrated by the very kinds of studies eschewed by most
astrologers (Allen 2001).Further, what are the mechanisms analogous to natural selection
that separate poor astrological techniques and hypotheses from better ones? As the
astrologer McDonough (2000) complains:

Is there anyone ... that isn't confused and overwhelmed by the plethora of techniques in the astrologer's bag of tricks? ...
Why do we have such a massive, confusing mess of factors to deal with? Because there has been no way to toss anything
out.

Origin 4: Observation
As Perry (1993) says:

The stargazers of antiquity systematically recorded their observations of heavenly movements and correlated these with
observable events on earth. Through ongoing inductive analysis, these early explorers gradually reached certain
conclusions as to the meaning of the variables in question and passed these down to succeeding generations (p.2).

Similarly, Harding (2000, p.29) says:

I need no theory of the birth chart in order to interpret it, merely an awareness that people with Mars in X and Venus in Y
tend to present in various ways. ... Ultimately, I have to explain my ideas about the world in terms of how the world is. I
might have some amazing idea about the relationship of Mars and Venus, but my "proof" will lie ... only in the positions of
the planets themselves and what is said and done by people who were born at certain moments.

On one popular form of this scenario, the ancients, in the process of gathering data on both
celestial and terrestrial affairs, began to notice a relationship between manifestations of
personality and the activity of the planets. These personality characteristics associated with
certain planets were also noticed to be similar to those attributed to certain gods. On the
basis of these similarities, the ancients began to match the gods' names with the planets.
As Startup (1981, p.28) points out, this assumes a primitive, inductivist (theory-neutral
observational) model of science.
 14

However, observations, even low level ones, are not completely theory-neutral because
what we believe influences (at least to some extent) what we see. While statements about
the presence or absence of a dog under the bed involve a minimal amount of theoretical
content, statements about the presence or absence of neutrinos presuppose much more
theory. In the case of personality, why would one look for associations with the planets in
the first place and not elsewhere? If all ancient peoples had theory neutral access to the
world around them, we would expect a great deal less diversity of belief about the world.

Indeed, from this hypothesis, it would be peculiar if only the Babylonians (and nobody else)
had noticed their particular personality-planetary relationships that are supposed to play
such a large role in human life! Another problem is that the second fundamental claim of
astrology says that astrological factors cannot be examined in isolation, because everything
affects everything else. So by definition isolated planetary connections with human activity
could not have been observed in the first place.

Origin 5: Theory
This says that planets were symbols of the gods and had the same terrestrial effects as
their namesakes, which led to testable pairings of planets and gods. This is the contrary
view to the previous one. There the observations led to theories. Here it is the other way
around:

The Babylonian gods "existed" long before their names were also given to the planets. The Babylonians theorized that the
planets were the gods, or symbolized the gods, and therefore had the same influence over the terrestrial affairs that the
gods in their pantheon were supposed to have. Thus, to discover what influences each of the planets had, all they had to
do was to find the correct pairing of god and planet ... In this account, observation was used to check the appropriateness
of the god-planet pairings that were proposed and, where the initial pairings proved unsatisfactory, it may have promoted
a new round of conjectures and observations (Startup 1981, pp.30-31).

As Startup stated, a serious problem here is that "each horoscopic factor gives off only a
weak signal which is embedded in noise ... [so] it is not clear how such checks could have
been made" (p.31). One suggested way around the problem is to appeal to what Startup
calls a "societal noise filter". Perhaps there were groups of astrologers who studied, in
detail, just one of the planets and "also fed back the results of their thoughts and
observations to the group which discussed their ideas at length" (p.32). Over time, these
restricted groups, so the argument goes, gradually filtered out the wheat from the chaff.
Startup pointed out that this seems to have some initial plausibility since many early
cultures may have used such a process to learn about things like antibiotic remedies before
people knew why and how they worked. There is, however, a large jump between making
observational connections about using molds to treat infections and pairing complex
personality attributes with planets and gods.

In addition, even false theories can have a long life of their own when they serve political
interests and are backed by powerful factions. Astrologers have, throughout history, used
their art as a propaganda tool for various political factions. For example, the 17th century
astrologer William Lilly wrote pamphlets attacking Charles 1st by selecting whatever
celestial factors suited his purposes (Geneva 1995). This flexibility of interpretation of
astrological symbolism, and capacity of multiple denotation has allowed astrologers to play
any side in the political arena, and so guarantee patrons and the survival of astrology.

Lack of documentation
As Startup pointed out, there is not "enough documentation of the relevant facts [about
how early astrologers' operated] to make speculation unnecessary" (p.33) and speculation
is not an adequate explanation of anything. Startup concludes that all of these proposed
 15

explanations are ad hoc and unsatisfactory. In other words, traditional astrologers cannot
plausibly account for the origins of a comparatively straightforward claim about the
relationship between the planets and personality.

What numbers are we dealing with?

But astrologers claim to have uncovered far more varied and complex relationships between
human affairs and the cosmos than just the association between planets and personality.
There are an incredibly large, but finite, number of possible celestial patterns from which
astrologers have arbitrarily excluded certain components. For example, they may have
chosen to ignore the moons of Jupiter, or individual contributions from the 10 22 stars in the
part of the universe that we can see (there may be even more that are too weak to see),
and so on.

This still leaves a huge variety of celestial patterns to consider in separating out
astrologically effective from astrologically ineffective combinations. And by huge I do mean
huge -- because even at the most basic level there are ten planets (for convenience,
astrologers count the sun and moon as planets), each of which can appear in twelve signs
and twelve houses, and make nine kinds of aspect (conjunction, semi-sextile, sextile, semi-
square, square, sesqui-quadrate, trine, quincunx, opposition) to each of the other nine
planets.

However, the total combinations per planet is not simply 12 x 12 x 9 x 9, nor is the total
combinations per ten planets simply 10(12 x 12 x 9 x 9) or about 1040. This is because any given
combination of planets-in-signs immediately limits the possibilities for houses and aspects
(for example, two planets in the same sign cannot occupy opposite houses or be in
opposition), and because some planet-in-sign combinations must be discounted (for
example, Mercury is never far from the Sun, and the outer planets move too slowly to allow
every combination except over thousands of years).

Instead, the total is more like 1028 combinations, the exact figure depending on geographic
location, house system, and the time period. This, of course, is just for the most basic
astrological factors: many astrologers would use more factors, often many more, for
example, axes, midpoints, retrogradation, and asteroids. Indeed, one American astrologer
(without giving details of her calculation) claims that the number of combinations is 5.39 x
1068 (Doane 1956, p.1). This makes 1028 seem puny. But to print out even 1028
combinations each reduced to just one line of description would still require a stack of paper
roughly as heavy as the earth.

Complexity makes observation impossible

Furthermore, our problems have only just started. Because we are forbidden to consider
factors in isolation, we must now relate this huge variety of patterns directly to the large
variety of patterns of human action. Obviously it cannot be done. In other words,
astrological theory could not possibly be based on either observation or the testing of
astrological ideas based on gods. Another complication refers to the importance of location
of birth in constructing a horoscope. There is no evidence that early astrologers did or could
have done the sort of studies needed to test this idea, studies that even today would be
difficult. Since these claims turn out to be deeply problematic, we have good reasons to
reject more complicated claims based on these same theories.

We cannot escape from this dilemma by focussing on just one or two isolated factors,
because our second fundamental principle (use only the whole chart) forbids it. But even if
we do break the rules and look at isolated factors, we still have problems. Suppose we find
 16

that, out of all these 1028 celestial combinations, people born with the sun in Aquarius
aspecting Saturn in the 12th House are reserved, but those with the Sun in Aquarius
aspecting Saturn in the 11th House are outgoing. In the general population, people who are
reserved or outgoing are common, but those with any particular planetary configuration will
be relatively rare. The mismatch in occurrence makes our finding lack any clear meaning.
Even then, our problems are not over.

The same astrological factors are supposedly associated with many different things,
including both positive and negative sides, which can be expressed in all sorts of differing
ways. For example, together Mars and Neptune can indicate altruistic urges to perform good
deeds, or, frustration and rage (Vaughan 2000b). Our interpretation of the meaning of
factors in the horoscope is also qualified by other more earthly factors like the person's sex,
level of maturity, age, culture and so on. Furthermore, the same planetary configurations
can mean different things depending on whether we are talking about a human being, a
dog, a company, a country, or an idea. So we have complexity laid upon complexity, laid
upon complexity.

The extreme implausibility (some would say impossibility) of the ancients being able to
correlate such diverse, complex, amorphous, aspects of reality together into one
comprehensive package should reinforce our skepticism about astrology having any kind of
basis in observation, and, on the same grounds, astrological claims could not have been
refined over time by any empirical procedures. Note 15

6. Problems with modern psychological astrology

Here I come back to the shifts from tradition associated with modern psychological
astrology. In the new psychological, the central relationship between celestial patterns and
human beings is not with outward, observable patterns of behaviour and tendencies but
rather with the unobservable, inner life of a person, or what Perry called the "psychic
structure which underlies personality" (Perry 1995b, p.123 ; see also, Perry 1988). Much of
the following will be based on the writings of astrologer-psychotherapist Glenn Perry since
he is one of the most prominent and representative spokespersons of the psychological
astrology school.

Perry (1999, p.2) contrasts traditional event-oriented astrology and psychological astrology
as follows:

A strictly predictive astrology ... implies that one's fate is more or less fixed and that one's ultimate good lies in avoiding
pain and maximizing pleasure. Whereas psychological astrology assists individuals in discovering how they are creating
their own fate, predictive astrology merely describes fate without relating it to the inner, psychological life of the person.
From this perspective, events have no meaning beyond being "good" or "bad". To say that they are "karma" from past
lives, to be suffered and endured (or perhaps avoided through the cosmically informed counsel of one's astrologer), does
little to help people live more constructively in the here and now. I believe that fate can be positively altered through a
process of internal healing and integration. The real meaning of events is that they constitute "feed back" that reflects
back to the individual where s/he is at in terms of health and wholeness. And their real value is that they stimulate growth
in precisely those areas where the individual most needs to change.

Further, it is not the job of the astrologer to tell clients what to do since planetary
configurations provide:

an opportunity for learning rather than an occasion for evasive action ... [and] one of the core meanings of the opportunity
it affords -- no, requires, [is] increasing one's trust in an inner source of knowing, I take that away by recommending a
specific course of action. I do him a great disservice. I steal his choice, for it would be interfering in his fate to predict an
outcome ... The important thing is not what is going to happen, but how he accommodates [to it] ... I believe our value as
 17

astrologers lies less in telling people what to do than in encouraging them to trust themselves and the Universe (Perry
1999, pp.2,3).

Perry (1999) further tells us astrologers should help client achieve a "greater realization of
their potentials [as revealed in the birth chart]" (p.4) and thereby "best harmonize with the
universe" (p.1). How do we know when the individual has achieved this? When they are in a
state of "health and wholeness" (p.2).

Other ways may be better

The advice given by Perry is hardly unique to astrology. Much of the transcendental talk and
advice given by psychological astrologers can be found in pastoral counselling and popular
psychology (check any book store), without talk of birth charts and astrological symbolism.
The crucial point is that Perry's comments about inner selves, etc. do not require stars and
horoscopes. He capitalizes on astrology by using otherwise acceptable insights provided by
others. It is likely that there are more effective ways of dealing with the existential and
everyday issues of clients than what astrologers can offer.

Farha (2001) points out that most astrologers do not have training in crisis management or
related fields, and neither are there astrological national standards that provide a baseline
of ethical practice as exists in fields like counselling, psychology, social work, or other
human services. Further, the providing of constructive council for living in the here and now,
and the providing of meaning, along with ways of stimulating self-examination are very
arguably more effectively done by practitioners in the emerging field of philosophical
counselling (see Marinoff 1999; Raabe 2001; Le Bon 2001). Given that many of the issues
clients deal with are existential or spiritual:

Philosophers are typically far better trained philosophically than their counterparts. They are therefore better able to help a
client when it comes to clarifying her thinking, avoiding both logical and procedural mistakes in reasoning, ethical decision
making, values clarification, questions about the meaning of life, and the development of a sound and reasonable personal
philosophy (Raabe 2001, p.277).

The astrological notion of potential may be more narrow than that advocated by humanistic
philosophers and psychologists. While our potentials may, from these other perspectives, be
limited to some extent by our genetics and cultural opportunities, the astrologer adds a
further limitation, namely, the potentialities "promised" in the natal chart. The astrologer
Cornelius (1998, p.10) criticises this notion as follows:

If you're born says this school of thought, with a very powerful Saturn, then you have the potential for certain experiences
[opportunities] of a Saturnine nature. Remember, however, that this is a velvet glove fatalism because you're still fated to
have been born with a Saturn potential! This approach hasn't really solved the problem.

Problems of the inner psyche

Let us now turn to the symbolism that in modern psychological astrology purportedly
reveals the inner psyche. Perry says:

A horoscope symbolizes the complex, evolving nature of consciousness ... the depths of personality ... the dynamic
relations between psychological drives. For example, Sun square Saturn symbolizes a conflict between the need for self-
expression and the need for self-control (Perry 1995b, p.124).

Zodiac signs symbolize general, "fundamental human needs, or motivational drives,

inherent in the human condition" (Perry 1988, p.1), whereas the house positions and
planetary aspects symbolize a particular individual's "map of consciousness" or "inborn
personality structure" (Perry 1988, p.2,3). Note 16 The extreme problems of accounting for
the relations between celestial factors and observable, relatively specific outcomes
 18

postulated by the traditional astrologer are further exacerbated by the psychological

astrologer's additional conjectures.

How do we know these things?

How do we know such invisible psychological processes underlie the astrological symbolism?
Perry tells us such cognitive processes and structures are distilled from the composite
descriptions associated with traditional astrological symbolism. For example:

the need of a [zodiac] sign can be inferred from the behavior which is characteristic of that sign, eg., Leonian pride,
creativity, and amiability evidence the universal human need for validation of perceived identity (Perry 1988, p.2).

It is difficult to see how it follows in the first place from the characteristic behaviours of a
sign that one intrinsic motivational factor ties them all together, and even if the case could
be made, a further case would need to be independently made for the particular human
drives postulated by Perry. He never clearly sets out how he arrived at these conclusions.
No sets of studies of a quantitative or qualitative nature are discussed, nor is there any kind
of an appeal to any careful examination of the astrologically symbolized behaviours by
independent astrologers or psychologists to determine what one might infer from them.

Other problems
Furthermore, if only the whole chart will do, inferences based on parts are by definition
meaningless. An additional problem is lack of agreement on the characteristics or
behaviours associated with each particular sign. The sets of keywords and expressions
assigned to particular planets, signs, and houses are far from consistent (Dean, Mather &
Kelly 1996, p.82). While there is agreement on many characteristics associated with the
signs and planets, the disagreements could contribute to quite different inferences about
the underlying psychological structures symbolized.

Perry elevates psychological astrology to Biblical miracle status by further informing us that
the dynamic relations between various psychological drives symbolized by the horoscope
are "fluid and changing, varying in accord with situational specificity, developmental age,
emotional maturity, and level of psychological integration" (1995b, p.123; 1994, p.34).
Further, "unlike the boundaries of physical objects, the contents and processes of
consciousness involve meanings whose boundary regions are fuzzy ... Meanings are
indefinite, arbitrary, relational and culturally embedded" (Perry 1995a, p.34).

The fuzziness claimed by Perry would be one more reason why the astro-connections would
be, at best, exceedingly difficult to establish, and one more reason why astrology becomes
even more unfalsifiable.

How could psychological astroloy work?

Despite Perry's appeals to consciousness, it is clear that no theory of consciousness based
on physical processes can perform the role demanded. So Perry opts for dualism, the
existence of a nonphysical, immaterial mind or soul. While psychological astrology is
described as a theory of "extraordinary complexity and a model of consciousness" (Perry
1995a, p.32; 1994, p.33), questions about how this dualistic view of consciousness actually
works are never addressed. Instead we are merely offered tidbits such as: consciousness is
a "non-physical system" (1995a, p.32) and "a subjective experience of awareness that has
no material correlates" (1995a, p.34).

Nowhere does Perry attempt to articulate the intrinsic nature of his version of the non-
physical mind. While the notion of "soul" is a central part of many astrological positions, we
 19

are left with vague mental images of a non-physical, internal poltergeist that acts in equally
mysterious ways, on the neurological structure and behaviour of human beings. It is far
from clear how the postulation of a soul/non-physical mind can contribute toward clarifying
and informing our understanding of central notions such as purposive behaviour, values,
internal self-causation, meanings and creativity, over that offered by contemporary models
consistent with materialism (such as those offered by Crick 1994; Flanagan 1992; Penrose
1994; Searle 1992; Dennett 1996) Note 17.

How does the mind come into it?

Neither does Perry offer us any inkling as to the mediating role the non-physical mind plays
between cosmos and psychic structure. The most we get are vague appeals to notions such
as synchronicity which substitute one mystery for another, and sidestep issues of conflicting
astrologies but fail to clarify issues of how this imprinting of the cosmos on the psyche takes
place. This talk of souls and non-physical entities worsens the picture for astrology without
bringing an increase in understanding. Since psychological astrology does not have a theory
of its own regarding the nature of the inner psychological processes supposedly mirrored by
planetary configurations, it rests mainly on those postulated by various psychodynamic
theories. More specifically, Perry relates the birth chart to "conscious and unconscious
processes, areas of repression and conflict, pathways of sublimation, transference
dynamics, projections and the like" (Perry 1995b, p.123; See also, Perry 1988; Arroyo
1993; Greene 1996).

Based on outmoded ideas

Even if we contend that psychological astrologers have refined the crude approximations of
traditional astrologers (who themselves do not offer plausible explanations for their
correlations), ths above case is difficult to accept. The reason is simple. Twentieth century
theorizing was influenced by a great variety of areas of research, including investigations
into brain function, humanistic and existential schools of psychology, neuropsychology,
artificial intelligence, physicalism and functionalism in philosophy, and so on. Ancient,
medieval, and renaissance theories of mind that would have been utilized by the astrologers
of the past were quite different from contemporary models (See Pasnau 1997; Wright &
Potter 2000).

Further, the above psychic structure is based on psychoanalytic and humanistic

psychological theories that since the 1950's have come under very heavy criticism. Note 18
Psychoanalytic processes and concepts, alluded to by many psychological astrologers, have
been described as nonfalsifiable because they are consistent with any physically possible
human behaviour. In addition, the coherence of the theory is questionable, along with the
controversy over its therapeutic effectiveness (eg see Crews 1998; Grunbaum 1993;
Spence 1994; Esterson 1993; Kerr 1993; Macmillan 1991; Webster 1995; McGinn 1999;
Coiffi 1998). If the psychological structure symbolized by the planets and their
interrelationships are problematic, the rest of the theory is on shaky ground. Note 19

What about cultural effects?

Is human nature the same the world over? Do all people share the same underlying
archetypes as some psychological astrologers contend? Granted that there are physical and
psychological commonalities across cultures, but are cognitive styles and thinking processes
the same? Some recent research suggest that people in the Orient follow different basic
thinking processes than those in the West. People in the Orient pay greater attention to
context and relationships and rely more on experience-based knowledge than those in the
West. In the West, people tend to detach objects from their context, and are more
concerned with consistency in reasoning.
 20

If these cultural variations exist, as some philosophers and psychologists contend (e.g
Nisbett, Peng, Choi & Norenzayan 2001; Stich 2001), a problem arises how the same
planetary configurations can reflect diverse reasoning patterns, psychological process, or
human natures. The views of many psychological astrologers seem to assume that any
divergent thinking or psychological differences among cultures can be reduced to the
psycho-dynamic mechanisms popular in their circles. Note 20

Anything goes
Consider also the psychological astrologers' contention that inner mental dynamics can be
expressed in a great variety of ways. Here they reject as simplistic the traditional
astrologer's claim that celestial patterns are typically associated with relatively specific
outcomes. As an example of this complexity, the British astrologer Charles Harvey (1995)
claims:

The same [planetary] combination can express itself in a whole range of ways. For example, Uranus in hard aspect with
the midpoint of Sun and Moon may produce a Napoleon or a Hitler, but equally it may produce a Margaret Thatcher, a
Spike Mulligan, a Martin Luther or a particular [spiritual, caring] astrologer [such] as Dr Zip Dobyns (p.52).

Similarly, Perry claims that psychological astrology does not predict specific behaviours or
life outcomes but rather "predicts qualitative experiences of consciousness that can be
reflected in a variety of manifestations" (Perry 1995a, p.34; 1994, p.34). He affirms that
"The meanings of the parts may be stable, [but] the emergent qualities they produce when
combined are not [because] real people are changing, evolving entities that are far too
complex to type or tag with a few simple key words" (Perry 1993, p.7).

In other words, according to Perry and Harvey, the birth chart accurately shows our
underlying subjective processes, but as to their outward manifestation, astrologers can only
guess at a range of possible happenings. The inner psychic state is shown in the birth chart,
but after that just about anything goes. As Perry said, "we all have the potential to behave
in any way that is humanly possible, and we frequently do" (1995a, p.36).

Miracle of faith
We can see that the psychological astrologer is working with a challenging system. It
involves celestial configurations that can never be examined in isolation, and whose variety
when combined is immensely larger than anyone could possibly cope with. Yet these
planetary configurations supposedly correlate with an invisible, largely unconscious,
philosophically and scientifically controversial, psychic structure that is supposed to underly
personality, and is associated with outcomes so varied and so uncertain that the astrologer
can only make guesses.

This miracle of faith is further complicated by the lack of consensus on basics within the
psychological astrology school itself: "there is probably no uniform psychological approach
to astrology" (Perry 2000). Note 21 Clients seeing different psychological astrologers would
be provided with different considerations of potentials and likely varying descriptions of
opportunities for growth and change. Note 22 Further, the reader should not come away
with the impression that psychological astrology has not gone uncriticised by other
astrologers. Thoughtful critiques from within astrology of many of the problematic notions of
psychological astrologers can be found in Harding (1992) and Elwell (1999).

7. Problems of astrological world views

 21

Traditional astrology emphasizes the prediction of events, the association of relatively

specific, observable outcomes with astrological factors, sometimes with the world view that
planets are transmitters of physical influence. Thus the clients of the famous 17th century
astrologer William Lilly expected predictions and decision making, not psychology and
religion. Such a traditional orientation is not adverse to experimental investigation. A main
problem of this approach, as Perry acknowledged, is that the vast majority of studies have
not supported such claims (Perry 1995a).

Further, there is little prospect that plausible physical linkages will be discovered that
explain astrological associations with human activity (Perry 1995a, pp.26-33; Culver &
Ianna 1988; Crowe 1990; Nhgre 1998). For example, no proposed physical explanation can
explain, in advance, how Sun-Jupiter contacts symbolize expansive, optimistic beliefs rather
than something else, how Scorpio can symbolize secrecy rather than something else, or how
the 2nd House can symbolize possessions rather than something else, or how hypothetical
planets and impossible planetary configurations can be encompassed in charts.

Perry states, that even though studies relating astrological configurations with specific
observable outcomes have failed, this poses no difficulty for psychological astrology since it
is concerned with the "inner life" of an individual, which cannot be adequately tested by
modern, materialistic, scientific methodology. Besides, he claims, astrologers already have
independent experiential (clinical) evidence that astrology works Note 23 (Perry 1995a,
pp.14, 26).

What is the astrological worldview?

While astrology seems implausible from the perspective of modern physical theories, we are
told that if we adopt a different set of metaphysical assumptions (for example, a more
transcendental framework), astrology becomes plausible. Note 24 This worldview,
according to many astrologers, is very different from scientific worldviews. Hence, Vaughan
(2000) says, "the scientific viewpoint is one way of observing the world, and astrology is
another" (which does not stop her claiming scientific evidence for astrology).

Similarly, Harding (2000, p.17) tells us, without providing any specifics, that "The claim can
be made that the scientific worldview is so completely different from that of the astrologer,
that science simply cannot engage with the astrological model at all" (This claim
simultaneously exists alongside the rush in the astrological community to associate
astrology with the latest scientific theories -- see Note 18).

But what is this astrological worldview? Is it the Aristotelian worldview held by many ancient
astrologers? The neo-Platonic view held by astrologers like Plotinus? Is it the worldview of
Dennis Elwell's (1999) Cosmic Loom, where our reality groups together things like dew, ice,
water, humidity and steam, all to do with H2O, whereas astrological reality groups together
things like cold, old age, bones, lead, discontent and responsibility, all to do with Saturn.
(Elwell does not say how he knows his Saturn group is correct.) Such apparent diversity is
woven together on the cosmic loom, hence the name.

Or is the astrological worldview associated with a hierarchy of "planes of being and

existence", as portrayed by Negre (1998)? Or, following Cornelius (1994, 1998), should
astrologers return to ancient Mesopotamiam ideas regarding omens and spirits? Or are the
psychological astrologers who content that astrology is just a projection of unconscious
archetypes on the right track? Clearly there are many astrological worldviews, which point I
will return to later.
 22

Further, what do expressions like "different ways of viewing the world" and "completely
different" entail? Does astrology provide an alternative account of human origins, and is it
associated with its own models of the origin and workings of the universe than
contemporary scientific models? Surveys of Western astrologers themselves do not indicate
that they subscribe to any particular worldview. They seem no different than any other
group in society (see eg Elliot 1993).

Paradigms do not help

Unfortunately, finding a worldview or paradigm that is more compatible with astrology than
modern scientific ones, by itself, provides little support for the basic astrological premiss of
as above so below, let alone particular systems of astrology. Finding a paradigm that is
compatible with astrology achieves little since astrology still has to be tested within the
paradigm. Why should astrology be taken seriously just because a new paradigm might
happen to be compatible with it? As a comparison, let us consider the materialistic or
naturalistic worldview, which can support a very large diversity of competing theories with
greatly differing assumptions like Lamarckism and Evolution in biology, and theories like
Phrenology, Behaviourism, Functionalism, Connectionism, Sociobiology, Freudian
Psychoanalysis, and Piaget in psychology. Each of these approaches is encompassed within
a naturalistic worldview but this does not preclude their extensive critical evaluation within
that framework and, in many cases, rejection.

Vagueness adds to confusion

Perry (1991a) tells us the worldview needed to make sense of astrology must involve "a
sacred realm that unites, orders, and animates the cosmos" (p.19), or what West calls "a
system of magic" (1991, p.223) and Cornelius (1994, p.19) calls "some other element"
(that is, other than delusion and ESP). The perspective proposed by Perry re-introduces
ancient notions of teleological causation, occult powers of attraction, and most importantly,
the notion that psyche and cosmos are alike, and correspond through symbolic action-at-a-
distance (1995a, p.15-16), without the discussion and debate needed to evaluate these
expressions.

Further, Perry explains, this will involve a return to beliefs that were common in pre-
scientific cultures in which a "world soul/consciousness" was immanent in all parts of the
universe. The universe, so conceived, involved a hierarchy with parts interconnected by
"sympathetic resonances". Astrology played a large part in such worldviews because it gave
people a symbolic language "for understanding the various meanings and correspondences
of natural phenomena" (Perry 1995a, p.15; also 1993, p.2).

On Perry's transcendent perspective, the "Universe has intentions for us" and "there is an
underlying intelligence that organizes the infinity of things happening in the universe". This
"organizing intelligence" or "greater consciousness is always assisting us in the unfoldment
of our innate capacities -- growing us, as it were, so that we can become more fully
conscious of our true identities" (Perry 1999, p.1,3) Note 25 It is not clear how Perry
knows this, it seems unlikely that he has direct, unmediated access to the divine mind.
Many might even agree with Perry's general notion about an "underlying intelligence" and
yet deny that astrology gives us insight into its intentions for human beings (see Bourque
1997; Ankerberg & Weldon 1989). Note 26

Evasion adds to confusion

The notion of "our true identity" for example, is one with which many empiricists, post-
modernist philosophers, and Buddhists would consider problematic. The Buddhists consider
talk of an essential core of one's being illusory, while post-modernists would consider such
 23

talk of "our true identities" a modernist illusion. So an explication of astrological theories

should explain these central elements. Instead, we are offered evasions such as "Astrology
seems to belong to some other order of knowing things, barely conceivable in the modern
world" (Cornelius, Hyde & Webster 1995, p.167). While nothing remotely resembling a fuller
discussion of the nature of these forces or resonances is provided, we are still told that,
whatever they are, they "make possible creation, indeed, all conscious, organic life" (West
1991, p.221).

Diversity of worldviews is problematic

We have seen how there are many astrological worldviews. But the problems caused by this
diversity is more severe than we might suspect, simply because the notion of worldviews is
related to philosophical traditions. Campion (1996, p.134) points out "the philosophical
schools that many astrologers find so attractive, especially Platonism, Buddhism and Taoism
can equally encourage scepticism and therefore hostility to astrology". For example, Wilber
(1999), working from a trans-personal, spiritual perspective, strongly criticises astrology.
Furthermore, Perry and others ignore or play down the great diversity found among early
cultures regarding pre-scientific worldviews and the conflicting astrologies that were
developed within them. The different astrologies we find around the world are intertwined
with various conflicting religious systems and cosmologies.

Societies that did possess what we would recognize as a form of astrology were associated
with both worldviews and astrologies that differed radically and were contradictory in many
fundamentals, including, their conceptions regarding the nature of ultimate reality and the
transcendent, whether the transcendent can be known or is ineffable and unknowable, the
basic hierarchical structures within the postulated transcendent realities, the modes of
divine activity (and whether the divine nature was personal or nonpersonal), the nature of
the self, the destiny of human beings, and so on.

Furthermore, astrologies in the East have closer ties to theological systems than modern
Western ones. There is also a larger concern in the East with removing negative astrological
effects in ways that would not be considered possible by many Western astrologers. For
example, in India, many people visit astrologers to soften the blows of horoscopic fate; "On
Sundays many worshippers come to the temple to request that [the goddess] Kali remove
the evil astrological influences of the two shadow planets, Rahu and Ketu" (Malville &
Swaminathan 1998, p 9). Hence, general statements that astrologers believe in a "spiritual
or transcendent reality" rather than subscribe to a naturalistic view of the universe, masks a
myriad set of conflicting philosophies. Note 27 To which pre-scientific or ancient
astrological worldview do astrologers like Perry advocate we return ? Note 28

Contradictions between East and West

Likewise, the associated astrologies often differed from each other along essential
dimensions. For example, the circumpolar stars, the pole star, and the quadrant divisions of
the sky utilized in Chinese astrology are used differently in Western astrology. The circle of
12 animals in Chinese astrology bear little resemblance to the Western zodiac. In ancient
China, Mars was related to joy and Jupiter to anger, the opposite of that found in Western
astrology (Douglas 1999). The ascendant is important in Western astrology but not in
Chinese astrology, and so on (Culver & Ianna 1988, p.25; Dean, Mather & Kelly 1996,
pp.56-57). Within Viking mythology the Taurus constellation was interpreted as the open,
biting mouth of the furious fenris wolf -- a different psychological interpretation when
compared with the usually calm and slow Taurus person of modern astrology.
 24

In India there are also a number of astrological systems which conflict both with each other
and with Western approaches. [See Premanand, Bhatty & Risbud (1993) for an overview
and critique of Indian astrology]. "In Western astrology the general tendency is to regard
the North Node as benefic and the South Node as malefic. In Hindu astrology the general
tendency is to regard both Nodes as malefic" (Dean & Mather 1977, p.259). In the Dasha-
paddhati system the names of the planets are written in a sequence that is not only
arbitrary from a Western astrological perspective but is also not related to any physical
characteristics of the planets or their distance from the earth. Each planet is alleged to have
a certain period of influence over the destiny of people. These periods vary from 6 years to
20 years.

Each planet takes control over a person's destiny in the order specified by the system and
the duration assigned to them. The sequence of the planets is the same for all people
provided you are following the Vinshotiari 120 year system. On the other hand, if an
astrologer uses the Ashtottari dasha system, the last four planets appear in a reversed
order and together have a different duration of 108 years. During one's lifetime , the same
planet cannot take charge of your destiny again, unless you live for more than 120 years (or
108 years) (see Risbud 1998 for a critique of these systems). These two systems cannot
both be correct, but this seems to have had no effect on their acceptance by astrologers and
clients.

Differences with the Americas

When we turn to the Americas, other fundamental differences in world view, along with
astrological differences, emerge. The Aztecs were just interested in the Sun, Moon, and
Venus (Botherstone 1988). In terms of hierarchical structures and allied astrology, the
Mayan cosmology was quite different from the orbital-themed earth or sun-centered ideas
of other cultures. For a start, Mayan astrology assigned a very central role for Venus. In
addition, the position of Venus relative to the horizon was, contrary to Western astrology,
more important for the Mayans than its movement. They also associated the morning and
evening appearances of Venus with lunar phasing and eclipses which have no counterparts
in other astrological systems.

Finally, astrology in Mayan life was closer to the astrology of India and traditional Western
astrology than Perry's version in that the central focus was divination and prophecy (Aveni
1992; Danien & Sharer 1992).

What disagreement implies

There are even different colour associations with the planets among cultures. Cultures have
perceived Venus as white or yellow; Saturn as white, yellow, red, brown, and black; Jupiter
as white or greenish-blue; Mercury as green or blue, and the moon has been variously
described as green, blue, and silver (Douglas 1999). Within Western astrology, Venus is
associated with "everything beautiful, which catches the attraction of your eyes --
museums, theaters, cabarets -- and brothels" (de Wohl 1951, p.146).

The serious problems that arise due to these differing notions are precisely analogous to
those issues that arise with religious diversity around the globe (see Hick 1997 for an
overview of these critical questions).One cannot presume that the differing notions can be
referring to the same ultimate reality (like different fingers pointing to the same moon). The
different astrologies throughout the world (over both the past and present), are connected
with very different ideas about fundamental reality and its complexity that cannot be side-
stepped with general talk like "Astrology unites us with a living cosmos. In a conscious
universe, people and planets are woven into the same seamless web of being" or "there is
 25

an immanent divine guiding intelligence" to the universe (Perry 1991, p.8; and 1999).
Clearly not all the conflicting views of the divine and transcendent can be true, and neither
can the different views of human nature and destiny or the conflicting astrologies associated
with them. Note 29

Sham enquiry
It is important to keep in mind that diversity can be productive. We should not stick to one
approach, but search out alternative conceptions and promote inquiry into such alternatives.
However, this attitude is not prevalent in astrology. Genuine inquiry involves a desire to
learn and a determination to follow the truth wherever it leads. In contrast, an examination
of astrological books, internet sites, magazines and journals reveal what can be termed
sham inquiry, where astrologers go through the motions of inquiry in order to demonstrate
foregone conclusions (Kelly 1998; see Haack 1998 on the notion of sham inquiry).

The preoccupation of astrologers with sham enquiry rather than proper enquiry has fatal
consequences, simply because they assume that astrology is inexplicable except in terms of
a transcendent worldview. But such an assumption is unwarranted because astrology is
readily explicable in terms of cognitive and perceptual biasses, everyday artifacts of human
judgement that in an astrological context look and feel like astrological "effects", which then
wrongly persuade astrologers and their clients that something mysterious is happening
(Dean, Kelly & Mather 1999).

Furthermore, on the basis of these artifacts alone, we can predict that modern astrology will
be characterised by (1) disagreement on almost everything, (2) agreement that it works,
and (3) failure to work when artifacts are prevented. Which is exactly what is observed (and
by contrast is exactly what is not observed in the sciences). For more on these artifacts see
Artifacts in reasoning on this website under Doing Scientific Research.

8. Problems of astrological symbolism

It was argued earlier that the correspondences claimed by astrologers were not based on
observation, as a number of astrologers have claimed. Rather, the connections are
established on the basis of word associations, mythological associations, a variety of cultural
symbolic notions based in turn on a plethora of conflicting theological and occult beliefs, and
idiosyncratic word play by individual astrologers.

Other factors are the influence of authority and tradition. Authority because an astrological
master said so, and tradition because it has been done that way for hundreds or thousands
of years. The end result being the chaotic state that characterizes astrology with no agreed
upon methodology to separate valid notions from less valid or invalid notions. In this section
we will explore these symbolic notions.

Magical correspondences
While the astronomical and mathematical bases of the cosmologies and astrologies
developed by the Mesopotamian, Chinese, Mayan, and Indian cultures were sophisticated,
the meaning or quality ascribed to planetary conjunctions and movements were dependent
on the beliefs of the particular societies in question. This explains why many of the physical
characteristics of the celestial bodies (size, distance, etc.) are considered irrelevant with
regard to their effects or meaning, or even whether a planetary body actually exists (eg
Vulcan) because what matters is the symbolism or mythology attached to the body's name.
 26

The influences, effects, or correlations attributed to the planetary configurations are based
on "magical correspondences" relying on superficial similarities and analogies.

For example, the medieval astrologer-physician William of England, appealed to the magical
doctrine of "like affects like", as have astrologers of all periods. Hence, he argued, "the sun
and Mars affect red bile (because all three are hot) and the moon and Venus affect phlegm
(because they are cold)" and "Should the hot and dry Mars be causing a disturbance of the
blood, then when Mars moves into a house that has a disturbance of the chest, the patient
will spit blood" (French 1996, p.478). Note 30

The astrologer Davidson (1963) tells us, "Without the sun there would be no life. It is the
driving force behind the whole solar system. It represents Will Power, Vitality, Leadership,
Creativity" (p.29) and "The rings of Saturn symbolize the limitations imposed by Saturnian
action that operate as a harsh external discipline until we have learnt to discipline
ourselves" (p.32). In mythology, Mercury is referred to as the "messenger of the gods",
therefore, by simple analogy, "Mercury rules the body systems that function as messengers
or conduits for communication, [such as] the central nervous system, the endocrine system,
and the respiratory system" (Gailing 2000).

No systematic method
What is interesting about the latter example is that while Mercury was the messenger of the
gods in mythology, talk of bodily systems as messengers is metaphorical. The above three
bodily systems "communicate" in quite different ways with parts of the body, so why not
also include the circulatory and lymphatic system? What governs the extent to which
astrologers extend such metaphors? There is no underlying systematic method.

Whenever a newly discovered astronomical body is found, the attribution of its earthly
connections is not based on the results of published investigations with extensive public
discussion to establish its relationships with worldly affairs. Rather, if the name can be
identified (eg by looking it up in dictionaries of mythology) and could be plausibly related to
existing planetary mythology (not difficult), then the result will be long articles in astrology
journals by authors surfing the mythology wave, where readers will be moved to tears or to
outrage by the beauty and insight of the connections.

Examples of Pluto and Chiron

When Pluto was discovered in 1930 and Chiron in 1977 (a minor planet or moon between
the orbits of Saturn and Uranus), astrologers did not publish research to establish their
relationships with human and worldly affairs. Pluto is given, as one might expect from
mythology, a malefic influence on human life. As Davison (1963) tells us, "The planet
named after the God of Hades represents the Underworld of man's consciousness, those
elements in his nature that have not been redeemed" (p.33) Could it be otherwise?

It is difficult to imagine that astrologers would ever inform us that a planet named "Pluto"
would be associated with love of life and fellow human beings, sensitivity and pleasure (like
Venus)! Similarly, Hand (1981) remarked "(Chiron) is believed by many to have a
connection with conscious-expanding teachings and with initiation into higher
consciousness" (p.94). In the case of Chiron, as with Pluto, these relationships are those we
would expect astrologers to attribute to them if they were based to a large extent on
mythology (Culver & Ianna 1988).

Asteroids
Similarly, as the astrologer Press (1993) says about asteroids, "the particular mythology,
 27

whether Greek, Roman, Egyptian, etc., is relevant to the expression of the asteroid in the
[birth] chart " (p.178). Having determined the asteroid's mythology, the astrologer looks at
the asteroid's position (eg., by sign, by house, by aspect) in various peoples' charts to see if
there is anything in the personality or case history that could match the interpretation of
that position. For example, "The asteroid Icarus represents flying too close to the sun. The
position (house, sign, numerical) and exact aspects of Icarus will show where a person will
take risks" (p.197). Whenever possible, some astrologers will add physical symbolism to the
mythological symbolism. For example:

The orbit of Icarus is between the sun and Jupiter. This containment surrounds Icarus with the irradiation of the Sun and
the expansiveness of Jupiter. Icarus' orbit is in and crosses the orbits of Mercury, Venus, the Earth and Mars. Being in
those orbits gives Icarus a smattering of the restlessness of Mercury, the sensuousness of Venus, the earthiness of the
Earth and the self-assertiveness of Mars" (Press 1993, p.196). Note 31

What happens with modern names?

What happens if the new astronomical bodies are named after modern individuals? Startup
(1981) says:

A popular modern astrological doctrine maintains that newly discovered planets are inevitably given appropriate names
[from which the correct terrestrial relationships can be inferred], even though the names are bestowed by astronomers
nowadays. This is usually taken as one more example of synchronicity (p.33).

Asteroids without classical names have a special kind of importance, again based purely on
symbolic considerations. Here we enter the realm of "personal name asteroids". Press
(1993, p.212) concludes (after much uncontrolled research), that if an asteroid has your
name , or something close to it, then its position in your horoscope describes your
relationship to yourself (whatever that means). If an asteroid has the name of another
person (eg asteroid #3085 is called Donna), then its position in your horoscope (birth chart)
describes your relationship to that person. This would seem to imply that your relationship
to all the Donna's in the world would have much in common.

Cultural concerns
Cultural concerns lead astrologers of a particular region to attribute symbolic associations to
astronomical phenomena that would be viewed entirely differently by astrologers in other
parts of the world, assuming they considered such observations of relevance in the first
place. For example, at some Hindu temples in India, it is believed that the sun suffers from
leprosy. Sunspots may have played a role in this symbolic association (Malville &
Swaminathan 1998).

Creative astrologising
Most modern astrologers view astrology as an all-encompassing, life-pervading system. For
them, everything that happens on earth, including fuels and their prices, road rage, stealing
bases in baseball, finding your best mate, athletic advantages at the Olympics, the political
behaviour of opposing candidates, a person slipping on the ice in winter, whether or not a
person gets in an automobile accident, etc. are all connected to the planets (see articles by
astrologers on the astrology site, Stariq 2000). The symbolic connections described by
astrologers, such as "Neptune is linked to fossil fuels", and "Uranus and Neptune brought us
the internet", are based entirely on verbal associations, stretched analogies, and
idiosyncratic extensions of mythological symbolism.

Further, the validity of these symbolic connections are not determined by empirical
investigation, or coherence with established scientific theory, but rather by the prestige of
the astrologer, the creativity of the astrologer in stretching the symbolism to encompass the
interests of the readership, and the ability of the astrologer to tell a good story. Hence,
 28

different astrologers will arrive at quite different symbolic interpretations of planetary

positions and terrestrial events, and each will be convinced of the validity of their own
perceived connections. If by chance the astrologer finds an empirical study that will support
the claims, it is touted as "scientifically supported", but a lack of supporting empirical
research will have no effect on the perceived validity of the asserted symbolic connections
[see any issue of The Mountain Astrologer, the Astrological Journal, or the astrological
website Stariq 2000).

9. Problems of non-falsifiability
The foregoing section on symbolism indicates how astrologers can claim that the testing of
astrology is almost impossible, while simultaneously claiming that their daily experience
(i.e. testing) confirms everything. Although there are specific astrological traditions, the
flexibility of symbolism allows almost any outcome to be viewed as confirmatory.
Consequently, a main problem with the testing of astrological claims is that there are no
clear-cut results that would be considered problematic for astrological theory.

In fact, the behaviour of astrologers, indicates that there seems only one overall "theory" in
astrology, namely as above, so below, or the claim that there are (unspecified in advance)
correlations between the positions of the heavenly bodies and earthly events. Astrologers
call Uranus the divorce planet (see Wolfstar 2000), but neither Uranus nor any particular
conjunction or transit with Uranus need play a role in any particular divorce or even most
divorces. In fact, almost any other planetary conjunction or transit could, with a little
stretching, be interpreted to play a role in a divorced couples chart, making everything
"explainable" in astrological terms. If we found Venus square Saturn in the majority of
divorced people's charts, this would make astrological sense.

And so would Sun Square Mars, which stands for will power, aggression, etc. An expression
in daily life would be lots of arguments, strife, the will of one partner to dominate over the
other, and so on, hence, "No wonder these people got divorced." Note 32

Anything goes
Consider now an astrologer who explains a sudden death of a client with a transit Uranus
within one degree conjunct with the Fifth House cusp. This looks odd because the Fifth
House is associated with children and fun. But the astrologer could point out, on the
mundane level, the Fifth House cusp makes a square with the Eighth House cusp, which is
the House of Death. A reader will not find such a "cause" in any astrological textbook.
Nevertheless, quite a few astrologers could easily be persuaded that such an explanation
makes sense. Indeed, such ad hoc astrological juggling takes place all the time on
astrological internet sites such as Stariq. Accordingly, in research by astrologers and
sympathisers, anything goes as long as some relationship between astrological symbolism
and earthly events is obtained. And, of course, the likelihood of some relationship being
uncovered is far, far higher, than that of any pre-specified relationship being uncovered.
Note 33

An example of nonfalsifiability
Let us consider the study recently published by Denness (2000). This study found a
tendency for car thieves and their victims to share the same sun sign in two areas in
England. No specific astrological theory is tested here, only the question whether there is a
connection between one set of data (in this case, birth sign of car owners) and another set
of data (birth sign of car thieves).
 29

If the uncovered relationship was very different, for example, victims and car thieves
avoided sharing the same signs, or had opposite signs, or one group had odd signs and the
other even signs, or one group had male signs and the other group female signs, the study
would still be described as "an argument that zodiacal signs influence career choices"
(p.47). On the other hand, if the study had found no relationship of any kind between the
signs of the participants, this would still not be a problem for astrologers. The negative
findings would be criticised by astrologers for testing isolated factors and ignoring the
qualifying effects of other factors in the horoscopes, or it would be argued that sun signs
are too crude to pick up such subtle effects and planetary conjunctions and transits would
have been more informative. Ironically, it could be criticised as not testing any recognized
textbook claim. Note 34

Even specific claims are nonfalsifiable

Testing specific claims does not help either, since astrologers have a vast array of ad hoc
excuses for rejecting any study that does not confirm any specific claim. Some of these are:
a factor was overlooked in the chart, it was done in the wrong country, the stars incline not
compel, the meaning of the factors may have changed for the people involved, and so on
(see Kelly 1998). All of this supports the conclusion that astrology is not a discipline worthy
of the name. Positive findings could never add up to anything coherent since there is no way
of following up studies and testing refined hypotheses that could advance the field. There is
no astrological theory in research except the vague as above so below, and there is always
an ad hoc hypothesis for every negative finding.

10. Problems of magical influences

Magical or unknown influences are appealed to whenever astrology is in difficulty. Earlier in
this article the problem of including all the asteroids in the birth chart/horoscope was
described. Hand (1981) points out that astrologer Eleanor Bach "solved" the problem by
using just the first four asteroids to be discovered. Hand (1981) justifies this arbitrary
choice by informing us that:

One way of defending the use of the first four to be discovered (rather than the four largest) is to say that the effect of
celestial bodies is in some way related to human consciousness of them rather than to their physical properties. As the first
to be discovered they no doubt made a greater impact than the thousands later to be discovered (p.93).

We are left in the dark as to what the "some way related" and "greater impact" are intended
to mean here. What about people who have never heard of the first four asteroids? (The
same problem applies to the use of Uranus, Neptune, and Pluto! Up to the discovery of
Uranus in the late 1700's, astrology had Saturn as the outer planet). Does this mean the
asteroids cannot be used in constructing their charts, or does the awareness of academics of
their existence cover for the rest of us? No doubt another set of special rules can be devised
by astrologers to "solve" this problem. For example Goodman (1971) says that new
asteroids work from the very first moment they are discovered by astronomers. Such
speculations have the great advantage of requiring no argument and the disadvantage of
saying nothing. Some of the grave difficulties of magical correspondences as explanations
are described by Dean, Loptson and Kelly (1996):

First, magical correspondences are arguments from analogy, which can be expressed in the form object X has properties A
and B, object Y has property A, therefore Y also has B. John Smith is tall, therefore John Brown is tall ... The inference is
vivid and quick, and therefore (as in astrology) agreeably seductive, but our chances of it being correct are not good ... No
longer do midwives open the door to ease a painful labour. No longer do alchemical ideas appear in chemistry courses. In
fact, magical correspondences have been so spectacularly unsuccessful that in Western education today the doctrine
survives only as an example of fallacious thinking. Second, it is impossible to specify any two things, no matter how
dissimilar, that do not show some kind of correspondence. A raven is like a writing desk because both begin with the "r"
 30

sound, both caste shadows, both contain quills. A speck of sand is like the Empire State Building because they have the
same colour, both contain silica, and have a large number of atoms.

The point is, how can we distinguish a magical correspondence from other correspondences? The books do not tell us.
Third, we have no immediate way of choosing between opposing magical correspondences. Black cats were lucky to
ancient Egyptians but unlucky to medieval Europeans. The moon was male to the Babylonians but female to the Greeks. ...
Is Mars unfortunate because red = blood (war), or fortunate because red = blood (life)? Who can believe any magical
correspondence when it is so easily denied by another? (pp.28-29).

Other criticisms of magical thinking can be found from a philosophical viewpoint by Thagard
(1980) and Vickers (1988), and from a psychological perspective by Zusne and Jones
(1989).

11. Conclusion
The accounts put forward by astrologers to justify their postulated celestial relationships
with outward behaviour/activities of human beings (traditional astrology), or inner
structures of consciousness (modern psychological astrology), are problematic and
implausible in the extreme. Astrology as presently practised by most astrologers, in its
multifaceted and contradictory variations (all of which claim truths that allegedly transcend
time and space) is not a reliable source of information about ourselves.

These conceptual problems do not lead astrologers to revise the conceptual basis of
astrology or extend it in ways that would allow them to learn from failures, as is routine in
orthodox disciplines (Mayo 1996). Rather, they are dealt with by using metaphors that lead
nowhere and by applying ad hoc hypotheses that are not independently testable. Chance
confirmations are readily seen as support, and routine failures are just as readily explained
away by the complexities of astrology, hence the general indifference of astrologers to
negative evidence (Mayo 1996, pp.280-282; Kelly 1998).

The failure of physical explanations for astrology, and a determined blind eye for the notable
success of psychological explanations such as cognitive and perceptual biasses (Dean, Kelly
& Mather 1999), have led astrologers to adopt transcendental worldviews. But instead of
providing rational arguments for these worldviews they invoke vague spiritual or occult
convolutions and vague references to modern physics, the last in order to appear up-to-date
and fashionable. These convolutions (eg "animating spirits", "sympathies", "pure
consciousness", "resonant bonds of vibratory frequencies", "psychic anatomy") have no
useful explanatory value. We are left with a disparate set of ideas taken out of context from
various ancient and often incompatible worldviews without any coherent interlocking
metaphysics. The difference from the coherent and well-tested explanations provided by
psychology (which exactly predict the astrological situation) could hardly be more marked.

Birth chart interpretation is based on a chaotic mix of physical symbolisms, word

associations, analogy, mythology, tradition, and the idiosyncratic contributions of individual
astrologers. There is little agreement on what factors should be included or ignored in a
chart, how they should be combined, how their importance can be determined, or how
conflicting claims can be resolved. It is clear that astrology does not have the resources to
deal with its anomalies, nor is it ever likely to. It has nothing to contribute to other
disciplines except fallacious arguments and sophistry. Astrology is part of our past and has
undeniable historical value, but astrologers have given no plausible reason why it should
have a role in our future.

Acknowledgements
 31

I want to recognize the significant contributions of Geoffrey Dean and Suitbert Ertel to this manuscript. In a myriad of
ways they contributed to a more readable and accurate article. I also thank for their comments: Rudolf Smit,
J.W.Nienhuys, Mogens Winther, Anthony Aveni (on Mayan astrology), Dale Beyerstein, Peter Loptson, and M.S.Risbud.

As already mentioned, these notes need not be referred to as they occur. Instead they can
be read more conveniently, and without loss of relevance, as a whole.

Note 1. In Western culture until Newton the views of astrologers and scientists were not so
very different. There was widespread belief that all phenomena in the inferior elemental
world of nature were governed in some way by the motions of the superior and incorruptible
celestial bodies. Not until Newton did the heretical idea arise that maybe these beliefs could
be tested, which idea proved to be unstoppable.

Note 2. How successful are astrologers at making predictions? Different astrologers provide
conflicting answers. Vaughan (1995) tells us that astrologers have, throughout medieval
times, made many successful predictions, including predictions of death. On the other hand,
Guinard (1997) says, "it remains true that for two thousand years, astrology by itself has
strictly not predicted any major political or cultural event." Campion (1997) contends that
there are no reliable techniques in astrology for making successful specific predictions. For
example, consider predictions of death: "The prediction of death, astrologically, is a highly
subjective business, and there can be no rules for predicting death, because if they applied
in medieval times they would apply now -- but now we have a much longer life expectancy
and the planetary cycles have not stretched.". It is also interesting to note that when
successful predictions are made, there is no consensus in the astrological community
regarding the predictions.

The successful predictions seem to be made by isolated astrologers with the vast majority
missing the event entirely. While a number of astrologers contend that astrologers cannot
predict specific events, they claim they can tell that "something" is going to happen. But
astrologers did not predict world war 2 , and why did the vast majority of astrologers miss
"the something" of the fall of the Berlin wall and breakup of Russia in 1990? And why did so
many astrologers wrongly predict catastrophe at the turn of the twentieth century with the
Y2K fiasco? [See Townshend's (1999) astrological site for a large number of astrologer's
predictions of Y2K disaster].

The vast majority of astrologers completely miss important events, and the vast majority
are wrong when they make specific predictions of major events. Interesting recent
examples involve the predictions by astrologers of the outcome of the year 2000 USA
presidential election, and the predictions of the 26 Jan 2001 earthquake in India (the worst
in 50 years). As usual, only a few isolated astrologers made the correct calls. Let us view
these in context. In a survey of ten prominent astrologers on the astrological site, Stariq
(2000), four found multiple celestial indicators that Bush would win, four predicted Gore
would win, and two hedged their bets and made no clear prediction regarding who the new
president would be. These predictions follow the polls made of US voters who were equally
divided.

After the election, astrologers made much that "Mercury stationed direct on the evening of
November 7, 2000" (See Tarriktar 2001). If it was so obvious about Mercury, why did
millions of astrologers around the world miss it? Also, does talk of stationary Mercury make
astrological sense, given that Mercury retrograde is an isolated factor? Similarly, we are told
(Stariq 2001) that at least two astrologers in India, out of perhaps a hundred thousand,
predicted the earthquake of 26 Jan 2001 and "We can see the earthquake reflected in the
transits to India's chart" (Wolfstar 2001). But again we are dealing with an isolated factor
 32

which is allegedly taboo in astrology. Furthermore, if it is so easily seen why didn't the
astrological communities around the world (and especially in India) issue public warnings?
And why did only a few out of the millions around the world see it coming? And what is the
overall batting average (correct specific predictions versus incorrect specific predictions) of
the astrologers making successful predictions? The reader is unlikely to learn from the
astrological community that some Hindu astrologers predicted that an even bigger
earthquake than the 26 January one would occur in India by 5 February 2001 (Yahoo, 2 Feb
2001). Happily, they were wrong that time. Given that astrologers not only possess all the
same information that everybody else has, they are also supposed to have an additional
source of information provided by the heavens.

One might expect astrologers to not only have far more consensus in their predictions, but
also, as a group, consistently outperform everyone else. If there is so much diversity among
astrologers regarding two-outcome predictions like elections, they surely cannot be trusted
on more complex issues. For an interesting, historical discussion of prediction relevant to
astrological prediction see Pickover (2001).

Note 3. The research of the late Michael Gauquelin and his wife Francoise have been
consistently misunderstood and distorted by astrologers and those sympathetic to astrology
(eg West 1991, 1996). For an account of the Gauquelin work see this website under
Gauquelin.

It is of interest to note that the overall findings of Gauquelin are hardly supportive of
astrology. As noted by Dean (2002), "astrologers do not claim that astrology fails to work
for half the planets, for signs, for aspects, for character, or (on Gauquelin's figures) for the
99.994 percent of the population who are not eminent." Furthermore, when Gauquelin
tested the ability of astrologers to predict people's character and behaviour using the whole
chart, they invariably failed, which led him to conclude that horoscopes were of no useful
value in understanding people (Gauquelin 1983).

Seymour (1990, 1996) has argued for the validity of a limited astrology based on the
Gauquelin findings. He speculates that our neural networks respond to fluctuations in the
earth's geomagnetic field which, in turn, interacts with the gravitational fields of the planets.
McGillion (2002) has argued in favour of a pineal intermediary.

Unfortunately, while Seymour's and McGillion's theorizing do not contradict modern physical
theories, to make a plausible case one needs more than an after-the-event fit to the
Gauquelin results. Despite their appeals to the scientific status of their explanation, they fail
to specify how their theories could be tested. For example they fail to address the mismatch
between planetary and biological frequencies, and how an unborn child can pick up the
difference between Jupiter and Saturn when the frequencies of their diurnal signals actually
overlap, and how it can actually work when the causal chain from genetic heredity to
personality is extremely complex and non-linear (see Turkheimer 1998). See also Dean
(2000) for further criticisms.

Note 4. The quality of much astrological thinking is summarized by ex-astrologer Joanna

Ashmun's descriptions of internet exchanges between astrologers:

Skepticism is not in evidence, and is in fact discouraged. ... The way astrologers treat researchers and skeptics is just the
way they treat other astrologers who disagree with them -- continuing on as if they and their disagreements never
existed ... The thing that I find least comfortable about astrology discussions (and not just on the internet) is their
immateriality, their lack of grounding. Astrologers are less literate than average; they write badly and they read badly;
there is almost no critical response; errors are ignored, corrections are not acknowledged. They answer off the top of their
 33

heads, quote from memory, claim that anything published anywhere at any time is general knowledge, and then get
sidetracked into arguing about who's a liar instead of sorting out the facts of the original question. There is nothing
resembling peer review, except in regard to political correctness. The fact is they don't look stuff up, not even when they
disagree with you! Most astrologers would rather have an iffy quotation from Dane Rudhyar or C.G. Jung to support their
opinions than some good research (Ashmun 1996, p.41-43).

Note 5. This way of dealing with conflicting ideas is quite common in the astrological world.
It is often claimed that "Everything works" -- it just depends on one's point of view, line of
approach, etc. Here speculation, devoid of accompanying argument, is often the rule. So in
regard to conflicting house systems one can hear responses like, "Perhaps Regiomontanus
works best for character and circumstances in life, whereas Placidus may give a better
insight into events, and Koch works best for horse racing". But there is no agreement
among astrologers on these claims nor even minimal agreement on how such speculation
could be tested.

Note 6. The oft-heard claim in textbooks that "The stars incline, not compel" is contradicted
by statements in any astrology book or magazine. So the British astrologer Campion (1987)
tells us, "signs rule skills and talents" (p.45), "Artists are specifically linked to a strong
Venus ... 5th house ... and sun in fifth house" (pp.17,47,49). No ifs or buts here.

Note 7. A variety of ad hoc rules could be used, for example, oldest = Sun, or (for
opposite-sex twins) Male = Sun, or it could be whichever one on inspection fits best. At the
end of the day all that matters to astrologers is having a practical strategy no matter how
arbitrary.

Note 8. Actually, Freud did not discover the unconscious. There is a large pre-Freudian
literature on the topic. What Freud did was use the term as a working tool that could be
investigated psychologically (Fine 1973, pp.36-37). Further, the North Pole wasn't
discovered at all. Everybody knew where and what it was.

Note 9. Owen (2000), writing in The Mountain Astrologer, praises sun-sign delineations
because people can "recognize themselves" in them, which implies they are accurate, but is
mystified by the public's appetite for sun-sign forecasts when they are so "consistently
wrong". Unfortunately, she does not make clear the distinction between forecasts and
delineations or why one and not the other could be seen as accurate.

Note 10. A more general underlying issue here is why astrologers themselves believe in
astrology. As Dean, Mather and Kelly (1996) point out, the steps in belief are roughly:

1. Read astrology books, become aware of the system.

2. Learn more, calculate charts, see that they appear to work
3. Become dazzled by the history, majesty, and sheer appeal of it all.
4. Adopt the system as true, and reject attacks to avoid cognitive dissonance.

The sequence from 1 to 4 is not unreasonable. Students of astrology are not told to accept
astrology without question, they are told to try things out for themselves, so at first sight,
what could be fairer? The problem, of course, is that they are not made aware of all the
pitfalls of personal validation (and the confirmation bias), nor are they told how to make
controlled tests or to design research that actually tests astrological hypotheses and not
auxiliary hypotheses. Nor are they presented with the vast body of criticism of astrological
tenets, as is, for example, found in this article and references. Once they reach (4) then any
internal inconsistencies and disagreements can logically be accommodated as minor hiccups
 34

due to the complexities of astrology or inevitable human fallibility (see Dean, Mather & Kelly
1996).

Note 11. Astrologers will often, in the same article or book, shift back and forth between
causal and non-causal terminology. Cornelius (1998, p.10) mentions that this was noted by
St Augustine almost two millennia ago:

[Augustine] observed that astrologers (when it suited them) will say "Mars caused the action of violence in that man" and,
if then pressed on that point, will say "Mars is a symbol", but catch them another moment and they're back to talking as if
Mars caused the thing.

Similarly the British astrologer Campion (1987) says, "Saturn causes delays, obstacles and
material difficulties" (p.19) and "Uranus rules all new technology" (p.19).

Note 12. Johnsen (2000) points out that the debate between those astrologers who
believed in divinatory astrology and those looking for physical explanations of astral
influences was present in the second century AD. Almost two millenia later, the debate is
still alive in astrological circles with about as much hope of being resolved as it was then.

Note 13. Consider as an analogy, the phrase "medicine works". This would likely be
interpreted to mean that medicine as a discipline has demonstrated techniques that work.
However, some medical claims about the functioning of the human body are strongly
supported by evidence, some are moderately supported, and others weakly supported or
dubious. Similarly, some techniques in medical practice have been shown by studies to work
very well, others moderately well [but may still be used because of a lack of better
alternatives, others not very well (e.g The PSA test for prostate cancer but may still be used
because of a lack of alternatives despite high false positives and false negatives)].

Further, there is awareness in the medical community that some techniques may work for
different reasons than those considered by advocates (see Beyerstein 1999). Medicine is
buttressed by a large consensus in the medical community (on areas such as anatomy,
mechanisms of many diseases) and is associated with a successful technology (X-rays,
surgery, MRI, PET scans, etc). There is no comparable consensus within astrology about the
comparative reliability of techniques or even how we might go about determining the
reliability of the techniques.

Note 14. It might be argued by astrologers that many of the techniques are
complementary rather than contradictory (various diseases may be cured by herbs, drugs,
climate change, psychotherapy, etc.). But this depends on the astrologer and/or astrological
school. Most astrologers do not seem to care about consistency in the systems they use, if
only because most of them have either no idea of the technical details or of the philosophy
behind them. Only a few schools in astrology (Ebertin, Hamburg, Ram, etc) know exactly
what they are doing and hence reject systems that do not confirm with their ideas. As many
astrologers see it, astrology is a pragmatic business. As long as it seems to work then they
do not worry about (the absence of) consistency in techniques, philosophy, etc.

Note 15. West (1991) attempts to bypass the problem of how the astrological relationships
could have been determined by pointing in another direction. He agrees that a complex
system such as astrology could not have been built on observations but argues that this
similarly holds for other bodies of ideas: "this system (astrology) ... is a whole. No amount
of aimless observation, no matter how accurate or painstaking, could develop willy-nilly into
such an elegant and internally consistent system. In the realm of man, nothing evolves
 35

mindlessly. No coherent body of knowledge -- such as astrology -- simply accumulates,

taking form as it goes" (p.38).

However, astrology is not a coherent body of knowledge but a body of ideas, and ideas do
not have to be true to be coherent (eg Tolkien's world, Star Trek, etc.). Also, the historical
inconsistencies and differences among astrological systems throughout the world show that
astrology is not the generic internally coherent system that West makes it out to be.
Furthermore, bodies of knowledge in the social and natural sciences have theoretical
conceptual structures that have become more refined over time in response to research
findings which, in turn, direct and facilitate research (Whitt 1992). In contrast, astrology
has shown no progress in solving its empirical and conceptual problems. Unlike many other
theories, astrology doesn't have diverse evidence that converges on its central claims, has
no plausible explanation for its putative correlations, there is little worldwide agreement on
central tenets, and anomalies that were pointed out by critics centuries ago still remains as
persistent difficulties (See Dean , Mather & Kelly 1996, pp.62-64; Dean, Ertel, Kelly, Mather
& Smit 2000).

Note 16. Dane Rudhyar began the move in the United States away from traditional ideas.
In their psychological orientation Rudhyar and Perry overlap, the main difference being that
Rudhyar is more inclined to Eastern mysticism and religious concepts. A critical examination
of Rudhyar's astrology can be found in Kelly and Krutzen (1983). A thorough consideration
of the development of psychological astrology in the early twentieth century would also
acknowledge the theosophist ideas injected by the British astrologer Alan Leo and the
American astrologer Marc Edmund Jones (Zoller 1998).

Note 17. A useful critique of non-physical /dualist views of mind can be found in Parsons
(2000).

Note 18. Astrologers are forever trying to increase the surface plausibility of astrology by
associating it with the latest theories that have caught the public imagination. So
Blumenthal (1994, p.19) appealed to the relevance of fuzzy logic to astrology, while Perry
alluded to chaos theory (1994, p.34) and the new physics exemplified by Fritjof Capra and
David Bohm. Townley (1994) informs us that "the more advanced areas of systems
mathematics [complexity theory, information theory] and neuroscience [could] be very
friendly to the type of structural thinking that the best of astrology has to offer and to which
astrology could make important contributions" (p.43). Jewsbury (1988) notes how Rupert
Sheldrakes principle of formative causation "should remove the objection that astrology is
impossible", adding in an interesting circularity that "astrology itself is a further pointer to
its truth". Astrologers just assert, without providing details, that Bell's theorem, Bohm's
holonomic theory of quantum mechanics, the Anthropic Principle, and purposive evolution
are, both all compatible with each other, and support the principles upon which astrology is
based.

A negative feature of these astrologers' writings is their penchant to be crucially vague at

critical points. We are not provided with specifics of how these juxtapositions will take place.
We are only given promissory notes. It is never made clear how the new physics and other
modern disciplines can provide support for the supposition that specific planetary
configurations can symbolize fundamental human needs, or motivational drives (eg. How
Sun square Mars symbolizes overall strength and vigor in the personality) [See Stengler
(1995, 1996) for critical comments on misinterpretations of Quantum Mechanics by
advocates of New Age claims, and Guttman (2005) for what he sees as Capra's naive and
misleading writings].
 36

Further, such modern approaches in physics do not explain why the planetary positions of a
moment in the past (birth) describe the supposedly continuing nature of a person in the
present. And what about the "birth" of a country, a company, a resolution, a domicile, and
so on, all of which astrologers confidently take as having their own natal charts? (Jones
1996).

The astrologer Cornelius (1998) has pointed out that this is an old game that astrologers
have always played, namely that astrology has survived by disguising itself as part of the
science and philosophy of each particular time period. The modern disguise being, according
to Cornelius, depth psychology (Jungian archetype psychoanalysis) and modern physics.
Apart from giving the impression that modern theories in physics hold the key to
astrological explanation, many astrologers mix in modern theorizing in the social and
biological sciences with their symbolic interpretations, creating a very uneasy alliance. Since
the theories in the social sciences change in response to new discoveries and evidence, it is
interesting how easily astrologers relate planetary conjunctions with completely different
findings and theories over time.

For example, Banfield (2000) in "The Astrology of Depression" refers to findings in the
psychological literature that there may be a link between "adult depression and being
hypersensitive, shy, introverted, and timid when young." These childhood signatures,
Banfield claims, can be identified in the natal/birth chart and may be suggestive of future
depression. For example, "Astrological indicators for sensitivity and vulnerability are linked
to a strong natal emphasis on the receptive planets ... emphasis on the water signs ... and
water houses ... and suppression of the fire element in the chart" (Banfield 2000, p.77). On
the other hand, Angelfire (1999) considers depression in terms of excessive Saturn and has
no need of such theorizing.

So we find some astrologers relating planetary configurations to psychological theorizing

and others ignoring such findings. This adds further chaos to the already bloated set of
astrological techniques and consequent disorder in the entire field. We have also heard it all
before. In the past, the same confidence was expressed by astrologers with every
prominent theory of the period. The two millennia of failures provides some good inductive
grounds for believing that the confidence of present-day astrologers is as misplaced as that
of their predecessors. Such represents the triumph of hope over experience.

More recently astrologer Ken McRitchie (2004) has made an attempt to provide academics
with a theory to explain why astrology works. He identifies key psychological concepts such
as "values", "skills", "urges", and "development", casts around for a classification scheme
whose numbers are a convenient match to astrology (eg a classification of urges into ten
categories that numerically match the ten planets), and proceeds from there. Along the way
he makes key statements that are glaringly wrong, for example "Few [matching] tests have
been conducted" (p.28) and "personality is not well understood today as a science" (p.32),
and aggressively ignores the existence of hidden persuaders. Ironically he stresses that his
book is "without hypotheses or testing" (p.14), so the end result boils down to speculation
and passing the burden of proof. Precisely the things astrology does not need, nor the
things that would satisfy academic demands for a theory.

Note 19. We are told that "astrology was never disproven by the methods of science.
Rather, its invalidity was a presupposition. The issue was not one of proof, but of paradigm"
(Perry 1991/2000, p.4).
 37

However, in the history of science and ideas, theories and paradigms do not have to be
disproven to be replaced or superceded. Both Popper and Kuhn (two prominent philosophers
of science in the 20th century) were aware that astrology was not disproven. Popper
(1959), argued that, on the contrary, astrologers go out of their way to develop immunizing
strategies to make sure that no evidence will ever seriously threaten their theory. Their
one-size-fits-all theories are so elastic that any disconfirming evidence can be explained
away.

Kuhn (1970a,b), along related lines, contended that astrology fails because practitioners did
not and do not learn from failures. They have not set up reliable procedures to determine
the causes of mistakes, learn from them, and improve their theories. While astrologers have
acquired multiple outs for failures they do not have agreed means of reducing these
alternative explanations of failure and identifying specific astrological claims that need
rejection or revision.

We might also point out that the views of astrologers in the medieval and middle ages
(which are often at variance with much present day practice) have also not been disproved
by present day astrologers (eg see Crane (1999) for a review of such approaches in
medieval times). Rather, such views are just out of fashion in the astrological community.
One interesting example is the doctrine of sect, where charts of daytime and nighttime
births are read differently (Hand 1995). In this approach, the planets change their meanings
in day and night charts, which would seem to mean that on average the world's astrologers
must be getting it wrong half the time. Why don't they notice?

Note 20. Astrologers could get around this problem by having astrological symbolism
restrict itself to the basics of human nature as claimed by bio-psychological researchers and
psychometricians. This would turn astrology into a science that could be investigated by the
quantitative methods used in the social and life sciences. This does not seem, however, a
path most astrologers seem willing to pursue.

Note 21. A similar situation arises in counselling and psychotherapy. However, an

examination of astrology books compared with clinical and counselling texts show important
differences. The psychological texts, unlike texts for astrologers, present overviews of the
research literature, and compare and contrast differing perspectives in terms of strengths
and weaknesses (see Capuzzi & Gross 1999 for a typical example). Further, in-depth
research based discussions of what is currently known about which treatments are most
effective for various psychological disorders can be found in the psychological literature (eg
Nathan & Gorman 1998), but similar research-based comparisons of techniques are absent
in the astrological literature.

The theories in psychology also do not require the extravagant and problematic
transcendental and supernatural assumptions that underlay astrology. Astrology
complicates our view of the universe without providing an increase in understanding.

Note 22. Astrologers often claim, in a loose, unsystematic way, that astrology can arrive at
a quicker, in-depth understanding of a person than can psychologists. So Tyl (in Phillipson
2000, p.62) says, "There are hundreds and hundreds of people who have said 'My God, it
took my therapist six months (or a year) to get to that!' ". First of all, the same stories
occur in psychology, when clients change to a therapist with a different orientation, so the
situation is hardly unique to astrology. It often happens within astrology itself when clients
consult a different astrologer.
 38

Second, what can we infer from this? Not much without complete transcripts of the
interviews. Third, such stories create other problems for astrology, since the same situation
can arise when wrong birth information is used. The psychologist/astrologer Niehenke
(1983) reports, "One of my clients had consulted four other astrologers before she came to
me. She judged my interpretation as the most adequate of all, and showed me for
comparison the work of my colleagues. I thus realized that I had made an error of 20 years
on her birth date" (p. 37).

Note 23. The seductive phrase "experiential evidence" (or "clinical evidence") is
problematic. Practitioners of psychological approaches Perry disavows (eg Skinnerian
behaviourism, orthodox Freudian psychoanalysis) and the many competing schools of
astrology in both the East and West, many of whom would contest Perry's approach, all cite
testimonial evidence and case studies in support. But if we can all cite experiential evidence
for our positions, it can hardly, by itself distinguish the good from the bad, the better theory
from the worse. As Meehl points out:

the scholarly authors of Malleus Maleficarum pursued ... an enterprise detailing symptoms that diagnose witchcraft.
Despite their scholarly efforts, we know today there are no persons who have made a solemn pact with Satan and thereby
gained preternatural powers. If asked to support their theoretical system and the technical procedures warranted by it,
[they] would doubtless have invoked the medieval equivalent of "clinical experience" (1995, p.1021).

A salutary lesson here is provided by other non-mainstream approaches such as

phrenology, graphology (handwriting analysis), and palmistry which cover the same ground
as psychological astrology. Phrenology was immensely popular in the nineteenth century
and both phrenologists and their clients were very satisfied with phrenological readings.
Graphology has been around for some centuries and is still very popular. It is instructive to
compare the following endorsements of psychological astrology, phrenology, graphology,
and palm reading:

(1) "[T]he client's character and life story inevitably conform to the range of potentials
symbolized by the [horoscope], often in extraordinary specific ways" (Perry 1994, p.35).

(2) "The phrenologist has shown that he is able to read character like an open book, and to
lay bare the hidden springs of conduct with an accuracy that the most intimate friends
cannot approach" (Alfred Russel Wallace, cited in Severn 1916, p.6).

(3) "Your handwriting is all-revealing. To the trained eye it lays open your secret mind.
Every whirl or line you pen exposes your true character and personality" (Marne 1988, p.2).

(4) "A study of the hand tells much about ... the physical body ... health, vitality ... the
emotional nature -- love potential ... the will and individuality ... success in business ...
talent ... creativity ... fame ... Self-fulfilment -- travel, life experience, spiritual
development" (Wilson 1971, pp.7-8).

Astrology is only one of a very large number of contenders, past and present , which rely on
magical thinking and purport to yield knowledge unattainable by materialistic science. No
plausible reasons have been provided that all of these extra-science contenders are
interconnected, or mutually supporting (Loptson 1996). Planets or head-bumps or palms or
handwriting, at least one of them is redundant. Astrology is in the unenviable position of
having to show either that it provides genuine insight into areas not covered by the social
sciences and related disciplines, or to show that it can meliorate our understanding in the
same domains covered by contemporary psychological and sociological theories. Astrologers
 39

have to show they can provide insight or benefits beyond those provided by non-astrological
theories.

Third, many sources of bias operate in such personal experiences that can lead clinicians to
claims of personal knowledge that are invalid, despite their association with high levels of
conviction (Dean, Kelly, Saklofske & Furnham 1992; Dawes 1994, 2001; Grove & Meehl
1996).

Note 24. The astrologer Pottenger (1994) said "Opponents of astrology like to quote
'extraordinary claims require extraordinary proof' without giving any proof that 'as above so
below' is an extraordinary claim. It is only extraordinary in some philosophies, especially
materialistic frameworks which deny meaning" (p.37). As it stands, what Pottenger stated is
trivially true. No matter what is postulated (barring logical impossibilities), it will always be
more "plausible" within some worldview(s) than others. For example, fairy bubbles, goblins,
and guardian angels are extraordinary claims in materialistic conceptions of the world (and
perhaps many others as well). That they are more plausible in worldviews based on say
Santa Claus or Peter Pan does not provide any reason to believe in their existence.

Similarly the claim that the universe has meaning and provides us with signs/portents does
not imply that the signs are to be found "up there", they might only be found in entrails, the
tracks and movements of nature, or only in messages from angels or similar beings, or in a
number of other forms. It does not follow that an animistic/magical universe must have, or
even might have, meaning reflected everywhere. We need cogent reasons to prefer the
animistic universe of astrologers to other possible animistic universes, just as we need
evidence for a particular astrological universe as opposed to alternatives.

There are also an incredibly large number of possible pairings between as above, so below.
The possibilities are even larger for a system based on the symbolic meaning of signs. For
example, there are probably more possible pairings of two things in, say, Jungian
symbolism than if we confine ourselves to putative causal (material) relationships; so it is
even more incumbent on astrologers to provide a reason for their pairings than it would be
on materialists.

Note 25. Perry (1999, p.1) informs us, without supporting argument, that "I believe the
purpose of life is to progressively evolve a deeper and wider connection to this parent
consciousness until we ultimately realize our at-one-ment with it." The issue of purpose in
life is a very complex one with diverse answers both within and among cultures. The
expression "a deeper and wider connection to this parent consciousness" is less than
helpful, since it would have vastly different interpretations in Eastern and Western
traditions. It would also need a great deal of explication as to how astrology can help us to
realize this purpose. Many would deny Perry's claim that any transcendental purpose(s) are
even knowable by human beings. Further, it is unclear whether any transcendental claims to
meaning and purpose really help since we can step back from any proposed spiritual
perspective and doubt its point as well (Nagel 1980).

Finally, the notion of purpose is an ambiguous one in that if there is no cosmic purpose to
the universe, it does not follow that individual human beings cannot live
meaningful/purposeful lives (Ames 1999; Sharpe 1999; Taylor 1999).

Note 26. The "underlying intelligence" also seems from Perry's perspective to be
benevolent rather than indifferent or vindictive (since it is "always assisting us").
Presumably, this is why we should "trust the universe". This notion comes face-to-face with
 40

the argument from evil (see Weisberger 1999). Given that this "Intelligence" plays a large
role in the transcendental aspect of many astrologies, one might expect an elaboration,
along with some awareness of the extensive debate in the philosophical and religious
literature on this topic.

Note 27. Contrast this to the debates in modern physics over the nature of reality.
Physicists, unlike astrologers, are very forthcoming in the weaknesses and shortcomings of
their theories and their willingness to embrace new paradigms (see economist.com 2000;
Johnson 2000). Astrologers, unlike physicists, like new paradigms as long as they don't
challenge basic astrological practice or fundamental beliefs.

Note 28. Astrology is viewed in different ways by astrologers. Most astrologers, if implicitly,
hold a realist view, that is, that astrology conveys truths about the universe and the human
situation. While such a perspective indicates a need to arbitrate conflicting astrological
views, there is a general reluctance in the astrological community to do so. However,
"Basinger"s Rule" surely applies to astrology as it does with religion:

If we want to maximize truth and avoid error, we are under an obligation to attempt to
resolve significant conflict between astrological claims. Astrologers have an obligation to
identify and assess the reasons why astrologers with whom they disagree hold their
positions (Basinger 2000; see also, Trigg 1998). Other astrologers are non-realists since
they would contend that astrological claims do not rest on evidence, but rather express
commitments to a way of life or particular values. While non-realist theologians may talk of
"God" and "life after death", they would reject realist talk of an objectively real God or
actual physical survival of our deaths. Similarly, non-realist astrologers like Kochunas
(1999) contend that astrology is more in line with drama and poetry. It does not provide
factual meanings but can still add value, interest, and meaning to our lives.

Note 29. Many astrologers seem to be simultaneously universalist and relativist. They claim
that their astrology is shown to work by their own experience and holds for all people on the
planet, but they also acknowledge the existence of conflicting traditions of astrology that
work as well. A similar problematic situation occurs when astrologers purport to be both
post-modernist and embrace astrology as a universal Grand Narrative. Astrology is,
ironically, a paradigm example of the kind of universalist, all-encompassing self-described
repository of received wisdom that post modernism opposes (see Sim 1998, pp.vii- ix).

Note 30. Venus was widely believed at the time to be a cold planet, whereas Mars was
characterized as hot and dry. Hot, cold, wet, and dry were the four qualities underlying the
four elements considered by Greek philosophers to be the basic constituents of the physical
world. So they had Earth (cold and dry), Air (hot and wet), Fire (hot and dry), and Water
(cold and wet). Elements with common qualities were able to change into each other, eg
Water (cold, wet) could change into Earth (cold, dry) because both had the quality of
coldness. Most Greek scholars, of course, considered science (as we know it today) to be an
insignificant part of philosophy, which meant that their world view was based mainly on
philosophical ideals rather than empirical observations. So hot and cold, etc do not
necessarily correspond to what we today call hot and cold, etc.

Note 31. The diversity in symbolisms used by astrologers with apparently no rules about
being consistent are noteworthy. Davison (1963) bases his astrological symbolism variously
on physical attributes of the planets and on attributes of the Greek gods. The astrologer
Press (1993), on the other hand, utilizes other mythologies and adds another dimension of
physical characteristics to her symbolism, such as a celestial body's proximity to other
 41

celestial bodies. Which particular magical correspondences are perceived as relevant are in
the eye of the beholder, and there are many different astrologer beholders.

Note 32. On the whole, astrologers will recognize some combinations easier than others.
They will recognize Venus 0/90/180 to Saturn, or Venus 0/90/180 to Uranus, or Venus
0/90/180 to Neptune, or Venus 0/90/180 to Pluto as a "cause" or contributor to divorce.
After all, Venus is the love planet, and the other planets mentioned are all considered
disruptive "forces" when connected in negative aspect with Venus (Saturn = coldness,
Uranus = unable to tie the knot, Neptune = deceit, and Pluto = oppression).

Note 33. Some astrologers view as above, so below in the widest sense possible to
encompass any correlations (including physical correlations) between heavenly and
terrestrial events. On this view, sunspot effects on radio transmissions on earth,
gravitational or electromagnetic effects (however variable) on animals and plants, or daily
cycles in animal metabolism are subsumed under the astrology label even though
astrologers did not postulate the nature or form of the obtained relations, or contribute to
research uncovering such relationships. Somehow such research is supposed to confirm the
notion that the rest of astrology is supported. A difficulty with this vague position is making
clear how one goes from such physical correlations to astrological symbolic claims like the
herb garlic is ruled by Mars, or the area of the sky called the Seventh House is associated
with marriage, or how a snapshot of the sky captured at a particular moment (expressed in
an astrological chart) should have an enduring strong relationship with almost all aspects of
a person's life (see also Kelly & Dean 2000 for a critical examination of this position).

Note 34. Astrologer Valerie Vaughan (2000) criticises studies conducted by skeptics that
failed to uncover significant results with "which astrological theory is he referring to?"

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