DOCUMENT RESUME

ED 130 943 SO 009 519

AUTHOR Farmer, Helen S.
TITLE What Inhibits Achievement and Career Motivation in
Women? Why Women Contribute Less to the Humanities,
Arts, and Sciences.
PUB DATE 76
NOTE 26p.; For related document, see ED 123 178
EDRS PRICE MF-$0.83 HC-$2.06 Plus Postage. .

DESCRIPTORS Ability; Academic Aspiration; Achievement; Elementary

Secondary Education; Females; Higher Education;
Inhibition; *Literature Reviews; *Low Achievement
Factors; *Motivation; Role Conflict; *School Role;
Socialization; Social Problems; Social Structure;
Womens Studies; *Working Women
ABSTRACT
In a review of research, imhibitea career and
achievement motivation in women is analyzed and a humaniStic goal for
both sexes is proposed. The author believes that women have not
caught up with the opportunities available to them to contribute to
society through their careers. They do not contribute as much as men
do to the humanities, arts, and sciences, and they do not contribute
commensurate with their talents and potential. Factors related to
inhibited career and achievement motivation include reduction in
academic self-confidence, fear of success, vicarious achievement
motivation, home-career conflict, work discrimination, low
risk-taking behavior, and sex-role orientation. The author is
presently studying the potency of these factors to predict
achievement and career motivation in various samples of women.
Results might be useful in developing diagnostic measures to
prescribe change strategies in cases where low motivation is
identified. A humanistic goal of sex-free roles xs proposed, based on
bicultural school curriculum, career guidance in schools, and
individual open-mindedness toward shared responsibilities. (AV)

***********************************************************************
Documents acquired by ERIC include many informal unpublished *
* materials not available from other sources. ERIC makes every effort *
* to obtain the best copy available. Nevertheless, items of marginal *
* reproducibility are often encountered and this affects the quality *
* of the microfiche :Aid hardcopy reproductions ERIC makes available *
* via the ERIC Document Reproduction Service (EDRS). EDRS is not
* responsible for the quality of the original document. Reproductions *
* supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original. *
***********************************************************************
 SEP 8 0

What Inhibits Achievement and Career Motivation in Women?

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH.

EDUCATION & WELFARE
NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF
EDUCATION
THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRO-
DUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM
THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGIN-
ATING IT POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS
STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRE
SENT OFFICIAL NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF
EDUCAT,ON POSITION OR POLICY

Helen S. Farmer

University of Illinois, Champaign-Urbana

Running Title: Why Women Contribute Less to the Humanities, Arts and Sciences
 Abstract

Women have not caught up with the opportunities available to them to

contribute fo society through their careers. Not only do women not contribute

as much as men to the humanities, arts and sciences, they do not contribute

commensurate with their talents and potential. It is assumed that women's

lesser contribution through their careers is related to their motivation.

Several factors related to inhibited career and achievement motivation in

women are examined, based on evidence in the research literature. A related

study in progress is describede Ahumanistic goal for both sexes is pro-

posed, based on sex free roles.

3
 Career Motivation
2

What Inhibits Achievement and Career Motivation in Women?

It has long been known that women do not achieve or contribute

as much
as men in the fields of science, the humanities, and the arts (Astin,
1973;
Macoby and Jacklin, 1974; Rossi and Calderwood, 1973;
Commission on the
Status of Women, 1970) in spite of the fact that they represent
over 40% of
the professional labor force today (Blitz, 1974) and have
represented at
least 30% of the professionals since 1890. Fewer women proportionately rise
to the top of their chosen profession, business or trade.
Although women
represented 40% of the professional and technical workers
in 1974, they re-
presented less than 20% of the managers and administrators that
year ( U.S.
Women's Bureau, 1974) and a majority of these women
were elementary school
teachers.

Many attitudes are thought to hinder women from developing their full

potential as persons. Attitudes of husbands, parents, teachers, counselors

and employers, to name a few, may also hinder development.

"A woman's
place is in the home," "Babies need their mothers when they are'Young,"

"Women were not intended to compete in a man's world," *

"find a husband and
he'll take care of you," and "A woman can experience success through
her
husband" are a few of the attitudes that may inhibit the full work-related

development of many girls and women,;--,5

The dilemna confronted is that womentfound to be equally intelligent

as men (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974),do not contribute to society through their

work in proportion to their participation. Why do women scientists, artiste,

writers, educators, and social scientists not cont.Fibute as much as men?

What inhibits 'their achievement motivation and productivity? 'Two illuptra-

tions follow, suggesting part of an answer.

4
 Career Motivation
3

Paula is a woman who grew up focusing her energies and daydreams on

preparing for a career. She invested little, if any time, in dreaming

about the role of wife and mother, or in practicing for these roles. Paula

met a man at graduate school preparing to enter the same career as herself,

and she fell in love and married him. Implicit in her thinking was the be-

lief -that they would both continue their careers and that if a family came

along, they would both share in the child rear!mg -:esponsibilities equally.

She had not bothered to check this assumption with her husband, and it turned

out that he had ko intention of giving time to chijd rearing -- that, in

fact,his career was the single priority of his life. Paula's career went by

the boards for a time, ten years to be exact, while she raised three child-

ren, did volunteer work in the community, and some part-time work related to

her professional training. When she came to see me for counseling, Paula

was carrying anaccumulation of disappointment, frustration and anger born cut

of false expectations and belief in equality of the sexes (i.e., equal oppor-

tunity and equal responsibility).

Paula's case is a reversal of the counseling needs of many women. A

majority of women are socialized in the home and school to expect to grow up

to be wives and mothers (Tyler, 1964) and their problems develop out of lack

of satisfaction in these roles (Friedan, 1963) at which point they begin to

look for satisfaction in other roles, (i.e., working, volunteerism, etc.).

Other women are faced with the necessity of work when their husbands die or

abandon them. Ann, described next, is such a woman.

5
 Career Motivation
4

Ann is a bright woman who ranked in the top three percent in her high

school physics class. However, she was not interested in pursuing a

commensurate with her scientific ability. Instead, she planned to marry and

raise a family. She married before finishing college and settled down to the

serious business of being the best mother and wife in her neighborhood. Her

husband found a younger woman more attractive than Ann and left her at the

age of 42. With the new divorce laws in some states, ( Ann lives in Cali-

fornia) a woman cannot expect to be supported indefinitely by her estranged

husband, if she is at all able to work. Usually a reasonable time is allowed

by the courts for a woman to bbtain some training (two years is.typical)

before she is responsible for her own economic support. At this point in her

life Ann arrived in my counseling office, confused and hurt. Her early pro-

mise in the natural sciences, held little appeal for Ann now and any training

she could obtain in two years could only prepare her for a technician role .

in the sciences at best.

It can be seen in the case of both Paula and Ann, both high ability women,

why their contribution to society through their careers was less than that

for men of comparable ability. For,both women their most productive years

were spent raising a family rather than furthering their career competancies.

It is unlikely that this situation will change much, until men (husbands and

fathers) begin to share equally the responsibility for home and family with

their wives.

A review of more than forty research studies published since 1970 (Farmer

& Backer, 1975) on division of household and childrearing activities be-

tween husband and wife indicated that women still accept the major respon-

sibility for these tasks. More men are beginning to share homemaking re-

6
 Career Motivation
5

sponsibilities for marketing, cooking, home repairs and child care (Hedges

& Barnett, 1972) but the number of husbands sharing responsibility equally

for these tasks is insignificant.

Does the Working Mother Hurt her Children?

A common belief among men and women alike is that the working woman by.

definition neglects her children, especially if she works when they are very

young (Keivit, 1972; Darling, 1973). An even more pervasive belief among

women and men of all cultures is that woman's primary responsibility is in the

home (Darling, 1973; Mead, 1974). These two beliefs are related. The

thinking goes. as follows: If a woman's primary responsibility is to see

that the new generation of children grow up strong and healthy, physically

and psychologically, she can't do that and work outside the home eight hours

a day.

There is some research supporting the relationship between working

mothers and juvenile delinquency (White, 1972). However, the evidence is

stronger for a causal relationship between rejecting, permissive mothers and

delinquency (White, 1972).

Studies on the mother's attitude tOward working and the effect of her

attitude on her children indicate that mothers who feel anxious or unhappy

about working tend to have angry, hostile children (Hoffman, 1963). In con-

trast, children of mothers who like their work are more outgoing and confident.

Rappaport (1969) noted that an increasing emphasis on partnership in dual-

career families had A positive effect on children's attitudes toward their

mother's working. Cultural acceptance.of the working mother can reduce

guilt feelings of working women, saa in turn reduce the negative.effect on

children (Rabin, 1965; Wallston, 1973)

7
 Career motivation
6

In summary, whether or not the children of working

women are affected
negatively appears to depend on at least two factors. The first is the
attitude of the mother (and of society) about
women working. A more accept-
ing attitude has been found to have a positive effect
on children of working
mothers (Wallston, 1973). The second factor is availability of adequate

substitute care for young children. This factor is not approaching resol-
ution in the U.S. or elsewhere and is one that should
command the attention
of government and community agencies (Darling, 1973).

With improved technologyand automation, homemaking is

no longer a full
time activity for most women (Huber, 1973).
This combined with the lower
birth rate relieves many mothers to return to work
earlier than previously,
or to continue working while raising their families (U.S. Women's
Bureau,
1974). Women can expect to have working lives of at least 25
years today if
they interrupt their careers to raise a family, and 40
years (equivalent to
a man'43) if they raise a family without interrupting their
careers (U.S.
Women's Bureau, 1974).

The U.S. Women's Bureau (1974) recently published statistics indicat-

ing that 902 of all women work at sometime in their lives and
over 602 of the
women who work, do so because they have to (i.e., they are heads of house-

holds, or their husbands earn less than a -minimum wage).

 Career Motivation
7

The growth of the feminist movement in the 1960's and its continuing

expansion in the 1970's has led to a variety of interventionist strategies

aimed at accelerating equal opportunity for all women (Farmer and Backer, 1975).

Some of the strategies include: legislation; assertiveness training; con-

scIousness raising; multiple role planning; women's studies program; and

encouragement to women to enter and train in the non-traditional professions

(i.e., engineering, physics, law and medicine). These interventionist

strategies are typically provided in a 'shotgun' fashion rather than based

on careful diagnosis of the factors contributing to women's unequal status,

and the relation of this status to the narrower question of why women con-

tribute less to society through their careers (Farmer and Backer, 1975).

A brief review of research on achievement motivation and career motiva-

tion in women follows cloning with a identification of some of the factors

suggested by the research inhibiting such motivation in women.

Achievement Motivation

Maccoby and Jacklin's (1974) review of 58 studies on achievement moti-

vation in women reported a series of studies indicating that women have

lower levels of academic self-confidence and are less competitive compared

with men. They noted that this difference between the sexes in self confid-

ence does not appear in elementary or high school students, but appears

first in college in a substantial number of studies. It might be speculated

that this difference appears in college as women approach marriage and

9
 Career Motivation
8

career decisions and that marriage career conflict (Mathews and Tiedeman,

1964) may contribute to the lowered self-confidence and achievemnnt moti-

vation noted in college women by Drew and Patterson (1974).

Astln (1973) found that girls perform as well as boys in math, science

and tests of spatial relationship up to about age 10, thereafter their

per-

formance becomes increasingly poorer. Astin has suggested that this effect

is due, at least in part, to differential reinforcement on the part of

par-
ents and teachers.

The model of achievement motivation developed by Atkinson (1974) and

McClelland (1971) identified the following factors as critical for high

achievement motivation: an internal standard of excellence; independance,

persistence, preference for tasks of intermediate difficulty, high aca-

demic performance and, clearly defined goals. Bardwick (1971) sug-

gested that this is a male mod'el of achievement motivation,based on her

review of the evidence on achievement motivation when it was examined sep-

'.

arately for boys and girls. Alper (1974) has called achievement motiva-

tion in women the "now-you-see-it-now-you-don't" phenomena, based on her

more recent review and her own research for more than a decade on achievement

motivation in college women. . Maceohy and Jacklin's (1974) conclusions that

differences between the sexes do not become significant until women reach

college, is not supported by Alper's review. However, rather than clear

cut differences in the elementary and high school years in achievement moti-

vation between the sexes, Alper points to the illusive quality of female

achievement motivation. Bardwink (1971) refers to the differences as one of

"ambivalence" for women, created by their pull toward both achievement and

affiliation-with-the-opposite-sex, 'and their 'feaethat success in one rules

out success in the other.

10
 Career Motivation
9

Maehr (1974) recently proposed that situational variables may play a

critical role in achievement motivation as it manifests itself within dif-

ferent racial and cultural groups. Katz (1973) foi example found that women

have less 'fear of success' when responding to cues which presented women in

socially sanctioned achievement situations (i.e., Anne, a medical student in

a medical class that is half iemale) than when women were presented in non-

traditional roles (i.e., Anne, the only female in her medical class). Pro--

fiding a contextual change in the stimulus Cue had a dramatic effect on

these women's fear of success. Monohan, Kuhn, and Shaver (1974) found ano-

ther contextual variable (coed vs. noncoed school setting) with a signifi-

cant effect of the level of fear of success in high school girls.

Thelma Alper (1974) has been studying the relationship of sex role or-

ientation to achievement motivation in women for more than a decade. She

has found that women with traditional female orientations, attitudes and

beliefs, score lower on achievement motivation measures than women with non-

traditional female orientations. The Wellesley Role Orientation Scale (WROS)

has been devleoped by Alper for her research, and its predictive ability

has stood up over a series of replicated studies. Eritvistfeand.Greenberger.0.972I

found that high IQ girls generally held more liberal views than average and

fow IQ girls, and that high IQ girls from blue collar homes were the most

liberal about women's roles.

11
 Career Motivation
10

Career Motivation in Women

There are developmental and situational differences in the vocational

choice process for girls compared with boys. Following the Terman and Miles

classic study Tyler (1964) studied the development of sex differences in

play and school. Tyler suggested that whereas girls appear to be precocious

in social development, ,they tend to lag behind boys in career development,

especially at the college level. Similarly, other researchers (Campbell,

1974; Harmon, 1974) have suggested that women's vocational interests may

crystallize somewhat later than men's and bc cirganized in.a differnet way.

Strong's (1955) earlier studies support the 4iew that men and women in the

same professions have significantly different career interests.

Strong (1955) has always encouraged the use of the women's form of his

Vocational Interest Blank (SVIB-W) for use with women in career counseling

unless they score below 30 standard score points on the Femininity/Mascu-

linity scale (50 points being the mean). The widespread use of only the

men's form of the SVIB with women is not supported by its author or by de-

velopmental research on the nature of women's career interests (Harmon,

1974; Tyler, 1964).

The current 1974 revision of the Strong-Campbell Interest Inventory

(SCII) replaces the Strong Vocational Interest Blanks for men and women,

has one form for both sexes, and represents a promising new way to measure

career motivation in women.

12
 Career Motivation
11

Sinzberg (1966) documented another important difference in the career

choicc process for women. He noted that girls cannot realistically plan on

a career until they know.what kind of man they will marry (provided that they

plan to marry). Their financial status and freedom to continue their edu-

cation will be partially determined by their husband's careers and their

attitudes toward educated and working women. In addition, the number of

children that a woman plans for or has, will affect the pattern of her career

life. She may elect an interrupted career pattern or a parallel track sya-

tem as suggested by Super (1957). Ginzberg postulated that this greater

uncertainty in planning is probably the major difference between the sexes

in their career development.

An interesting finding by Astin (1973) studying over 5,000 wamen five

years out of high school, was that girls who have high career motivation and

pursue graduate level professional study often show an exceptional aptitude

for mathematics early in their education. In fact, mathematics aptitude was

found to be the best predictor of career motivation for this sample of women.

In other research Astin (1969) found that women doctorates (N..1547)

were as highly motivated to work as men and that over ninety percent of the

women graduating with Ph.D.'s in 1957 were still in the labor force eight

years later. Such findings suggest that women who seek graduate level de-

grees are not intellectual dilettantes, but serious professionals.

Women may still choose a stable homemaking career; however. At the

present time, about 50% of all women choose not to work (U.S. Department

of Labor, 1974). Early exposrue to multiple role planning early in their

education for those girls and women who will choose not to. wtrk, may contri-

bute to their freedom to choose freely, having been informed of all the op-

tions.

13
 Career Motivativn
12

Achievement-Motivation and 'Fear of Success' for Women

Horner (1968) has researched avoidance of achievement in women which

she calls 'fear of success', for more.than a decade and documented the

changing strength of this 'fear' when competitive factors are changed.

For most women, Horner found that they had less fear of success when

competing against themselves, than when they were competing with other

students. The opposite was true for most males. Tomlinson-Keasey.

(1974) found that married women students with children had
significantly
lower 'fear of success' than unmarried coeds. We might infer that these
women had less fear of academic success, having found a husband who
ac-
cepted their academic aspiration. The married .; women
were also a more sel-
ect group and highly motivated to return to study.

Katz (1973) adapted Horner's research on achievement motivation

in
women by providing additional prompting cues to her'subjects.
Katz required
two groups pf subjects to respond to the same cues with the following ad-

dition (undergraduates in a small Western college):

1. All Anne's classmates in medical school are men.

"After first term finals, Anne finds herself at the top

of her class" (quotes indicate Horner's cues).

2. Half of Anne's classmates in medical school

are women.
After first term finals, Anne finds herself at the
top
of her class.

Respondents to the second condition, both men and women, had

significantly
less measured fear of success themes than those in the first.condition.

Katz concluded that the second cue provided the necessary social
sanction for
women to be confortable with Anne's success in medical school.

14
 Career Motivation
13

Lipman-Blumen (1972) has proposed an operational definition of the lower

aspiration level of women in her description of a vicarious achievement 'ethic'

or value whereby many women choose indirect achievement satisfaction, conditioned

from birth to experience pleasure through the successes of importaqt other male

persons in their lives (Father, brother, boyfriend, husband, boss) rather than

directly through their own successes. An example might be a girl who said she

didn't want to be the President, (or Director, etc.) just work with him. The -

vicarious achievement motive suits well the woman who wants to avoid primary

responsibility on the job, but at'the same time benefit from the successes of

the boss through reflected glory. Another example is the woman who views her

primary responsibility as that of home and family, wants to work, but does not

want to bring her work home with her on weekends.

Lipman-Blumen (1972) found only 12% of a sample of married college fe-

males (N=643) free of the vicarious achievement motive. Twelve percent of

this group were pursuing a Ph.D. whereas none of those measuring high on

vicarious achievement motivation were pursuing Ph.D.'s. Bettleheim (1962)

has suggested that education is an enhancement for boys, whereas for girls it

is a form of insurance in case they don't make it in marriage. Therefore he

assumed, women who enter 'direct achievement' occupations such as law or

medicine experience a loss in femininity. Similarly, men who enter 'vicarious

achievement roles' such as nurse, elementary rchool teacher or librarian,

experience a loss of masculinity.

Harmon (1972) found it harder to predict the stability of career choice

for college coeds compared to. mr.n. She found that women who aspired to high

level careers in their freshman year often changed tbeir choices to less de-

manding careers bY the time they were college seniors. Harmon hypotheaized

that lack of reinforcement in the environment for their high aspirations in-

15
 Career Motivation
14

directly reinforced lower career aspiration level for these women. In support.

of Harman's finding, Hawley (1972) found that college women were influenced

to raise or lower their aspiration level, depending on whether or not the

attitudes of men toward working women were positive or negative.

Tomilson - Keasey's (1974) findings that married (older) coeds had higher

levels of achievement motivation compared to unmarried coeds (as well as lower

'fear of success') scores, also lends support to this thesis. Research on the
contribution of marriage plans to achievement motivation is being conducted by

Drew and Patterson (1974) currently, under contract to R.E.W.:.N.I.E. in

Washington D. C.

Work Discrimination

That women have been discriminated against in the labor force has been

conclusively documented in the past few years (U.S. Women's Bureau, 1974;

Sweet, 1974). Discrimination takes a variety of forms from practices at the

point of obtaining training (Astin, 1971) to practices in hiring, promoting,

and providing on the job training, and salary increases (Fuchs, 1974; Parrish,

1974; Blitz, 1974). Attitudes of employers, (Stimson, 1973; Taylor, 1973)

employees, (Crawley, Levitin and Quinn, 1973) and women themselves toward

women working (Hawley, 1971; Medvine and Colens, 1974) indicate widespread

belief in 'myths' about women which are not verified by the facts of their be-

havior (J.S. Women's Bureau, 1974). Eleven of these myths with the related

facts have been gathered together by the Women's Bureau (1974). These myths
form the basis for a measure of work discrimination attitudes developed by

Janice Birk at the University of Maryland (Birk, Cooper, and Tanney, 1973).

16
 Career Motivation
15

The relation of work discrimination to career motivation in women

has not been clearly demonstrated. In the research of Farmer and Bohn (1970)

for example, career motivation was increased for a group of employed women,

when they were given role set (Sarbin, 1954) instructions to reduce attitudes

about work discrimination. However, the role set also included instructions

to reduce home-career conflict and fear of success (Horner, 1973), leaving the

evidence on the effect of work discrimination inconclusive. In continuing re-

search on career and achievement motivation in women, the author is currently

examining the relationship of seven factors to such motivation, to try and

tease out the contribution of each.

Achievement and career motivation in girls differs from that of boys as

a result of as yet several poorly defined factors. Same of these factors

have been identified in the research literature. (a) Reduction in academic

self-confidence for girls in college(Tomlinson Keasey, .1974); (b) Fear of

success in college and high school women, found in varying degrees depending

on the perceived social sanction given to women's careers (Horner, 1973;

Katz, 1973; Monahan et al, 1974); (c). Vicarious achievement motivation found

to contribute to women's contentment with traditional career roles such as

secretary, elementary school teacher and nurse (Lipman-Blumen, 1972); (d)

Home-career conflict found in both college women and working women to inhibit

career motivation (Morgan, 1962; Farmer & Bohn, 1970); (e) Work discrimina-

tion beliefs have been found to inhibit career motivation (Birk et al, 1973);

(f) Studies of academic motivation have found risk takin4 behavior lower'in

girls than in boys (see review by Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974); and.(g) A seventh
411*

factor, sex role orientation, was also found to affect achievement motivation

(Alper, 1974; Entwisle, 1972).

17
 Career Motivation
16

Previous studies have typically looked at the effect of

one of these
variables, and have not controlled for the possible
effect of the others on
motivation. Other research has examined the effect of these
variables on
academic motivation, still other research 1.he effect on career motivation,

rather than both.

The author's present study is examining the

potency of the above seven
variables to predict (a) achievement motivation and (b) career motivation
in
samples of high school, college undergraduates, and
women returning to higher
eudcation after an absence of at least five years.

At least two benefits of this line of research should

be:

1. The research, should at the very least, shed

more light on the
causes of lower achievement or career motivation in women and
the related
lower interest in preparing for and entering the
professions. A more dif-
ferentiated picture of achievement motivation in women
as compared to men
should emerge.

2. This research will lead to the development of

a measure capable of
identifying why a particular high ability girl or woman is
low in achievement
or career motivation and would permit early diagnosis of
inhibiting attitudes.
This diagnostic measure would enable counselors and
teachers to prescribe
change strategies more precisely than is now possible and
reduce the likeli-
hood that the wrong treatment would be given (i.e.,
that a highly assertive
girl be given assertiveness training etc.).

Sex Free Roles: A Humanistic Goal

A number of writers recently have suggested that We should

begin to teach
our children more flexible attitudes toward sex roles, attitudes making
it

18
 Career Motivation
iT

comfortable for boys to cook and take care of children, for example, and for

girls to wield a hacksaw or drive a tractor. Psychological androgyny is the tenn several

these writers have used to describe this goal (Bardwick, 1974; Beni, 1974;

Calderone, 1972; Lewis, 1973; Maccoby, 1974; Mead, 1974; Saario, 1973).

"Andros" means man in Greek and "gyne" means woman, so "androgynous" liter-

ally means man-woman or "both male and female in one," according to Webster.

This word is used now to refer to "sex-free" roles, not bisexuality, as

in the past. Thus, we have Maccoby (1974) speaking of increasing sex-free-

ego-space; Lee and Gropper (1974) speaking of a bi-cultural curriculum in the

schools; and Calderone (1972) speaking of reciprocal sex roles replacing

complementary ones:

The attitude that we are human beings first and then male and fe-
male, and that the things that we do and enjoy are not what dis-
tinguish the sexes, should begin to permeate not only the attitudes
with which we bring up our children but their toys and their child-
ren's literature. (p. 279)

Ba,rdwick (1974) warns against trusting legislationalone to bring about the

necessary changes to make equality for the sexes in work and the economy of

reality. She suggests instead a long-range view which has goals for both

sexes. A shortrange view is one which would have women achieve all that men

have achieved and to inherit their disenchantment with success. The long

view, on the other hand, emphasizes multiple options for both men and women,

rather than stereotyped roles for either sex.

Kagan (1972) and Kohlberg (1966) found that highly sex-typed indivi-

duals invested a lot of psychological energy in maintaining their sex-typed

image. In contrast, the more androgynous individual can shift roles with the

changing situation's demands without threat. The androgynous person is com-

fortable being assertive, self-confident, independent, dependent, nurturant

and tender, when appropriate.

19
 Career Motivation
18

A bi-cultural curriculum for the schools is

proposed by Lee and Gropper
(1974), to.promote the development of
sex-free people. Basically, they sug-
gest that boys and girls should L-ve equal
access to educational and cul-
tural experiences, resources and training.
Their proposal is less expensive
than changing all the textbooks, although that may be desirable as well. Lee
and Gropper illustrate how a classroom teacher might facilitate
bicultural-
ism in the classroom with the following incident:

The boy takes some playdough in a pot to the stove.

He announces that
he is cooking. The mother (another pupil)
says 'Daddies don't cook.'
The 'dog' (another pupil) says the same thing.
The boy moves back
from the stove -- he says in a quiet voice, 'My
poppy cooks...' He
stands off at a distance looking at the stove.
He looks uncertain
about what to do next. The teacher was watching the
interaction,
and she tells the two girls that daddies sometimes do
cook. The boy
immediately returns to the stove and starts to cook. (p. 403)

The notion of "androgyny" may be termed the philosophy toward

which forward-
thinking counselors can strive for both men and women.

Career guidance for the seventies should have as its primary goal
pre-
paring young persons both women and men, for survival in the
world of the
future, not the present and certainly not the past.
The coping skills needed
for survival in the world of tomorrow will require more critical
thinking and
imagination than ever before. As super-technology and automation take over

more and more of the routine jobs, the role of men and women in the world
of
work will become increasingly similar, focused on brain
power and problem
solving. Critical skills for a future oriented career guidance curriculum

should thus include teachings persons how to:

predict future events, make
critical judgments and decisions, make 'tentative career choices,' cope with

novel environments, plan for multiple roles, and adjust to changing

career
opportunities.

20
 .Career Motivation
19

References

Alper, T. Achievement motivation in women: Now-you-see-it-now-you-don't.

American Psychologist, 1974, 29, 194-203.

Astin, H. The woman doctorate in America. New York: The Russel Sage

Foundation, 1969.

Astin, H. S. Preparing women for careers in science and technology. Paper

presented at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology Workshop on

Women in Science and Technology, Boston, May, 1973.

Atkinson, J. W. & Raynor, J. 0. Motivation and achievemeniT Washington,

D. C.: V. F. Winston & Sons, 1974.

Bardwick, J. M. Androgyny and humanistic goals, or goodbye cardboard peo-

ple. In M. L. McBee & K. A. Blake (Eds.), The American woman: Who

will she be? New York: Macmillan, 1974.

Bardwick, J. Psychology of women. New York: Harper and Row, 1971.

Bem, S. The measurement of psychological androgyny. Journal of Consulting

and Clinical Psychology, 1974, 42 (2), 155-162.

Bettelheim, B. The children of the dream. London: Macmillan, 1969.

Birk, J.; Cooper, J. & Tenney, M. Racial and sex role stereotyping in car-

eer information illustration. Paper presented at the meeting of the

American Psychological Association, Montreal, August, 1973.

Blitz, R. Women in the professions, 1870-1970. Monthly Labor Review,

1974, 97, 34-39.

Calderone, M. S. New roles for women. The University of Chicago School

Review, 1972, 80, 275-280.

21
 Career Motivation
20

Campbell, D. P. SVIB - SVII manual. Stanford, Ca.: Starflord Univeristy

Press, 1974.

Commission on the Status of Women. Participation of women in the economic

and social development of their countries. New York: United Nations,

1970.

Crowley, J.; Levitin, T. & Quinn, R. Facts and fictions about American

working woman. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Univeristy of Michigan Institute for

Social Research, Survey Research Center, January, 1973.

Darling, M. The role of women in the economy: Meeting of experts.

Washington, D. C. Unpublished manuscript, 1973.

Drew, D. & Patterson, M. Noah's ark in the frog pond: The educational as-
pirations of males and female undergraduates. Unpublished manuscript,
1974. (Available from the authors, National Research Council, Washington

D. C.).

Entwisle, D. & Greenberger, E. Adolescents' views of women's work role.

American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 1972, 42, 648-656.

Farmer, H. Helping women to resolve the home-career conflict. Personnel

and Guidance Journal, 1971, 49, 795-801.

Farmer, H. & Bohn, M. Home-career conflict reduction and the level of

4.
career interest in women. ;J4 ournal of Counseling Psychology, 1970, 17,

228-232.

Farmer, H. & Backer, T. Women at work: A counselor's sourcebook. (in

press, 1975, available in draft form from HEW;NIE, Washington, D. C.).

Friedan, B. The feminine mystiquv:.-- New York: W. W. Norton, 1963.

P

22
 Career Motivation
21

Fuch, V. Women's earnings: Recent trends and long-run prospects. Monthly,

Labor Review., 1974, 97, 23-25.

Ginzberg, E. & Associates. Life styles of educated women. New York:

Columbia University Press, 1966.

Harmon. L. Variables related to women's persistence in educational plans.

Journal of Vocational Behavior., 1972, 2, 143-153.

Harmon, L. Career counseling for women. In D. Carter & E. Rawlings (Eds)

Psychotherapy for wamen: Treatment toward equality. Springfield, Ill:

Charles C. Thomas and Sons, 1975.

Hawley, P. Perceptions of male models of femininity related to career choice.

Journal of Counseling Psychology., 1972, 19, 308-313.

Hedges, J. & Barnett, J. Working women and the division of household tasks.

Monthly Labor Review, 1972, 97, 4 -22.

Horner, M. Sex differences in achievement motivation and performance in

competitive and non-competitive situations. Unpublished doctoral dis-

sertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1968, No, 69-112, 135.

Horner, M.; Tresemer, D; Berens, A. & Watson, R. Jr. Scoring manual for an

empirically derived scoring system for motive to avoid success. Un-

published monograph, Harvard University, 1973.

Huber, J. (Ed.) Chan in women in a chan in society. Chicago: The Univer-

sity of Chicago Press, 1973.

Kagan, J. The emergence of sex differences. School Review, 1972, 80,

217-227.

Katz, M. Female motive to avoid success: A psychological barrier or a re-

sponse to deviancy? Princeton, N. J.: Educational Testing Service,

1973.

23
 Career Motivation
22

Kievit, M. Review and synthesis of research on women in the world of work.

Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1972.

Kohlberg, L. A ,nxtive-developmental analysis of children's sex-role

concepts and attitudes. In E. E. Maccoby (Ed.), The development of

sex differences. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press,

1966.

Komarovsky, M. Cultural contradictions and sex roles. American Journal of

sociology, 1946 52, 184-189.

Koontz, E. Plans for widening women's educational opportunities. Washington

D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1972.

Lee, P. C. & Gropper, N. B. Sex-role culture and educational practice.

Harvard Educational Review, 1974, 44, 369-410.

Lipman-Blumen, J. How ideology shapes women's lives. Scientific American,

1972, 226 34-42.

Maehr, M. Sociocultural origins of achievement. Monterey, California:

Brooks-Cole, 1974.

Maehr, M. Culture and achievement motivation. American Psychologist, 1974,

29, 887-896.

Maccoby, E., & Jacklin, C. The psychology of sex differences. Stanford,

California: Stanford University Press, 1974.

Matthews, E. & Tiedeman, D. Attitudes toward career and marriage and the

development of life style in young women. Journal of Counseling

Psychology, 1964, 11, 375-384.

McClelland, D. Assessing human motivation. New York: General Learning

Press, 1971.

Medvene, A. & Collins, A. Occupational prestige and its relationship to

traditional and nontraditional views of women's roles. Journal of

Counseling Psychology, 1974? 21 (2), 139-143.

24
 Career Motivation
23

Monohan, L. Kuhn, D. & Shaver, P. Intrapsychic versus cultural explana-

tions of the "fear of success" motive. Journal of Personality and

Social Psychology, 1974, 29, 60-64.

Morgan, D. Percpetions of role conflicts and self-concepts among career

and non-career college educated women. Unpublished doctoral disserta-

tion. Teachers College, Columbia University, New York, 1962.

Parrish, J. Women in professional training. Monthly Labor Review, 1974,

97, 41-43.

Paathas, G. Toward a theory of occupatidnal choice for women. Sociology

and Social Research, 1968, 52 25j-268.

Rabin, A. I. Growing up in the kibbutz. New York: Speinter, 1965.

Rapport, R.; & Rapport, R. The dual career family. Human Relations, 1969,

21, 3 - 30.

Rossi, A. & Calderwood, A. (Eds) Academic women ou the move. New York:

Russell Sage Foundation, 1973.

Sarbin, T. Rele theory. in G. Lindzey (Eds.) Handbook ofsoci.syclJaiolo

(Vol. 1). Cambridge, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley, 1954.

Stimpson, C. (Ed.) Discrimination against women: Congressional hearing on

equal rights !..11 education and employment. New York: R. R. Bowker

Co., 1973.

Strong, E. Vocationa3 interests 18 years after college. Minneapolis: Un-

iversity of Minnesota Press, 1955.

Super, D. Theory of vocational choice. The Counseling Psychologist. 1969,

_1, 2 - 10.

Sweet, J. Women in the labor force. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1973.

Taylor, S. Education leadership: A male domain? Phi Delta Kappan, 1973,

55, 124-128.

25
 Career Motivation
24

Thomas, H. Underlying constructs of locus of control of reinforcement.

Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational

Research Association, Washington, April, 1975,

Tomlinson-Keasey, C. Role variables: Their influence on female motivational

constructs. Journal of counseling Psychology, 1974, 21, 232-237.

Tyler, L. The antecedents of two varieties of interest patterns. Genetic

Psychological Monograph. 1964, 70, 177-227.

U. S. Women's Bureau. Tht the reality, Washington, D. C.: O. S.

Covernment Printing Office, 1974.

Wallston, B. The effects of maternal employment on children. Journal of

Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 1973, 14, 81-95.

41,

0 A