THE DESTRUCTION OF TOMB RELIEFS

IN THE OLD KINGDOM

-An Aspect of the Tomb Violation-*

Sugihiko UCHIDA**

For ancient Egyptians, the tomb was not only the dwelling of the
dead, but also the place where offerings were made for the dead. The
continuation of offerings was indispensable for the k3(1), the vital force of
the tomb owner, to live in the netherworld.
However, offerings by the living could be suspended, and grave goods
were vulnerable to tomb robbery. Furthermore, the mummy, the body
where the k3 had to dwell, could be destroyed through the elements or
as a consequence of tomb robbery.
The tomb relief was an important countermeasure in case of such
emergencies(2). The inscribed offerings and figures of servants in the relief
were believed to be realized or vitalized whenever the tomb owner wished,
and the inscribed figure of the tomb owner could serve as the body of his
k3, should the mummy be lost. These functions of the tomb relief were com-
pleted by accompanying inscriptions including the tomb owner's name.
However, the tomb reliefs often suffered from intentional destruction. The
names and figures of tomb owners were often damaged, and such destruction
was sometimes followed by the usurpation of the whole tomb.
The aim of this study is to consider the significance of the destruction
of tombs, particularly the destruction of tomb reliefs, and the attitude of
people toward such a problem. We mainly focus on the private tombs in
the Old Kingdom, since in those tombs we can find not only good examples
of aforementioned relief scenes, but also the tomb inscriptions including
relatively abundant references to tomb violations.

** Lecturer, Waseda University

Vol. XXIX 1993 77

 II

Among destructions of tomb reliefs, the damage inflicted on the figure

and name of the tomb owner must have exercised the gravest influence
on his/her fate.
Early examples of damage to tomb owners' figures can be found on
some funerary stelae dating from the 2nd Dynasty. On one of the stelae,
deep lines from cuts can be observed on the neck of the deceased's figure
as if intended to sever the head(3). We can also find some examples where
a part of the figure, mainly its face had been chiselled out(4).
The latter type of damage inflicted mainly on the face of the tomb
owner's figure is also attested on a number of tomb reliefs in the Old
Kingdom, particularly in the 6th Dynasty, when tomb reliefs are known
to have flourished, and it is often accompanied with the erasure of the
tomb owner's name(5). The erasure of the name without damage to the
figure of the tomb owner seems to be rare in this period except when the
name is replaced by another's name(6).
It's very difficult to know exactly when, and under what circumstances,
such a damage was done, although the damage to the figure with the accom-
panying name intact could represent an example of iconoclasm made in a
later period(7).
However, such a damage could be caused by personal hatred towards
the person represented, particularly when the erasure of the name was
involved(8). This is suggested in the case of the tomb relief of Ny-cnh-Ppy
dating from the 6th Dynasty(9). In this case, the upper half of the body
of the tomb owner's son and probably his name and title were erased, and
the following statement was inscribed by the culprit.

"You bound me up, (and) you beat my father. (But,) I am (now)

satisfied, because, (now) what are you in order to escape from my

hand? My father is (now) satisfied."

Drioton noticed that in this tomb the name of Ny-cnh-Ppy had been
inscribed over another erased name, and held that he had usurped this
tomb and taken revenge on his old enemy, a son of the original tomb

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 THE DESTRUCTION OF TOMB RELIEFS IN THE OLD KINGDOM

owner(10). Whether it was Ny-cnh-Ppy or not who actually carried out this
act of revenge, this inscription does, nevertheless, demonstrate quite clearly
an aspect of mentality on the part of the person who damaged the tomb
relief as vent to his enmity. It's possible that similar examples of personal
enmity resulted in the damage to the names and figures of certain other
tomb owners in those days.
However, the damage to the tomb owner's name and figure could
also be done as a punishment against those who had been considered
criminals against royalty and fallen into disgrace. The erasure of tomb
owners' names and damage to the figures can be observed in many of the
tombs of courtiers around Teti's pyramid at Saqqara, dating from the early
6th Dynasty(11). This period was a politically unstable period as shown by
the accession of a usurper Userkare(12) and the following conspiracy against
Pepi I(13). Kanawati supposed that the conspiracy against Pepi I had been
attempted twice(14), and that those courtiers with their names and figures
erased and damaged had been punished for their participation, or for their
having supported Userkare(15). The fact that high officials like viziers Ssm-
nfr and Rc-wr are included among these courtiers(16) seems to suggest that
the damage to their names and figures was done not simply from personal
vengeance but by the order of the king. At least in the case of Rc-wr, it
seems to be certain that he had fallen into disgrace, since his name was
erased from one of the decrees of Pepi I(17).
However, tombs could suffer from destruction not only from hostility
against the tomb owner, but also for the reuse or usurpation(18). In this
case, tomb reliefs were mostly reused as they were, and it was a usual
practice for the name and title of the original owner on the relief to be erased
and replaced by those of the new owner(19). However, the figure of the
tomb owner was not damaged, although necessary alterations were made
in cases where the age or sex of the original owner and those of the
new owner were inconsistent(20). Furthermore, it was rare for other
elements on the relief to be damaged or altered in cases of reuse or
usurpation(21).
The aim of the destruction accompanying the reuse of the tomb relief
was to eliminate the memory of the original owner, avoiding damage on
the function of the relief for the tomb owner. The figure of the tomb
owner does not usually show any personal feature as it stands(22), and it's

Vol. XXIX 1993 79

not until it's accompanied by a name that it can serve as the body for
the tomb owner's k3. Therefore, the change of the owner's name generally
sufficed for the change of the ownership.
The reuse of tombs is well attested after the 5th Dynasty, with reused
objects ranging from false doors to whole tombs(23). It's disputable if all of
these reused materials represent the usurpation of the property of the de-
ceased(24). However, the reuse of a whole tomb should mean that the original
owner is deprived of his tomb-his dwelling as well as the place where
offering is made for him-, unless an alternative is given to him. It is
suggested by the fact that in a tomb inscription the tomb owner stated that
he had built his tomb in "the pure place" where no other tomb had been
there so that the property of the deceased might be protected(25).
However, the reuse of tombs was evident even amongst those who
had attained high social positions. For example, a vizier in the late 6th
Dynasty Nb-k3w-Hr usurped the tomb of another vizier 3ht-htp dating from
the end of the 5th Dynasty(26). Other usurpers even included members of
royal families like a royal prince Rc-m-k3.i in the late 5th Dynasty and
a princess 'Idwt in the 6th Dynasty(27). The cause of the reuse might be
sought in the usurper's untimely death(28) and the fact that throughout the
Old Kingdom the riches of officials had generally decreased to such an extent
that they could no longer afford to build their tombs about the end of the
Old Kingdom(29). In any event, the evidence suggests that the reuse of tombs
was not an uncommon practice among people of means and position.
What, then, was the meaning of the damage to the tomb owner's figure
and name?
The damage to the figure was primarily caused by chiselling out its
face(30). This kind of damage was probably meant to deprive the deceased's
k3 of a means to live, since the face of the figure must have represented
the k3's sense, and its ability to partake of offerings, as shown by the ritual
of Opening of the Mouth(31). The cuts on the neck of the deceased's figure
on a stele from the 2nd Dynasty(32) might have been made with the same
intention.
The erasure of the name would have had far more serious implications
on the destiny of the victim. To erase the name accompanying the
deceased's figure was to deprive his k3 of the body to dwell in. In cases
where the deceased's name was erased from offering formulae for him(33),

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 THE DESTRUCTION OF TOMB RELIEFS IN THE OLD KINGDOM

he must have been deprived of those formulae with various benefits

represented in them.
However, for ancient Egyptians, leaving their names on earth was
not only for the clarification of ownership or identification, but also for
keeping their memory on earth, and it was thought that k3 could live as
long as the name remained, even if the tomb were to be lost(34). Conse-
quently, the erasure of the deceased's name was to deprive the deceased
of life after death(35). The deprivation of a criminal's name as a punishment,
which is attested in some texts from both the First Intermediate Period
and the Middle Kingdom(36), must have had the same purpose.
However, the damage to the figure and name was not necessarily
done thoroughly, and we can find many cases where either the name or
figure have remained intact somewhere in a tomb, orwhere traces of the
name are sufficiently discernible for the original name to be restored(37).
Particularly in the case of the tombs of courtiers probably punished for
treason in the early 6th Dynasty, it has been pointed out that the tomb
owner's name and figure were left intact at least once in each tomb, and
that the damage outside the tomb is more meticulous and consistent than
that of the inside, although the reasons for this are still unclear(38).

III

Tomb violation must have been felt as a serious threat to those who

put themselves in the position of the tomb owners. The fact that threats
(curses) against tomb violators were included in many tomb inscriptions
after the end of the 4th Dynasty(39) shows that such tomb violations were

extensively done in those days and posed a serious social problem.

These threat formulae, except those concerning desecration by an

impure visitor(40), deal with direct damages inflicted on the funeral property,

and most of them are expressed rather tersely as follows.

"(As for) anyone who will do an evil thing against this (nwy)(41),the

judgement shall be passed on him by Great God."(42)

"As for anyone who will do a thing against this(43) which I made according

to favour on me under my lord, the judgement shall be passed on

Vol. XXIX 1993 81

 him in the place where judgement is passed."(44)

"It is God who will judge the one who will do a thing against it (i. e.

tomb)."(45)

As these examples show, the damage on the funeral property is mostly

expressed by "an evil thing (ht dw)", or simply "a thing (ht)", probably
general terms for tomb ravages(46). However, in the examples where con-
crete expressions are adopted, only the tomb destruction is referred to, as
the following examples show.

"Say ye(i. e. the living), 'A thousand of bread, a thousand of beer

to Nhbw, honoured one!', and may ye not quarry anything from this
tomb. (Because) I (i. e. Nhbw, tomb owner) am //// and equipped
spirit (3h)(47). As for anyone who will quarry anything from this tomb,
the judgement shall be made between me and them by Great God."(48)

"Indeed, as for anyone who will do an evil thing against this(49), and

who will do any destructive thing against this, and who will obliterate
the writing in it, the judgement shall be passed on them about it by
Great God, Lord of Judgement in the place where judgement is passed."(50)

The expression "to quarry (ssn)"(51), which often takes as its object
stone block or brick in the other examples of the same formula(52), probably
involves quarrying of false doors or the other reliefs as well as of building
materials for reuse(53). To "obliterate the writing in it (zin ss im)"(54) must
involve the erasure of the tomb owner's name in the tomb inscription.
In any case, the fact that only the tomb destruction is specified among
tomb violations seems to show that the damage on the tomb itself was
the most serious threat for the deceased.
The tomb violator is mostly referred to in ambiguous expressions like
the sdmty・fy form often preceded by "anyone (rmt/z nb)"(55) or the second

person personal pronoun(56). The following example, however, attests to

the fact that violators also included those of high social positions.

"As for any dignitary, any high official, anyone who

will quarry any

82 ORIENT
 THE DESTRUCTION OF TOMB RELIEFS IN THE OLD KINGDOM

stone, any brick from this tomb, the judgement shall be made between me
and him by Great God. I will seize his neck like a bird's. I will cause all
the living on earth to fear the spirits (3hw) being in the West distant from
them."(57)

This example seems to reflect the fact that the reuse of tombs was
done rather openly even by such people of high status in those days.
Now, the retaliation or punishment attested most frequently in these
formulae in the Old Kingdom is the one referring to the judgement(58),
like "the judgement shall be passed on him by Great God (wnn wdcw mdw
hnc・f in ntr c3)"(59), "the judgement shall be passed on him in the place

where judgement is passed (wnn wdcw mdw hnc・f m bw nty wdcw mdw

im)"(60), "the judgement shall be made between me and them (lit. I will be
judged with them) by Great God (iw・i r wdc hnc・sn in ntr c3)"(61) and so

on(62). "Great God (ntr c3)", sometimes simply "God (ntr)"(63), the judge in
these cases, can probably be identified with the god Osiris, or a deceased
king(64), and the judgement mentioned here is probably the one in the neth-
erworld(65).
The other expressions of retaliation include "I will seize his neck like
a bird's (iw・i r itt tz・f mr 3pd)"(66) and the assault on the culprit by a

crocodile and a snake(67). As for the former expression, it mostly follows

the reference to the judgement(68), or is accompanied with the same reference
expressed in the relative past tense, as follows.

"Now as for anyone who will do any evil thing against this tomb, and

who will enter it being impure, I will seize his neck like that of a goose
(s)(69) after the judgement has been made between me and him in the
council of Great God."(70)

The latter expression is also found with the reference to the judgement(71),
and possibly means that the deceased transforms himself into a crocodile
or a snake to exact revenge(72).
Thus, the retaliation against tomb violators consists of the judgement
in the netherworld and the revenge by the spirit of the tomb owner, possibly
following the judgement. It might show some possibility that the deceased
can live and have supernatural power in the netherworld even after the

Vol. XXIX 1993 83

damage or destruction of his tomb. The tomb owner called himself 3h
"spirit", or 3h ikr cpr "able and equipped spirit", which emphasizes its

supernatural power, in the tomb inscription(73), and such an expression can

be found in some threat formulae against tomb violations(74). Although
the deceased was considered to be made 3h through the correct burial and
offering ritual(75), the deceased once made 3h might not necessarily have
been influenced by the loss of the mummy and tomb, as a passage in the
Pyramid Texts, "Spirit is bound for the sky, the corpse is bound for the
earth" (3h it pt h3t it t3)(76) perhaps suggests.
Such an idea should necessarily make the importance of tomb and mum-
my secondary, and reflects the reality that the tomb and mummy can not
be eternally protected on earth. The fact that people of high social positions
openly damaged or reused the others' tombs, which is suggested in examples
of usurpation and some threat formulae, clearly indicates such a reality.
Assmann makes clear in his recent study that the threat formulae against
tomb violations are 'curses', which take over when laws fail, and in which
metaphysical agents are relied on instead of legal institutions(77). He presents
the two cases where laws fail and curses take over, namely the 'secret
criminality' and 'the breakdown or wilful alteration of legal institutions'(78).
Tomb destructions in the Old Kingdom, particularly those which were
done by the influential, should come under the latter case, although Assmann
does not state this but gives consideration to only later materials as examples
for the latter case(79). Although private tombs were probably under the
protection of laws(80), such laws could be made nominal or neglected by
those people who had sufficient power in the Old Kingdom.
Such a situation clearly explains why tomb destructions were mentioned
in the 'curses', in which the culprit is said to be judged in the court in
the netherworld, not on earth. The deceased, who could not rely on
jurisdiction on earth, had no other alternative but to hang his last hope
on the 'curses' and his existence as 3h, perhaps uninfluenced by the fate
of his tomb and mummy.
However, even becoming 3h after death could be disturbed. In a
decree issued in the reign of king Dmd-ib-t3wy in the First Intermediate
Period, we find an article declaring that those who disobey the royal order
shall not join the "spirits (3hw) in the necropolis", namely the prohibition
of trespasser's burial and of the offering ritual for him(81). The same

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prohibition of burial and offering must have accompanied the tomb destruc-
tion as a punishment in the early 6th Dynasty. Now, among the threat
formulae against tomb violators, the following one which shows the idea
of reciprocation or nemesis is found.

"As〔for what ye (i. e. th e descendants) do〕against this(82), the like

shall be done against your property (ist) (i. e. tomb)(83) by your

descendants."(84)

This passage means that the tomb violator's tomb shall be violated
likewise, while the tomb of the one who respects the other's tomb shall
be respected likewise(85). The following denials of tomb destructions, which
accompanies the threat formulae, are probably based on such an idea.

"I made this tomb on the western side (and) in the pure place (st

wcbt)(86)-There was no (other) tomb there for anybody-so

that the property of the one who had gone to his k3 (zb n k3・f)(87)

might be protected. As for anyone who will enter this tomb without
being pure (m cbw・sn)(88) (and) who will do an evil thing against this(89),

the judgement shall be passed on them by Great God."(90)

"The one who does not quarry what used to be in this tomb, among

anyone who goes to the west, is the beloved of the king and of Anubis,
who is on the top of his mountain. As for this tomb of eternity, I
made it on account of the fact that I had been happily revered under
people and god. Indeed, a stone of anybody has never been brought
to me for this tomb, since the judgement in the west is remembered."(91)

After the threat against tomb violators in the tomb of Cnhty・fy, a

nomarch in the First Intermediate Period(92), several reasons why such

violators shall be retaliated are given, among which the following ones

are included.

"..., (and) because I made this wooden coffin (?) and all stone monuments

of this tomb with my own fund (m hmty ds・i)(93), (and) because

there is neither door belonging to a stranger nor pillar belonging to

Vol. XXIX 1993 85

 a stranger in this tomb,..."(94)

Such an idea that there should be no good reason for the tomb violation
unless the tomb owner has violated another's tomb seems to have been
expanded to the extent that the tomb of anyone who has done any evil can
be violated in retaliation. It is suggested by the fact that the denial of any
acts of evil accompany the threat against tomb violations in some tomb
inscriptions, like the following one.

"(As for) anyone who will do an evil thing against this, the judgement

shall be passed on him by Great God, I have never done injustice against
anyone, taking advantage of my power,"(95)

The following example suggests possibility that some damages should

be inflicted on a tomb as a retaliation against some evil acts done by the
tomb owner in his life.

"May a crocodile be against him in water, may a snake be against

him on the ground, (as for) the one who will do a thing against this(96).
I have never done a thing against him. It is God who will judge."(97)

Both of these examples show that tomb violations were justified, in

retaliation, on the part of the deceased himself. Only those who had
lived good lives and had not done any evil, namely those who had followed
the principle of m3ct(98), in principle, could be protected from tomb violation,
or could be given the right to avenge themselves on the culprit. This
might reflect the fact that tomb reliefs could be damaged as vent to enmity
or as a punishment in those days.
The threat formulae against tomb violations thus show that tomb
destructions, including the destruction of tomb reliefs, could be relatively
openly exercised. Although the fact that the extent of damage is not nec-
essarily thorough in a single tomb might reflect some respect to the de-
ceased(99), it's clear that the threat formulae could not prevent, and perhaps
were not expected to prevent the act of tomb destruction itself(100). They were
intended to dissuade the living from unreasonable tomb violations, on the
assumption that the tomb could be relatively easily violated, and to provide

86 ORIENT
 THE DESTRUCTION OF TOMB RELIEFS IN THE OLD KINGDOM

the tomb owner with a kind of last hope through the idea of judgement
and retaliation in the netherworld.

IV

For the people in the Old Kingdom, tomb destruction was a serious
disaster which could befall their tombs anytime. Tomb reliefs vital for the
continuation of the deceased's k3 could be damaged as vent to personal
enmity or as a punishment, or could be reused even by the influential.
Under such a situation, the people were obliged to realize that tomb
violations could not be prevented. In the threat formulae against tomb
violations, they accepted that such violations could be neither efficiently
prevented nor punished on earth, and hung their last hope on the judgement
in the netherworld. It was probably a part of the background of the ap-
pearance of a new attitude toward the afterlife in some literary works
composed in the First Intermediate Period or the Middle Kingdom, in which
distrust of the value of tombs and burial is expressed(101), and living as a
good person on earth is stressed as a prerequisite for attaining eternal life
in the netherworld(102).

Notes

*This article is a revised version of my previous article written in Japanese, "The

destruction of the reliefs in the private tombs of the Old Kingdom-An aspect of
the tomb-ravage-" Bulletin of the Graduate Division of Literature of Waseda
University. Special Issue No. 12: Philosophy: History (1985) pp. 227-236. The
abbreviations of journals are those in W. Helck, E. Otto und W. Westendorf (Hrsg.),
Lexikon der Agyptologie, Bde. I-VII, Wiesbaden, 1975-1992 (hereafter cited as LA).
(1) For the k3, cf. LA, Bd. III, 275-282.
(2) A. J. Spencer, Death in Ancient Egypt, Harmondsworth, 1982, pp. 63-67.
(3) A. Klasens, "A Stela of the Second Dynasty in the Leiden Museum of
Antiquities," OMRO 46 (1965), pp. 2f., fig. 1, pl. I. Klasens points out that the
details of the figure are not visible, and thinks it possible that the figure was evenly
erased while the cuts were made on the neck.
(4) Z. Y. Saad, Ceiling Stelae in Second Dynasty Tombs from the Excavations at
Helwan, Le Caire, 1957, pls. XII, XIV, XVI.
(5) For the case where both the damage to the face and the erasure of the
name are attested, see note (11). The name has been found intact at least in one
case (G. Jequier, Tombeaux de Particuliers contemporains de Pepi II, Le Caire, 1929,
fig. 116, pp. 98f.).
(6) On a false door of the tomb of Smdnt(i) dating from the early 6th Dynasty,
his name inscribed in several places was erased or damaged, but his figure is intact.

Vol. XXIX 1993 87

 Cf. N. Kanawati and others, Excavations at Saqqara: North-west of Teti's Pyramid,
Vol. I, Sydney 1984 (hereafter cited as Kanawati, Saqqara I), pls. 5-6, pp. 15, 17-
19 (=A. B. Lloyd and others, Saqqara Tombs II: The Mastabas of Meru, Semdenti,
Khui and others, London, 1990, pls. 16, 33, pp. 25-27). Also cf. note (11). For the
case where the replacement of names is done, See note (19).
(7) Cf. A. R. Schulman, "Some Remarks on the Alleged "Fall" of Senmut,"
JARCE 8 (1969-1970), p. 37.
(8) Schulman considers as usurpation the case 'where the physical features of
an individual are intact, but the name has been erased or replaced by another'
(ibid.,P.37). However, the erasure of the name by itselfdoes not make usurpation
effective, but is more likely to have been done for damnatio memoriae. Although
Schulman argues that both the effacement of the likeness and the erasure of the
name must have been included in damnatio memoriae (ibid., p. 36,) it should de
noted that in the Old Kingdom tomb reliefs, the principal figures, including that of
the tomb owner, usually do not show the individual characteristics of the person
depicted, the effacement of which should have been required for damnatio memoriae.
Cf. W. S. Smith, A History of Egyptian Sculpture and Painting in the Old Kingdom,
London, 1946 (Reissued, New York, 1978), pp. 301-304. For the erasure of names,
see note (35).
(9) E. Drioton, "Une Mutilation d'Image avec Motif," ArOr 20 (1952), pl. XXXVI,
p. 353. The tomb of Ny-cnh-Ppy has been published in S. Hassan, Excavations at
Saqqara, 1937-38, Cairo, 1975 (hereafter cited as HS), Vol. II, pp. 1-23, figs, 1-9,
pls. I-XXIII. Also cf. H. G. Fischer, "Review of S. Hassan, Excavations at Saqqara,
1937-1938," JEA 65 (1979) (hereafter cited as Fischer, Review), pp. 179-181.
(10) Drioton, ibid., p. 354. Also cf. Fischer, ibid., p. 179. Drioton and Schulman
(Schulman, op. cit., p. 37, n. 69) takes this an example of magic. But it's also
possible that we have here a plain expression of enmity.
(11) Since the erasure of the name was not thoroughly exercised, the names of
the victims can be reconstructed from the traces, or can be found intact somewhere
in their tombs. Among the victimized courtiers are 'Isfi/'Isfw (His name and whole
figure wecre erased from the false door. Cf. A. El-Khouli and N. Kanawati, Excavations
at Saqqara: North-west of Teti's Pyramid, Vol. II, Sydney, 1988, pls. 17-19, pp. 25-
29. His name is intact only on the lintel. Cf. ibid., pl. 17, p. 25.), Mrri (A part,
particularly the face of his figure was chiselled out or damaged in several places. Cf.
W. V. Davies and others, Saqqara Tombs I: The Mastabas of Mereri and Wernu, Lon-
don, 1984, pls. 2-5, 7, 17B, pp. 9-11, 13. The name, however, was damaged only in
a few places. Cf. ibid., pls. 3, 17B, p. 10), vizier Rc-wr (His name and face were erased
on the door jambs, although the name is intact in a place. Cf. S. A. El-Fikey, The
Tomb of the Vizier Re' -wer at Saqqara, Warminster, 1980, pls. 1-2 (=pl. 19), pp.
12-14. From the inner false doors, only the name was erased. Cf. ibid., pls. 5, 9 (=
pl. 21), pp. 18-19, 24-27.), Smdnt(i) (See note (6)), and vizier Ssm-nfr (His name
and figure were erased. Cf. N. Kanawati, "New Evidence on the Reign of Userkare?"
GM 83 (1984) (hereafter cited as Kanawati, GM), pp. 33f.). Also cf. Kanawati,
GM, p. 37, n. 28; Kanawati, Saqqara I, pp. 11f.
(12) Cf. E. Drioton et J. Vandier, L'Egypte, Paris, 1962, p. 232; Kanawati, GM.
(13) Cf. K. Sethe, Urkunden des Alten Reichs, Leipzig, 1933 (hereafter cited as
Urk I), S. 100, 12-101, 7.
(14) N. Kanawati, "Deux Conspirations contre Pepy Ier," CdE LVI (1981), pp. 203-
217 (hereafter cited as Kanawati, CdE).

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(15) Kanawati, GM, pp. 34f.; Kanawati, Saqqara I, pp. 11f.

(16) Cf. note (11).
(17) Urk I, S. 209, 12. Cf. Kanawati, CdE, p. 204, n. 4.
(18) Cf. S. Hassan, Excavations at Giza, Vol. V, Cairo, 1944, pp. 7f.
(19) E. g. Jequier, op. cit., figs. 41, 43-44, pl. III, pp. 37-40 (The name and a
part of the title of the original owner have been replaced by those of the usurper
Sni.) Also cf. notes (10), (20), (26) and (27).
(20) E. g. H. G. Fischer, "Three Old Kingdom Palimpsests in the Louvre," ZAS
86 (1961) (hereafter cited as Fischer, ZAS), fig. 2, pp. 28-29 (The male figure, name,
and title of the original owner have been changed into those of the female reuser,
while the gender in the accompanying inscription has also been changed.) For an
example where a female's figure has been changed into a male one, cf. ibid., p. 28,
n. 5; idem, "The Mark of a Second Hand on Ancient Egyptian Antiquities," Ancient
Egypt in the Metropolitan Museum Journal: Volumes 1-11〔1968-1976〕, New York,

1977 (hereafter cited as Fischer, AEMMJ), p. 115, fig. 3. For other examples of the
alteration of the figure, cf. note (27).
(21) Cf. notes (9) and (10). Fischer cites some cases where the name of a tomb
owner's wife or an attendant was erased (Fischer, AEMMJ, P. 114, n. 8), but they
don't have relation to any reuse or usurpation.
(22) Cf. note (8).
(23) A false door, cf. Fischer, ZAS, fig. 2, pp. 28f. A whole tomb, cf. Ny-cnh-Ppy's
case in note (10), and Sni's case cited in note (19). Also cf. notes (26) and (27).
(24) Cf. Jequier, op. cit., p. 102.
(25) Cf. note (90).
(26) Nb-k3w-Hr's name and sometimes his title also were inscribed over the
erasures of 3ht-htp's name, although the latter's name remains intact in a few cases.
Cf. HS, Vol. I (Cf. Fischer, Review, pp. 177-179), pp. 9-13, 15, 20, 38-41, 53-55,
58, 60-62 etc.; N. Strudwick, "Notes on the Mastaba of 3ht-htp; hmi and nb-k3w-hr;
idw at Saggara," GM 56 (1982), pp. 89-94. A part of biographical text was added
by the usurper. Cf. Strudwick, ibid., pp. 92-93. Also cf. N. Strudwick, The Admin-
istration of Egypt in the Old Kingdom, London, 1985 (hereafter cited as Strudwick,
Administration), pp. 56-57, 109.
(27) Rc-m-k3・i, the eldest son of king Djedkare-Isesi, usurped the mastaba of
a judge Nfr-irt・n・s, and the latter's name and title were replaced by those of

the former. Cf. W. C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt, Part I, New York, 1953, pp.
94, 96-102. Furthermore, the figure of the original owner as an older man was
altered to that of the usurper as a younger man on a false door, cf. H. G. Fischer,
"A Scribe of the Army in a Saqqara Mastaba of the early Fifth Dynasty," JNES 18

(1959), p. 245, n. 28, Fig, 10f. A princess 'Idwt usurped the mastaba of a vizier 'Ihy
dating from the end of the 5th Dynasty, and the name and title of the latter were
erased or replaced by that of the former, cf. R. Macramallah, Le Mastaba d'Idout,
Le Caire, 1935, pp. 1-2, 4, 10-13, 28-31, 36, pls. VIII, IXA, XIV, XXI, XXV;
Strudwick, Administration, p. 63. The figure of 'Idwt might have been inscribed on
the erasure of the original owner's figure at least in one place, cf. Fischer, AEMMJ,
p. 115, n. 11.
(28) Hayes, ibid, p. 94.
(29) N. Kanawati, The Egyptian Administration in the Old Kingdom, Warminster,
1977 (hereafter cited as Kanawati, Administration), pp. 69ff.
(30) Cf. notes (4) and (5).

Vol. XXIX 1993 89

 (31) Cf. LA, Bd. IV, 223-224
(32) Cf. note (3).
(33) E. g. El-Fikey, op. cit., pls. 5, 9.
(34) Spencer, op. cit., pp. 70f.
(35) Ibid., p. 71; LA, Bd. IV, 338-341.
(36) Cf. D. Lorton, "The treatment of criminals in Ancient Egypt through the
New Kingdom," JESHO 20 (1977), pp. 12, 17.
(37) Cf. notes (5), (6) and (11); El-Fikey, op. cit., pls. 1, 5, 9.
(38) Cf. Kanawati, Saqqara I, pp. 11f. For these courtiers, cf. note (11).
(39) For these threats (threat formulae), cf. E. Edel, "Untersuchungen zur
Phraseologie der agyptischen Inschriften des Alten Reiches," MDAIK 13 (1944)
(hereafter cited as Edel, MDAIK), §§6-24; LA, Bd. I, 1145-1147; S. Morschauser,

Threat-Formulae in Ancient Egypt, Baltimore, 1991. The earliest example of these

threats (Cf. Edel, MDAIK,§6) is from the tomb of Mr-Hwfw (A. Fakhry, Sept
Tombeaux a l'est de la Grande Pyramide de Guizeh, Le Caire, 1935, p. 21, fig. 12.)
dating from the end of the 4th Dynasty (Kanawati, Administration, pp. 28f.). For
the nature of these threats, cf. H. Willems, "Crime, Cult and Capital Punishment
(Mo'alla Inscription 8)," JEA 76 (1990), pp. 27-54; J. Assmann, "When Justice
fails: Jurisdiction and Imprecation in Ancient Egypt and the Near East," JEA 78
(1992), pp. 149-162. Willems holds that these threats, or at least a part of them,
are legal texts relating to the legal sanction actually executed on earth. However,
Assmann makes clear the nature of these threats as "curses" taking over when laws
fail, and in which metaphysical agents are relied on instead of legal institutions on
earth.
(40) Cf. Edel, MD-AIK, §§8-11; Morschauser, ibid., pp. 67f.; Assmann, ibid.,

p. 152, nn. 12, 13.

(41) Often written as nw. It means here the tomb or a part of it where the
inscription was inscribed. cf. E. Edel, MDAIK, §46; idem, Altagyptische Grammatik,

Roma, 1955-1964 (Hereafter cited as Edel, AG), §197. Also cf. Urk I, S. 33, 8, 12.

(42) Urk I, S. 72, 4-5. For the similar type, cf. S. 50, 16-51, 1, S. 73, 4-5, S.
225, 16-17; Fakhry, op. cit., p. 21, fig. 12.
(43) Cf. note (41).
(44) Urk I, S. 35, 1-3. For a similar passage, cf. S. 58, 5-10 (Cf. Edel, MDAIK,
S. 6).
(45) Urk. I, S. 226, 6. Cf. note (97).
(46) "an evil thing," cf. Urk I, S. 49, 9, S. 50, 17, S. 58, 5, S. 70, 15, S. 72, 4, S. 225,
16; Fakhry, op. cit., p. 21, fig. 12; HS, Vol. II, fig. 4 (=pl. IVA), Vol. III, fig. 39
(=pl. LVI) etc. "a thing," cf. Urk. I, S. 23, 14, S. 35, 1, S. 73, 4, S. 226, 6, 13 etc.
Also cf. Edel, MDAIK, §6; Morschauser, op. cit., pp. 38-41.

(47) Cf. Edel, MDAIK, §21; R. J. Demaree, The 3h ikr n Rc-stelae: On Alncestor

Worship in Ancient Egypt, Leiden 1983, pp. 198-218.

(48) Urk I, S. 219, 1-5. The //// represents a damaged part.
(49) Cf. note (41).
(50) Urk I, S. 70, 15-S. 71, 2.
(51) Cf. Edel, MDAIK, §7; Morschauser, op. cit., pp. 48-49.
(52) Cf. note (57); W. K. Simpson, Mastabas of the Western Cemetery; Part I,
Boston, 1980, fig. 15.
(53) There are some examples in which "to seize" (iti) is used in place of "to quarry."
Cf. Urk I, S. 250, 5-6; H. Junker, Giza, Bd. VIII, Wien, 1947, Abb. 62 (=Taf. XXIII

90 ORIENT
 THE DESTRUCTION OF TOMB RELIEFS IN THE OLD KINGDOM

b); G. Goyon, "Le Tombeau d'Ankhou a Saqqarah," Kemi 15 (1959), Pl. I, (3). Also
cf. Edel, MDAIK, §7; Morschauser, op. cit., pp. 47f. The threat against those

who will seize the "tomb shaft" (h3t) is attested in a tomb dating from the 6th
Dynasty. Cf. Urk I, S. 116, 1-7, S. 117, 5-6. Cf. E. Edel, Hieroglyphische Inschriften
des Alten Reiches, Opladen, 1981, S. 20, Abb. 4.
(54) Cf. Morschauser, op. cit., pp. 46-47.
(55) Examples preceded by "anyone," e. g. Urk I, S. 35, 1, S. 58, 5, S. 70, 15, S.
72, 4, S. 73, 4, S. 219, 4; Junker, op. cit., Abb. 62 (=Taf. XXIII b). Examples not
preceded by it (nominalized sdmty・fy), e. g. Urk I, S. 23, 14, S. 225, 16, S. 226,
6, 13. As for sdmty・fy form, cf. Edel, AG, §§679-683. Also cf. Morschauser, op.

cit., pp. 6-9.

(56) E. g. Urk I, S. 46, 11-12, S. 202, 1.
(57) Ibid., S. 260, 12-18 from the tomb of Nnki/Ppy-nni dating from the end of
the 6th Dynasty. Cf. Kanawati, Administration, p. 22. For a similar example from
the First Intermediate Period, cf. J. Vandier, Mo'alla, La tombe d'Ankhtifi et la tombe
de Sebekhotep, Le Caire 1950, p. 206, Inscription No 8.
(58) Cf. Edel, MDAIK, §12. Also cf. Morschauser, op. cit., pp. 72-76 for a
somewhat different interpretation.
(59) E. g. Urk I, S. 51, 1, S. 71, 1, S. 72, 5, S. 73, 5; Fakhry, op. cit., fig. 12.
(60) E. g. Urk I, S. 35, 3, S. 49, 11.
(61) E. g, ibid., S. 117, 6, S. 219, 5, S. 260, 14, S. 263, 10.
(62) The "council" (d3d3t) of Great God is mentioned in HS, Vol. II, fig. 4 (=pl.
IV A), Vol. III, fig 39 (=pl. LVI); Simpson, op. cit., fig. 15.
(63) E. g. Urk I, S. 23, 16, S. 225, 17, S. 226, 6; Junker, op. cit., Abb. 62 (=Taf.
XXIII b).
(64) Cf. S. Uchida, "The Local Deities in the Funerary Beliefs at the End of the
Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period," ORIENT, Report of the Society for
Near Eastern Studies in Japan, Vol. XXVII (1991), pp. 138f.
(65) Cf. Edel, MDAIK, §12; LA, Bd. III, 249-252, esp. 249.
(66) Cf. Edel, ibid., §13; Morschauser, op. cit., pp. 78f.
(67) Cf. Morschauser, ibid., p. 112; Assmann, op. cit., pp. 152-153.
(68) E. g. Urk I, S. 116, 5-7, S. 260, 12-18; HS, Vol. II, fig. 4 (=pl. IV A).
(69) A s sign before a bird sign is clear in the text, and the reading "a goose" is
adopted by Hassan (HS, Vol. III, fig. 39, p. 77), although in the other cases, "a bird"
(3pd) replaces it. Cf. note (66).
(70) Ibid., fig. 39 (=pl. LVI).
(71) There are only two occurrences of this threat with the assault by a crocodile
and a snake, one of which includes a reference to judgement. Cf. Urk I, S. 23, 12-16
(with a reference to judgement, cf. note (97)), S. 226, 13-15.
(72) Assmann, op. cit., pp. 152f.
(73) Cf. Edel, MDAIK, §21; Demaree, op. cit., pp. 206-213.
(74) E. g. Urk I, S. 219, 3; Junker, op. cit., Abb. 62 (=Taf. XXIII b); HS, Vol.
II, fig, 4 (=pl. IV A).
(75) Cf. Edel, MDAIK, S, 21; Demaree, op. cit., pp. 203-206; F. Friedman, "On
the Meaning of Some Anthropoid Busts from Deir el-Medina," JEA 71 (1985), pp. 86
-91.

(76) K. Sethe, Die altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, Bd. I, Leipzig, 1908, S. 244

(§474). Cf. R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London, 1969, p. 94.
(77) Cf. note (39).

Vol. XXIX 1993 91

 (78) Assmann, op. cit., pp. 151-154.
(79) Ibid., pp, 153f.
(80) Ibid., p. 153.
(81) Urk I, S. 305, 6, 17. Cf. Lorton, op. cit., pp. 11f.
(82) Cf. note (41).
(83) Cf. Edel, MDAIK, S. 19, Anm. 1).
(84) Urk I, S.46,11-12. The part in〔 〕is a restoration. Cf. Edel, MDAIK,

§20.

(85) Edel, MDAIK, §20 C.

(86) Cf. G. Lefebvre, "'A Pure Place," JEA 25 (1939), p. 219.
(87) I. e, the deceased. Cf. A. Erman und H. Grapow, Worterbuch der agyptischen
Sprache, Leipzig, 1926-1931 (4. Aufl. Berlin, 1982), Bd. III, S. 429f. As for k3, cf.
note (1).
(88) Cf. Assmann, op. cit., p. 152, n. 12.
(89) Cf. note (41).
(90) Urk I, S. 50, 13-S. 51, 1. Cf. S. 260, 11-18.
(91) S. Hassan, Excavations at Giza, Vol. II, Cairo, 1936, fig. 206 (=pl. LXI, 2.).
(92) For the threat in the tomb inscription of Cnhty・fy, cf. Vandier, op. cit.,
Inscription No. 8. Also cf. Willems, op. cit.; Assmann, op. cit., pp. 149-157; Uchida,
op. cit., p. 144. It should be noted that local deities replaced Great God and his
court in the threat in the First Intermediate Period. Cf. Uchida, op. cit., pp. 144-145.
(93) Cf. H. G. Fischer, "Notes on the Mo'alla Inscriptions and Some Contem-
poraneous Texts," WZKM 57 (1961), pp. 60-64.
(94) Vandier, op. cit., Inscription No. 9, III, 7-8.
(95) Urk I, S. 72, 4-7. The threat part is cited above. Cf. note (42). Cf. Urk
I, S. 46, 11-15, S. 219, 1-7.

(96) Cf. note (41).

(97) Urk I, S. 23, 12-16.
(98) Cf. J. Assmann, Maat, l'Egypte pharaonique et l'idee de justice sociale, Paris,
1989, pp. 61. ff.
(99) Kanawati, Saqqara I, pp. 11f.
(100) The threat formulae themselves could be usurped like the one inscribed on
the door jamb of the tomb usurped by Ny-cnh-Ppy. Cf. HS, Vol. II, fig. 4 (=pl. IV
A). Cf. note (10).
(101) 'The Dispute between a Man and his BA' (60)-(67). Cf. R. O. Faulkner,
"The Man who was tired of Life," JEA 42 (1956) pp. 23-24,27.

(102) 'The Instruction for King Merikare' P. 53-57. Cf. A. Volten, Zwei altagyptische
politische Schriften, Kobenhavn, 1945, S. 25-27.

92 ORIENT