Country: Brazil

Delegate: Bakytbek Dariya

I. Brazil’s Background:

NATO is a defensive alliance. It does not seek confrontation and poses no threat to Russia, or any
other nations. NATO did not invade Georgia. NATO did not invade Ukraine. Russia did. NATO made
significant efforts over many years to establish a strategic partnership with Russia. We established the
NATO-Russia Council and worked together on issues ranging from counter-narcotics and counter-
terrorism to submarine rescue and civil emergency planning, even during periods of NATO
enlargement. It was Russia that gradually chipped away at any hopes of peaceful cooperation, with its
pattern of increasing aggressive behavior, from Grozny to Georgia and Aleppo to Ukraine. NATO
Allies engaged in persistent diplomatic efforts to convince Russia to change its course. NATO held a
last meeting of the NATO-Russia Council in January 2022 to call on President Putin to step back
from the brink.

II. Brazil’s Past International actions:

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is responsible for managing the foreign relations of Brazil. Brazil is a
significant political and economic power in Latin America and a key player on the world stage. Brazil's
foreign policy reflects its role as a regional power and a potential world power and is designed to help
protect the country's national interests, national security, ideological goals, and economic prosperity.
Between World War II and 1990, both democratic and military governments sought to expand Brazil's
influence in the world by pursuing a state-led industrial policy and an independent foreign policy.
Brazilian foreign policy has recently aimed to strengthen ties with other South American countries, engage
in multilateral diplomacy through the United Nations and the Organization of American States, and act at
times as a countervailing force to U.S. political and economic influence in Latin America.

III. Brazil’s Policy:

Brazil is a federal presidential constitutional republic, based on representative democracy. The federal
government has three independent branches: executive, legislative, and judicial. Executive power is
exercised by the executive branch, headed by the President, advised by a Cabinet. The President is
both the head of state and the head of government. Legislative power is vested upon the National
Congress, a two-chamber legislature comprising the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Deputies.
Judicial power is exercised by the judiciary, consisting of the Supreme Federal Court, the Superior
Court of Justice and other Superior Courts, the National Justice Council and the Regional Federal
Courts.

IV. Brazil’s Position:

Diplomatic relations between Brazil and Russia were initiated on October 3, 1828, making Brazil the
first South American and first Latin American country with formal ties to Russia. In 1876, the
Emperor of Brazil, Dom Pedro II, paid a private visit to Russia.
The diplomatic relations were interrupted twice: in 1917, after the October Revolution (being re-
established on April 2, 1945) and in 1947 due to the right-wing government of Field Marshal Eurico
Gaspar Dutra (re-established in 1961, during the government of Jânio Quadros).
Brazil maintained a neutral but distant relationship with the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Their
bilateral relations were limited to commercial trade and cooperation agreements of minimal
importance. In 1988, José Sarney made the first official visit of a Brazilian Head of State to the
USSR.
With the fall of the Soviet Union and the subsequent birth of the Russian Federation, talks between
the two nations increased. Brazil was one of the first countries to recognize the Russian Federation as
the legal successor of the Soviet Union (December 26, 1991). In 1994, Celso Amorim made the first
official visit of a Brazilian Foreign Minister to Russia.
Since then, bilateral relations between Russia and Brazil have been characterized by the positive
dynamics of political contacts at all levels. In 1997 the Russian-Brazilian Commission of High Level
of Cooperation (CAN) was created, headed by the Head of Government of the Russian Federation and
the Vice-President of the Federative Republic of Brazil and regulated by the Brazil-Russia
Cooperation Treaty, signed on November 21, 1997. Its operational mechanism is the
Intergovernmental Cooperation Commission (CIC).

V. How the Threat of military conflict between Russia and NATO affects Brazil?

The way that Brazil followed up on the situation between Russia and Ukraine at the United Nations in
2023 is also indicative of how the country has been navigating the situation. When UNGA approved a
resolution (A/ES-11/L.7 of February 23, 2023) calling for an immediate end to war in Ukraine, the
document included two considerations that, according to the Brazilian press, were influenced by the
Brazilian representatives:first, calling on “UN member states and international organizations to
redouble support for diplomatic efforts to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine,
consistent with the Charter;” and second, demanding “that the Russian Federation immediately,
completely and unconditionally withdraw all of its military forces from the territory of Ukraine within
its internationally recognized borders, and calls for a cessation of hostilities. It is also important to
note that Brazil was the only BRICS member state to vote in favor of the resolution, since Russia
voted against it and China, India, and South Africa all abstained. This reflects mixed views within
BRICS regarding the condemnation of territorial invasion, as well as criticism of how the West
applies double-standards in international relations.
The Brazilian representative at a UNSC session on February 24, 2023 stated that “President Lula has
made Brazil’s position clear, faithful to our diplomatic tradition. We condemn the Russian invasion
and the territorial violation of a sovereign state, Ukraine.” The statement also reiterated Brazil’s
willingness to play a role in the resolution of the conflict: “We are convinced that countries like
 Brazil, which are not directly involved in the conflict, have a constructive role to play in fostering
dialogue

VI. Actions taken by the government of Brazil with regard to the issue:

The 2022 Brazilian presidential elections drew the attention of the international community,
particularly as Brazilian society was highly polarized between those who supported President Jair
Bolsonaro’s campaign for reelection and those who supported Lula da Silva’s return to office.
In May 2022, during an interview for Time, Lula da Silva mentioned that both Putin and Zelensky
“shared blame” for the conflict. Lula’s remarks were criticized by the Ukrainian Embassy in Brasília,
which claimed that the future presidential candidate was “misinformed.”

An important statement was made by President Putin during the question-and-answer segment of the
Valdai Club plenary session held in Moscow in October, when asked about relations with Brazil,
Putin responded:We are fine with Lula and we are fine with Bolsonaro. We do not interfere in internal
political processes. We have a consensus about cooperation with Brazil. We consider Brazil our most
important partner in Latin America, which in fact it is, and we will do everything so that our relations
will develop in the future.

VII. What strategies and mechanisms can be employed? Possible solutions :

Since his inauguration last January, President Lula da Silva has made the defense of a peaceful
solution to Ukraine one of the frontlines of his foreign policy. The urge for a negotiated settlement
between all sides in the conflict is now a steady flag waved by Lula within his narrative ‘Brazil is
Back’. In his third term, the Brazilian president quickly reinstalled Brazil’s diplomatic activism to
vindicate an inclusive multipolar world committed to a reinvigorated, just and secure international
multilateral system. Lula had firstly – and unsuccessfully – tried to win Joe Biden’s support for his
pro-peace push during his visit to Washington. Following that trip, Lula used his state visit to China
to parallel his diplomatic effort with the Beijing 12-point peace initiative for the war in Ukraine.
Lula’s peace proposal is an un-detailed proposition, based on the premise that a collective and wide-
ranging effort by a group of pro-peace nations can contribute to ending hostilities in Ukraine. In a
nutshell, it stands for an immediate cease-fire and the compromise that all parties involved work on a
peace plan that is fair and durable. For Brazil, the main concern has become the apprehension that the
Ukraine war will metastasise into a major, uncontrolled confrontation, imperiling global prosperity
and sustainable development. This has been the central message taken by Lula’s international advisor
to Kyiv, Celso Amorim, when meeting with Ukrainian President Zelenskiy in April.

VIII. Conclusion:

The Brazilian initiative to help mediate the conflict in Ukraine seems to be President Lula’s strategy
to show that Brazil has returned to the international scene, using its greatest asset: open dialogue with
all UN member states. This soft power, built over the course of years, was neglected under President
Bolsonaro. Despite having this diplomatic leverage, the country will face challenges regarding a peace
plan, especially because Brazil will be trying to mediate a war in which great power interests are at
stake. Global reactions to Lula’s comments regarding the responsibility of each side in the conflict
also illustrate the high risks of a self-appointed mediator role. Nevertheless, if Brazil’s strategy
succeeds, it will have made a positive contribution to world peace and validated the claim that “Brazil
is back.” Lula’s success could even further the country’s historic claim to a permanent seat in the
UNSC. Brazil’s participation as a non-permanent member of the UNSC for the 2022-2023 period
raised the interest of different parties involved in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. Brazil’s
influential role in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) also provides the country with additional
credentials, as Brazil is understood as able to influence the position of different LAC countries.
Brazil’s return to the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and to the Community of Latin
American and Caribbean Countries (CELAC)[xi] further strengthens its regional leadership
credentials and could influence Latin American position regarding the conflict.