Viuolence Against Men
Viuolence Against Men
By
Jones Musune
LUSAKA
2015
DECLARATION
COPYRIGHT
All rights reserved. No part of this dissertation may be reproduced or stored in any form
or by any form of by any means without prior permission from the author or the
University of Zambia.
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APPROVAL
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ABSTRACT
Physical, emotional, and sexual abuse of men is something that doesn't get talked about
very much. What's worse, when it does get talked about, discussion is almost always
limited to the abuse that men do to women. A lot of people are very emotionally and
politically invested in believing that violence is not something that women do, and when
the men who have been victims of women try to speak out they frequently encounter
negative reactions ranging from outright denial to actual accusations that it is their own
fault that they were abused. It is worse when those reactions come from self-identified
feminists who should know better. There is no excuse for any feminist to deny female
abusiveness or to attack any man for discussing their experiences of it. This study
critically examined female domestic violence against men. This research study was
premised on the following research questions: what is the nature of female violence
against men, what are the factors that lead to female violence against men, what are the
levels of reporting by male victims of female domestic violence and what are the
consequences of female violence against men. A descriptive study design was used. Data
was collected by using both primary and secondary sources. The primary data were
collected by way of interviewing the thirty four (34) respondents using interview guides.
The secondary data was collected through reviewing available and relevant literature on
female domestic violence against men. Data analysis was done by analysing data
thematically. The findings of this research show that female domestic violence against
men is in form of physical assault, verbal abuse, sexual violence and psychological abuse.
It further revealed the reasons for why female violence against men vary but mostly it is
because of men‟s perceived infidelity, infertility, failure to provide for the family, alcohol
abuse, children from other marriages and retaliating male dominance. Effects of female
violence against men such as physical injury, lack of economic power, isolation, fear,
depression, low self-esteem and HIV/AIDS were revealed. This study recommended that
Ministry of Gender and Development should educate society about female domestic
violence against men. The Police should be serious when handling such cases and not
mock male victims.
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DEDICATION
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I take this opportunity to express my profound gratitude and deep regard to my supervisor
Doctor Fay Gadsden and the Lecturers and staff of Gender Studies Department for their
exemplary guidance, monitoring and constant encouragement throughout the course of
this dissertation. The blessing, help and guidance given to me from time to time shall
carry me for a long way in the journey of life on which I am about to embark.
I would like to express my heartfelt appreciation to Brigadier General Chibesa for his
support and encouragement during the whole period of my study.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
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2.8 Theoretical Approach …………………………………………………...... 17
2.8.1 Female Emancipation Theory………………………………………17
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4.3.2 Infertility or Lack of Children in Marriage………………………… 42
4.3.3 Failure to Provide for the Family………………………………….. 42
4.3.4 Children from other Marriages…………………………………….. 43
4.3.5 Violence as a way of Retaliating Male Dominance……………….. 44
4.3.6 Alcohol Abuse…………………………………………………….. 45
4.4 Levels of Reporting by Male Victims of Female Violence…………………46
4.5 Effects of Female Violence against Men……………………………………49
4.5.1 Physical Injury…………………………………………………………….. 49
4.5.2 Lack of Economic Power…………………………………………………. 50
4.5.3 Depression, Despair and Isolation…………………………………………. 51
4.5.4 Low Self-esteem…………………………………………………………….52
4.5.5 Female Violence against Men and HIV/AIDS……………………………. 53
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LIST OF FIGURES
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ACRONYMNS AND ABBREVIATIONS
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.0 Background
The visibility of female violence against men has seen an upsurge in the recent past both
in Zambia and the world over. For a long time, female violence against men was ignored
and unacknowledged as a violation of men‟s fundamental rights. In fact, female violence
against men was not even captured in the mainstream definition of „domestic violence‟.
The definition was only putting women and children in the “victims” category and men
only as perpetrators (see WILDAF, 2005).The reason why this was the case is because
men constructed violence orchestrated by women as an assault to their masculinity
identities which fundamentally affected reporting of such incidences when they occurred
(Carney et al, 2006). However, this situation is changing mainly due to increased
sensitization of the vice by some Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), increased
media representation through especially the „new media‟ and an increased number of
male victims seeking solutions (Josolyne, 2011).
The current Zambia Demographic and Health Survey (ZDHS) 2013-14 indicate that nine
percent of women induced violence on their husbands. The fact that female domestic
violence against men remains largely unreported suggests that the number of such cases
is higher than the statistics show. However, policy formulation and programmes to reduce
female violence against men remain ineffective due to lack of proper understanding of
the problem.
The research question this study will explore considers the forms, causes, levels of
reporting and consequences of female domestic violence against men. The main goal of
this study is to generate knowledge that will bridge the gap that exists from the notion
that women are the only victims of gender based violence. To provide insight into the
research question other academic literature has been consulted to understand the main
arguments surrounding the issue of male victims of female violence. The literature
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suggests that men are equally victims of domestic violence. In order to test these views
qualitative interviews were conducted with male victims of female violence and
organisations that deal with issues of domestic violence. Domestic violence towards men
should be seen as a human issue not one of society or in some cases gender.
Men just like women are also victims of gender violence. Gender Based Violence against
men is largely invisible, unrecognised and trivialised. If an abused man seeks help as a
victim of domestic violence, the majority of society will see it as a laughable situation.
Society chooses not to believe the man and this creates the feeling of guilt and shame in
the male victim.
The way in which society looks at gender images of men and women are passed down
from generation to generation. This has had a severe negative effect on the existence of
male victims of domestic violence in our society. Female victims of domestic violence
are increasingly treated by society with sympathy and support, while male victims are
treated with disbelief. Society‟s view on domestic violence has been reinforced by the
media‟s coverage of the issues surrounding domestic violence, portraying females as the
only victims and males as the abusers. Response by society at large is a major concern for
men‟s rights. Therefore, there is need to take more comprehensive steps to raise
awareness of the magnitude of the problem and effect policies that can lead to its
eradication. There are numerous gaps in understanding the pervasiveness of this act in
terms of the forms, the causes, levels of reporting and consequences of female domestic
violence against men. Thus, there is need to do more research in order to understand what
the problem is.
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violence against men in Zambia at a contextual level. Secondly is to compare the
information from this study to other studies generated elsewhere to see if there are
any similarities and differences. Thirdly is to hopefully contribute to policy
formulations that are aimed at reducing the problem of female domestic violence
against men.
The main objective was to investigate the characteristics and the consequences of
female domestic violence against men in Lusaka and Chongwe districts.
ii. To explore the factors that lead to female domestic violence against men
iii. To establish the levels of reporting by male victims of female domestic
violence
iv. To investigate the consequences of female domestic violence against men.
There were four research questions used in the research and these are as follows:
ii. What are the factors that lead to female domestic violence against men?
iii. What are the levels of reporting by male victims of female domestic
violence?
iv. What are the consequences of female domestic violence against men?
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1.5 Definition of Terms
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1.6 Structure of the Dissertation
This dissertation is divided into five chapters. The first one is the introduction and it
contains the background information to the study, including the reasons behind its
conceptualization and its objectives. The second chapter is the literature review. It
discusses the theoretical framework and the previous studies done on female domestic
violence against men. Chapter Three is the methodology and it basically describes the
process of doing this study and gives a justification for choosing the type of methods
used. Specifically it justifies the research strategy and description of the data source
used. It also defines the variables and gives details on how the analysis is done. The
fourth chapter reports and analyses the findings from the study and it also interprets the
findings from the study. The data is analysed thematically by grouping similar responses
together. Chapter Five is the conclusion and this chapter summarises the main findings
from the study and emphasises its main contributions. This chapter also suggests
recommendations to be followed in order to help reduce the problem of female domestic
violence against men.
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CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 Introduction
The literature review is seen as a synthesis of relevant previous studies and theoretical
positions that frames empirical studies. It is premised as such in the current study so as to
gain insight regarding the dynamics of research done in the subject of female violence
against men. It is also done in order to identify common methods and theoretical
frameworks that have been previously used in similar studies. It will be noted from the
outset that most of the studies reported here were done in the western countries. This is
due to the dearth of regional and Zambian literature on the topic, the more reason why
this study is relevant.
The literature review is organised in such a way that it addresses the fundamental issues
raised in the research questions and objectives such as the forms, causes, levels of
reporting and consequences of female domestic violence against men. It also includes the
theoretical framework which supports the study and it is anchored on female
emancipation perspective. However, the historical perspective, extent and severity of
female domestic violence against men are discussed first in order to contextualize and
give meaning to the subject matter under study.
Several data sources were consulted to enrich this literature review and these include
books (both paper and electronic), journal articles and a few unpublished theses and
dissertations. Some of the most useful data bases have been JSTOR, Oxford and SAGE
online and Science Direct. In terms of particular journals of interest; Violence against
women,Aggression and violent behavior, Journal of family violence, Journal of
interpersonal violence have been crucial for this study.
Female domestic violence against men has always been the most controversial subject in
the field of domestic violence (Carney et al., 2006). Literature shows that domestic
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violence against women is a norm, while violence against men is not only regarded as an
exception but almost non-existence. This kind of conceptualization of domestic violence
has historical underpinnings. From medieval times, within patriarchal societies, it has
been considered a "great taboo" for a man to be a victim of violence initiated by a
woman. George (2004) argues that this was due to the coalescence of two forbidden
beliefs in society: first, that a man can be beaten by a woman, which is an anathema
particularly to men; second, the uncomfortable reality that women can be aggressive and
violent, which contravenes stereotypical notions of femininity and is an attribution that
neither men nor women wish to acknowledge.
It is for this reason that, historically in France and England, society ridiculed and
humiliated husbands thought to be „battered‟ and/or dominated by their wives (Steinmetz,
1977). Such „treatments‟ for these husbands have been attributed to their perceived
inability to live up to the male-orientated patriarchal ethos in society, which persisted
well into the twentieth century (Pleck, 1987).
Coltrane (1998) says that the maintenance of a gendered patriarchal framework in society
is premised on the unequal distribution of power and resources between people,
particularly men and women. In terms of partner abuse, such power inequalities are seen
to be maintained in and through gender stereotypes of the man as aggressive and
dominant and the woman as passive and submissive (Dobash and Dobash, 2002). This
view point is complemented by George (2004) when he argues that the history of
domestic violence is linked to the patriarchal ideas of men always being the perpetrators,
as in earlier periods women had fewer rights than men and were subordinate to them in
the home.
Such stereotypes have not been helped by the surge of feminist scholarship in the early
1970s and this is because gendered structures in society were seen as the bedrock of
female oppression and were thus the fulcrum of feminist research. This has been
succinctly put by Hoyle & Young (2002: 79):
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Feminists view the gendered structure of society as an
instrumental facilitator of violence against women. Men are
the holders of public and private power, which creates a
subordinate underclass of women. By holding this power they
exercise „social control‟ over women, which at its extreme is
expressed using violence, especially within the home.”
Although scholars like Malcolm George have shown from English historical evidence,
and later analysis of it, that in the nineteenth century and before there was considerable
concern for the violation of patriarchal norms of the violence of wives against husbands,
this was not taken seriously because it contradicted the principles of feminism. Johnson
(2005) also refers to the work of Steinmetz (1977) who first described „battered
husbands‟ syndrome and the impact that this had on the view of domestic violence as a
solely male against female action. She reported that violence against men by women was
as common in the United States of America (USA) as men against women. However,
Kelly (2003) describes how Steinmetz was ridiculed and received verbal abuse and bomb
threats and efforts were made to remove her from her academic posts because of her
“unconventional study”. This made other researchers in the same field back away from
this area because of the feminist lobby. In the historical context Kelly (2003:801)
contends “Criticisms have ranged from personally attacking the researchers, to more
academic efforts directed at attacking the work itself by denying the validity of the
reports, to an outright defense of the violent behavior of women or otherwise minimizing
its significance”.
As the feminist perspective on domestic abuse has been so strong in recent years this has
therefore meant that male victims have subsequently been deselected from any sample
groups and “accordingly, one can assert that the feminist analysis of domestic violence is
gender-biased, and its findings will reflect such a bias” (Hoyle and Young, 2002: 81).
Thus it sounds plausible to conclude that contradictory views to feminist theory of men
being perpetrators have continuously been suppressed, unreported, reinterpreted, or
denied. This against the backdrop of evidence that demonstrates that there is now a
recognition that a serious problem exists with every type of domestic violence by
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whichever gender, although the police and support services have not fully responded to
the change. It is within this framework that the current study is premised.
Worldwide, there are few statistics about female domestic violence against men because
it has just been accepted as a problem. However, violence against men by women is now
being recognised throughout most of the world as a significant social problem. It has
been identified by many countries, the United Nations and the European Union as an
issue of human rights (United Nations, 1995; Kelly, 1997).
Traces of concrete statistics of female domestic violence against men can be seen in the
western literature beginning as far back as the first U.S. National Family Violence Survey
of 1975 which unexpectedly found women to be as violent as men (Carney, 2006). The
findings were not readily accepted because it contradicted both common sense and the
burgeoning feminist scholarship.
Steinmetz‟s study in 1977 also affirmed that the number of threats of domestic violence
from wives against husbands exceeded the threats from the husbands and it concluded
that women have more intentionality of violence than men. The study was conducted on
fifty-seven residential families in New Castle County, Delaware, United States. The
result was that 93 per cent of the sample of people interviewed used verbal aggression
and 60 per cent used physical aggression, like throwing objects or pushing their spouse to
solve marital conflicts.
More recently the United States Department of Justice in 2000, surveying 6,000
Americans found that 7.4 per cent of men reported being physically assaulted by a
current or former spouse, cohabiting partner. The survey further reported that 0.9 per
cent of men reported experiencing domestic violence in the previous year and this
translated into about 2.5 million victims per year. Despite the existence of studies that
confirm female domestic violence against men, it can be seen that, in the USA, evidence
of the existence as well as extent of female domestic violence has been at least
confounding. Carney et al (2006) though, have argued that the problemisation of statistics
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of female violence against men is deliberate, it is done in an attempt to explain away or
diminish female initiated violence in intimate relationships. This according to them has
resulted in violent women being portrayed as engaging in self-defensive violence, less
serious violence, or being the victims of gender biased reporting differences (Carney,
2006). There are however, some scholars in the USA who believe that in fact, rates of
female domestic violence in intimate relationships are equivalent to or exceed male rates;
they include female domestic violence against non-violent males. Even when analysed
for level of severity, they state that female initiated violence has more serious
consequences for males than is male initiated violence for females (Stets and Straus,
1992; Archer, 2000).
A UK Home Office paper (2004:34) shows that less than one in four women and one in
ten men (23% and 8%) respectively of the worst cases of domestic violence were
reported to the police. This statistic may not be very reliable because it is solely based on
police data, which means that many cases of domestic violence were obviously not
recorded.
However, Smith et al (2012), in the latest analysis of the British Crime Survey (BCS)
self-completion survey on intimate violence, comments that although the under-reporting
of crime to the police is especially prevalent with domestic, intimate violence, that the
BCS self-completion survey has the advantage of being able to gain more information not
reported to the police. He states (2012:83) that “around 6 per cent of women and 4 per
cent of men had experienced partner abuse in the last year, equivalent to around 900,000
female and 600,000 male victims”. Non physical abuse, such as emotional or financial,
was the most common type with about 57 per cent of women and 46 per cent of men
experiencing this since the age of 16.
In Africa studies of female domestic violence against men are rare. But this is not
surprising because it is in this part of the world where discourses of patriarchy and male-
dominated cultures are most common and thus female domestic violence against men is
theoretically farfetched. In Botswana however, a study by Raditloaneng (2010)
acknowledged that both men and women are victims of GBV. Furthermore, Botswana
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Police Service reports (2012) and statistics on GBV from the Ministry of Labor and
Home affairs indicate that in 2003, there were fifty-four passion killings, which claimed
forty-six women and eight men.
In Zambia, a similar pattern about the dearth of literature on female domestic violence
against men exists. Even if it is clear that gender based violence has been an endemic
problem and that it manifests in many ways such as spouse battering, property grabbing,
rape, incest, defilement and sexual harassment (National Gender Policy, 2000), it is only
literature on male initiated violence which utmost exists. However, the researcher is
aware of the research conducted on female domestic violence against men in Zambia but
it is not yet published. In 2013, the VSU reported cases of violent crimes disaggregated
by sex and it shows that violence against women was the most reported type of violence
(Victim Support Unit, 2013).
The Zambia Demographic and Health Survey (ZDHS 2013-2014) is probably the most
comprehensive survey in Zambia and it indicates that 9 per cent of women reported that
they had initiated physical violence against their husbands and 5 per cent had done so in
the past twelve months. Female domestic violence against a husband who got drunk was
at 19 per cent and 20 per cent of the women were violent to the spouse as a way of self-
defence.
The National Plan of Action on GBV (2010-2014) provided for domestic violence against
men to be recognised as a fundamental violation of human rights. In order to avoid
responses that focus initiatives on women and girls as victims, it is essential to look at
gender relations between men and women and boys and girls so as to address the notion
that exists that men are the only perpetuators of violence and women are the only victims.
Furthermore, it recommends that the Zambian government should adopt the above
mentioned approach so that policy makers can begin to change to include men as victims
of GBV too.
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2.3 Causes of Female Domestic Violence against Men
There is no consensus in literature about the causes of female domestic violence against
men. Most of the literature especially those which have feminist overtones suggest that
women only engage in violence in self-defense, fear or retribution for real or perceived
wrong doing on the part of men (Barnett et al., 1997). Self-defense is often listed as a
motivation for committing violence. In an analysis of women‟s motivations for violence
by Swan and Snow (2003), self-defense was the most frequently endorsed motive, with
75 per cent of participants stating that they had used violence to defend themselves. The
same study provides some evidence that women often used violence to get even with
their partners for something they had done against them. In terms of fear, Archer, (2000)
indicates that some women‟s violence occurs in the context of fear of assault from their
partners and the need to protect themselves from physical harm.
It is further argued that in the 1980s “the construction of the “victimised woman” drew
attention to women‟s experiences in violent intimate relationships thereby highlighting
intimate partner violence as a major social problem. Women‟s victimization by their
partners has been shown to be the primary aetiological factor in their perpetration of
lethal and non-lethal violence”. To this end, it can be argued that women who initiate
violence against men are playing the masculine gender role.
However, some scholars have refuted the above hypotheses and tagged them, a feminist
way of denying the phenomenon of women as perpetrators of violence. Fiebert and
Gonzales (1997) are perhaps the fiercest critics of the self-defense hypothesis. They
argue that data doesn‟t support such a hypothesis, instead, they posit that there are three
reason found from empirical studies why female violence against men exist: “to resolve
an argument; to respond to family crisis; and to stop him bothering me.”
The other possible cause of female domestic violence which was proposed by Corry
(2000) is that of masculinisation. The concept entails that females are capable of taking
on a more masculine role in society and this makes them perform gender roles typical for
men. Such women are able to enact controlling behavior on other people including men.
This is similar to the concept of performativity as coined by Judith Butler which she uses
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to deny the existence of rigid and natural gender roles in society (Butler, 1999). Both
concepts posit that people choose to either perform masculine or feminine gender roles
depending on their social environment.
It is significant that in profiling the type of women who kill, the literature often concludes
that masculine traits can be identified. Comack and Brickey (2007) put it clearly that the
construction of the masculinized woman provides a plausible explanation for her acts and
in this way the masculine-feminine binary is maintained and violence and aggression
remain within the masculine realm.
Furthermore, Felson 1998 in Cope (2008) argues for what he calls an opportunity based
crime as another motivation for female perpetrated violence. Although this concept was
not originally meant for female-induced violence, it can thus be applicable. He argues
that offenders “typically behave like criminals only in certain settings, that is, slices of
time and space within which relevant people and things are assembled”. In this case
whenever females engage in violence against their male counterparts, it means they have
usurped that behavior only in conducive and specific circumstances and such are not
meant to be sustainable.
White and Kowalski (1994) also drew from social learning theory to consider that as
females move into the male workplace they experience role strain which will increase the
likelihood of them taking out anger and frustration on their male partner. On the other
hand, they consider the opposite tendency, where there is frustration at not being able to
participate in a male work environment that leads to aggressive behavior to obtain money
and power from the male partner. It is not clear whether this argument is valid as there is
no empirical study done to elucidated evidence in that respect.
Robertson and Murachver (2009) have pointed to the emotional imbalance manifested in
all perpetrators of violence and they argue that female perpetrators are not an exception in
this regard. They hold that perpetrators of both sexes often have emotional control
problems and a related inability to communicate while talking through issues in homes.
They also argue that many perpetrators were victims of domestic violence themselves
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previously, this could be when they were growing up as children. It can also be
reasonably concluded as such from this current study as seen in chapter four.
There are a few types of female domestic violence against men existing in literature and
these are physical, emotional, verbal and economic violence. The USA Department of
Justice (2007) indicates that both women and men have been killed and physically abused
as a result of domestic violence. It further stresses that physical violence often occurs
after a period of months or even years of other forms of abuse, such as threats,
intimidation and controlling behaviors such as restrictions of the other person's self-
determination, through isolation, manipulation and placing of limits on personal choices
and freedoms.
Follingstad and Dehart (2000) argue that emotional abuse is the form that is common
among male victims of violence. They hold that emotional abuse include threatens,
intimidations and behavior that undermines the victim‟s self-worth or self-esteem, or
controls the victim‟s freedom. The Istanbul Convention defines emotional violence as
"the intentional conduct of seriously impairing a person‟s psychological integrity through
coercion or threats". This is actually the form of violence against men which has been
said to be the most common and the most devastating. In the UK qualitative literature, the
most severe form of abuse cited by male respondents was emotional victimisation,
normally cumulative and involving long-term trauma, which at the extreme may lead to
suicide attempts, depression, eating disorders, and drug and alcohol abuse. This type of
abuse also contributes to the escalation of HIV and AIDS as the men usually avoid going
home early and eventually find solace in other women who will not abuse them (see
Josolyne, 2011).
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Verbal abuse is also another form that is coming out of literature. Although in some
reviewed literature it usually overlaps with emotional abuse, it can be described as
different from emotional violence because it involves the use of language, which can
involve threats, name calling, blaming, ridicule, disrespect, and criticism. This also
encompasses less obvious aggressive forms of verbal abuse which include attempts to
humiliate, falsely accuse, or manipulate others to submit to undesirable behavior, make
others feel unwanted and unloved, threaten others economically, or isolate victims from
support systems (Carney et al, 2006). Furthermore, Josolyne (2011) says that verbal
abuse is one of the major methods women use to inflict violence on men as they can
easily insult and undress a husband in the presence of the children.
Economic abuse as a form of violence against men happens when their wives have
control over their access to economic resources. Brewster, (2003) contends that economic
abuse is real in situations where the husband doesn‟t work and depends on the wife for
financial support. Economic abuse may involve preventing a spouse from resource
acquisition, limiting the amount of resources to be used by the victim, or by exploiting
economic resources of the victim. Furthermore, it is argued that the motive behind
preventing a spouse from acquiring resources is to diminish the husband‟s capacity to
support himself, thus forcing him to depend on the wife financially and this makes men to
be slaves in the homes (Follingstad and Dehart, 2000).
Wiehe (1998) argues that the number of reported cases of domestic violence is only a
fraction of its actual occurrence within society. Cook (2009) puts forward the argument
from his study on domestic violence, that one of the main reasons for men not reporting
the abuse and remaining within the relationship could be known as „Internal Excuses‟. In
other words, putting off reporting or leaving their abuser because of the belief that with
time things would change. Denial prolongs the under-reporting of domestic violence by
male victims.
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Websdale and Lind (1998) bring out many theories to explain the existence and the extent
of the problem of men‟s violence against women. They argue that some theories focus
on the individuals and look for personal explanations such as the use of alcohol or drugs,
the victim‟s actions, mental illness, stress, frustration, underdevelopment, and violent
families of origin. Men‟s violence can also be studied from a sociological point of view.
According to this approach violence against women is endemic to the social condition of
women and men, across time and culture.
Dobash and Dobash (1992) argue that focusing on the specific individual manifestations
of men‟s violence to women as a social problem places individuals in a wider context and
makes it possible to consider the nature of violence as a dynamic process affecting the
lives of men as well as women. Such a contextual approach includes an analysis of
factors such as the dynamics of gender relations within a society, the impact of cultural
beliefs and values on violent behavior.
Battered Men: Hidden Lives (2006) reports that masculinity influences why men are
viewed as perpetrators of domestic violence as it involves men asserting their authority
over women but masculinity also influences why male victims of domestic violence find
it difficult to seek help and support. Male victims seem reluctant to get help as their self-
esteem and confidence has deteriorated due to the violence but, regardless, they still want
to remain „manly‟ to the outside world. Many men deny that they are victims of domestic
violence in order to still feel masculine. Others feel too embarrassed to seek help and
advice and those victims that do try to seek help from the police or social services are
sometimes ridiculed (Mankind Initiative, 2007) as such agencies do not believe men can
be victims of domestic violence due to social constructions.
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2.7 Effects of Female Domestic Violence against Men
Gender based violence affects men‟s human rights in fundamental ways that present a
serious challenge to realising men‟s rights as citizens and realising their agency to fully
participate in public and in private life. Female violence incurs considerable social and
economic costs to men such as personal insecurity, lost income, and productivity. Wiehe
(1998) held the view that being the victim of domestic abuse was destructive to one‟s
self-esteem and self-image. A man that had been beaten by his wife or partner was most
likely to be a psychologically broken man; the male being sexually abused by a female
was usually a very vulnerable personality who felt absolute shame and worthlessness.
Barnett (2001) brings out other long term effects on men who have been abused. These
are guilt, anger, depression or anxiety, shyness, nightmares, disruptiveness, irritability,
and problems getting along with others. A victim‟s overwhelming lack of resources can
also lead to homelessness and poverty. Men who have suffered abuse are at risk of a lot
of negative consequences that can put them on a destructive path for their future as their
life is usually shattered.
Vitanza et al. (1995) posit that psychological effects of abuse against men are many. Men
who are victims of domestic violence also commonly experience long-term anxiety and
panic, and are likely to meet the diagnostic criteria for Generalized Anxiety Disorder and
Panic Disorder. The most commonly referenced psychological effect of domestic
violence is Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). PTSD (as experienced by victims) is
characterised by flashbacks, intrusive images, exaggerated startle response, nightmares,
and avoidance of triggers that are associated with the abuse.
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violent crime was caused by aggressive forms of masculinity and that crime was a result
of inequalities within society. She posits that the emancipation of women during the
1970s increased economic opportunities for women and allowed women to engage into
crimes which men have been committing such as domestic violence (Adler 1975).
Adler (1975) connected the rise of women offenders to their newly acquired skills in
masculine traits in an atmosphere of bright opportunity which permitted them freedom to
do anything they deemed fit. She holds that the more the position of women in society
nears the position of men, then, the more alike their legitimate and criminal behavior
become. She argues that women would naturally wish to emulate male partners in
criminality and would adopt masculine roles to do so. Accordingly, Adler predicated that
if present social trends continue women will compete increasingly in such traditionally
male criminal activities as burglary, more aggressive property offences and especially
domestic violence to their male partners. Alder suggested that differences in rates of male
and female crime were formerly attributed to the different roles each sex had to play.
With the breakdown of those distinctions, women started to allow their competitive
instincts to surface and begin to commit crimes that used to be associated with men such
as assaults and robbery.
Similarly, it has also been suggested by some theoretical writers such as Jones (2006)
that the increase of involvement of women in crime is due to the female „emancipation‟
which has been taking place over the past thirty to forty years because of the upsurge of
feminist political and ideological discourses. It has been argued that as women have now
become more free and equal in society, and are less controlled, they have become able to
act more like men and this therefore explains why female crime rates have increased.
Brown (1986) agrees with the female emancipation theory and says this theory suggests
that the emergence of this “new female criminal” engaged in predatory crimes of
violence has broken into a man‟s world of violence. This means that women have
become violent just like men are as they are now free to do what men can do. Therefore,
the theory of female emancipation is central and valid in explaining female domestic
violence against men and because of the fact that women are now more socially „free‟
18
then they may start to act how they believe men act, and therefore this can result in them
being violent and aggressive.
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction
The overarching aim of the study is to explore female domestic violence against men and
this Chapter profiles the design and methodological approaches to be used in the
collection and analysis of data. Since the study is empirical in nature, it is prudent that
data collection and analytic methods are clearly documented and justified so that the
reader can be guided to the conclusions derived from the study. The Chapter also
identifies the population under study and details of the sampling methods that were used
to isolate eligible respondents. The safety, confidentiality and privacy of research
participants are particularly crucial in social science research and these are covered in the
ethical consideration section, which is the last component of this chapter.
Bryman (2012) defines a research design as the “structure that guides the execution of
research method and analysis of the subsequent data”. This implies that the design frames
19
the study from the philosophical underpinnings to the interpretation of findings. This
study adopted an interpretivist perspective. Interpretivist researchers seek to understand
participants‟ subjective experiences of the world whereby, the goal of research is to rely
as much as possible on the participants‟ view of their situation. The belief is that reality
is socially constructed (Creswell, 2007). In terms of design, this is an exploratory study.
It is exploratory in the sense that it seeks to elicit information from research participants
whose life experiences are little known in Zambia. The qualitative approach is ideal to
explore such issues (Bryman, 2012). It has been employed by researchers in order to
investigate cultural and social phenomena in many disciplines including anthropology,
sociology and gender studies.
The study was carried out in two selected districts in Lusaka province, namely Lusaka
and Chongwe. The justification for this selection is that Lusaka being the capital and
metropolitan city is expected to have high representation of gender-based violence
against men and Chongwe district represents a rural district.
The primary target population for this study was men who had experienced domestic
violence perpetrated by their spouses or intimate female partners. Both those who had
reported their cases to the police and those who had not were eligible for inclusion in the
study. The entry point for the recruitment of participants was gate-keeping institutions
such as Young Women Christian Association (YWCA), Women of Substance, Zambia
Centre for Communication Project (ZCCP) and Zambia Police-Victim Support Unit (ZP-
VSU). These organisations work with victims of domestic violence both men and
women.
20
3.4 Sample Population Size and Selection Procedure
The sample population size in this study was thirty-four out of which thirty were married
men and four key informants. However, this number was not determined beforehand.
The researcher went in the field and conducted interviews until the number thirty-four
was reached and at this point the interviews were curtailed because it was felt that the
point of theoretical saturation had already been achieved. According to Bryman (2012),
theoretical saturation is the point reached where no more new information is coming out
of the interview.
The sampling techniques employed were Convenient and purposive sampling techniques.
Convenient sampling is a technique that selects respondents in view of availability and
willingness to participate in the study. In this research the male victims of female
domestic violence were conveniently selected as they were willing to be interviewed.
Purposive sampling was favored as participants are selected based on some pre-defined
characteristics that make them the holders of the data needed for the study (Maree,
2010).The key informants were purposively selected as they were deemed to be the
holders of information on female domestic violence against men.
Typically, the interviews were started by the researcher introducing himself and thanking
the participants for agreeing to participate in the study. This was followed by an
explanation on the purpose of the study and an assurance of confidentiality and
anonymity. The administration of the informed consent form which stipulated the rights
of the participants followed. The data collection procedure was then explained to the
participants. It was explained that the interview would take the approach of written
notes. Once the participant agreed to participate, he was requested to sign a consent
form. One copy remained with the participant and the other copy remained with the
researcher. It was only after these formalities were done that the interviews commenced.
21
It should be mentioned that the interview process did not rigidly follow the interview
guide in terms of asking questions. When it was noticed that the response was not clear,
the question was rephrased to allow for clarity. This flexibility in the interview process
led to collection of deep and wide range of data.
At the end of the interviews, the interviewer thanked the interviewees for accepting to be
interviewed. The interviewer again reassured the participants of protection of their rights
and that the information they give was for academic purposes only and confidentiality
was also assured. Non-disclosure of participants‟ identities was assured and no names
were taken down. All the interviews lasted between 40 to 60 minutes.
Interviews were held in the various institutions. The interviews took the form of a
conversation. The interviews helped to explore the views and ideas, beliefs and attitudes
of the participants regarding female violence against men.
The study collected both primary and secondary data. Secondary data was collected
through reviewing of available and relevant literature on female domestic violence
against men. Primary data was collected using the personal interviews.
According to Maree (2010), interviews are a valuable source of rich descriptive data
which helps to understand the participant‟s construction of knowledge and social reality.
In this study, the use of in-depth interviews provided flexibility to the interviewees by not
limiting them in the way they answered the questions asked by the interviewer. The
interviewer also had the opportunity to receive additional information which may not
have been captured in structured interviews as it restricts the interviewee in their
answering.
Data was analysed by grouping similar responses together. The first thing the researcher
did was to read through the handwritten notes he had taken from the participants. This
process was followed by reading through the transcripts so as to understand the data.
22
The third step was to identify the structure of the data collected. This step involved
putting the data into themes or relating data to the questions under investigation. These
included the forms, the factors that lead to female domestic violence against men, the
levels of reporting female domestic violence by men and the experiences men had as a
result of this violence. The step helped to put together the questions and objectives of the
study and grouped them into large data sets. This step was important as the coding of data
was done at this stage. The coded data was then grouped and developed into themes and
sub-themes.
After data was identified and grouped under the research questions and objectives, data
was further classified according to their common characteristics. In this case the
characteristics are the social descriptions of the participants‟ experiences about female
violence. These classifications helped to clarify the themes and sub-themes that were
developed.
Ethical clearance was obtained from the Research Ethics Committee of the University of
Zambia. Entry into the research sites was accorded using the University of Zambia
introductory letter issued to the researcher. Permission to enter the VSU was done
through the police command at the Lusaka International Airport and at Police Force
Headquarters. At YWCA, Women of Substance and ZCCP, permission was sought from
the office of the Human Resources Management.
Informed consent was obtained from the participants. The participants were informed
that the interview were to be taken using notes. In obtaining the participants‟ informed
consent, their rights were first explained orally to them. It was explained that they were
free to participate in the study, and that their participation had no financial gains or any
material rewards. They were also informed that they were free to withdraw their
participation at any time without giving any reasons. It was also explained that the
information obtained was for academic purposes only and no names were to be published
in the report. The oral explanation of their rights was followed by individual letters of
23
consent signed by the participants and the researcher‟s guarantee anonymity of the
participants.
This study had two limitations. The first one was that the researcher could only do the
research in Lusaka and Chongwe districts. The second limitation was that the study
could only target 34 participants because of limitation of time. This was both on the part
of the researcher who was travelling long distances to interview the participants and the
participants also had challenges of time because some were busy with other things.
24
CHAPTER FOUR
FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
4.0 Introduction
All the study findings and the discussions are presented under this Chapter of the
dissertation. But before presenting the findings directly related to the research questions,
it was prudent to first begin with the description of the background characteristics of
respondents covered in this study. The information provided in this section is intended to
facilitate presentation, analysis and interpretation of findings. The characteristics
considered in the study include age, educational levels, marital status and occupational
background. The Chapter then presents the findings on the forms of female domestic
violence against men, factors that lead to female domestic violence against men, levels of
reporting female domestic violence by men and the experiences men go through as a
result of female domestic violence. The discussion is integrated in this Chapter and it is a
comprehensive analysis which first addresses the research objectives and later on situates
the findings within the framework of existing literature and theoretical formulations.
The participants were described in terms of age, sex, marital status and employment
status. A total of thirty-four (n = 34) participated in the study. This sample population
comprised four women who were key informants (from institutional stakeholders and
these were YWCA, ZCCP, Women of Substance and VSU) and thirty men who were
victims of female domestic violence.
The data on age were collected using categories of age as some of the participants find it
uncomfortable to disclose their exact age. In this study all the participants were adults
aged 20 years and above. As adults the participants have at one point been involved in an
intimate relationship before. The two youngest participants fell in the age range of 20-24
years. The seven oldest participants fell in the age range 50 years and above.
25
It can be noted that the most affected age group was that from 25 years to 50 years, while
the least affected group was 20 years to 24 years. The findings show that female domestic
violence against men was not restricted to any age group as can be seen on figure 4.1
below.
9
9
8
7 7
6 6
5
4 4
Age
3
2
2
2
1
0
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-50
26
Figure 4.2: Marital Status of Male Respondents
25
21
20
15
Marital Status
10
7
5
2
0
Single
Married
Divorced
27
Figure 4.3: Education Level of the Participants
12
11
10
8
8 8
Education background
4
2
2
1
0
Never
Primary
attended Lower
level Upper
secondary Tertiary
secondary
28
Figure 4.4: Occupational Status of Participants
14 14
12
12
10
6
4
4
2
0
Employed
Unemployed
self employed
29
My wife doesn‟t take long to lash out and hit me. She lashes
out very quickly and she‟s hit me a number of times and
I‟ve struck her back a couple of times also because I can‟t
just allow her to continuously abuse me without retaliation.
She uses anything she finds to do that… she has used a
saucepan, hot water and cooking stick to attack me. This is
becoming too much I don‟t even know how long I will
withstand it.
Battery was also administered on a 29-year old man of Lusaka by his wife and he gave
the following narration:
My wife is the strangest person I have ever met. Sometimes
she makes me wonder if she ever loves me because I can‟t
just imagine she can do what she does to me if she really
loved me. Whenever she becomes angry with me she bites,
kicks and slaps me.
The findings also revealed one extreme case whereby the victim had part of his penis cut-
off by his wife. A 32-year victim of Chongwe area reported that:
Steinmetz (1997) who conducted studies in the mid 1970s on domestic violence affirmed
that female physical aggression was high and was in the form of pushing and throwing
objects at the spouse. This is similar with the findings from this study which indicates
that physical violence included hitting, slapping, punching, throwing objects and hot
water, burning and attempts to cut-off penises resulted in physical injury to the victim.
The narration by the male respondents was complemented by an account from the
Director of Women of Substance:
31
The most common reports on physical abuse were
husbands being kicked, punched, pouring of hot water,
throwing or making direct contact with weapons such as
knives and hot water, causing the man serious injury, often
requiring medical attention [The Director of Women of
Substance in Chongwe district].
32
However, some married men indicated that their wives never abused them in public or in
the presence of the children. The study found out that a few wives and partners were
responsible enough not to cause a negative effect on their children. They made sure that
they confronted their spouses or partners in the absence of the children or in the privacy
of their bedrooms:
The research findings showed that physical violence against men mostly occurred within
homes with and sometimes without children looking. Those men who indicated that
violence against them occurred in the presence of their children expressed fear that it
would negatively affect their children.
33
of self-confidence. An interview with the Manager at Zambia Centre for Communication
Project (ZCCP) for Chongwe, Kafue and Chilanga revealed that this form of violence
against men was common. The ZCCP Chongwe, Kafue and Chilanga manager submitted
that most men had complained of being shouted at, insulted and name-called by their
wives:
During an interview with a 41-year old farmer and Security Guard, who had only
attended junior secondary, it was revealed that he was verbally abused by his wife of ten
years of marriage. His wife started abusing him in 2013 when they had a poor harvest
which led to financial problems in the house. He revealed as he said:
After realising that the lack of finances was the major cause of the verbal abuse by his
wife, the man went and looked for a job as a Security Guard. This worsened the verbal
abuse as the wife would every day shout at him thinking he had been with a girlfriend in
the night. This was from the background that for nine years in their marriage he had
never spent a night out of the home except at a funeral or when visiting relatives. The
continuous verbal attacks led to the husband to divorce the wife whom he had spent ten
years in marriage.
34
A 45-year old man narrated that his wife was fond of attacking him verbally. The genesis
of the attacks was when the husband was fired from work in August 2014 and was paid
his benefits. It was at this point that the wife started accusing him of spending money on
alcohol and women. To avoid being abused by the wife, the man got all the little money
he got after being fired and gave it to the wife so that she could start a business. Things
turned sour as every time the husband asked for money knowing very well that it was a
family business, the wife would respond by using abusive language to the husband. The
man narrated that:
You can imagine after empowering her she has now started
abusing me verbally because I had now lost the job, when I
gave her all the money I got from my former job for her to
start a family business. She would say I have become
useless without a job and sometimes she would tell me that
I only knew how to eat and shit as I could not find money to
buy food in the house. I have gone through hell from my
wife ever since I was fired [45-year man of Chongwe].
Similar narrations were enlisted in a number of interviews. Wives often used demeaning
and abusive language. Men‟s failure to support their families in terms of food and other
home requirements were a typical point of reference. Issues of men‟s inadequacies in
fulfilling their sexual roles were also not uncommon as sources of women‟s verbal abuse
directed towards men. As such, most men interviewed loathed going home after work as
narrated by a 48 year old man of Lusaka.
The research findings discovered that the use of demeaning language, which involved
threats, name calling, blaming, disrespect, and criticism that leads to the loss of self-
confidence among men were mostly used in this form of female violence against men.
Other forms included attempts to humiliate, make them feel unwanted and unloved.
The research findings further brought out an interesting outcome under verbal abuse that
it happened often when men were undergoing financial difficulties. This is when the man
had either lost his job or the business was not doing fine.
35
These findings are in line with Josolyne (2011) who writes that verbal abuse is one of the
major methods women use to inflict violence on men as they can easily insult and
undress a husband in the presence of the children. Furthermore, Carney et al (2006) agree
that women are able to humiliate, falsely accuse, or manipulate men to submit to
undesirable behavior, make men feel unwanted and unloved, threaten men economically,
or isolate victims from support systems.
In this research, abusive wives were reported to target the husband‟s feelings and
emotions and the soft spots that affected his mood, self-esteem and confidence. An
example of this is the man‟s feelings as a father, where wives would accuse him for being
inadequate or that the kids were not his but they are for another man.
Findings from this study reveal a number of cases where some men were exposed to
emotional abuse:
I was emotionally abused by my wife of five years
marriage. After three years of our marriage, my wife
started seeing her old boyfriend each time she visited her
parents. This secret affair continued until this man
impregnated her. But after the parents mediated, I forgave
my wife but the problem was that she continued seeing this
man. When I tried to reason with my wife to stop the secret
affair she always told me that I am not man enough and
that it was the reason why she was seeing another man (30
year old man of Lusaka).
Similarly, a 43-year old Lusaka man was also psychologically abused by his wife. After
six years of their nine-year marriage, the husband got sick and ended up being impotent.
36
For three years after the husband become impotent his wife had been involved in more
than two extra marital affairs. This traumatised the husband as he could not stand seeing
his wife changing men and reaching an extent of bringing the men home:
A 52-year old teacher also narrated that he was told by his wife that she was shy moving
with him because he was an old man:
A man narrated how his wife hid from him that she was on ARVs for one year without
him knowing:
37
discovered and asked her, she said that she feared telling
me because I was going to divorce her. This made me go
for VCT and the results were none reactive. I showed her
the results and discussed with her how I could avoid
contracting the virus. I proposed condom use but she
disagreed with me claiming that for the past year she had
been on ARVs and we were not using condoms and that the
results on me were negative. I tried to reason with her for
four months but she refused. This compelled me to take the
matter to court where a divorce was granted on the
grounds that she might one day infect me as she insisted on
not using condoms when she knew that she was HIV
positive [34-year old man in Chongwe].
Psychological abuse was also seen as a means to punish husbands for not being able to
provide for the family:
38
were divorced and now I feel ashamed whenever I see my
children who are under the care of a woman as they could be
looking at me as a failure who cannot take care of his own
biological children [42-year-old Chongwe man].
Follingstad and Dehart (2000) argue in the same line with this study as they hold that
abusive female partners target the husband‟s feelings and emotions and the soft spots that
affect their mood, self-esteem and confidence. They argue that this type of abuse is
mainly in the form of derogatory statements regarding sexual performance and generally
lack of respect for husbands.
39
she complained and threatened to divorce me so
that she could go and find a man who would be
satisfying her sexual appetite [the narration of a 49-
year old man].
In an interview, an officer from YWCA in Lusaka also complemented this narration, she
pointed out that some of the cases which they handled in terms of female domestic
violence against men has some aspects of sexual abuse of husbands in them whereby
women demanded for sex frequently in the homes:
A 30-year old Lusaka man was sexually abused by his wife on a number of occasions.
His wife demanded to have sex with him four to five times in a single night. The sexual
appetite of his wife was as a result of her believing in traditional medicine. She always
brought traditional medicine in the house claiming that it was for abdominal pain. But
when the husband inquired from the wife‟s cousin he was told that the medicine she
always brought home was for sexual appetite:
40
seeking advice from her relations but I think it‟s not
working out.
The research findings show that sexual violence is rarely discussed as a form of violence
in Africa due to cultural taboos associated with sexuality. This is even much less when
the subjects of sexual abuse are men. However, the research findings indicate that sexual
violence against men is in existence and mostly involves over-demanding of sexual
encounters, using sex as a means of manipulation, issuing demeaning comments of a
sexual nature and threatening to sleep with other men on occasions of sexual
dissatisfaction.
The findings from this study indicate that reasons for female domestic violence against
men vary but mostly it‟s because of perceived infidelity, infertility, failure to provide for
the family, children from other marriages, alcohol abuse and as a way of retaliating male
dominance.
41
picked a pot which had hot water and splashed it on my
chest. I sustained blisters and I had to be taken to the
hospital for medical attention. Of course I know the lady
but my wife should have behaved in a better manner [28-
year old man in Lusaka].
Others on the other hand deny involvement in extra marital affairs and accuse their
spouses of jealous:
42
serve me food and she always says that when she was
asleep, she did not want to be disturbed. At times she would
tell me that I should go back and eat where I had gone to
drink alcohol. Whenever I tried to reason with her she
would become violent and would hit me with any object
near her. At one time she hit me with a pot in the head and
I sustained a deep cut and I had to be sutured. This trend is
still going on up to now [49-year old man in Lusaka].
43
not man enough as I had failed to impregnate her for eight
years [31-year old man in Chongwe].
44
working at my investment and as such they were reaping
where they did not saw. Another argument my wife gave
was that while I was supporting the children, the support
was extended to the children‟s mother. One day whilst
arguing over the support of the children, she hit me with a
pounding stick leading to me sustaining a broken arm. This
physical attack led me to suing for divorce which the court
of law granted [50-year old Chongwe man].
Of relevance to the study are the views of Robertson and Murachver (2009) who say that
perpetrators of both sexes often have emotional control problems and a related inability
to communicate while talking through issues in homes. Emotional control problems could
be used to explain how children from other marriages caused violence and also suspected
infidelity. Issues of jealousy for instance can be explained by this orientation of affected
individuals failing to control their emotions making them become violent towards their
partners.
It‟s true that I used to beat my wife just when we were new
in marriage especially that time when I used to drink beer
45
but I have stopped now. This is the reason why she has
started abusing me now. She says it‟s now her turn to deal
with me because I had put her in hell for a long time [36-
year old teacher in Lusaka].
The findings from this study are similar to those of Robertson and Murachver (2009) in
their explanation of retaliatory violence. They argue that many perpetrators were victims
of domestic violence themselves previously, this could be when they were growing up as
children or being abused by their partners. The construction of the “victimised woman”
drew attention to women‟s experiences in violent intimate relationships thereby
highlighting intimate partner violence as a major social problem. Women‟s victimisation
by their partners has been shown to be one of reason in their perpetration of violence.
This is one side of retaliatory violence and the other is the fact that violent women may
have been victims themselves in their childhood and this may make them perpetrate
violence in adulthood.
Furthermore, the expressions of some of the male victims of female violence in this study
agreed with Dasgupta (2002). Swan and Snow (2003)‟s explanation that women‟s acts of
violence maybe an expression of resistance in response to victimisation by partners or to
protect their children.
46
have taken the responsibility of cooking for me [48-year old
man in Lusaka].
These findings are not unique to this study. Previous studies have shown a number of
explanations of female aggressive behavior towards their male counterparts. The first
one can be an opportunity based crime as described by Felson (1998 in Cope 2008: 420)
where offenders “typically behave like criminals only in certain settings, that is, slices of
time and space within which relevant people and things are assembled”. This may be
used to explain alcohol abuse as a reason for violence against men. That is, in situations
where females are intoxicated, they may be influenced to do things that they may not do
under normal circumstances including becoming violent.
The other explanation is in agreement with White and Kowalski (1994) who draw from
social learning theory to consider that as females move into the male workplace they
experience role strain which increases the likelihood women venting their anger and
frustration on their male partners. This is to say that, females sometimes feel deprived of
opportunities to exercise certain privileges and powers socially deposed in their male
counterparts and this motivates them to act aggressively towards their male counterparts.
The respondents were purposively selected and some confirmed having reported the
violence of their partners to either relatives or the police. However, some reported that
they did not report the cases either to the family members or the police. Some of the
respondents expressed lack of help from their family members to whom they reported
cases involving their abusive wives. This was supported by a respondent who said that:
47
Some family members claimed that there was no way a man
could be beaten by their own wife because the man was the
head of the house. Some of them refused to mediate
because they also feared the violent nature of my wife. It
was actually worrying that is why I plan to take her to
court and seek divorce [43-year old Lusaka man].
The police station was another place where a number of abused men went to report having
been abused by their partners but did not receive help as the police ridiculed the male
victims. However, it seemed the only reason the victims ended up at the police was not
because of their own accord but because it was a requirement by hospitals where they went
to seek treatment of the injuries sustained as a result of the female violence against men.
One respondent said this concerning reporting female violence to the police:
48
by your wife. They say this without hearing the whole story
[36-year old Lusaka man].
The VSU officer from Lusaka International Airport revealed that most of the men who
were abused by their wives tended not to report their cases to the police for fear of being
ridiculed and mocked by society. This was supported by one respondent who gave the
following narration:
Some of the other reasons for not reporting were because of the husband‟s love for the
abusive wives, hope for change of behavior and being blackmailed. The following
narrations give light on this:
Fear of family embarrassment was another reason why some of the male
victims never reported their violent wives:
49
I have done some things which haven‟t been nice and if I
report my wife, she has threatened to reveal them to the
public and so I have to endure the abuse. She said if I
report her anywhere she will also reveal things. You know
that our wives know a lot about us and if they reveal it may
not be nice [38-year old man in Lusaka].
It was also revealed by the study that some men reported cases of abuse to the church.
However, institutional stakeholders claimed that the church was not doing enough to curb
the problem of female violence against men as stated by one respondent that:
The findings from this study indicated that male victims of female violence were still
reluctant to report their violation to the police or family members. They outline different
factors for this but major among them is the fear of being ridiculed and respect for
cultural norms. In some cases where victims have reported these cases they have done so
to the relatives of both families and the police. This study is in line with Cook (2009)
who puts forward the argument from his study on domestic violence, that one of the main
reasons for men not reporting the abuse and remaining within the relationship could be
known as „Internal Excuses‟. In other words putting off reporting or leaving their abuser
because of the belief that with time things would change. Denial prolongs the under-
reporting of domestic violence by male victims.
50
4.5 Effects of Female Domestic Violence against Men
The findings indicated that the effects of female domestic violence against men varied
but ranged from physical injury, lack of economic power, isolation, fear, depression, low
self-esteem and HIV and AIDS.
Almost all the men indicated that they experienced pain due to the abuse from their
wives. All the men who were battered by their wives experienced physical pain as can be
seen where some had broken legs and arms which led to the inability to physically
function properly as one respondent complained that:
This study confirms the writing of Cascardi et al. (1992) who in their study found out that
of the men who reported experiencing minor or severe spousal abuse reported suffering
broken bones, broken teeth, or injury to a sensory organ. Furthermore, the findings in this
study are consistent with the study of Stets and Straus (1990) who found out that one per
cent of the men who reported being severely assaulted in the USA needed medical
attention.
51
4.5.2 Lack of Economic Power
Some of the men interviewed revealed that they felt confused as a result of the attacks
they received from their wives. They reported uncertainty and could not continue in their
jobs because their skills were affected. Violence affects some of the victims
economically as some of the abused men were unable to go for work as they are
traumatised by the situations they found themselves in. This perpetuated the attacks from
the women because these men were at the mercy of these abusive women in terms of
home requirements. This led to some of them failing to provide resulting in continued
violent abuse suffering from their wives. As testified by one respondent who indicated
that:
The research findings indicated that some of the men reported that they could not sleep at
night as they kept on thinking of how to get money in order to support the family and also
how to reduce on the verbal attacks they received from their wives. Some of them did not
eat at home because of fear of ridicule from their wives who insistently reminded them of
their failure to provide for their families. These findings are complemented by Barnett
(2001) who postulates that a victim‟s overwhelming lack of resources can also lead to
violence.
In-depth interviews revealed to the researcher that most of the men experienced despair.
The abused men were in a situation where they had no other option but to either leave or
stay in the home by accepting the situation as it were. These men felt powerless leading
to emotional pain and as a result avoided their abusive wives. The methods used were to
avoid contact and confrontation with their wives and coming home late in order to find
52
the woman already asleep. A number of these men had even divorced their wives in
order to regain their lost self-esteem. But in the process they got isolated and depressed.
One respondent narrated that:
The research findings from this study agreed and are in support of the argument by
Barnett, (2001) who argued that isolation, despair, and depression make the victims of
violence to feel guilty, irritable, shy and to have problems getting along with others.
These findings are also closer to what Vitanza et al (2003) describe as Post-Traumatic
Stress Disorder (PTSD). PTSD is characterised by flashbacks, intrusive images,
exaggerated startle response, nightmares, and avoidance of triggers that are associated
with the abuse.
Violence affects men‟s involvement in social life in totality and the narration below
confirms it:
53
for a number of years now without getting marriad as I
have a negative perception of women [33-year old Lusaka
man].
These findings are complemented by a number of previous researches. Wiehe (1998), for
instance discovered that abuse of a domestic nature was destructive to one‟s self-esteem
and self-image. He argues that a man who has been beaten by his wife or partner was
most likely to be a psychologically broken man.
Violence against men contributes in bringing HIV and AIDS in the homes. During an in-
depth interview, it was revealed that men were having girlfriends because of missing love
and violence at home. As a result some of them contracted the virus and passed it on to
their wives at home and hence creating even more problems.
This was confirmed by (see Josolyne, 2011) who argues that female domestic violence
contributes to the escalation of HIV and AIDS as the men usually avoid going home early
and eventually find solace in other women who will not abuse them.
This study breaks new ground in domestic violence research as it details the female
induced violence which is often reported as rare in literature (Kimmel, 2002).The binary
54
of masculinity and femininity though becomes a challenge with these research findings.
Zambia like most African societies promotes patriarchal superstructure and socialising
men to exercise power over women (Dover 2005),but this study indicates the opposite to
these highly embedded social expectations. Perhaps the domain of hope in unpacking this
juxtaposition is found in Judith Butler‟s Gender Trouble where she sees gender as
„performativity‟. She criticizes the position that gender roles and identities are rigid in
society. Instead she argues that gender roles are continuously being performed and
enacted. This makes it possible for individuals to alter their performance in ways that
might subvert the heterosexist norms that govern its very production (Butler,1999).This is
to say that the way females play gender roles to some extent determines the way they
treat and are treated by others.
The same masculinity which influences why men are viewed as perpetrators of domestic
violence as it involves men asserting their authority over women should be the same
masculinity which also influences why women should be viewed as perpetrators because
those women who abuse men have chosen to perform what are considered masculinity
gender roles. It is agreed that gender is not a natural but a social product; its enactment is
therefore not rigid but varies from person to person in society.
The fact that male victims don‟t easily come out to disclose their victimization is because
they still desire to feel masculine. Others feel too embarrassed to seek help and advice
and those victims that do try and seek help from the police or social services are
sometimes ridiculed (Mankind Initiative, 2007: 3/4).
It is important to note that masculine traits and identities can be present and identified in
some women without them being mad but the result of social factors. This view point is
complemented by Comack and Brickey, (1980) who put it more succinctly:
55
This chapter presented the findings of thirty men who experienced
violence from their partners.Themes that emerged from the analysis were
disscused, resulting in a detailed account of the nature,forms and
consequences of female violence against men.The findings from the study
gave a clear view of female violence against men.The consequences of
female violence against men which come out of this chapter gave an
understanding of the abuses men endure at the hands of their partners.
56
CHAPTER FIVE
5.0 Conclusions
The study set out to explore female-induced violence against men. It utilized exploratory
qualitative research design in doing so. The study discovered that female domestic
violence was in existence in Lusaka and Chongwe districts of Zambia. The common
forms of violence were physical, verbal, sexual and psychological and they were mainly
caused by infidelity on the part of men, infertility, children from other marriages,
violence as retaliation and alcohol abuse. In terms of consequences, physical injuries,
emotional problems and financial difficulties were the negative outcomes of female-
induced violence.
It can be concluded that some of the victims who were physically abused often required
medical attention at hospitals. It can also be deduced that most of the cases took place
within the confines of the homes with and without children looking. The study also points
out that verbal abuse was usually administered when the victim was under financial
pressure as he could not manage to provide for the family. It was also noted that issues of
men‟s inadequacies in fulfilling their sexual roles was also a typical point of reference
and victims of verbal abuse loathed going home after work in order to avoid the abusive
partner. Abusive wives were reported to target the husband‟s feelings and emotions and
the soft spots that affected his mood, self-esteem and confidence. An example of this was
when some of the man‟s feeling as a father, where wives would accuse him for being
inadequate or that the kids were not his but for another man. This type of abuse is mainly
in the form of derogatory statements regarding sexual performance and generally lack of
respect for husbands. This study also notes that most of the cases had some aspects of
sexual abuse of husbands whereby women demanded for sex frequently in the homes. It
was also heard that some of the women demanded to have sex with the husband four to
five times in a single night.
57
The study indicates that some of the major causes of female domestic violence against
men infidelity were husbands are involved in extra marital affairs. This research also
mentions that infertility leads to violence in that women who didn‟t have children tended
to blame it on their husbands and this makes them become antagonistic to their husbands.
The other point in this regard is that some men seek sexual relationships elsewhere when
they realize that they haven‟t got children with their wives for a number of years and this
causes a lot of conflicts in homes resulting into the wife being violent, furthermore the
study brings out failure to provide for the family as another cause of female domestic
violence. Here some men claimed that the reason for the abuse were because they could
not provide for their families. The study also concludes that another cause of female
domestic violence is children from another woman. Here wives would become insecure
when husbands begin to support these children. The findings from this study deduce that
some of the women who were violent perpetrated against them by their husbands.
Alcohol abuse seems to be a factor in conflict relationships where women seem to abuse
alcohol to exhibit violence against their husbands when they have taken alcohol.
The study found out that some of the victims reported the violence of their partners to
either the relatives or the police while others claimed not to have reported expressed lack
of help from family members and the police who ridiculed them. It was also established
that those who did not report the cases feared family embarrassment and the husbands
love for the abusive wives and hope for change of behavior by the wives. The study
indicates that the effects of female domestic violence ranged from physical injury, lack of
economic power, isolation, fear, depression, low self-esteem and HIV/AIDS. The study
shows that all physical pain as could be seen where some had broken legs and arms some
of the abused men experienced lack of economic power as they could not continue in
their jobs because their skills were affected as they were traumatized by the abuse.
The study points out that some of the victims felt powerless leading to emotional pain
and as a result avoided their abusive wives. This was done in order to avoid contact by
coming home late in order to find the women already asleep. It can also be concluded that
male victims experienced low self-esteem and lack of self –confidence as a result of the
abuse. Furthermore, the study indicated that female domestic violence against men
58
contributed in bringing HIV/AIDS in the homes in that men were having extra marital
affairs because of the missing love and violence at their respective homes.
The study confirmed literature on lack of disclosure regarding male victims of violence.
Men were still reluctant to report their victimization to the police, family members or
victim support services. This was because doing so would challenge their masculine
identities which were embedded within the fabric of the Zambian society. These
masculine sentiments also extended to the justice systems, the police, the family and
victim support services who have continuously ridiculed male victims of female-induced
violence. This study does not offer evidence of gender symmetry in gender-based
violence, a claim that both men and women are equal victims of violence. However, it
highlights the existence of female violence against men whose effects on men are as
undesirable as they are on women. It concludes that concerted efforts should be
expended in order to address the problem alongside the gender-based violence against
women strategies.
5.1 Recommendations
1. More research should be carried out aimed at profiling gender-based violence against
men on a larger scale so that issues of magnitude, nature and consequences can be
addressed hence facilitating evidence based policy formulations on the subject.
2. The Police through the VSU should be sensitised by NGOs involved in domestic
violence in order to treat male victims of violence as victims who require assistance
just like any other and render help to them accordingly.
3. Efforts and resources should be given to the police and NGOs for campaigns of
attitude change in the larger society so that masculinity identities which hinder male
victims from exposing violence against them could be minimised.
4. Politicians and the media should acknowledge that violence against men is real in the
Zambian society. The support by the few support groups is uncoordinated. It is a
hidden crime and awareness and training is the key to the people who are involved.
59
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APPENDICES
65
Appendix I – Approval of Research Proposal
66
Appendix II – Introduction Letter
67
Appendix III– Informed Consent Form
Topic: Female Violence against Men: A case study of Lusaka and Chongwe Districts
Dear Participant,
I, Jones Musune, the research student, write to inform you that you have been systematically
selected from Lusaka and Chongwe district as one of the participants to participate in this study
entitled Female Violence against Men: A case study of Lusaka and Chongwe Districts.
Participation is voluntary. You have the right to withdraw at any time. However, I hope you will
participate to the end of the study because your experiences and views are important. Your
participation will be through an oral personal interview with the student researcher.
The information from this study will be useful in filling the knowledge gap from the notion that
women are the only victims of gender violence and that men are the perpetrators.
The data you will provide will be confidentially handled as required in academic study.
For any clarifications contact the Head of Department, Gender Studies Department, University of
Zambia, P.O. BOX 32379,Lusaka,phone (0211)295216.
68
Appendix IV – Interview Guide
Good morning/afternoon .My name is Jones Musune, a post graduate student at the University
of Zambia. I am perusing a Master of Arts Degree in Gender Studies in the school of Humanities
and Social Science. I have to carry out a study or research on any issue related to gender.
I am carrying out a study on gender based violence and it is titled Female Violence against
Men: A Case Study of Lusaka and Chongwe Districts. I want to find out the nature, forms and
effects, its causes and how it can be mitigated. To assist me in this, I would be grateful if you can
share your experience that men who have been victims go through and talk about the challenges
that you face as you try to mitigate this violence. This study is purely academic and is absolutely
confidential.
69
10. Is there history of violence in your family that of your husband?
………………………………………………………………………………………………
11. What problems have you gone through as a result of this violence?
………………………………………………………………………………………………
12. How has this violence affected you as a man?
………………………………………………………………………………………………
13. Would you have your wife arrested and prosecuted for being violent to you?
………………………………………………………………………………………………
14. How do you think the children have being affected by this violence from your partner?
………………………………………………………………………………………………
70
Appendix V- Interview Guide For Key Informants
Good morning/afternoon. My name is Jones Musune, a post graduate student at the University
of Zambia. I am perusing a Master of Arts Degree in Gender Studies in the school of Humanities
and Social Science. I have to carry out a study or research on any issue related to gender.
I am carrying out a study on gender based violence and it is titled Female Violence against
Men: A Case Study of Lusaka and Chongwe Districts. I want to find out the nature, forms and
effects, its causes and how it can be mitigated. To assist me in this, I would be grateful if you can
share your experience that men who have been victims go through and talk about the challenges
that you face as you try to mitigate this violence. This study is purely academic and is absolutely
confidential.
1. How does YWCA/VSU help male victims of female perpetrated domestic violence?
.................................................................................................................................
71
10. In your opinion, do females who abuse their partners pretend it is in self defence?
If Yes/No, how many females do this?
a) 0-25%
b) 25-50%
c) 50-75%
d) 75-100%
11. As an organisation do you believe that it is appropriate to improve awareness that female
violence against men does occur?
72