Kamarupa
Kamarupa
History
Antecedents
Kamarupa is not included in the list of sixteen Mahajanapadas from the sixth to fourth centuries BCE;[21]
nor does it or the northeast Indian region find any mention in the Ashokan records (3rd century BCE)[22]
—it was not part of the Mauryan Empire.[23] The 3rd-2nd century BCE Baudhayana Dharmasutra
mentions Anga (eastern Bihar), Magadha (southern Bihar), Pundra (northern Bengal) and Vanga
(southern Bengal), and that a Brahmin required purification after visiting these places[24]—but it does not
mention Kamarupa, thereby indicating it was beyond the ambit and recognition of the Brahminical
culture in the second half of the first millennium BCE.[25]
Early dated mentions come from the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (1st century) and Ptolemy's
Geographia (2nd century) which call the region Kirrhadia after the Kirata population.[26] Arthashastra
(early centuries of the Christian era[27]) mentions "Lauhitya", which is identified with Brahmaputra
valley by a later commentator.[28] These early references speak about the economic activity of a tribal
belt, and they do not mention any state.[29]
The earliest mention of a kingdom comes from the 4th-century Allahabad inscription of Samudragupta
that calls the kings of Kamarupa and Davaka frontier rulers (pratyanta nripati).[30] The corpus of
Kamarupa inscriptions left by the rulers of Kamarupa at various places in Assam and present-day
Bangladesh are important sources of information. Nevertheless, local grants completely eschew the name
Kamarupa; instead they use the name Pragjyotisha, with the kings called Pragjyotishadhipati.[31]
The fragmentary Nagajari-Khanikargaon rock inscription, written in Sanskrit and probably a land grant,
is dated to approximately the 5th century. It was found in Sarupathar in the Golaghat district of Assam. It
supports the idea that Sanskritisation spread to the east very quickly.[32] While this dating coincides with
the time-span of the Varman dynasty, the inscription does not identify the state formation that issued the
grant; the Varman dynasty may not have been responsible. One cannot completely "rule out the
possibility of several simultaneous political powers in different sub-regional levels of north-eastern India
around or even before the fourth century." Indeed, archaeological discoveries in the Doiyang Dhansiri
Valley suggests that early state formation in the region may have begun before the second century.[33]
Boundaries
Over the course of its prevalence, the boundaries of
Kamarupa had fluctuated.[35] Nevertheless, the traditional
boundary of Kamarupa is held by scholars to be—Karatoya
river in the west,[36] Sadiya in the east,[37][38][39][40]
between the Dhaka and Mymensingh districts in
Bangladesh in the south,[41] and Kanchenjanga in the
north.[42] The traditional boundaries are drawn from the
textual references two of which are contemporneous—
Xuanzang (7th century),[43] and Kalika Purana (10th
century)—and a late medieval source Yogini Tantra (16th The findspots of inscriptions[34] associated
century)[44] though none of these claims are backed by any with the Kamarupa kingdom give an
inscriptional record.[45] Thus based on these references estimate of its geographical location and
extent.
Kamarupa is considered to span the entire Brahmaputra
valley and Northeast India and at various times thought to
include parts of present-day Bhutan, Bangladesh and Nepal.[46]
Internal divisions
Kamarupa is not understood to have been a homogeneous unified entity.[47] The Kalika Purana mentions
a second eastern limit at Lalitakanta near Guwahati.[48] Shin (2018) interprets this to mean that within
Kamarupa the region between Karatoya and Lalitakanta was where sedentary life was the norm and the
eastern region was the realm of non-sedentary society.[49] These internal divisions came to be understood
in terms of pithas, which were abodes of goddesses.[50]
Various epigraphic records found scattered over the regions are used to postulate the size of the
kingdom.[1] The kingdom is believed to have broken up entirely by the 13th century into smaller
kingdoms
Political history
Kamarupa, first mentioned on Samudragupta's Allahabad rock
pillar as a frontier kingdom, began as a subordinate but sovereign
ally of the Gupta empire around present-day Guwahati in the 4th
century:[52]
It finds mention along with Davaka, a kingdom to the east of The name "Kāmarūpa" in later
Brahmi script, in the Allahabad Pillar
Kamarupa in the Kapili river valley in present-day Nagaon
inscription of Samudragupta (350-
district, but which is never mentioned again as an independent
375 CE).[51]
political entity in later historical records. Kamarupa, which was
probably one among many such state structures, grew territorially
to encompass the entire Brahmaputra valley and beyond. As the Gupta Empire weakened, the Varmans, of
indigenous origin, began asserting themselves politically by performing horse sacrifices and culturally by
claiming semi-divine origins.[53] Under the rule of Bhaskaravarman Kamarupa reached its political zenith
and the lineage of the Varmans from Narakasura, a demon, became a fixed tradition.[54] The Mlechchha
dynasty, another set of indigenous rulers and the Pala dynasty (Kamarupa) that followed, too asserted
political legitimacy by asserting descendancy from Narakasura.[55]
KALABHRAS
After the initial expansion till the beginning of Bhutivarman's reign, the kingdom came under attack from
Yasodharman (525–535) of Malwa, the first major assault from the west.[61] Though it is unclear what the
effect of this invasion was on the kingdom; that Bhutivarman's grandson, Sthitavarman (566–590),
enjoyed victories over the Gauda Kingdom of Karnasuvarna and performed two aswamedha ceremonies
suggests that the Kamarupa kingdom had recovered nearly in full. His son, Susthitavarman (590–600)
came under the attack of Mahasenagupta of East Malwa. These back and forth invasions were a result of
a system of alliances that pitted the Kamarupa kings (allied to the Maukharis) against the Gaur kings of
Bengal (allied with the East Malwa kings).[62] Susthitavarman died as the Gaur invasion was on, and his
two sons, Suprathisthitavarman and Bhaskarvarman fought against an elephant force and were captured
and taken to Gaur. They were able to regain their kingdom due probably to a promise of allegiance.[63]
Suprathisthitavarman's reign is given as 595–600, a very short period, at the end of which he died without
an heir.[64] Supratisthitavarman was succeeded by his brother, Bhaskarvarman (600–650), the most
illustrious of the Varman kings who succeeded in turning his kingdom and invading the very kingdom
that had taken him captive. Bhaskarvarman had become strong enough to offer his alliance with
Harshavardhana just as the Thanesar king ascended the throne in 606 after the murder of his brother, the
previous king, by Shashanka of Gaur. Harshavardhana finally took control over the kingless Maukhari
kingdom and moved his capital to Kanauj.[65] The alliance between Harshavardhana and Bhaskarvarman
squeezed Shashanka from either side and reduced his kingdom, though it is unclear whether this alliance
resulted in his complete defeat. Nevertheless, Bhaskarvarman did issue the Nidhanpur copper-plate
inscription from his victory camp in the Gaur capital Karnasuvarna (present-day Murshidabad, West
Bengal) to replace a grant issued earlier by Bhutivarman for a settlement in the Sylhet region of present-
day Bangladesh.[66]
Around this time, Kamarupa was attacked and the western portion was conquered by the Pala king
Ramapala.
Western Kamarupa
Ramapala could not keep control for long, and Timgyadeva (1110–1126) ruled western
Kamarupa independently for some time. His son Kumarapala sent Vaidyadeva against
Timgyadeva who installed himself at Hamshkonchi in the Kamrup region. Though
Vaidyadeva maintained friendly relationships with Kumarapala, he styled himself after the
Kamarupa kings issuing grants under the elephant seal of erstwhile Kamarupa kings and
assuming the title of Maharajadhiraja, though he did not call himself Pragjyotisadhipati like
the Kamarupa kings did. He controlled a portion of Kamrup, Goalpara and North Bengal
but not Kamarupanagara, the seat of the last Kamarupa kings.[73]
Central Kamarupa
It is estimated that with the withering away of the Kamarupa kingdom, parts of Kamrup,
Darrang and Sonitpur districts on the north bank of the Brahmaputra river came under the
control of one Bhaskara.[74] A single inscription (1185) gives a list of four rulers that have
been called the Lunar dynasty—Bhaskara, Rayarideva, Udayakarna and Vallabhadeva—
with their reign dated to 1120–1200.[75]
Southern Kamarupa
In the Sylhet region, there emerged rulers called Kharabana, Gokuladeva, Narayana and
Kesavadeva.[74]
Kamarupa Proper
Kamarupa proper was confined to the south bank of Brahmaputra, with the power center
still at Kamarupanagara,[76] with three rulers associated with it: Prithu, Samudrapala and
Sandhya.[77]
In 1206 the Turko Afghan Bakhtiyar Khalji passed through Kamarupa against Tibet which
ended in disaster, the first of many Turko-Afghan invasions. The ruler of Kamarupa at this
point was Raja Prithu (d. 1228, called Britu in Tabaqat-i Nasiri),[78] who is sometimes
identified with Visvasundara, the son of Vallabhadeva of the Lunar dynasty, mentioned in
the Gachtal inscription of 1232 A.D.[79] Prithu withstood invasions (1226–27) from
Ghiyasuddin Iwaj Shah of Gauda[78] who retreated back to his capital to defend it from
Nasiruddin Mahmud but was defeated, captured and killed in 1228.[80] Nasir-ud-din
installed a tributary king but after his death in 1229 the control of Kamarupa lapsed back
to local rulers.[81]
Beginning of Kamata
From among the local rulers, there emerged a strong ruler named Sandhya (c. 1250–1270), the Rai of
Kamrup, with his capital at Kamarupanagara, the seat of the last Pala kings. Malik Ikhtiyaruddin Iuzbak,
a governor of Gaur for the Mamluk rulers of Delhi, attempted an invasive attack on Sandhya's domain in
1257; and Sandhya, with the help of the spring floods that same year, captured and killed the Sultan.[82]
Subsequent to this attack, Sandhya moved his capital from Kamarupanagara to Kamatapur (North
Bengal) and established a new kingdom, that came to be called Kamata.[83]
At that time, western Kamarupa was the domain of the Koch and Mech peoples.[84] In other parts of the
erstwhile Kamarupa the Kachari kingdom (central Assam, South bank), Baro Bhuyans (central Assam,
North bank), and the Chutiya kingdom (east) were emerging. The Ahoms, who would establish a strong
and independent kingdom later, began building their state structures in the region between the Kachari
and the Chutiya kingdoms in 1228.
Alauddin Hussain Shah issued coins in his name to be "Conqueror of Kamarup and Kamata".[85]
State
The extent of state structures can be culled from the numerous Kamarupa inscriptions left behind by the
Kamarupa kings as well as accounts left by travellers such as those from Xuanzang.[86] Governance
followed the classical saptanga structure of state.[87]
Kings and courts: The king was considered to be of divine origin. Succession was primogeniture, but
two major breaks resulted in different dynasties. In the second, the high officials of the state elected a
king, Brahmapala, after the previous king died without leaving an heir. The royal court consisted of a
Rajaguru, poets, learned men and physicians. Different epigraphic records mention different officials of
the palace: Mahavaradhipati, Mahapratihara, Mahallakapraudhika, etc.
Council of Ministers: The king was advised by a council of ministers (Mantriparisada), and Xuanzang
mentions a meeting Bhaskaravarman had with his ministers. According to the Kamauli grant, these
positions were filled by Brahmanas and were hereditary. State functions were specialised and there were
different groups of officers looking after different departments.
Revenue: Land revenue (kara) was collected by special tax-collectors from cultivators. Cultivators who
had no proprietary rights on the lands they tilled paid uparikara. Duties (sulka) were collected by toll
collectors (Kaibarta) from merchants who plied keeled boats. The state maintained a monopoly on copper
mines (kamalakara). The state maintained its stores and treasury via officials: Bhandagaradhikrita and
Koshthagarika.
Grants: The king occasionally gave Brahmanas grants (brahmadeya), which consisted generally of
villages, water resources, wastelands etc. (agraharas). Such grants conferred on the grantee the right to
collect revenue and the right to be free of any regular tax himself and immunity from other harassments.
Sometimes, the Brahmanas were relocated from North India, with a view to establish
varnashramdharma. Nevertheless, the existence of donees indicate the existence of a feudal class. Grants
made to temples and religious institutions were called dharmottara and devottara respectively.
Land survey: The land was surveyed and classified. Arable lands (kshetra) were held individually or by
families, whereas wastelands (khila) and forests were held collectively. There were lands called
bhucchidranyaya that were left unsurveyed by the state on which no tax was levied.
Administration: The entire kingdom was divided into a hierarchy of administrative divisions. From the
highest to the lowest, they were bhukti, mandala, vishaya, pura (towns), agrahara (collection of villages)
and grama (village). These units were administered by headed by rajanya, rajavallabha, vishayapati
etc.[87] Some other offices were nyayakaranika, vyavaharika, kayastha etc., led by the adhikara. They
dispensed judicial duties too, though the ultimate authority lay with the king. Law enforcement and
punishments were made by officers called dandika, (magistrate) and dandapashika (one who executed
the orders of a dandika).
See also
Kamata kingdom
Kamrup (disambiguation)
History of Assam
Notes
1. (Dutta 2008:281), reproduced from (Acharya 1968).
2. Sircar (1990a), pp. 63–68.
3. "... (it shows) that in Ancient Assam there were three languages viz. (1) Sanskrit as the
official language and the language of the learned few, (2) Non-Aryan tribal languages of the
Austric and Tibeto-Burman families, and (3) a local variety of Prakrit (ie a MIA) wherefrom,
in course of time, the modern Assamese language as a MIL, emerged." (Sharma 1978,
pp. 0.24–0.28)
4. (A)ccording to the Yogina Tantra—a product of seventeenth-century Assam—the entire
religion of Kamarupa is itself described as kirata dharma, that is, the religion of the northeast
hill tribes"(Urban 2011:237)
5. "The government of Kamarupa state was absolute monarchy in nature with the king at the
top of the political structure." (Boruah 2005:1465)
6. "Pragjyotisa-Kamarupa had emerged as an 'early state' by covering a large part of present
north-east India, part of neighbouring west-Bengal and Bangladesh in the period between
the 4th to the 12th century." (Boruah 2005:1464)
7. Suresh Kant Sharma, Usha Sharma - 2005,"Discovery of North-East India: Geography,
History, Culture, ... - Volume 3", Page 248, Davaka (Nowgong) and Kamarupa as separate
and submissive friendly kingdoms.
8. Neog, Dimbeswar. Introduction To Assam (http://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.45880
2). p. 18.
9. "As regards the eastern limits of the kingdom, Davaka was absorbed within Kamarupa
under Kalyanavarman and the outlying regions were brought under subjugation by
Mahendravarman." (Choudhury 1959, p. 47)
10. "It is presumed that (Kalyanavarman) conquered Davaka, incorporating it within the kingdom
of Kamarupa" (Puri 1968, p. 11)
11. "According to the Kalika Purana and the Yogonitantra, the ancient Kamarupa included,
besides the districts of modern Assam, Cooch-Behar, Rang-pura, Jalpaiguri and Dinajpur
within its territory." (Saikia 1997, p. 3)
12. "Before (the 10th century), copper plate inscriptions indicate that land around the Kushiara
was more densely populated, because Kamarupa kings had granted large tracts of land to
immigrant brahmans and their supporting castes, to make this region part of Assam
(Khanda Kamarupa). (Ludden 2003:5081)
13. In the medieval times the region between the Sankosh river and the Barnadi river on the
northern bank of the Brahmaputra river was defined as Kamrup (or Koch Hajo in Persian
chronicles)(Sarkar 1990:95)
14. "They also looked upon themselves as the heirs of the glory that was ancient Kamarupa by
right of conquest, and they long cherished infructuously their unfulfilled hopes of expanding
up to that frontier." (Guha 1983:24). 'An Ahom force reached the banks of the Karatoya in
hot pursuit of an invading Turko-Afghan army in the 1530s. Since then "the washing of the
sword in the Karatoya" became a symbol of the Assamese aspirations, repeatedly evoked in
the Bar-Mels and mentioned in the chronicles." (Guha 1983:33)
15. (Sircar 1990a:57)
16. "There is no definite reference to Kamarupa in the early/later Vedic literature and the early
Buddhist/Jain canonical works. The two Epics are also silent on Kamarupa, despite
mentioning Pragjyotisha." (Shin 2018:28)
17. Barua, Birinchi Kumar; Kakati, Banikanta (1969). A cultural history of Assam - Volume 1.
p. 15.
18. "Considering the historical context of the seventh century Kamarupa, especially during the
reign of Bhaskaravarman when the Varmans was ascending to one of the important powers
in north India, it appears that they projected Kamarupa on a larger geopolitical map by
combining it with Pragjyotisha, the Epic kingdom." (Shin 2018:38)
19. "The earliest name of Assam is Pragjyotisha, i.e. the territory of around the city of that name,
while Kamarupa, later used as the name of the country, (was a) synonym of Pragjyotisha."
(Sircar 1990a:57)
20. "Pragjyotisha was, however, redefined in the Uttar Barbil and the Nowgong plates dated to
the last quarter of the ninth century. Both record that Naraka, the conqueror of Kamarupa
(jitakamarupa), used to live in a city (pura) named Pragjyotisha in Kamarupa." (Shin
2018:39)
21. "Kamarupa was not included in the 16 Mahajanapadas during the time of the Buddha."(Shin
2018:28)
22. (Puri 1968, p. 4)
23. "(T)he north-eastern region was outside the Maurya Empire." (Shin 2018:28)
24. "Angas, Magadhas, Pundras and Vangas are mentioned in the Baudhiiyana Dharmasiitra
(1.2.14-6) dated to the period between the early third and mid-second centuries BCE. The
Angas and Magadhas lived in eastern and southern Bihar respectively, and the Pundras and
the Vangas in northern and southern Bengal, respectively. . It is prescribed that a brahmana
must have purification by the performance of punastoma or sarvarishtha after visiting their
places. (Shin 2018:28)
25. (Shin 2018:28)
26. "The Periplus of the Erythraen Sea (last quarter of the first century A.D) and Ptolemy's
Geography (middle of the second century A.D) appear to call the land including Assam
Kirrhadia after its Kirata population." (Sircar 1990a:60–61)
27. "...the Arthashastra in its present form has to be assigned to the early centuries of the
Christian era and the commentaries to much later dates." (Sircar 1990a, p. 61)
28. "If we go by Bhattaswamin's commentary on Arthashastra Magadha was already importing
certain items of trade from this [Brahmaputra] Valley in Kautilya's days" (Guha 1984, p. 76)
29. "Kautilya's Arthashastra, the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, the Geography of Ptolemy and
other early literary works only speak of economic pursuits of the tribal belt of the north-
eastern region...but had nothing to say about their kingdoms." (Shin 2018, p. 28)
30. (Sharma 1978, p. xv)
31. "The name Kamarupa does not appear in local grants where Pragjyotisha alone figures with
the local rulers called Pragjyotishadhipati." (Puri 1968, p. 3)
32. The date of the Nagajari-Khanikargaon fragmentary stone inscription is considered to be
earlier than that of the Umachal inscription of the Varmans. It is, nevertheless, too early to
make any definite conclusion as the archaeological and inscriptional evidences are still
limited to date. Furthermore, the absence of large-scale archaeological excavations in the
region prevents us from tracing a detailed picture of society in the earlier period."(Shin
2018:28–29)
33. Art and archaeology of the Doiyang Dhansiri valley of Assam. Hemendranath Dutta, author.
Guide: Phukan, J N. PhD thesis. Page 219. Chapter 6. Conclusion. Gauhati University,
completed 28 February 1997. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10603/66569 Archived (https://web.
archive.org/web/20220927081959/https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in:8443/jspui/handle/1060
3/66569) 27 September 2022 at the Wayback Machine Downloaded from
https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/66569/13/13_conclusion.pdf Archived (htt
ps://web.archive.org/web/20170108165708/http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/1060
3/66569/13/13_conclusion.pdf) 8 January 2017 at the Wayback Machine 7 January 2022
34. Lahiri (1991), pp. 26–28.
35. "As to the spatial extent of Kamarupa, it is futile to project any fixed boundary on it. The
sphere of its political influence constantly changed, and the kingdom itself never constituted
a single entity." (Shin 2018:40)
36. "the Karatoya in the west" (Sircar 1990a:63) "The traditional western boundary of
Pragjyotisha-Kamarupa is likewise supported by the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-tsang who
traveled in India in the second quarter of the seventh century AD." (Sircar 1990a:64)
37. "Scholars identify Dikkaravasini with goddess Tamresvari and locate her abode in Sadiya. It
is deemed the eastern limit of Kamarupa. And this supposition is supported by the reference
of the sixteenth century Yoginitantra describing the eastern limit of Kamarupa as the abode
of Dikkaravasini." (Shin 2018:40)
38. "There are, however, two rivers of the name Dikrang; one flowing on the east of Narayanpur
in North Lakhimpur and the other in Sadiya. Dikkaravasini is perhaps the Dikrang river"
(Dutta 2008:181) "The river Dikshu may, however, really be one in the Sadiya region such
as the Dibang. The temple of Tamresvari-Dikkaravasini formerly stood near Paya (https://ww
w.google.com/maps/place/Paya,+Arunachal+Pradesh+792111,+India/) Archived (https://we
b.archive.org/web/20210904150327/https://www.google.com/maps/place/Paya,+Arunachal+
Pradesh+792111,+India/) 4 September 2021 at the Wayback Machine in the same area as
is indicated by an inscription of Saka 1364 (1442 AD)." (Sircar 1990a:64)
39. "...the temple of the goddess Tameshwari (Dikkaravasini) is now located at modern Sadiya
about 100 miles to the northeast of Sibsagar" (Sircar 1990a:63–64)
40. "(T)he kingdom is demarcated as in the East, the Dikkaravasini and the river Dikshu
(identified with Tamreswari temple and river Dibang of the Sadiya region respectively)"
(Boruah 2007:32)
41. "the confluence of the Brahmaputra" and "[T]he junction of the Brahmaputra and the Laksha
(modern Lakhya) at the southern boundary now stands near the border between Dacca and
Mymensingh Districts of Bangladesh." (Sircar 1990a:63)
42. "The northern boundary mentioned as Mount Kanja or Kanchana in Nepala reminds us of
the Kanchanjanga peak on the eastern border of Nepal." (Sircar 1990a:63)
43. "He travelled from Pun-na-fa-tan-na (Pundravardhana) on the east more than 900 li or 150
miles; crossed a large river and reached Kia-no-leu-po (Kamarupa). The T'ang Shu refers to
this large river as Ka-lo-tu which undoubtedly meant the Karatoya. The pilgrim further states
that to the east of the country was a series of hills which reached as far as the confines of
China." (Baruah 1995:75)
44. "The boundaries of Pragjyotisha-Kamarupa are clearly indicated in the Yogini Tantra which
is not earlier than the sixteenth century and this late medieval tradition is supported by
earlier evidences." (Sircar 1990a:63). "As regards the eastern boundary of Pragjyotisha-
Kamarupa which is also rarely mentioned, the Kalika Purana, the present version of which is
assigned to the tenth or eleventh century AD supports the above late tradition in clear
terms." (Sircar 1990a:64)
45. "Scholars identify Dikkaravasini with goddess Tamresvari and locate her abode in Sadiya. It
is deemed the eastern limit of Kamarupa. And this supposition is supported by the reference
of the sixteenth century Yoginitantra describing the eastern limit of Kamarupa as the abode
of Dikkaravasini. Based on these textual references, the so-called traditional boundary of
Kamarupa is postulated. However, no inscriptional and material evidence confirms this
conjecture."(Shin 2018:40)
46. "(T)he kingdom of Kamarupa extended up to the river Karatoya in the west and included
Manipur, Jaintiya, Cachar, parts of Mymensingh, Sylhet, Rangpur and portions of Nepal and
Bhutan." (Baruah 1995:75)
47. "The sphere of its political influence constantly changed, and the kingdom itself never
constituted a single entity." (Shin 2018:40)
48. "In the Kalikapurana, Kamarupa was defined as a region extending from the Karatoya in the
west up to that place in the east Ganga, where goddess Lalitakanta resided. The location of
Lalitakanta is roughly identified with the hill-streams Sandhya, which is not far from present
Guwahati." (Shin 2018:40)
49. "The contrast between the area from Lalitakanta to Dikkaravasini and that from the Karatoya
to Lalitakanta is clear. The former was perceived as the place in which the Kiratas dwelt,
while the latter denoted the place where brahmanas, sages and people of the varna order
lived in. In other words, the former represented the realm of the tribal non-sedentary society,
covering a vast area in the middle and upper Brahmaputra Valley, and the latter that of the
Brahmanical sedentary society, occupying a small part of the region, probably limited to the
present city of Guwahati and its environs." (Shin 2018:41)
50. "It is worth noting that pitha (the abode of a goddess) signified the extent of Kamarupa, that
is Lalitakanta pitha and Dikkaravasini pitha." (Shin 2018:41)
51. Fleet, John Faithfull (1888). Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Vol. 3 (https://archive.org/detail
s/in.ernet.dli.2015.49403/page/n213/mode/2up). pp. 6–10.
52. "Royal history of Cooch Behar" (http://coochbehar.nic.in/HTMfiles/royal_history.html).
coochbehar.nic.in. Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20190325182013/http://coochbeha
r.nic.in/htmfiles/royal_history.html) from the original on 25 March 2019. Retrieved 26 March
2019.
53. "The fact that they are supposed descent from the demon Naraka probably indicates the
indigenous origin Of the ruling family, though converted to the orthodox brahmanical religion
(Majumdar 1962: 88). As Gupta rightly pointed out, it is possible that when Gupta power
weakened, the Varman rulers asserted themselves not only politically by performing horse
sacrifices, but also culturally by announcing their semidivine origin." (Shin 2010:177)
54. "In this context, a suitable sacred genealogy for the great king, Bhaskaravarman was
probably reformulated and became a fixed tradition."(Shin 2010:178)
55. "It may be suggested that a story was fabricated by the brahmanas at the court of these
kings to explain away their aboriginal origins (Sircar 1990b:124), though the content of story
was not known due to the corroded portion [of the inscription]. Nevertheless, the Mlecchas
also sought their political validation from the lineage of Naraka." (Shin 2010:177)
56. Schwartzberg, Joseph E. (1978). A Historical atlas of South Asia (https://dsal.uchicago.edu/r
eference/schwartzberg/pager.html?object=062). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
p. 25, 145. ISBN 0226742210.
57. Agrawal, Ashvini (1989). "Chapter II: THE POLITICAL CONDITION OF INDIA BEFORE THE
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58. Lahiri (1991), p. 68.
59. Lahiri (1991), p. 72.
60. (Sircar 1990b:101)
61. (Lahiri 1991:70). Though the first evidence is from the Mansador stone pillar inscription of
Yasodharman, there is no reference to this invasion in the Kamarupa inscriptions.
62. (Sircar 1990b:106–107)
63. (Sircar 1990b:109)
64. (Sircar 1990b:109)
65. (Sircar 1990b:113)
66. Sircar (1990b), p. 115.
67. "639 Identifier Documentation: aho – ISO 639-3" (https://iso639-3.sil.org/code/aho). SIL
International (formerly known as the Summer Institute of Linguistics). SIL International.
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68. "Population by Religious Communities" (http://censusindia.gov.in/Census_Data_2001/Censu
s_data_finder/C_Series/Population_by_religious_communities.htm). Census India – 2001.
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70. (Lahiri 1991:76)
71. Lahiri (1991), pp. 77–79.
72. Lahiri (1991), p. 78.
73. (Boruah 2011:80)
74. (Boruah 2011:81)
75. (Sircar 1990b:165)
76. " The original Pragjyotisa-Kamarupa kingdom, after Jayapala could continue its political hold
over a small area on the south bank of the Brahmaputra with its power centre at
Kamarupanagara." (Boruah 2011:82)
77. "Extant sources speak of three rulers after Jayapala who had ruled Pragjyotisa-Kamarupa
till the mid 13th century. They were Prithu, Samudrapala and Sandhya." (Boruah 2011:82)
78. "[Prithu] is believed to be the Kamarupa ruler who had to face and had successfully
repulsed the first two Turko-Afghan invasions which came from Bengal in 1205-06 and in
1226-28 AD." (Boruah 2011, p. 82)
79. "Visvasundara (son and successor of Vallabhadeva), (?) was perhaps to be identified with
Prithu or Bartu of Minhaj." (Sarkar 1992:37–38) (Note:11)
80. (Sarkar 1992:38)
81. "Notwithstanding the attempts by some of (Iuzbak's) daring predecessors to subjugate
Kamarupa between Karatoya and Barnadi, it was still virtually a land unknown to the Sultans
of Bengal, politically it was not unified but parceled among the Bodo, Koch and Mech Baro-
Bhuyans, constituting a loose confederacy under the strongest of them." (Sarkar 1992:38)
82. (Sarkar 1992, pp. 39–40)
83. (Kamarupa) was reorganized as a new state, 'Kamata' by name with Kamatapur as capital.
The exact time when the change was made is uncertain. But possibly it had been made by
Sandhya (c. 1250 – 1270) as a safeguard against mounting dangers from the east and the
west. Its control on the eastern regions beyond the Manah (Manas river) was lax."(Sarkar
1992, pp. 40–41)
84. "The description of (Bakhtiyar Khalji's) disastrous campaign provides us with some
information about the populations (Siraj 1881: 560-1):... Konch, sometimes written Koch,
(the same hesitation occurs in Buchanan-Hamilton's manuscripts), is what we today write as
Koch. Mej or Meg is the name we write as Mech. We can safely conclude that these names
described important groups of people in the 13th century, in the area between the Ganges
and the Brahmaputra." (Jacquesson 2008:16–17)
85. Sircar, D. C. (2008). Studies in Indian Coins (https://books.google.com/books?id=m1JYwP5t
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86. Choudhury, P. C., (1959) The History of Civilization of the People of Assam, Guwahati
87. Puri (1968), p. 56.
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