14 Agricola’s List (1551) and the Formation

of the Estonian Pantheon

Aivar Põldvee

The geographical proximity and the linguistic afffijinity between Estonia and
Finland, as well as their close cultural and scholarly contacts, can easily
Am

lead to the assumption that the shared roots of the two nations’ identities
and their historical bonds are a subject for ceremonial speeches rather
than a contemporary research topic. In a nutshell, one fijinds a humorous
st

reflection on this approach from Estonia’s biggest weekly newspaper, which

er

topped its list of Finns who have made a signifijicant mark in the history
and consciousness of Estonians with Elias Lönnrot (1802-1884), the author
da

of the Finnish epic Kalevala, followed by Vanemuine, the Estonian clone of

the Finnish Väinämöinen, the protagonist of Lönnrot’s epic.1
m

Both Lönnrot and Vanemuine play an important role in the shaping

of Estonian national identity: Lönnrot not only provided an examplar for
U

the Estonian epic, but made a walking tour in Estonia in 1844, studied the
ni

Estonian language under the guidance of Friedrich Robert Faehlmann

(1798-1850) in Tartu (Ger. Dorpat), and paid a visit to Friedrich Reinhold
ve

Kreutzwald (1803-1882) in Võru (Ger. Werro). 2 At the time, Faehlmann

rs

was working on the literary folktales that were to become the foundation
of Estonian mythology as it became widely accepted in the nineteenth
ity

century. He also started to compile an Estonian national epic, proceeding

from the example of the Kalevala, a project later concluded by Kreutzwald.
Pr

The Estonian epic Kalevipoeg starts by addressing Vanemuine, the god

of song and music. The pantheon evoked in the literary folktales and the
es

epic was later employed in the cultural and, later, even political, popular
movements of the so-called period of national awakening of the Estonian
s

people. The Vanemuine Society, founded in Tartu in 1865, established the

tradition of Estonian song festivals (1869), which flourishes even today, and
the amateur theatre (1870) that later became the fijirst professional theatre
Vanemuine (1906). The Estonian athletic association Kalev (1901) was named
after the mythical hero Kalev, and his son Kalevipoeg became the symbol
of political (re)nascence and armed struggle for freedom. Toompea fortress

1 Keskküla et al., ‘Eesti esisoomlaste’.

2 Niit, ‘Lisaandmeid Elias Lönnroti’.
450 AIVAR PÕLDVEE

in Tallinn (Ger. Reval), the stronghold of rulers throughout the ages, in this
pseudo-mythology became Kalev’s grave, and ceremonies to commemorate
the victims of Soviet mass deportations are conducted at the bronze statue
of Kalev’s widow, Linda.3
The Estonian canon of cultural history describes the development of
Estonian mythology, or rather pseudo-mythology, 4 as a process consisting
of three stages. First, Kristian Jaak Peterson (1801-1822), a young student of
Estonian descent, in 1821 translated into German the Mythologia Fennica
(1789), the work of Christfrid Ganander (1742-1790), a scholar of Finnish
Am

folklore.5 In Peterson’s translation, Ganander’s alphabetical lexicon was

given a hierarchical structure, and some Estonian material was added.6
Peterson’s intention was to take the fij irst steps towards the study and
st

restoration of Estonian mythology in the spirit of Herder, in the manner it

er

was envisaged and thought possible at the time. Second, in the middle of
the nineteenth century, Faehlmann’s mythical folktales that later were to
da

be used for shaping the Estonian pantheon came out in print.7 And third,
Kreutzwald’s national epic, the Kalevipoeg, was published in an academic
m

Baltic-German edition in 1857-1861,8 and in a popular edition in Kuopio,

Finland, in 1862.9
U

This outline, focusing on the nineteenth century, has seemed so convinc-

ni

ing and exhaustive,10 that so far no great attention has been given to earlier
attempts to describe Estonian mythology. Also the periodization based on
ve

the so far most extensive historical review of Estonian folkloristics, but still
rs

used in the present day, distinguishes broadly between the pre-folkloristic

ity

3 The author of the statute (1920) was August Weizenberg (1837-1921), one of the founding
fij igures of Estonian art. For the role of pseudo-mythology in Estonian nation-building, see
Pr

Jansen, ‘Muinaseesti Panteon’; Viires, ‘Muistsed jumalad’.

4 It is appropriate to use the term pseudo-mythology here, as older information about the
es

ancient gods and beliefs of the Estonians is very scarce and ambiguous, while the nineteenth-
century records are in most cases uncritical and also too late. A large proportion of the materials
representing Estonian mythology is at best characterized with the term fakelore. For more on
s

this, see Dorson, Folklore and Fakelore, pp. 1-29; Dundes, ‘The Fabrication’.
5 Ganander, Mythologia fennica.
6 [Peterson], Christfrid Ganander. See also Järv, ‘Kristfrid Gananderi’.
7 Fählmann, ‘Estnische Sagen’; Fählmann, ‘Die Sage’.
8 Kreutzwald, Kalewipoeg.
9 Kreutzwald, Kalewi poeg.
10 The Finnish authors discussing the development of Estonian culture in the nineteenth
century have departed from the same scheme; see, for example, Zetterberg, Viron historia,
pp. 412-17. Anna-Leena Siikala’s study on Baltic-Finnic mythology does not mention in con-
nection with Estonia any authors earlier than Kreutzwald; cf. Siikala, Itämerensuomalaisten
mytologia.
AGRICOL A’S LIST (1551) AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 451

period, characterized by sporadic written records of folklore, which lasted

up to the eighteenth century, and a later period of purposeful scholarly
studies starting with the nineteenth century.11 Thus Estonia still lacks
a more comprehensive scholarly approach, comparable, for example, to
Annamari Sarajas’s monograph on Finnish folk songs in the sixteenth- to
eighteenth-century literature.12 The fact that early written records about
Estonian folklore are much scarcer than those in Finland is not the sole
reason for this lack. Taking a look at the fijirst embryonic and compilative
descriptions of the Estonian pantheon, based on the so-called Agricola’s list,
Am

this chapter delineates some opportunities to broaden the present approach.

Its main purpose is to uncover the ties that connect the development of
Estonian pseudo-mythology with the Finnish original sources through
st

seventeenth-century records from the early modern period on the one hand,
er

and with the Baltic German ideas of Romanticism and the Enlightenment
on the other.
da
m

Agricola’s List
U

Michael Agricola (c. 1510-1557) is known as a Finnish Protestant reformer (cf.

ni

the contributions by Kallio, Hannikainen and Tuppurainen, and Lehtonen

in this volume).13 He studied in the Vyborg (Swe. Viborg; Fin. Viipuri) Latin
ve

School and at the University of Wittenberg (1536-9), bringing with him

rs

the impact of Luther, Melanchthon, and Erasmus of Rotterdam upon his

return. Agricola became the rector of the Turku (Swe. Åbo) Cathedral
ity

School, and in 1554 he was consecrated as bishop of Turku. He published

the fijirst Finnish-language primer (Abckiria, 1543), and translated the New
Pr

Testament into Finnish (Se Wsi Testamenti, 1548), which makes him also the
founder of Finnish as a literary language. The year 1551 saw the publication
es

of his translation of David’s Psalms (Dauidin psalttari), the foreword of

which (Alcupuhe) included a list of Finnish ‘gods’, containing twelve deities
s

(or mythological agents) from Tavastia and twelve from Karelia.14 On the

11 Laugaste, Eesti rahvaluuleteaduse. The review also includes several glossed texts from
chronicles, travelogues, etc. Recent overviews of the development of folkloristics and history
of religion in Estonia do not pay much attention to the time prior to the nineteenth century. Cf.
Leete et al., ‘Uurimislugu’; Valk, ‘Eesti folkloristika’; Kulmar, ‘Religiooniteadused’.
12 Sarajas, Suomen kansanrunouden.
13 Tarkiainen and Tarkiainen, Mikael Agricola; Heininen, Mikael Agricola.
14 Agricola, Teokset III, pp. 209-14; Agricola, Mikael Agricolan Psalttari. For the list, see: Ant-
tonen, ‘Literary Representation’; Sarajas, Suomen kansanrunouden, pp. 5-14; cf. Lehtonen in this
452 AIVAR PÕLDVEE

grounds of this versed list, Agricola is also considered the founder of Finnish
folkloristics. In German, the discipline based on drawing up this kind of
lists was called Listenwissenschaft.
It has been suggested that Agricola’s list was inspired by the fijifteenth-
century Swedish text Siælinna Thrøst (Ger. (Der grosse) Seelentrost (‘Consola-
tion of the Soul’)), and in the Lutheran tradition, Luther’s Small Catechism in
Lithuanian by Martinus Mosvidius (Mažvydas) printed in Königsberg (1547),
with Latin and Lithuanian introduction admonishing parish members to
abstain from acts of superstition and all false deities headed by Perkūnas.15
Am

The comparison to Mosvidius (cf. the contribution by Tuomas M.S. Lehtonen

in this volume) as a parallel seems all the more justifijied by the fact that the
Catechism also included a primer, compiled according to the same principles
st

as Agricola’s.16 The Lutheran Reformation’s struggle against the remnants of

er

paganism and Catholicism among various peoples followed similar patterns.

In the struggle against idolatry, the fijirst step was to determine – or in
da

some cases ‘invent’ – the adversary, proceeding from the principle that a
new faith required new kinds of paganism. In Prussia, for example, twelve
m

Prussian gods were listed in 1530, and their character was explained with
reference to their Roman counterparts.17 In studies of folklore, this kind
U

of interpretation is called interpretatio Romana or antiqua. Even though

ni

Finnish scholars are not quite unanimous on this point, 18 the Prussian
analogy allows us to assume that Agricola too proceeded from the same
ve

idea, mentioning twelve gods from Tavastia and twelve from Karelia. It
rs

must be admitted that the names denoting idolatry and gods in Agricola’s
list do not allow for an unambiguous interpretation: some of them allegedly
ity

reflect the Catholic cult of the saints.19

Pr
es
s

volume.
15 Harva, Suomalaisten muinaisusko, pp. 1-2.
16 Mažvydas, Katekizmas, pp. 51, 59-62. Both Agricola’s and Mosvidius’s primer drew on the
example of the Latin edition of Luther’s Small Catechism by Johannes Sauromannus (Parvvs
catechismvs pro pveris in Schola, 1530/1531), which was reprinted a number of times in the
sixteenth century and hence circulated widely.
17 Brauer, Die Entdeckung, pp. 39, 235-64.
18 For the debate, see Anttonen, ‘Literary Representation’, pp. 196-200, notes 26-8.
19 See Haavio, Karjalan jumalat; Tarkiainen and Tarkiainen, Mikael Agricola, pp. 235-7.
AGRICOL A’S LIST (1551) AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 453

Thomas Hiärne: The Early Modern Stratum

In the last quarter of the seventeenth century, Agricola’s list found its
way over the Gulf of Finland to Estonia, where Thomas Hiärne copied it
into his chronicle Esth-, Liv- und Lettländische Geschichte (‘The History of
Estonia, Livonia, and Latvia’), adding a concise translation into German.
The manuscript was completed in the 1670s,20 but because of the author’s
death in 1678, it did not appear in print; in fact, it had to wait for publication
for more than a hundred years.21 The depictions of the Estonian and Latvian
Am

superstition and old divinities found in Hiärne’s chronicle belong to the

same seventeenth-century discourse as the works of Johannes Gutslafff
(d. 1657)22 and, in particular, Paul Einhorn (d. 1655)23 – whose work Hiärne
st

also used as a source – as well as the tract by Johann Wolfgang Boecler

er

(d. 1717).24 The historical context of Hiärne’s chronicle was the Kingdom of
Sweden, a nascent European great power in need of a dignifijied image and
da

history to be created in the seventeenth century, making use of the Icelandic

sagas, their supposed Gothic ancestors, and the antique world transplanted
m

to Scandinavia, all along with Hercules and Homer. At the same time, at-
tempts were made to describe the country’s dominions and peoples, among
U

whom Estonians too were to be counted from 1561.25 Andreas Bureus (Bure)
ni

was assigned the task of compiling a map of Sweden, which was printed in
1626 along with a voluminous description of the Nordic countries, including
ve

Sweden’s Baltic provinces.26 In 1667, the Swedish College of Antiquities was

rs

founded, and the task of presiding over it fell to Georg Stiernhielm, a man
who for many years had served as an assessor in the Tartu Court of Appeal.
ity

Stiernhielm applied himself to several disciplines, and believed Estonians

and Finns to be descendants of an ancient mixed people who had lived
Pr

on the coast of the Black Sea. Moreover, he was one of the fijirst to suggest
linguistic afffijinity between Finnish and Hungarian.27 Johannes Scheffferus,
es

20 Three original manuscripts have been preserved and at least sixteen transcripts of the
s

chronicle. See Laidla, ‘Thomas Hiärn’, pp. 84-7.

21 [Hiärne], Thomas Hiärns, pp. 37-9.
22 Gutslafff, Kurtzer Bericht; cf. Kõiv, ‘Johannes Gutslafffs’.
23 Einhorn, Wiederlegunge; Einhorn, Historia Lettica.
24 Boecler [1685], Der Einfältigen Ehsten. Previously, the Estonian histories of literature and
folklore studies have erraneously attributed Boecler’s work to Johannes Forselius; cf. Põldvee,
‘“Lihtsate eestlaste”’, pp. 141-5, 183-6, 205-6.
25 See Lindroth, Svensk lärdomshistoria, pp. 235-305, 481-92.
26 Bure, Pohjoismaiden kuvaus.
27 Setälä, Lisiä suomalais-ugrilaisen, pp. 41, 46-7; Ohlsson, ‘Stiernhielms språkvetenskapliga’,
pp. 200-2.
454 AIVAR PÕLDVEE

an Uppsala University professor of German descent, was a member of the

College of Antiquities and worked on Lapponia, an account on Lapland and
the Lapps, commissioned by the Lord High Chancellor Magnus Gabriel De
la Gardie, printed in Latin in 1673 and soon translated into German (1674),
English (1674), French (1678), and Dutch (1682)28. Lapponia was an inspiration
for Hiärne, who was himself keen on antiquities and corresponded with
Scheffferus.
Hiärne was born in 1638 in Skworitz (Fin. Skuoritsa; Russ. Skvoritsy)
in Ingria, where his father was a pastor. Hiärne’s brother Urban became
Am

a doctor, polymath, and writer, a signifijicant man in the cultural history

of Sweden.29 Thomas Hiärne’s career culminated in his post as secretary
to Estland’s governor Bengt Horn; by the time he started working on his
st

chronicle, he was inspector of the Virtsu (Ger. Werder) manor in western

er

Estonia, owned by the Swedish customs chief (generaltullmästare) Wilhelm

Böös Drakenhielm. Owing to his origins and various duties, Hiärne knew
da

the languages spoken in Ingria and Estonia, and had travelled not just in the
Baltic provinces, but also around the Gulf of Bothnia (1667). This enabled
m

him to notice the kinship between the languages of Finno-Ugrian peoples

and the Lapps.30 In his letter to Johannes Scheffferus from 1673, he argued
U

that ‘the diffference between Finnish and Estonian’ was ‘smaller than the
ni

diffference between Upper and Lower German’.31 In his Chronicle, he gave a

more detailed description of the Baltic-Finnic peoples:
ve
rs

The Finns are one large people, who [inhabit the area] from the Norwe-
gian mountains through Lapland and around the Gulf of Bothnia up to
ity

the White Sea, and thence, in a half-circle of more than three hundred
[Swedish] miles, through Karelia to the land of Ingrians, Estonians,
Pr

and Livs. They all speak the same language, with only slightly diffferent
dialects, and the diffference between those is seldom as great as it is in
es

the Germans’ own language. They are divided into the forest Finns, West,
North, and East Bothnians, Lapps, Tavastians, Savonians, Karelians,
s

Ingrians, Votes, Estonians, and Livs.32

28 [Scheffferus], Joannis Scheffferi, p. 66.

29 Ohlsson and Tomingas-Joandi, Den otidsenlige.
30 Lotman and Lotman, ‘Fennougristika eellugu’; Laidla, ‘Thomas Hiärn’; Lotman, ‘Thomas
Hiärne’; Leppik, ‘Thomas Hiärne’.
31 T. Hiärne to J. Scheffferus, 21 October 1673 (Library of the University of Uppsala (Uppsala
universitetsbibliotek), G 260 c).
32 ‘Die Finnen aber sind ein großes Volck, welches von den Norwegischen Gebürgen umb den
Botnischen Hafff durch Lapland bis an die Weiß-See, und von da, durch Carelen, Ingermanland,
AGRICOL A’S LIST (1551) AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 455

On the basis of those linguistic observations, Hiärne drew some even more
far-reaching conclusions: ‘As they [Estonians] were the same as Finns, a
people with the same language and the same traditions, I assume that their
forms of worship must also have been one and the same, as I can prove by
means of several surviving remnants of paganism’.33 Still, Hiärne did admit
that the customs of worship were not the same for all the Finns, but like all
other Sarmatians, they had a special god ‘for each and every thing’, as we
can see ‘from the ancient Finnish rhymes of Sigfridus Aronus, in the fijirst
Psalms of King David that were published in the Finnish language’.34 The
Am

Sigfrid Aronus named here was Sigfrid Aronus Forsius (d. 1624),35 a clergy-
man and scholar well known in the cultural history of Finland, who had
probably made a Latin transcript of Agricola’s list.36 Nevertheless, the verses
st

presented by Hiärne are not Forsius’s ‘rhymes’, or a translation, but must

er

originate from some revised version of Agricola’s list, as also indicated by the
reference to King David’s Psalms. Hiärne’s direct source remains unknown.
da

The possibility of there having existed, in the seventeenth century, a Finn-

ish transcript of Agricola’s list made by Forsius, which may have reached
m

Hiärne, cannot defijinitely be ruled out.37 (Figure 14.1.)

Of Agricola’s 64 verses,38 Hiärne presented 52 – the last twelve, where no
U

deities are mentioned, were omitted. Compared to Agricola’s original text,

ni

there are a few inaccuracies and transcriptional diffferences in Hiärne’s

ve

Ehsten- und Lyven-Land, gleichsam einen halben Circel von mehr denn dreyhundert Meilen
machet. Sie haben alle eine Sprache, welche nur im Dialecto einigermaßen unterschieden:
rs

solcher Unterscheid aber ist bey ihnen selten so groß, als bey den Teutschen in ihrer Sprache. Sie
ity

sind vertheilet in March-Finnen, West- Nord- und Ost-Botinier, Lappen, Tawasten, Sawolaxen,
Carelen, Ingren, Watien, Ehsten und Lyven’, [Hiärne], Thomas Hiärns, p. 16.
33 ‘Sonsten, weil sie ein Volk mit den Finnen gewesen, eine Sprache und gleiche Sitten mit
Pr

ihnen gehabt, halte ich davor, sie müssen auch einerley Gottesdienst gehabt haben, wie man
aus vielen, so noch von dem Heydenthum bey ihnen im Gebrauch geblieben, beweisen kan’,
es

[Hiärne] 1794, p. 36.

34 ‘Des Sigfridi Aronis alten fijinnischen Reimen, so er den ersten in diesen Sprache ausgegan-
genen Psalmen Davids vorgesetzt’, [Hiärne], Thomas Hiärns, pp. 36-7.
s

35 Pursiainen, Sigfridus Aronus Forsius.

36 The text that is considered to have been the transcript of Agricola’s list by Sigfrid Aronus
Forsius was published for the fijirst time in the newspaper Tidningar utgifne af et Sällskap i Åbo
on 16 August 1778; Sarajas, Suomen kansanrunouden, p. 13.
37 Estonian folklorists have not studied Hiärne’s transcript in more detail, nor has the fact that
these verses originate from Agricola been more widely acknowledged. In the so far most exten-
sive historical review of Estonian folkloristics, seven lines of this verse have been published, but
the text does not mention Agricola as the original author. See Laugaste, Eesti rahvaluuleteaduse,
pp. 71-5, 304.
38 The original version of Agricola’s verses, along with their translation into modern Finnish
and English are published in Anttonen, ‘Literary Representation’, pp. 186-7.
456 AIVAR PÕLDVEE

Figure 14.1 Transcript of Agricola’s list from Thomas Hiärne’s chronicle

Am
st
er
da
m
U
ni
ve
rs
ity
Pr
es
s

Library of the University of Tartu (Tartu Ülikooli Raamatukogu), Mscr 140, p. 64v
Photo Aivar Põldvee
 AGRICOL A’S LIST (1551) AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 457

transcript, which have occurred in the course of repeated transcribing of

the text. The German summary of the verses’ content was probably drawn
up by Hiärne himself. The translation is not rhymed, but speaks of the
translator’s mastery of Finnish; each deity’s domain has been specifijied,
and if necessary, a brief explanation has been added. Below may be seen
Hiärne’s transcript juxtaposed with his translation as they appeared in
the 1794 publication of the Chronicle,39. It was in this version that Agricola’s
list became more widely known in the Baltic countries and in the German
cultural space; an English translation of the German follows:
Am
st

Epe jumalat mennt tesse Der Tawasten Götter, die sie The gods of the Tavastians,
er

muinen palwetin caucan ja angebetet haben, waren: whom they worshipped, were
lesse Tapio, ein Gott der Jagt, as follows:
da

Neite cumarsit Henne laiset Achti, der Fischerey, Tapio, a god of hunting,
seke Miehet ette Naiset Ainemoinen, der Lieder und Achti, of fijishing,
m

Tapio Metzest Pydhyxit soi Poesie, Ainemoinen, of songs and

ja Achti wedhest Calvia toj Rachkoj, vertheilte des poetry,
U

Ainemoinen wirdet ta coj Mondes Licht in alt und neu, Rachkoj, who split the light of
ni

Rachkoj Cuun mustaxi jacoj Licki, hätte zu gebieten über the moon into old and new,
Lieckio Rohet, Juret ja Pund das Gras und die Bäume. And Licki, who ruled over the
ve

Hallitzi ja sen Kalteiset muud Ilmarinen, war ein Gott des grass and the trees.
rs

Illmarinen Rauhan ja Illmaen Friedens, gab gut Wetter und Ilmarinen, who was a god of
tej begleitete die peace, who gave good weather
ity

ja Mat ca miehet edes wej reisende Leute. and accompanied travellers.

Turisas annoj woiton Sodast Turisas, ein Gott des Krieges, Turisas, a god of war, and
Pr

Cratti murhen piti Tawarost und Cratte, a god of goods and

Tontu Honen menen Hallitzi Cratte, der Gütter und wealth,
es

quin Piru monda willitzi Reichtum, Tontu, of housekeeping,

Capeet mös heilde Cuun söit Tontu, der Haushaltung, The Capees, who ate the
s

Calewan pojat Uytut ja muut Die Capeen, fraſsen ihnen moon for them when a time of
löit den Mond, da eine Finsterniſs darkness was imminent.
vorhanden war. The sons of Cavela, who helped
Des Cavela Söhne, haben ihnen them mow the meadows.
geholfen die Wiesen zu mehen.

39 [Hiärne], Thomas Hiärns, pp. 28-30.

 458 AIVAR PÕLDVEE

Wan Carjalaisten nämat olit Der Carelen Götter waren diese: The gods of Karelia were the
Epa jumalat quin he rucolit Rongotheus, bescherete following:
Rongoteus Ruist annoj Roggen, Rongotheus, who provided rye,
Pellopecko Ohran caſwon soj Pellonpecko, Gersten, Pellonpecko, barley
Wiran cannos Cauran caitzi Wierankannos, Haber, Wierankannos, oats,
mutoin oltin Cauraſs paitzj Egres, Erbsen, Bohnen, Rüben, Egres, peas, beans, turnips,
Egres, Hernet, Pawut Naurit loj Kohl und Hanfff cabbage and hemp.
Calit Linnat ja Hamput edes toj Köndus, gab Glück zu den Köndus, who blessed the
Köndös huchtat ja Pellot tekj Rödungen. farmlands.
Am

Quin heiden Epe ujkans näkj Ucko, und sein Weib Rauni Ucko, and his wife Rauni, held
Ja quin Kelwe Kylwo Kylwätin hatten über das Wetter zu sway over the weather, and
st

sillon Uckon Mallia jotin gebieten, und als when it was time to sow the
er

Siehen Hantin Uckon wacka die Frühlings-Saat sollte spring seed, they drank to his
nin jopuj Pica ette acka geseet werden, haben sie uhm honour, and in the process
da

Syte palio Häpie siele techtin zu Ehren getrunken, da sich were joined by their drunken
quin seke cuultin ette nechtin dann Weiber und Mägde mit wives and maidens and they
m

quin Raunj Uckon Neini härsky voll gesofffen und unterdessen committed many shameful
jalosti Ukoj pohiasti pärsky viel schändliche Dinge things.
U

Se sis annoj Ilman ja udhen verübet. Käkri, who increased the

ni

Tuulen Käkri, mehrete den Zuwachs growth of cattle.

ve

Käkrj se liseis Carian casſwon des Viehes. Hysi, who ensured success in
Hysi Metzelniss soi woiton Hysi, gab Gedeyen die wilden the capture of wild beasts.
rs

Weden Ema wei Calat Werion Thiere zu fangen. Weden Ema (that is to say, the
Nyrckeo Orawat annoj Metzaſs Weden Ema (das ist Mutter des mother of water) provided fijish,
ity

Hittawania toi Jenexet persaſs Wassers) bescherete Fische, Nyrko, squirrels and
Eickö se kan sa wimatu ole Nyrko, Eichhörnen und Hittawanen, rabbits.
Pr

joca neite usko ja rucole Hittawanen, Hasen.

Sichen Piru ja Syndi weti heita
es

Etta he cumarsit ja uskoit neita

s

Cooluden Hautyn Rooka wietin Zu der Todten Gräbern, haben They brought food to the
joissa walitin, parghutin ja sie Speise gebracht, und graves of the dead, and also
idketin daselbst geweinet shed tears and cried out loud.
Meeningejset mös heiden und geschrien. Was sie alda That which they brought in
ufrins sait opffferten das genossen die sacrifijice was eaten by the
Coscka Lesckit hoolit ja nait Männingen. Männingese.
Palweltin mös palio muta Im übrigen haben sie auch They also worshipped stones,
Kiwet Kannot, Tähdet ja Cuta, Steine, Bäume, den Mond und trees, the moon, and stars, etc.
etc. Sterne etc.
angebetet.
AGRICOL A’S LIST (1551) AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 459

Hiärne was sufffijiciently familiar with the superstitious practices of the

local peasants to refrain from attempting an exact correlation with Es-
tonian deities, but repeated that some features indicate both Estonians
and Latvians had a specifijic god for every area of activities. He supposed
that Käkre on Agricola’s list had an Estonian counterpart in Metziko (in
modern Estonian Metsik (‘Fierce’), whose cult was widespread in Western
Estonia, 40 while the Finnish Tontus was allegedly no other than Estonian
Pertmes or Kouken, 41 who kept the granary well stocked by stealing grain
from the neighbours. The Karelian Ucko, according to Hiärne, was the ‘Old
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Father’ (Ger. ‘Alt Vater’), whose counterparts were the Tavastian Turisas
and the Swedish Auku, Thor. Hiärne believed that Estonians omitted the
fijirst letter of the name Ucko, and said ‘Kou’, as the Finnish expression
st

‘Ucko jürisep’ corresponded to the Estonians’ ‘Kou mürisep’ (Ger. ‘Alt Vater
er

donnert’, ‘Old Father thunders’). 42 Moreover, Hiärne adds an explanation to

the account of Saaremaa (Ger. Ösel): men calling out ‘Thorapita!’ to their
da

gods in old Livonian chronicles (i.e. the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia)

from the early thirteenth century. 43 Hiärne believed this was a call for
m

Thor’s help, which in Estonian or Finnish would sound ‘Thor avita’ or

‘auta’ (‘Thor, help!’). 44
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All nineteenth-century speculations about Estonian celestial deities,

ni

such as Vanaisa (‘Old Father’), or Taara and Uku, proceed from this comment
made by Hiärne on Agricola’s list. 45 Kristian Jaak Peterson was helpful
ve

in shaping them into suitable raw material for pseudo-mythology. In his

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translation of Christfrid Ganander’s Mythologia Fennica from Swedish into

ity

40 Västrik, ‘Kombest valmistada’.

41 The meaning of ‘Pertmes’ remains unclear; Kouken derives from the word kõuk, i.e. distant
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forefather, which is probably a Baltic loanword (Lithuanian kaukas, Latvian kauks, Estonian
majavaim). Estonian folklore also knows another stealer of neighbours wealth, kratt (also known
es

as, for example, puuk, pisuhänd, tulihänd, vedaja).

42 [Hiärne], Thomas Hiärns, pp. 39-40. Heinrich Göseken (1612-1681), a pastor and early modern
scholar of Estonian language and folk customs, suggested using isa (Issa) and taat (Taat, Ger.
s

Vater, Latin pater, ‘father’) as the equivalents of kõu (Kouw, the ‘Thunder’); and isaisa (Issa-Issa,
Ger. Gros-Vatter [Grossvater], ‘grandfather’) as the equivalent of vana kõu (wanna kouw, the ‘old
thunder’). See Göseken, Manuductio ad Linguam, p. 420; cf. Kingisepp et al., Heinrich Gösekeni,
p. 449.
43 In the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia, this god of the Saaremaa men (Tharapita, Tarapitha,
Tharaphita) is mentioned on fijive occasions. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, p. 175 (XXIV.5), p. 218
(XXX.4), p. 220 (XXX.5), p. 221 (XXX.5), p. 222 (XXX.6).
44 [Hiärne], Thomas Hiärns, pp. 40-1. Hiärne’s interpretation was in turn adopted by Christian
Kelch, thanks to whose chronicle the idea gained a wider circulation. See Kelch, Liefländische
Historia, p. 26.
45 Viires, ‘Taara avita!’; Masing, Eesti usund, pp. 42-9; Kulmar, ‘Taevasest üliolendist’.
460 AIVAR PÕLDVEE

German, he did virtually the same thing as Hiärne had accomplished almost
one and a half centuries earlier: he transferred the list of Finnish gods
into an Estonian context, considering the possibility of analogy. Peterson
added local information to the article on the god Ukko in Ganander’s
lexicon. He makes no reference to Hiärne, but reiterates the recognizable
fact that Kouk or Kouke means thunder, and is the name for the Estonians’
ancient thunder god. Peterson added that, when hearing the thunder roll,
Estonians say ‘Wanna issa wäljas, wanna issa hüab’ (‘Old Father out there,
Old Father calling’). 46 Via Hiärne and Peterson, the theonym Vanaisa (Ger.
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‘Altvater, der Alte’) as well as Taraphita and Thor, transformed to Tara or

Taara, found their way into Faehlmann’s treatises and literary folktales, the
latter he claimed to have heard directly from the people in Virumaa and
st

Järvamaa (Ger. Wierland and Jerwen). 47 Here, it is important to stress the

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link between Agricola’s list and Peterson by way of Hiärne’s comments, as

the nineteenth-century authors took Peterson’s insertions, sprung from
da

the same source, as authentic records.

m

Garlieb Helwig Merkel: A Romantic Compilation

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One of the fij irst to make use of Thomas Hiärne’s chronicle, published

in 1794, was the Livonian literary scholar Garlieb Helwig Merkel (1769-
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1850), known for his Enlightenment ideas and radical social criticism. 48
Merkel’s best-known work is Die Letten (‘The Latvians’) (1796), 49 which
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denounces slavery and the injustice of the social Estates. He can also be
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seen as an innovator in the discourse of historical writing in the Baltic

countries, since, inf luenced by the ideas of Romanticism and above
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all by Herder, he spoke of the cyclical course of history. The idea of the
inevitable alternation of prosperity and decline did not merely reverse
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the respective pasts of the indigenous Baltic peoples and the German
colonizers, but gave Latvians and Estonians hope that their golden age
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might recur some time in the future.50 The influence of Herder’s ideas is
undeniable in Merkel’s general understanding about peoples and folklore,

46 [Peterson], Christfrid Ganander, pp. 16-17.

47 For an edition with commentary on Faehlmann’s literary folktales, as well as his treatises
on Estonian language and ancient religion, see Faehlmann, Teosed 1.
48 Heeg, Garlieb Merkel; Drews, ‘Ich werde’.
49 Merkel, Die Letten.
50 For Merkel’s interpretation of history, see: Undusk, ‘“Wechsel und Wiederkehr”’; von Wilpert,
Deutschbaltische Literaturgeschichte, pp. 120-3.
AGRICOL A’S LIST (1551) AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 461

further inspired by James Macpherson’s poems of Ossian, a work greatly

admired all over Europe, which later turned out to be a falsifij ication.51
Merkel’s work Die Vorzeit Lieflands (‘The prehistory of Livonia’, published
in 1798-1799 in Jelgava (Ger. Mitau) was far from a pedantic or factual account
of historical events. His descriptions of ancient religion, characteristic traits,
and customs, all standard components in eighteenth-century historical
writing, were also painted with the broad strokes of an unrestrained hand.
Merkel did not just borrow the names of deities from Hiärne’s chronicle, but
used a similar method of analogy when describing the ancient religion of
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the Estonians: ‘The Estonians, whose ancient history is the actual subject
of these pages, difffer so little from other peoples of the same [Finnish]
descent in their customs and religion that the description of the latter
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in most respects is also a description of the former. It should thus not be

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considered an overstatement if I continue referring to the Finns in general’.52

Merkel’s understanding of Estonians was also shaped by the eighteenth
da

century’s augmented knowledge about the Nordic and Finno-Ugrian

peoples, especially the respective works of Schlözer and Herder. August
m

Ludwig von Schlözer (1735-1809), professor at Göttingen University, de-

scribed the Finns as a large interrelated people, including the Lapps, the
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Finns (in a narrower sense), the Estonians, the Livs, the Zyrians (Komis),
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the Permians, the Voguls (Mansis), the Votyaks (Udmurts), the Cheremis
(Mari), the Mordvins, the Konda Ostyaks (Khanty), and the Hungarians. To
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elucidate the history of the Nordic peoples, Schlözer introduced the term
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‘indigenous people’ (Stammvolk), which he illustrated with the case of the

Estonians: the most ancient people known to have lived in the Estonian
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territory. Germans and Russians are not the indigenous inhabitants of

Estonia, nor are Germanic peoples indigenous to Scandinavia, which was
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earlier populated by Finns all the way down to Småland.53 Proceeding from
Schlözer, Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) wrote about the Finnish
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peoples: ‘They were not warriors like the Germans, as even today, after
long centuries of oppression, all the Lapp, Finnish, and Estonian folktales
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51 For the Romanticist treatment of folklore, see: Feldman and Richardson, The Rise; Greineder,
From the Past; Gaskill, The Reception.
52 ‘Die Esthen, deren Vorzeit diese Blätter eigentlich gewidet sind, unterscheiden sich so
wenig in Sitten und Religion von den übrigen Völckerschaften ihres Stammes, daß ein Gemälde
derselben, den Hauptzügen nach, auch das ihrige ist. Man wird es also nicht für überflüßig
halten, wenn ich fortfahre, von den Finnen im Allgemein zu sprechen’, Merkel, Die Vorzeit
Lieflands, pp. 216-7.
53 Schlözer, Allgemeine Nordische, pp. 263-4, 301-6. See also Stipa, Finnisch-ugrische Sprach-
forschung, pp. 197-8.
462 AIVAR PÕLDVEE

and songs show them to be a “gentle” (sanftes) people’. This is why the
Lapps have been forced up to the vicinity of the North Pole, while the
Finns, the Ingrians, the Estonians, etc. have been enslaved, and the Livs
are almost extinct. The fate of those peoples on the coasts of the Baltic
Sea, Herder wrote, ‘is a sad (trauriges) page in the history of mankind’.54
Merkel had closer contacts with Herder in 1797 in Germany, where he
continued his studies and prepared the work Die Vorzeit Lieflands. Following
Herder’s example, he presented Estonians and Livs as a great, ancient,
peace-loving Finnish nation that once ruled the region stretching from the
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Norwegian mountains to the Urals, and from the North Sea to the Caspian
Sea, but which was then driven apart by foreign conquests and turns of
history.55 Merkel was not familiar with Ganander’s Mythologia Fennica, and
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as he failed to obtain any other direct records about the Finns, he compiled
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the mythology of that ancient nation mainly on the basis of chronicles,

Scandinavian sagas, Nordic authors (Olaus Magnus, Olaus Rudbeck, and
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others) and literature published about the Lapps.

Combining the Lapp mythology with Estonian, i.e. the general Finnish
m

mythology, Merkel principally used the same method as Ganander when

the latter integrated accounts of the Lapp gods into his lexicon of Finnish
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mythology. Probably owing to the use of the same original sources, the hier-
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archical structure56 of Merkel’s pantheon had similarities to the classifijication

Ganander introduced in the preface to his own work.57 Merkel’s treatment of
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the subject is certainly fanciful, but rather superfijicial and eclectic, and his
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theography therefore rather removed from actual mythology. Nevertheless,

in his attempts to apply the methods of contemporary scholarship and to
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proceed from linguistic afffijinity, Merkel made the fijirst attempt to provide a
more comprehensive picture of Estonian mythology. As one of the pioneers,
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he has earned a place in the prehistory of Estonian folkloristics.58

In his compilation, Merkel also included the Tavastian and Karelian
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gods he discovered in Hiärne’s chronicle, i.e. deities from Agricola’s

list. According to Merkel, Jummala or Thor, the chief god of the Finnish
s

54 Herder, Ideen zur Geschichte, pp. 20-4.

55 Merkel, Die Vorzeit Lieflands, pp. 209-16.
56 Merkel’s main source for the Lapp mythology was [Leem et al.], Knud Leems Beskrivelse.
The hierarchy of Lapp gods and the names of their most important deities are based on Jessen-
Schardeböll’s dissertation that is included in Leem’s work, pp. 8-14.
57 Ganander, Mythologia fennica, p. [XIV]. Ganander’s main source for the Lapp mythology
was a manuscript by the Danish missionary Lennart Sidenius (1702-1763).
58 Merkel’s stirring impact on the romanticizing of the ancient Estonians is briefly mentioned
in Annist, ‘Muinsusromantika’, pp. 84-6.
AGRICOL A’S LIST (1551) AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 463

peoples, had four kinds of subjects. Among them, he included Rahkis,

Rachku or Kuu, living on the Moon, whose counterpart in Agricola’s list
is Rachkoi. Among minor guardian spirits in the retinue of the Lappish
Maderatja and Maderakka, deities in charge of the growth and prospering
of all living matter, he included Tapio, the god of hunting from Agricola’s
list, and the fijishing god Achti; Licki, the guardian of plants and trees, as
well as Käkre, the tutelary spirit of borders, who among Estonians bore
the name of Metziko. To the guardian spirits, Merkel added the hostile
ones, or Capeen (Agricola’s Capeet), who devoured the moon and brought
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darkness, and also ‘Söhne Cavela’s’ (the German for Cavela’s [sic] sons,
Agricola’s Caleuanpoiat), who kindly helped people to make hay in the
fijields.59 Although Merkel never refers to Hiärne, there remains little doubt
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that he had discovered all the above deities in Hiärne’s chronicle. Merkel
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did not know Finnish, and therefore has obviously used Hiärne’s German
summary of Agricola’s list, duplicating also the mistake in Hiärne’s transla-
da

tion: ‘des Cavela Söhne’. In Hiärne’s Finnish transcript, the giants who later
lent their name to the Estonian national epic are listed as ‘Calewan pojat’.60
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The most intriguing god in Merkel’s compilation is Wainamöinen, ‘the

Finnish Orpheus’. Merkel treated Wainamöinen separately from other
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gods, associating him with the Estonians’ great love of song, for which he
ni

found proof in the account of Estonian warriors spellbound by music dur-

ing the siege of Beverin, provided by the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia.61
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Merkel also utilized a note by Saxo Grammaticus on the Scandinavian

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hero Störkoder (Starkader), a great singer who himself versifijied his heroic
deeds for the benefijit of future generations, having been born in Estonia.62
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Väinämöinen, the central character of Finnish mythology, was fijirst men-

tioned in Agricola’s list, but in a slightly diffferent form: ‘Äinemöinen’.63
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In Hiärne’s transcript and translation, we can see the name set down as
‘Ainemoinen’. Therefore Merkel had access to some additional source
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that allowed him to write about Wainamöinen’s zither having such a

s

59 Merkel, Die Vorzeit Lieflands, pp. 240-2.

60 [Hiärne], Thomas Hiärns, p. 59. The mistake occurs in the original manuscripts of the
chronicle.
61 Cf. the representation of the besieging of the fort of Beverin in Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae,
pp. 63-4 (XII.6). Kreutzwald has used the same motif, probably borrowed from Merkel, in his
ballad, where he compares the zither player with both a god of peace and Orpheus. K. Fried-
hold [F.R. Kreutzwald], ‘Die Belagerung’, column 529. For the signifijicance of this motif for the
interpretations of Latvian popular culture, see the chapter by Māra Grudule.
62 Merkel, Die Vorzeit Lieflands, I, pp. 226-7.
63 For more details, see Haavio, Väinämöinen.
464 AIVAR PÕLDVEE

captivating sound that even bears came out of the forest and listened
to it, leaning on a nearby fence.64 The exact source of this information is
unknown. Bears enjoying the sound of Väinämöinen’s zither were fijirst
mentioned in 1766 by Gabriel Haberfelt, a student in Turku, also the fijirst to
compare the Finnish god of song to Orpheus. The folk song whose content
Haberfelt renders in Latin was published by Christian Erici Lencqvist in
1782 in a thesis, De Superstitione veterum Fennorum theoretica et practica.
In a runo poem about Väinämöinen playing the zither there is a verse:
‘Karhukin aidalle kawahti’ (‘even the bear leant on a fence’).65
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Thus Merkel borrowed a total of eight deities – of these, Väinämöinen

was probably not a direct loan – from Agricola’s list via Hiärne’s chronicle
for his description of Estonian-Finnish mythology. Merkel’s compilation felt
st

so alien and artifijicial that later authors usually discarded it in its entirety.
er

And yet the image of Väinämöinen published in Merkel’s book (Figure 14.2)
was to have great further signifijicance. Merkel wished to use his illustration
da

also for the purpose of demonstrating Estonian folk dress, and therefore
apologized to the reader for the anachronism, probably referring to the an-
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cient god of song being clad in modern peasant attire. The image was etched
in Weimar by the artist Conrad Westermayr, who proceeded from two
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ethnographical drawings: the Estonian farm house from the work of August
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Wilhelm Hupel (1777), and the image of three Estonian peasants from Pärnu
(Ger. Pernau) County in a book by Johann Ludwig Börger (1778).66 Those
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borrowed motives have been placed on the background of a romantically

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rocky Finnish landscape lit by the glow of the rising sun, and the bears are
indeed listening to Väinämöinen’s zither as in the Finnish runo. The fijirst
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visual image of Väinämöinen was born – depicting him as an Estonian

peasant.67 It is probable that the image had an impact also on Kristian
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Jaak Peterson, who complemented Ganander’s examples of the runo and

description of Väinämöinen with a remark: ‘This god was probably also
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known among Estonians. As some Estonian songs are conceivably similar

to the Finnish songs in the text above. Still the god who is the substance of
s

the songs has almost completely disappeared from those [Estonian songs],
or we may fijind a singing peasant in his place’.68 And Merkel’s book was

64 Merkel, Die Vorzeit Lieflands, pp. 227-8.

65 Haavio, Väinämöinen, pp. 16-22.
66 Hupel, Topographische Nachrichten, ill. no. 1 (Carl Magnus von Lilienfeld, Ehstnische
Kleidung); Börger, Versuch über die Alterthümer, ill. no. [2] (G.C. Schmidt, Die Tracht der Ehsten
so wie sie im Pernauischen Kreise gebräuchlich ist).
67 Põldvee, ‘Vanemuise sünd’, pp. 17-18; cf. Väisänen, ‘Väinämöisen kantele’, pp. 210-11.
68 [Peterson], Christfrid Ganander, p. 26.
AGRICOL A’S LIST (1551) AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 465

probably one of the sources that inspired Friedrich Robert Faehlmann fijifty
years later to write folk tales about Vanemuine (Faehlmann’s Wannemunne,
Wannemuine, Wainemoinen), the Estonian god of song, although no such
deity was known to authentic Estonian folk tradition.

Figure 14.2 Conrad Westermayr, Wainamöinen – Finnish Orpheus

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st
er
da
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ni
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Pr
es
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From: Garlieb Merkel, Die Vorzeit Lieflands. Ein Denkmahl des Pfaffen- und Rittergeistes, I
(Berlin: Voss, 1798)
Photo National Library of Estonia
466 AIVAR PÕLDVEE

Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald: Early Notes by the Epic’s Creator

Agricola’s list was also echoed in one of the early articles on Estonian
mythology by Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald (1803-1882), published in the
Baltic German magazine Das Inland.69 Kreutzwald had been inspired by
the second edition of Hiärne’s chronicle, published in 1835,70 the reason he
too erroneously mentions ‘Sigfrid Aron’s Finnish rhymes’ (i.e. Sigfrid Aronus
Forsius, see above) as the original source. In those rhymes, Kreutzwald
discovered some minor deities, whom he thought were also familiar to Esto-
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nians by name: 1. Cratti, the god of wealth and riches; 2. The household god
Tontu, Estonian tont; 3. The weather god Ukko, whose worship in Estonia was
confijirmed by reports about the Uku-vakk (the ‘Uku bushel’) from Alutaguse
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(Ger. Allentacken), which Kreutzwald associated with offferings brought

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to Uku. He also associated the Estonian customs of the Annunciation, a

‘popular celebration for women’, e.g. drinking of the so-called maarjapuna
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(‘Mary’s red’, red drinks consumed by women on Annunciation day), with ac-
counts of the spring Bacchanals held in honour of Ukko and his wife Ranni;
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4. Nyrckeo, the god of squirrels, whose Estonian counterpart, according to

Kreutzwald, was the ‘weasel’, nirk in Estonian; in Wierland, it was forbidden
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to kill weasels, who were important for the fertility of horses.71

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Kreutzwald’s article was written in winter 1838, about the same time as the
Learned Estonian Society (Gelehrte Estnische Gesellschaft) was founded in
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Tartu and Faehlmann read out his fijirst mythological literary folktales at the
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society’s meeting. Next year, Kreutzwald also joined the Learned Estonian
Society, and after the clarion call of Georg Julius von Schultz-Bertram, the
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idea of an Estonian epic started to take root. Newly arrived from Finland,
Schultz-Bertram declared at the society’s meeting in October 1839,72 ‘Let us
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give the people an epic and a history of their own, and we have won a major
victory!’ It is signifijicant that when Kreutzwald was writing the article, he ob-
es

viously failed to recognize ‘Calewan pojat’ and the song maker ‘Ainemoinen’
(Hiärne’s spelling) from Agricola’s list as fijigures from folk tales he had heard
s

from the people, and whose Estonian counterparts he was later to use as
characters in his epic Kalevipoeg – Kalevipoeg and Vanemuine. About the
latter, as mentioned above, no authentic folklore tradition was to be found,

69 Fr[iedrich Reinhold] Kr[eutzwald], ‘Beitrag zur Mythologie’.

70 [Hiärne], Thomae Hiärn’s.
71 Fr[iedrich Reinhold] Kr[eutzwald], ‘Beitrag zur Mythologie’, columns 132-3.
72 According to Schultz-Bertram’s vision, the epic about the son of Kalleva was born out of an
amalgamation of pan-Finnish myths. See Annist, Friedrich Reinhold, pp. 421-33.
AGRICOL A’S LIST (1551) AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 467

whereas folktales about Kalevipoeg were widespread all over Estonia,73 and
had already been described for the fijirst time in the magazine Das Inland in
1836.74 It is possible, though, that Kreutzwald, just like Merkel, disregarded
Hiärne’s Finnish version of the list, proceeded from the German translation,
and was therefore misled by the inaccurate spelling (‘des Cavela Söhne’).
In his later work, Kreutzwald has not used Agricola’s list as a source.
Nevertheless, the war god Turisas75 on Agricola’s list came via other sources
included among his mythological characters, and some time in the middle
of the nineteenth century Kreutzwald tried to turn him into Turris, one of
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the four main gods worshipped by Estonians,76 to whom feasts around the
autumnal equinox had allegedly been dedicated.77 Verses about Turris could
still be found in the manuscript of the so-called preliminary Kalevipoeg (1853)
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in the story of Kalevipoeg losing his sword (VII Song, 401), but the war god
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imported from Finnish mythology was omitted from the fijinal version. Thus
Turris failed to gain any more permanent foothold in Estonian mythology.78
da

In the scholarly activities of the Learned Estonian Society and especially

in the determined literary myth-making of Faehlmann and Kreutzwald, the
m

design of the Estonian pantheon reached a new stage. The Kalevala (1835)
served as the greatest source of inspiration, even if – at least initially – mostly
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by the mere fact of its existence, as knowledge of the Finnish epic in Estonia
ni

remained superfijicial.79 If earlier attempts at describing Estonian mythology

operated on the basis of analogies and, proceeding from the Finnish records,
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tried to discover similar deities in Estonian tradition, Faehlmann argued that

rs
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73 Annist, Friedrich Reinhold, pp. 315-23.

74 [Schüdlöfffel], ‘Káallew’s Sohn’.
75 Turris did not make its way to Estonian pseudo-mythology directly from Agricola’s list, but
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through Johannes Scheffferus’s Lapponia that was mediated by Johann Wolfgang Boecler in the
late seventeenth century. In the nineteenth century, Turris was again brought into the spotlight
es

by K.J. Peterson and Alexander Heinrich Neus. From their works, this prototype of the Estonian
warrior god was taken up by Kreutzwald. For more on this, see Põldvee, ‘“Lihtsate eestlaste”’,
p. 209; Põldvee, ‘Vanemuise sünd’, pp. 22-6.
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76 Kreutzwald constructed this polytheistic system in contrast to Faehlmann’s monotheist

treatment of Estonian mythology. According to the contemporary scholarly understanding of
mythology, the people living in the Northern climate zones were supposed to celebrate four
main religious feasts – one in each season – which were dedicated to the honour of their four
main gods.
77 Kreutzwald, ‘Ueber den Character’.
78 For more details, see Põldvee, ‘Vanemuise sünd’, pp. 22-6.
79 At that time, the main source of knowledge about the Kalevala was Holmberg, ‘Kalevala’.
The Society obtained a copy of the Kalevala in 1839, but even in 1934, its pages were not cut.
Kreutzwald familiarized himself more closely with the Kalevala only in 1853 with the help of
the German translation.
468 AIVAR PÕLDVEE

Estonians had, unlike the Finns, prior to the arrival of Christianity reached
the stage of monotheism (the cult of Taara). Therefore, ancient Estonians must
have had ‘a diffferent religion’ than the one described by Ganander and in the
Kalevala.80 Characters in Faehlmann’s literary folktales, such as Wannemuine,
Lämmeküne, Wibboane, etc, are presented as authentic; Faehlmann even
asked Gabriel Rein, professor of history at Helsinki University, for assistance
in comparing Estonian and Finnish theologies (Götterlehre).81 Eventually,
neither Faehlmann nor Kreutzwald succeeded in fully eliminating all Finnish
implications from the nascent Estonian pseudo-mythology, but after the epic
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Kalevipoeg, the Estonian pantheon can still be treated as an independent

cultural phenomenon and source for the shaping of Estonian identity.
The merging of Finnish deities mentioned in Agricola’s list with Estonian
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pseudo-mythology is not limited to the examples brought out in the text.

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Later examples consist of nineteenth-century or early-twentieth-century

loans from Ganander or Peterson, the Kalevala, or other indirect sources and
da

popularizing treatments of the matter. These developments remain beyond

the scope of this article, but deserve further research and a fresh approach.
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Conclusions
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Agricola’s list (1551) is the cornerstone of Finnish mythology and folkloris-

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tics, and has had an impact also on the development of Estonian pseudo-
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mythology, whose earlier strata of evolution have so far not received the
attention they deserve. To date, the evolution of Estonian mythology and the
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pantheon has been depicted as a nineteenth-century phenomenon starting

with Kristian Jaak Peterson’s German version of Christfrid Ganander’s My-
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thologia Fennica, continuing with the literary folktales of Friedrich Robert

Faehlmann, and becoming fully fledged in Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald’s
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epic Kalevipoeg. This development, usually presented in three stages, in fact

has a prehistory dating back to the late seventeenth century – to Thomas
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Hiärne’s chronicle Esth-, Liv- und Lettländische Geschichte written in the

mid-1670s. Into his chronicle, Hiärne copied a major part of Agricola’s verses,
using a transcript he ascribed to Sigfrid Aronus [Forsius]. Hiärne believed
that transplanting Finnish deities into Estonian history was justifijied owing
to the afffijinity of the two languages, which also allowed for the suggestion

80 Fählmann, ‘Wie war der heidnische’. Cf. Metste, ‘Von K.J. Peterson’.
81 F.R. Faehlmann to Gabriel Rein, 30 November 1846 (The Estonian Literary Museum, Estonian
Cultural History Archives [Eesti Kirjandusmuuseum, Eesti Kultuurilooline Arhiiv]).
AGRICOL A’S LIST (1551) AND THE FORMATION OF THE ESTONIAN PANTHEON 469

of similarities in mythology. Hiärne was sufffijiciently familiar with Estonian

circumstances to avoid indiscriminate transplantation of Finnish gods,
and confijined himself to comments which later served as a source for such
Estonian theonyms as Vanaisa, Taara, and Uku.
Hiärne’s chronicle remained in manuscript stage for a long time, and we
can but imagine the inspiring impact Agricola would have had on the devis-
ing of Estonian mythology and the pantheon if Hiärne’s work was published
in the seventeenth century instead of 1794. The Estonian pantheon might
have evolved into something quite diffferent and had a considerably greater
Am

overlap with the Finnish. At the end of Swedish rule in Estonia, the work of
Tartu University was interrupted (1710), and Estonian culture never saw the
birth of phenomena represented in Finland by the early Fennophile Daniel
st

Juslenius (1676-1752) or Henrik Gabriel Porthan (1739-1804), the founder of

er

Finnish folkloristics – both professors at the Academy of Turku..

To some extent, the gap was fijilled by the Livonian literary scholar Garlieb
da

Helwig Merkel who, in his work Die Vorzeit Lieflands (1798), made the fijirst
attempt to provide a more comprehensive picture of the Estonians’ ancient
m

religion. In his rather undiscerning compilation, Merkel merged the Tavastian

and Karelian deities from Agricola’s list and copied into Hiärne’s chronicle,
U

with information from old chronicles and Scandinavians sagas, as well as

ni

records of Lappish mythology. In his description of the pan-Finnish pantheon,

Merkel used analogies based on linguistic afffijinity similar to Hiärne’s, backing
ve

them up with the description of Finno-Ugrian peoples provided by Johann

rs

Gottfried Herder (1792). Merkel’s entire concept of nations and folklore, pro-
pelled by Romantic ideals of freedom, bore a strong flavour of Herder. His
ity

impressive portrayal of the ancient Finnish golden age should hence be treated
not only as a source for the shaping of Estonian identity, but also as a harbinger
Pr

of the Finno-Ugric movement. Merkel’s pantheon, structured according to

the hierarchies of the Lappish example (Ganander too had proceeded from
es

a similar hierarchy), was far from adequate for the purposes of Estonian folk
religion, and was therefore discarded as a curiosity. Nevertheless, the designers
s

of Estonian mythology were impressed by the song god Wainamöinen, deemed

by Merkel ‘the Finnish Orpheus’, whose visual image – clad as an Estonian
peasant – was presented for the fijirst time in Merkel’s book.
Therefore, the existing outline of the evolution of Estonian (pseudo-)
mythology, focusing so far on the nineteenth century, should be comple-
mented with a prehistory, which via Merkel and Hiärne dates back almost
to the late Middle Ages and Agricola’s list. Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald,
the future author of the national epic the Kalevipoeg, also used Hiärne’s
chronicle in an attempt to fijind connecting links between the Finnish
470 AIVAR PÕLDVEE

deities mentioned in Agricola’s list and the Estonians’ beliefs. More remote
echoes of Agricola’s list, derived from Ganander or the Finnish Kalevala,
are abundant in Estonian pseudo-mythology and deserve further research.

This article was written under the auspices of the EuroCORECODE/CURE and
the ESF grant IUT31-6.

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