Waterfront Regeneration

Waterfront regeneration and development represents a unique opportunity to spatially and

visually alter cities worldwide. However, its multifaceted nature entails city-building with all
its complexity, including the full range of organizations involved and how they interact. This
book examines how more inclusive stakeholder involvement has been attempted in the nine
cities that took part in the European Union-funded Waterfront Communities Project. It
focuses on analysing the experience of creating new public realms through city-building
activities. These public realms include negotiation arenas in which different discourses meet
and are created – including those of planners, urban designers and architects, politicians,
developers, landowners and community groups – as well as physical environments where the
new city districts’ public life can take place, drawing lessons for waterfront regeneration
worldwide.
This book opens with an introduction to waterfront regeneration and then provides a
framework for analysing and comparing waterfront redevelopments. Case study chapters
highlight specific topics and issues, including landownership and control, decision-making in
planning processes, the role of planners in public space planning, visions for waterfront
living, citizen participation, design-based waterfront developments, a social approach to
urban waterfront regeneration and successful place-making. Significant findings include the
difficulty of integrating long-term ‘sustainability’ within plans and the realization that
climate change adaptation needs to be explicitly integrated within regeneration planning.
The transferable insights and ideas in this book are ideal for practising and student urban
planners and designers working on developing plans for long-term sustainable waterfront
regeneration anywhere in the world.

Dr Harry Smith is Senior Lecturer at the Centre for Environment and Human Settlements in
the School of the Built Environment, Heriot-Watt University, Edinburgh, UK. With
professional experience in architecture and urban planning in Europe, in recent years he has
been involved in a number of research projects focusing on the production and management
of the built environment. His research experience spans countries in Europe, Latin America
and Africa.

Dr Maria Soledad Garcia Ferrari is Senior Lecturer at the School of Architecture in Edinburgh
College of Art, UK. Professionally qualified in architecture and urbanism in Uruguay she has
taught at Universidad de la Republica in Montevideo and worked as a research consultant
for the Organization of American States on coastal growth in Latin American cities. Her
main research focus is on current processes of urban development and regeneration in
Europe and Latin America.
Waterfront Regeneration
Experiences in City-building

Edited by
Harry Smith and Maria Soledad Garcia Ferrari

London • New York

First published 2012
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada

by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2012 selection and editorial material, Harry Smith and Maria Soledad Garcia Ferrari;
individual chapters, the contributors

The right of Harry Smith and Maria Soledad Garcia Ferrari to be identified as the authors of the
editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in
accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form
or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without
permission in writing from the publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks,

and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Waterfront regeneration: experiences in city-building / edited by Harry Smith and Maria Soledad
Garcia Ferrari.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Waterfronts–North Sea Region–Case studies. 2. Communication in city planning–North Sea
Region–Case studies. I. Smith, Harry (Harry C.) II. Garcia Ferrari, Maria Soledad. III. Title:
Experiences in city-building.
NA9053.W38W36 2012
711’.42–dc23
2011034260

ISBN: 978-1-84407-673-4 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-0-203-13337-8 (ebk)

Typeset in Sabon
by Domex e-Data Pvt. Ltd. (India)
Contents
List of Figures and Tables vii
List of Contributors xi
Preface xiii
Acknowledgements xvii
List of Acronyms and Abbreviations xix

Part 1: Context and Key Issues for Waterfront Regeneration 1

1 Introduction: Sustainable Waterfront Regeneration around the

North Sea in a Global Context 3
Harry Smith and Maria Soledad Garcia Ferrari

2 Negotiating City-Building in Waterfront Communities around the

North Sea: An Analytical Framework 17
Harry Smith and Maria Soledad Garcia Ferrari

Part 2: Case Studies of Waterfront City-Building

Processes around the North Sea 33

3 Physical and Institutional Resources in Sustainable Waterfront

Regeneration: Landownership, Land-Use Control and Leadership 35
Maria Soledad Garcia Ferrari and Harry Smith

4 Urban Vitality: Social Supervision in Schiedam, The Netherlands 55

Kees Fortuin and Freek de Meere

5 On Dialogues and Municipal Learning in City-Building: Examples from

Waterfront Development in Gothenburg 73
Joakim Forsemalm and Knut Strömberg

6 Experiences in Participation in the Port City of Hamburg 95

Harry Smith and Maria Soledad Garcia Ferrari

7 Harbourscape Aalborg: Design-Based Methods in Waterfront Development 115

Hans Kiib

8 How Visions of a Living City Come Alive: The Case of Odense, Denmark 137
Solvejg Beyer Reigstad

9 Successful Place-Making on the Waterfront 153

Maria Soledad Garcia Ferrari, Paul Jenkins and Harry Smith
vi contents

10 Design Strategies for Urban Waterfronts: The Case of Sluseholmen in

Copenhagen’s Southern Harbour 177
Maria Soledad Garcia Ferrari and Derek Fraser

Part 3: Conclusions 201

11 Lessons from Shared Experiences in Sustainable Waterfront Regeneration

around the North Sea 203
Harry Smith and Maria Soledad Garcia Ferrari

References 217
Index 227
list of figures and tables
Figures
3.1 Plan of the City of Edinburgh in 1831, including planned
improvements, by John Wood and Thomas Brown 36
3.2 Granton masterplan and approximate major landownership
areas, Edinburgh 42
3.3 Proposed hierarchy of public space in the Leith Docks
Development Framework, Edinburgh, 2005 43
3.4 Aerial view of Gateshead Quays, showing BALTIC and the
Millennium Bridge and the Sage Gateshead 45
3.5 Map from 2010 Gateshead Quays masterplan showing phasing
and landownership 46
3.6 Hull city centre masterplan strategic development areas 48
3.7 One Humber Quays 49
4.1 Schiedam inner city 61
4.2a and b Activity changes space: A skating rink on the station forecourt 64
4.3 Children filling in a questionnaire 66
4.4 Residents presenting their vision 66
5.1 Location of the three case study waterfront regeneration areas in
Gothenburg: Södra Älvstranden, Långgatorna and Östra Kvillebäcken 74
5.2 Södra Älvstranden from the south-west before the opening of the tunnel 76
5.3 Södra Älvstranden traffic situation before the opening of the tunnel 77
5.4 Dialog Södra Älvstranden logotype 78
5.5 The visions provided by the architectural firms in the parallel
commissions have not much in common with the dreams of the
citizens six years earlier 80
5.6 Långgatorna, Gothenburg 82
5.7a and b Retail and low-density buildings in Långgatorna, Gothenburg 84
5.8 Östra Kvillebäcken – Gothenburg’s ‘Gaza strip’ according to
popular perception as covered by local media 87
5.9 Östra Kvilleäcken, Gothenburg: City centre to the lower right end
along the dotted line, representing the tram line 90
6.1 Ladder of participation and wheel of participation 97
6.2 View of 19th-century buildings in Speicherstadt, the historic
warehouse district 99
6.3 Model of the HafenCity project in the HafenCity InfoCentre 102
6.4 Dalmannkai, the second quarter to be completed in HafenCity,
with floating pontoons in the foreground and a historic crane 104
viii list of figures and tables

6.5 From the Marco Polo terraces in Western HafenCity, the port and
industry of Wilhelmsburg were visible in the distance before western
HafenCity’s southernmost plots were developed 106
7.1 The twin city Aalborg 116
7.2 Photo-collage from the Harbourscape Workshop 2005 118
7.3 The ‘reverse-thinking’ model: Life–space–edge–buildings 122
7.4 The ‘Spine’ concept for the ‘Fjord City’ 123
7.5 ‘The blue square’ in the middle of the twin city 124
7.6 Four new prototypes of hybrid bridges 126
7.7 The Residential Bridge 127
7.8 Current plans to demolish the large industrial buildings in the
central part of the harbour are a bad idea 129
7.9 The industrial waterfront – a mono-functional structure but with
an astonishing wealth of typologies 130
7.10 Urban voids larger than the whole city centre of Aalborg 132
7.11 Masterplan for temporary use 133
8.1 Overview of Harbour Square, Odense 140
8.2 The deserted Kalvebod Brygge, Copenhagen 144
8.3 Ørestad North, with no squares to meet 145
8.4 The opera in Oslo: The roof is a public space 146
8.5 Twelve quality criteria to evaluate city space 148
8.6 Activities and weather 149
8.7 Odense harbour life 151
9.1 View of Exhibition Square, Gateshead Quays 158
9.2 View of iconic buildings along Gateshead Quays 159
9.3 Aerial view of Aker Brygge, Oslo 161
9.4 View along promenade overlooking the fjord, Aker Brygge, Oslo 163
9.5 Use of the public realm on the waterfront in Aker Brygge, Oslo 165
9.6 The Turning Torso, Malmö 166
9.7 Domestic-scale environment with eco-houses, Malmö 168
9.8 Boardwalk at Bo01, with medium-rise perimeter buildings,
Malmö 169
10.1 Plan of Copenhagen showing four main harbour areas 184
10.2 South Harbour masterplan 185
10.3 Sluseholmen masterplan 186
10.4 Cross-canal image showing corner apartments and flanking
double duplexes 188
10.5a and b Perimeter block with apartment buildings and duplex town
houses 190
10.6 Vista along the central curved roadside canal showing the variety
of apartment buildings 194
 list of figures and tables ix

10.7a and b Courtyard view of double duplexes and ‘Venice’ view from
the courtyard across the canal 196
10.8 Sluseholmen eastern edge showing existing boathouses and the
new landmark ‘Metropolis’ tower 198

Tables
1.1 Partners in the Waterfront Communities Project 13
1.2 Waterfront Communities Project themes and lead partners 13
List of Contributors
Joakim Forsemalm has a PhD in ethnology and is a researcher at the Gothenburg Research
Institute (GRI) at Gothenburg University, Sweden, and works as a consultant at Radar
Architecture and Planning. Joakim’s thesis, Bodies, Bricks and Black Boxes (2007), is
concerned with the assembling of urban identity. Joakim conducts research on regional and
local development from post-human perspectives and with ethnographic methods.

Kees Fortuin trained as a psychologist at the University of Utrecht, The Netherlands. After
working as a researcher at the Verwey-Jonker Institute for 26 years, he started his own
business in 2008 (Fortuin Sociale Gebiedsontwikkeling), specializing in ‘social area
development’. He has an interest in the interaction of social and physical development
processes and, more generally, in social strategies for value creation. He has been a social
supervisor in Schiedam, Zaanstad and Alkmaar. He contributes as a lecturer to the Masters
in City Developer (Erasmus University, Technical University of Delft) and the Masters in
Social Intervention (University of Utrecht). He is a member of the editorial board of the
Journal of Social Intervention and of Vitale Stad (Vital City).

Derek Fraser is a senior lecturer at the School of Architecture, Edinburgh College of Art, and
coordinator of the Diploma/Masters programme. He taught at the International Laboratory
of Architecture and Urbanism (ILAUD) in Venice; the International Design Studio of
Architecture and Urbanism (IDSAU) in ETSAB Barcelona; the IFHP Summer School,
Helsinki; and the Amsterdam Academy of Architecture. Derek coordinates the staff/student
exchange with the Rhode Island School of Design (RISD), USA. His teaching exchange with
the Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts in Copenhagen has helped to inform his research
interests in modern Danish housing and urban design – built form typologies. He is a Fellow
of the Higher Education Academy and an assessor for the UK annual Civic Trust Awards.

Maria Soledad Garcia Ferrari is a senior lecturer at the Edinburgh School of Architecture
and Landscape Architecture, University of Edinburgh, UK. Professionally qualified in
architecture and urbanism in Uruguay, her research focuses on current processes of urban
development and regeneration in Europe and Latin America. Dr Garcia Ferrari taught in the
Faculty of Architecture in Montevideo, the University of Seville, and has been invited speaker
to the School of Architecture, San Pablo University, in Madrid. She is currently programme
director for the BA/MA (Hons) Programme in Architecture in Edinburgh. While a research
officer for the Royal Incorporation of Architects in Scotland, she worked on the development
of the organization’s research strategy and coordinated projects in architectural research.

Paul Jenkins is an architect and planner and has worked during the past 40 years across a
wide range of built environment fields: architecture, construction, housing, planning and
urban studies – in practice, policy-making, teaching/training and research. A major element
of his work focuses on social and cultural issues and much of his work is in the global
‘South’, mainly sub-Saharan Africa, but also Brazil. His work in the ‘North’ (UK and
Europe) includes architectural research development within academia and the profession,
and research/knowledge development between these and other social partners. He currently
teaches urban design and urban history.
xii list of contributors

Hans Kiib is an architect and professor in urban design at the Department of Architecture,
Design and Media Technology, Aalborg University, Denmark, where he teaches and conducts
research. His research is related to urban transformation and design, cultural planning, art
and urbanism, and design methodology. Hans has produced a comprehensive range of
articles and monographs in the field, including the following books: Instant City@Roskilde
Festival, Performative Urban Design, Architecture and Stages in the Experience City, Excite
City.DK and Harbourscape.

Freek de Meere is manager of the research group Citizenship, Safety and Social Vitality of
the Verwey-Jonker Institute, The Netherlands. He specializes in the field of governance,
especially on local social policies. He received his PhD in 1996 on a quantitative study on
people’s images of technology, risks and society at the Faculty of Social Sciences of the
Erasmus University in Rotterdam. At the Vrije Universiteit in Amsterdam he was lecturer on
governmental decision-making processes until 2003. His research at the Verwey-Jonker
Institute is aimed at city improvement, local safety issues and civil society.

Solvejg Beyer Reigstad is an urban designer, educated at the Royal Academy of Fine Arts,
School of Architecture in Copenhagen. Solvejg has worked with urban exhibitions at the
Danish Centre for Architecture and was from 2007 to 2011 head of development in the
Ørestad North Group, an association which worked with temporary and permanent urban
projects, communication and networks in a new city district in Copenhagen. Solvejg has
been centre coordinator at the Centre for Public Space Research, assisting Jan Gehl in his
research, and was academic partner for Odense Municipality in the Waterfront Communities
Project (Interreg IIIB). Solvejg is now working as project manager at Gehl Architects (www.
gehlarchitects.dk).

Harry Smith is a senior lecturer and director of the Centre for Environment and Human
Settlements at the Institute for Urban and Building Design, School of the Built Environment,
Heriot-Watt University, Edinburgh, UK. With professional experience in architecture and
urban planning in Europe, during recent years he has been involved in a number of research
projects focusing on the production of the built environment, ranging from the relationships
between state, market and civil society in urban development and housing processes to
building and urban design issues, with a particular focus on participatory approaches. His
research experience spans countries in Europe, Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa.

Knut Strömberg is emeritus professor in urban design and development at the Department
of Architecture at Chalmers University of Technology in Gothenburg, Sweden. His research
focuses on processes and tools for urban design and development. He is founder of Urban
Laboratory Gothenburg, a platform for cooperation between academia, politics, business
and civil society. He has been initiator and facilitator for several design and problem-
structuring dialogues in the field of urban development. He has written (and cooperated in)
a large number of books and articles, among them New Urbanism and Beyond: Designing
Cities for the Future (ed T. Haas, Rizzoli, NY, 2008).
Preface
In a historical sense, waterfront regeneration as part of the rebuilding of cities is a timeless
activity. The Greeks, Romans and Byzantines all engaged in harbour-building and waterfront
renewal in response to changing political, economic and geological circumstances. In historic
Ravenna, for example, its designation during the first century AD as a central strategic point
for the Roman Imperial Fleet saw its fishing harbour regenerated into a major military port.
The arrival of the Byzantines, and the city’s designation as capital of the Western Roman
Empire, saw the entire harbour moved to a more spacious location in the nearby town of
Classe. Today, 2000 years later, Classe is landlocked by siltation of lagoons and Ravenna’s
harbour is miles away but still busy.
There is a significant difference, however, in current interest in waterfront regeneration,
which is that the interest is now virtually global, with harbours from Baltimore to Singapore
and from Hamburg to Sydney all engaged simultaneously in regeneration. This in itself is not
surprising in that the challenge of waterfront regeneration is a response to processes of
globalization. This is one of the first key themes of this valuable book, which unpacks the
impact of globalization and links harbour regeneration to processes of city-building in that
global context. The book argues that waterfront regeneration and development represents a
unique opportunity to structurally and visually alter cities worldwide. The complexity of
city-building includes the range of actors and organizations involved and how they interact,
including involvement of local communities and the wider public in the city, both in the
process and in benefiting from the resulting places developed.
A second theme of this book is assessment of regeneration processes within a sophisticated
analytic framework which takes an integrated perspective on the process of place-making,
recognizing that everything from decisions on strategic regional planning to decisions on
detailed urban design will have a bearing on the quality of place created by regeneration. In
regenerated waterfronts the nature of the places that have emerged – in social and cultural
terms – is hotly debated. Key issues include how are these places created; who is involved in
their creation; who benefits from the new waterfront; what should the state’s involvement
be; should all cities follow the development model based on attracting increasingly footloose
investment; what is the appropriate balance between commercial and residential and between
public and private space; and what makes some waterfronts more socially and culturally
attractive? These are examples of the fascinating issues which the reader will confront in this
book.
A third important theme is the book’s linkage of theory and practice, a fundamental
objective of modern social science. This brings us to the origin and inspiration for Waterfront
Regeneration: Experiences in City-Building, which is in a research project called the
Waterfront Communities Project (WCP), funded by the section of the European Commission
focused on the North Sea. This highlights a great strength of both the project and book
which is the grounding of theoretical analysis and an understanding of the value of the
theoretical perspective in hard-headed practical experience of real waterfront regeneration.
The WCP involved nine North Sea port cities, all engaged in physical, economic and social
regeneration. In many ways the experience of these North Sea ports, many active since at
least the time of the Hanseatic League, mirrors the experience of waterfront cities around the
world, now or in the future. In the past, the North Sea’s traditional harbours and ports were
gateways to cities and towns and vibrant communities in their own right. Changes in cargo
xiv preface

handling technology, the decline of the fishing industry and the consolidation of business in
fewer larger ports have left smaller harbours with little economic activity and large amounts
of disused former industrial land. Even large ports such as Hamburg find the cargo business
moving away from the traditional town-side harbour. These factors have contributed to
rising unemployment in traditional harbour areas and waterfront communities characterized
by physical dereliction and social deprivation.
At the same time, increasing pressures on land use in the North Sea’s urban areas during
recent years has led many cities to rediscover their waterfronts, earmarking them for
redevelopment. These areas offer potential for high-quality urban regeneration characterized
by a vibrant mix of refurbished historic buildings and new developments. With new
economic activity, employment and housing, and a lively mix of households, new waterfront
neighbourhoods can contribute to any port city’s overall development ideals.
It is not enough, however, simply to build new buildings or to refurbish old ones. Given
the importance of waterfront areas, it is vital to create real communities and re-establish
links between the waterfront and the wider urban fabric. This presents major challenges in
planning, urban design, citizen participation and infrastructure. Regeneration therefore
needs to be carried out to a clear programme to meet multiple social, economic and physical
objectives within a sustainable framework. Part of the solution to the economic decline of
older traditional businesses is to create new sources of employment in waterfront areas in
the high-tech, knowledge-based industries of the 21st century. However, this brings with it
the risk that regeneration is dominated by the interests of speculative property development,
ignoring local residents’ pressing need for socio-economic renewal and wider public
benefit.
Another risk is superficial redevelopment aimed at providing housing for wealthy
households and/or tourist facilities, while ignoring the need for the social inclusion of
existing residents and neighbourhoods. This is a particular factor in areas seeing an influx
of new residents from socially excluded groups, such as recent immigrant groups, and
increases the need to make redevelopment socially and economically inclusive and therefore
sustainable. This suggests that redevelopment must be done in a way that fosters not only
quality urban design but also better citizen participation, so that citizens are part of the
process rather than just the recipients of the results. Involving citizens means better decisions,
better implementation and more positive attitudes to local government.
So for both the WCP and this book, the North Sea’s port cities have been test beds for
urban regeneration, leading-edge sustainability and quality in the built environment. A key
aspect of the WCP and the knowledge base which informs this book has been practical
linkage between cities and research organizations working to an ‘action research’ model. The
first step in the process was the linkage of the lead partner, Edinburgh City Council, with its
academic partner, Heriot-Watt University, with the partnership between city and research
organization being mirrored in each of the nine port cities.
In the form of the action research model used here, city governments agreed a working
relationship with a local research organization to undertake a collaborative effort in which
groups of practitioners worked with researchers to better understand their own institutional
environment and how best to tailor their responses to that environment to achieve
organizational and policy objectives. In this context, cities and local research organizations
work steadily to improve the quality of governance – as it unfolds. This means politicians
and local government officers, citizen representatives and other players discussing their
concerns over policies with the research team, thereby getting critical but constructive
feedback at the time when it is most useful. It requires openness on the part of cities as well
as a proactive, involved approach to research.
 preface xv

Action research in organizations is intended to produce direct results in terms of

innovation in policy, planning and implementation. This newer approach to research can be
contrasted with traditional methods of enquiry in the social sciences which require that the
primary objective of research remains unaltered during the research process and that the
research is neutral and dispassionate throughout the process. The action research approach,
on the other hand:

• involves direct or indirect intervention by researchers in the process that they are
studying, thus altering that process on an on-going basis;
• emphasizes constructive reflection on the day-to-day business of urban management and
unlocks ‘learning-by-doing’ from that process;
• replaces the neutral observer with a multidisciplinary learning group;
• uses pluralistic evaluation characterized by concern for institutional functioning,
monitoring of project implementation, subjective views of major constituent groups, and
a variety of data sources brought to bear for evaluation; and
• always attempts to generate adaptable learning from urban management experiences.

This book arises from that partnership between port cities and the researcher-authors of the
book’s various chapters. This linkage generated real benefits in developing a knowledge base
in which research organizations’ systematically assessed practical experience and derived
learning that can be reinterpreted in different contexts. At the end of the WCP project it was
found that the academic partners in the project had generated a substantial body of academic
learning – far more than could be incorporated within the final report of the project. This
gave rise to the inspiration for this book, to capture that learning so that it can also inform
waterfront regeneration processes around the world.

Professor Michael Carley (retired), Heriot-Watt University, Edinburgh 2011

Acknowledgements
The action-research this book draws on would not have been possible without the
participation of the local authorities that took part as partners in the Waterfront Communities
Project, which was funded by the European Union Interreg IIIB North Sea Programme: the
Municipality of Aalborg and the Municipality of Odense in Denmark; Gateshead Council
and Kingston-Upon-Hull City Council in England; TuTech Innovation GmbH (on behalf of
the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg) in Germany; the Municipality of Schiedam in The
Netherlands; Oslo City Council in Norway; City of Edinburgh Council in Scotland; and
Gothenburg City Council in Sweden. This collaboration was led by the Project Management
Office established by the City of Edinburgh Council, with support from Heriot-Watt
University as the lead academic partner.
We would like to thank all the contributors to this book for their constructive comments
on the analytical framework that is presented in Chapter 2, as well as for their engagement
with this framework in their respective chapters.
We are also grateful to the School of the Built Environment at Heriot-Watt University,
and to Edinburgh College of Art, for funding the editors’ participation in waterfront and
port city conferences in Hamburg (The Fixity and Flow of Urban Waterfronts, 2008) and
Antwerp (Port Cities: Make Way for the Economic Initiative, 2011), which provided
opportunities to test the ideas developed in this book with wider audiences, as well as to
gather further information on current and future waterfront regeneration issues and
challenges in practice.
Further thanks go to Edinburgh College of Art for funding the fieldwork that served as
a basis for the research on Copenhagen’s waterfront presented in Chapter 10, thus adding a
further interesting experience to the case studies analysed in this book.
Finally, the ideas and cases presented in this book would not have emerged without the
discussion forum generated in our academic environments and the participation, interest and
enquiring minds of our students at Heriot-Watt University, Edinburgh College of Art and the
University of Seville.
List of Acronyms and Abbreviations
ABP Associated British Ports
AIVP Association Internationale de Villes et Ports (International Association
of Cities and Ports)
BID business improvement district
CCTV closed-circuit television
CMP Copenhagen Malmø Port AB
CPH Copenhagen (used in CPH City and Port Development)
EU European Union
GHS Gesellschaft für Hafen-und Standortentwicklung
IBA Internationale Bauausstellung (International Building Exhibition)
ICE Institution of Civil Engineers
IGS International Garden Show
IT information technology
NGO non-governmental organization
NID neighbourhood improvement district
NUAB Northern Riverbank Development Corporation, Gothenburg
PPS Project for Public Spaces
RIBA Royal Incorporation of British Architects
TEU twenty-foot equivalent unit
TIF tax increment financing
UK United Kingdom
ULG Urban Laboratory Göteborg
URC urban regeneration company
US United States
WCP Waterfront Communities Project
 Part 1

Context and Key Issues for

Waterfront Regeneration
1
Introduction
Sustainable Waterfront
Regeneration Around the
North Sea in a Global Context
Harry Smith and Maria Soledad Garcia Ferrari

The spread of waterfront regeneration since the 1960s

The phenomenon of urban waterfront regeneration and development has
spread geographically since its origins in North America during the 1960s and
1970s, where initial transformations in industrial buildings, creation of public
spaces and celebration of festival marketplaces in cities such as Baltimore, San
Francisco and Boston provided examples of what could be achieved in
waterfront areas close to the city centre that had become abandoned or
rundown. Over the next few decades other cities around the world started to
regenerate and develop their waterfronts, first trying to follow the models of
the pioneering North American cities and later developing their own approaches.
This was driven by the obsolescence and abandonment of vast industrial areas
in cities which have been entering a ‘post-industrial’ phase, including areas of
former port activity freed up by the industrialization and containerization of
port activity, with waterfronts being described by Bruttomesso (2001, p.40) as
‘an essential paradigm of the post-industrial city’.
Bruttomesso (2001) identifies three types of activity which waterfronts
normally require:

• ‘recomposition’: giving a common unitary sense to the different parts, both

physical and functional, of the waterfront;
• ‘regeneration’: revitalizing urban areas which can be of considerable size
and often centrally located; and
• ‘recovery’: the restructuring and restoration of existing buildings and
structures.

Typically, these are linked to initiatives aiming to ‘re-join’ the city and the
waterfront physically and functionally. Such responses have evolved during the
four decades of waterfront development and regeneration experience. Bruttomesso
(2001) identifies a ‘globalization’ of waterfront themes in the sense that certain
 harry smith and maria soledad garcia ferrari

‘models’ of waterfront development based on successful cases have set precedents

and been copied worldwide, with a concomitant international uniformization of
organizational methods, spatial typologies and architectural forms.
Shaw (2001) distinguished three generations of post-industrial waterfront
development, the first being the early North American experiences mentioned
above which focused on creating retail and festival marketplaces. The second
generation took place mostly during the 1980s and spread around the world –
with examples including, again, Boston, Sydney, Toronto and Cape Town –
though it was in Europe that the scaling up from the initial first generation
projects was more evident, as well as the development of new organizational
models based on public–private partnerships and the extensive use of private
investment (Shaw, 2001). A paradigmatic European example of this generation
is London Docklands, with others being Barcelona and Rotterdam. Shaw
(2001) characterized the third generation as one in which the elements
developed in the first two generations are accepted into the mainstream of
development practice and used in a range of situations, from small to large
cities. He cites Cardiff Bay, Liverpool, Salford Docks and Berlin’s Wasserstadt
as European examples of this generation, with Sydney, Perth, Vancouver and a
large number of developments in Asia, including Shanghai, as worldwide
examples.
Shaw (2001) argued that a fourth generation was emerging during the first
decade of the new century. Ideas in planning and architecture, according to this
author, typically go through a 30-year cycle from radical and experimental
visions (first stage), through expansion and broader application of the ideas
(second stage), then consolidation and standardization of the ideas (third
stage), with radical review and new visions in the fourth stage (or first of a new
cycle). Although Shaw could not at the time have any certainty over what
would characterize the experience of this fourth generation of waterfront
developments in practice, he identified the context of post-1990s worldwide
economic recession as an important factor, leading to cities rethinking the use
of resources. How cities throughout these four generations of waterfront
developments have conceptualized the waterfront itself as a resource and how
they have brought other resources to bear in their regeneration and development
are key questions which help to understand both past experiences and future
potential of waterfront regeneration.
Through these successive generations of waterfront regeneration, approaches
to redevelopment have grown in complexity and breadth, from the focus on
retail and the festival marketplace experience in the early North American
examples to a greater mix of leisure and housing in later examples – a model
that has been particularly developed in continental Europe (Falk, undated).
This spread and evolution of waterfront regeneration have yielded a wealth of
experience reflecting different contexts in different regions and in specific cities.
Often, however, the products of what have been perceived to be successful
models have been copied without learning from or understanding the processes
involved in such cases (Falk, undated). This book addresses these questions
through analysing the experience of ‘fourth generation’ developments in
waterfront cities around the North Sea, exploring whether they provide the
radical reviews and visions predicted by Shaw and looking at the links between
 introduction: sustainable waterfront regeneration 

‘globalization’ (both in its widest sense and in the sense of international

replication of waterfront development models) and local determinants.
A key characteristic of recent dynamics of waterfront regeneration has been
the multifaceted nature of current processes, with gradual acknowledgement
that in many cases it entails city-building with all its complexity. To quote
Bruttomesso (2001, p.42):

On observing the main waterfront projects in detail, it is clear that one of the
essential elements is the co-presence of numerous activities which, combined in
different percentages depending on the cases, give life to new “pieces” of city,
sometimes marked by an interesting feature entailing complexity.

Indeed, such waterfront ‘pieces of city’ have often been used to test new
approaches to urban development, and in some cases they have been given a
larger role in re-launching the entire city of which they form part. This
complexity includes not only the physical and functional realms, but also the
range of actors and organizations involved and how they interact, an element
which is of particular importance in the context of changing and fragmenting
governance in which urban development increasingly takes place. However,
while waterfront regeneration and development processes are often examples
of public–private sector partnerships and of negotiations between different
authorities such as municipalities and port authorities, criticism has been
directed at the lack of opportunity for involving local communities and the
wider public in the city, both in the process and in benefiting from the resulting
places developed. Why is this so? What are the origins of the physical and
institutional legacies which provide the context for waterfront regeneration?
Understanding this requires taking a longer-term historical view, which explains
how our cities came to have such large areas of brownfield land available
around waterfronts and waterways.1

The development of waterfronts through the different

waves of globalization

Globalization and cities

At the beginning of the 21st century, a milestone is perceived in how humans
inhabit the planet in the fact that urban population has begun to outnumber
rural population (United Nations, 2004). City-building is taking place at a
faster rate than ever, both through the creation and expansion of new urban
areas and through the restructuring and renewal of existing cities and towns,
with waterfront development having a role in both types of process and being
seen as an opportunity for growth in the city.
There is no generally accepted model of how fixed human settlements
began, but rather various explanations among which the role of settlements as
trade crossroads and/or markets is prominent (Rykwert, 2000). In the Eurasian
continent, the first urban civilizations arose in river valleys, with a twofold link
to water as a resource for established agriculture (the surpluses from which
 harry smith and maria soledad garcia ferrari

allowed urban ‘non-productive’ activities to develop) and as a means of

transport for trade and travel. Later urban development connected to seas and
oceans rather than river courses and used these bodies of water as resources in
additional ways: as sources of food, as routes for trade and travel, as means to
reach other lands for conquest and colonization and, more recently, as a leisure
environment.
Such urban development connected to waterborne activities can be linked
to what Robertson (2003) has described as the ‘three waves of globalization’.
Robertson argues that during the last 500 years there have been three periods
during which technological change has facilitated a growth in global
interconnectedness, from a ‘Northern’ point of view. During the first ‘wave’,
from 1500 to 1800, there was worldwide expansion of Europe’s mercantilism,
spearheaded by Portugal and Spain during the 16th century and followed later
by England, France and The Netherlands through the activities of their
chartered companies, which brought together state patronage and private
investor capital – an expansion that was made possible through the development
of new sailing technology. The second wave was the imperialist expansion of
the 19th century, led by Britain and France, but involving also other European
countries, through which a worldwide trading system based on flows of raw
materials and food from the colonies to the imperial powers and the export of
manufactured goods by the latter was developed. The technology underpinning
this phase was steam powered. Robertson (2003) identifies the third wave of
globalization, in which we are now immersed, as having started in 1945 and
being linked to the post-World War II world order in which financial expansion
has been led by the US. This current wave has been made possible especially by
the new information and communication technologies, as well as by the
continued development of infrastructures and transport connections.
Castells (1996) explains that since World War II, rising internationalization
in production patterns took place and emerging processes of de-industrialization
and re-industrialization began to affect urban spaces. These dynamics, together
with increasing mobility and exchange, characterize a new complex and
dispersed form of economy, which needs centres for control of exchange and
information. In parallel to these economic changes, urban reconstitution
processes began to take place after World War II with the implementation of
slum clearance programmes and rebuilding of the existing fabric in each
affected country. During this period, and due to economic changes showing the
decline of cities and urban regions as centres of production, processes of
suburbanization and peri-urbanization can also be observed, producing
simultaneously prosperous and declining urban regions. In addition, with the
adoption of new technologies for their operation, industries such as railways,
gas, electricity suppliers and port authorities began to be able to work with
fewer employees and in smaller areas of land, releasing urban areas for other
uses. In particular, changes in the transport industry with the use of new
technologies such as containerization, larger ship sizes and the wider use of
road transport left large railway marshalling yards empty (Malone, 1996).
It was not until the 1970s and 1980s, however, that these changes became
more severe, with actions focused on the regeneration of urban economies and
the adaptation of declining urban areas to new economic roles hosting service
 introduction: sustainable waterfront regeneration 

employment and centres for consumption (Couch et al, 2003). Essentially,

during recent years, urban development shifted from being based primarily on
social objectives to pursuing primarily economic objectives, and from nationally
defined welfare objectives to international market competition. This focus on
competition involves the redefinition of the image of the city, weaving specific
place ‘myths’ which are created to remove the previous negative iconography
associated with economic changes, such as the decline of industrial activities
(Barke and Harrop, 1994), as an element of attracting new investment and
socio-economic activities.
The economic restructuring of the 1970s and 1980s also generated a growth
in sectoral unemployment where specific industries closed, leaving employees
jobless. This had spatial and social consequences with the emergence of deprived
urban areas and varying forms of social disruption – for example, crime, racism,
social exclusion, poverty, etc. (Marshall, 2001). Additionally, a range of
significant environmental problems emerged, such as polluted sites and air,
contaminated rivers and watercourses, and abandoned and decaying historic
buildings. These social, economic and environmental problems were identified
by city authorities, and since the 1980s significant regeneration plans have been
implemented. In this context the development of different ‘mega-projects’ took
place in many cities in the world, and these projects are occasionally associated
with specific events such as Olympic Games, world exhibitions or cultural
events. Examples include the London Docklands, Barcelona’s Olympic Marina,
New York’s Battery Park, Paris’s La Defense or Sydney’s Darling Harbour. The
overall aim of these transformations has been the provision of a new identity
for these cities away from previous industrial activities and responding to the
needs of global ‘place’ competition (Moulaert et al, 2003).
In general, the objectives of these regeneration processes cover a wide range
of issues, such as the improvement or replacement of housing stock; the
provision of new amenities; the provision of public infrastructure and spaces;
the improvement of transport systems; and upgrading of the general environment.
While these objectives could reflect similarities with the reconstruction aims of
the post-war period, there are significant differences in the processes of urban
restructuring of the last 30 years. In particular, at the city level there has been
an increase in the conception of urban places as spaces for consumption and
not for production. Cities are currently less conceived as places where goods
and services are produced for sale or transfer and more as places where people
visit, eat out, take part in events and visit cultural centres (Couch et al, 2003) –
especially in the global North.
Regeneration responds thus to a number of global needs, summarized as
follows, which tend to be based on market interests. The first is good
connectivity: a number of spaces that are not directly connected to the city can
benefit from high speed communication routes becoming new large-scale
centres for consumption (Urry, 1995). Thus, physical proximity is not a priority
but good accessibility is. The second need is image which, according to Muxi
(2004), could have two faces: nostalgic or technological. The former could be
based on the restructuring of historical areas for new uses, generally commercial
or leisure, which involves processes of ‘commercialization of memories’ (Muxi,
2004). The latter is based on hyper-technological urban developments
 harry smith and maria soledad garcia ferrari

generating intelligent iconic buildings, which are generally linked to ‘star’

architecture practitioners (Urry, 1995). And the third need is for branding and/
or emblems, which is the objective of the creation of theme areas such as
research parks, universities, business parks or theme parks, with enough
strength to generate urban concentration processes (Zukin, 1991). As a result
of these three market dynamics taking place in urban spaces, it is not generally
possible to find a unified conceptualization of the city as a totality; consequently,
urban areas may become disconnected, with increasing social and spatial
fragmentation (Soja, 2000).
Fundamentally, these dynamics of place competition show the need for
generating highly competitive environments that aim to express innovation and
technological progress in order to attract global capital. Waterfronts are, in this
context, considered as opportunities for the city as a whole. The restructuring
of these areas becomes the expression of present and future aims, and at the
same time they are reconnections between the past of the city and its future
through present actions (Marshall, 2001). The redevelopment of these areas
generally expresses physical signs of a wealthy industrial past, the social and
economic structures of which no longer exist – the physical structures often
existing but no longer used. Simultaneously, these places express the emerging
connections between the city and its water edge, which are conditioned by the
needs and possibilities of contemporary economic and social activities. The
competitive advantage of these areas and their potential to attract wealth is a
key issue and needs to be expressed in the project of regeneration. Obsolete
harbours are, in general, highly visible areas of the city and their redevelopment
not only affects the recovered area, but most significantly can influence the
image of the city as a totality by expressing new city aspirations and identities
(Marshall, 2001).

Globalization and waterfronts

Returning to the first wave of globalization and focusing on the case of Europe,
which was at the centre of the first two waves of ‘Northern’ globalization, de
Vries (1984) found that the major contributors to urban growth during the
1500 to 1800 period were capital cities, port cities and cities which were both.
Growth was more continuous in capital cities than in port cities, however, with
the fortunes of the latter depending more on changes in world trade patterns
and geopolitics. In broad terms, there was a shift in relative levels of activity
from Southern to Northern Europe, and from the Mediterranean Sea to the
Atlantic Ocean. Waterfronts were the focal points of social and economic life
for the urban areas which grew up around them and were often also fully
integrated within the urban fabric (a paradigmatic example being Amsterdam) –
though in some cases this urban fabric was that of a town which was separate
from the main city that later absorbed it (as, for example, in Edinburgh or
Valencia).
During the second wave of globalization the rapid intensification of
waterborne trade, the larger size of steam-driven shipping and the resulting
volume of shipment, together with the direct connection of docks to hinterlands
through rail, required the creation of massive and extensive infrastructures such
 introduction: sustainable waterfront regeneration 

as large extended docks, canals, railway depots, bridges, shipyards, etc. These
large infrastructures occupied whole waterfront areas, which became specialized
zones from which the public was excluded and which in many cases grew into
the water through reclamation. Although these developments were strongly
linked to rapid urban development and urbanization, first in Britain and then
in the rest of the industrializing countries of the 19th century, they also
happened in port enclaves in the colonies which were linked into the colonial
world trading system.
During the third wave of globalization, technological changes such as
containerization and the construction of even larger ships, as well as the move
of industrial activities such as shipbuilding to newly industrializing countries,
has shifted port activities further away from the core of cities to places which
allowed spacious storage and handling areas on the land side and deep
moorings on the waterside (Harms, 2003), usually to areas closer to open seas
or to areas of land which were undeveloped. In addition, due to the worldwide
market changes described above, in our post-industrial era, commercial
activities of modern ports do not need direct social contact and direct proximity
to their markets, which also contributes to the move of port activities to
locations distant from a city’s central areas.
The waterfronts which are being regenerated today are therefore generally
those developed during the second wave of globalization that peaked at the end
of the 19th century, and which have been rendered obsolete or unprofitable
through the technological and macro-economic changes described. The
redevelopment of waterfronts is not a new phenomenon, as a closer look at
economic, social and technological change in more detail within the timeframe
of each of these broad waves of globalization – with their linked forms of urban
and waterfront development – reveals shorter cycles of development and
transformation which have left as a legacy different forms of land development
and built environment. For example, Harms (2003) applied Kondratieff’s ‘long
wave’ economic cycle model, together with Schumpeter’s notion of technological
development as an initial thrust for economic development cycles, to an analysis
of the development of Hamburg from the early Industrial Revolution to the
present. Harms identified five economic cycles, each linked successively to
craft-produced machinery and steam engines; industrially produced steam
engines; electro-motors; mass motorization and production; and microelectronics
and biotechnology. Each of these created new physical infrastructures which
grew in size and specialization, in the process increasingly separating port
functions from the city. In Harms’ current fifth cycle, containerization has
finally separated port functions from the city of Hamburg, for the first time
making a port area close to the city centre functionally redundant, thus
releasing a large area of land for alternative development – in this case as a new
urban quarter.
Thus, the structural changes brought about during the second half of the
20th century by a vast expansion of worldwide trade predicated on new
markets, new forms of transport, new locations of production, new forms of
capital growth, and new forms of management and political control have led
to the resurgence of interest in waterfront spaces. However, although there are
clear links between changing political economies and waterfront redevelopment,
10 harry smith and maria soledad garcia ferrari

the nature of the places that have emerged – in social and cultural terms – has
been hotly debated. Key issues include: how are these places created; who is
involved in their creation; who benefits from the new waterfront; what should
the state’s involvement be; should all cities follow the development model based
on attracting increasingly footloose investment; and what makes some
waterfronts more socially and culturally attractive?
In waterfront cities around the world, these questions are being addressed
(or not) within very different contexts, the nature of which is to a great extent
the result of the position such cities had in the worldwide trading system that
emerged and evolved during these three waves of globalization. This book
looks at the response in a particular part of the world which was at the core of
the first and second waves, in particular, and has remained so during the third
wave of globalization – the North Sea – and examines these questions in
detail.

Waterfront regeneration around the North Sea: Key

features and challenges
Urban and economic development around the North Sea strongly exemplifies
links between port and city development. During the late Middle Ages, the
Hanseatic guilds of city merchants which emerged initially around the Baltic
Sea spread to other port cities around the North Sea, establishing a strong
network of trading routes based on linking mainly independent cities, as well
as founding new cities (along the Baltic coast). The emergence of territorial
states around the North Sea (as more widely in Western Europe) entered into
conflict with this network of cities and eventually gained military and economic
control of the trading routes. While Scandinavian countries did so in the Baltic,
The Netherlands dominated the North Sea at the end of the Middle Ages.
The Netherlands’ colonial expansion during the first wave of globalization
linked the North Sea into worldwide trading routes, mainly to the West Indies
and South-East Asia, with English and French ports developing and engaging
in these and new trade routes mainly during the second wave of globalization,
linked to the Industrial Revolution. The North Sea became a world hub of
international seaborne trade, with its relative share in worldwide shipping
freight peaking during the post-World War II period. Discovery of North Sea
oil during the 1960s spurred further growth of shipping in the region, as well
as providing a new base for economic growth and related urban development
which has benefited some countries and cities around the North Sea more than
others. Although the share of world seaborne trade through the North Sea
routes is decreasing in relative terms through the shift of the dominant global
hub of trade towards the Pacific Rim, this remains one of the areas with the
densest concentration of ships in the world, with three of its container ports
(Rotterdam, Hamburg and Antwerp) being amongst the ten busiest in the
world in terms of twenty-foot equivalent units (TEUs) in 2010.2 The share of
port activity in the economy of their related cities is, however, diminishing, with
innovations such as containerization reducing the labour force required and the
move of shipbuilding elsewhere. Labour forces in port cities around the North
Sea have therefore relied on diversifying their areas of economic activity.
 introduction: sustainable waterfront regeneration 11

A common feature of the waterfront cities around the North Sea is that they
are all located in countries which developed some form of welfare state based
on social democratic systems in the post-1945 reconstruction and development
period, though following different models (Scandinavian, German, Dutch,
UK).3 However, a revision of social democracy based on more neoliberal values
and related policy-making has taken place over the last few decades. From the
1980s onwards, UK waterfront cities were managed in an increasingly
neoliberal national policy environment, with some aspects of neoliberalism
spreading later, to a lesser degree, to the countries on the southern and eastern
shores of the North Sea. In these political economies, in general, local authorities
have their own mechanisms to propose and approve local development.
However, the role and financial support from national governments also
influences the development of some waterfront areas. In summary, in socio-
political terms, waterfront cities around the North Sea operate within
governance systems which are still broadly based on the notion of safeguarding
public interest, but in which the public sector is increasingly limited in scope
for action and requiring leverage of private capital. The need for private
investment and for increasing the role of local authorities to act with an
entrepreneurial approach has led to the creation of ‘arm’s length’ public
companies to free decision-making from state-related bureaucratic procedures
and to permit public–private partnerships to access private capital. The
institutional frameworks at city level vis-à-vis waterfront regeneration vary,
however, as the relationships between city and port authorities range from the
situation of, for example, Hamburg, where both are in the hands of the
government of Hamburg city-state (Harms, 2003), to that of Edinburgh, where
the port authority is completely independent from local government.
The physical environments that such institutional frameworks must work
with are predominantly the result of major infrastructural investments and
urban/port expansions during the 19th and early 20th centuries. Historic trade
(as well as fishing) routes were at the origins of many settlements around the
North Sea, in some cases having been pivotal in defining the actual form of
what is now the historic core, such as in the case of Amsterdam, where the city
itself was part of the port, and its economy, based on windmills and sailing
ships, to a great extent determined the city plan (de Haan, 2003). In many cities
around the North Sea this resulted in the historic waterfront now being in a
central location. However, the high intensity and large scale of construction of
rail and dock infrastructure during the 19th century resulted in such centrally
located port areas being physically separated from the inhabited city centres, a
separation which was reinforced in many cases by the development of road
systems during the mid 20th century. Building activity in these port areas
included actual creation of new land through reclamation, as well as building
a variety of infrastructures ranging from warehouses to cranes on this new or
existing land, thus generating a built legacy which is both a challenge and an
opportunity for regeneration and urban development. Heritage and urban
identity are key aspects of these processes. In addition, rejoining the city and
the waterfront is a key challenge that masterplanners and local authorities face
when redeveloping these areas.
12 harry smith and maria soledad garcia ferrari

In summary, historic waterfronts in cities around the North Sea tend to be

centrally located but often cut off from the city through infrastructural barriers,
and can have a rich built heritage. Although some of the ports linked to these
cities still have an important role in worldwide shipping, these have abandoned
the more centrally located port sites, which no longer provide traditional port-
related employment opportunities through traditional port activity. These areas
are therefore available for development of new employment-generating activity
more closely linked to the new areas of the economy which city strategies
around the North Sea are pursuing, focused on the knowledge economy in a
world system where production of primary, secondary and even tertiary goods
has shifted (and continues to shift) elsewhere, and on the leisure society,
including through tourism. This type of development is seen as being physically
supported by the creation of new mixed-use quarters where living, working and
leisure can be combined, often making use of built heritage to underpin
tourism. City authorities are also engaging with the issue of balancing
investment in economic development in these areas and addressing the equity
issues being raised by increasing socio-economic disparities, which in some
cases are linked to migrant populations which have settled in these waterfront
cities, often from the ex-colonies that the cities’ port activity thrived on during
the second wave of globalization. In opening up cities to the water again,
another challenge is the forms of use of outdoor spaces in a climate that is cold
and wet during a considerable part of the year, and which can be extremely
windy in cases where the waterfront is exposed to the open sea. In addition,
environmental issues such as climate change and sea-level rise are increasingly
requiring consideration.

The Waterfront Communities Project

This book is the result of a collaboration among academics who took part in
the European Union-funded Waterfront Communities Project. Led by
Edinburgh and involving ten partners in six countries (see Table 1.1), the
project was created to examine how more inclusive involvement of the
various stakeholders in the waterfront regeneration process and in the new
cityscapes has been attempted in nine cities around the North Sea: Aalborg,
Edinburgh, Gateshead, Göteborg, Hamburg, Hull, Odense, Oslo and
Schiedam. The learning network established by these cities’ local authorities,
with support from local academic institutions, aimed to inspire, test and
foster innovative solutions and sustainable spatial strategies for creating
socially inclusive, economically productive and high-quality environments in
restricted waterfront areas and their hinterlands. Recognizing the complexity
of waterfront regeneration as described above, the network addressed a wide
range of key themes (see Table 1.2) through an action-research approach,
thus aiming to develop an integrated approach to waterfront regeneration by
considering strategic planning, economic development, social participation
and integration, and urban design in a coherent whole, which had long-term
sustainable development as its goal.
 introduction: sustainable waterfront regeneration 13

Table 1.1 Partners in the Waterfront Communities Project

Country Project partner

Denmark City of Aalborg Council

City of Odense Council
Germany TuTech – City of Hamburg

Netherlands City of Schiedam Council

Norway Oslo City Council Waterfront Planning Office

Sweden Gothenburg City Council

UK Edinburgh City Council (lead partner)

Heriot-Watt University, Edinburgh
Kingston-upon-Hull City Council
Gateshead and Newcastle city councils (led by Gateshead)

Table 1.2 Waterfront Communities Project themes and lead partners

Themes Lead city

Meeting strategic objectives Integration of waterfront development with Edinburgh

and fostering organizational city and regional strategic objectives
innovation
Visioning processes as a means of developing Gothenburg
consensus
Organizational innovation and social Schiedam
integration
Citizen participation and governance Hamburg
Setting standards for urban 21st-century city living for Europe: mixed use Gateshead
and social design quality with affordable housing
Sustainable transport and the integration of Oslo
waterfront in the urban fabric
Urban design quality and the public realm Aalborg
Harbour heritage and arts/culture as catalysts Hamburg
to redevelopment
From now to then: bridging activities to Odense
maintain the physical heritage and the local
economic structure

The project had the following objectives:

1� Develop a ‘learning network’ of participants in urban management and

regeneration processes in port cities of the North Sea region, linking city
governments, research partners, port managers and other stakeholders in a
process of mutual learning and experimentation.
2� Develop a conceptual framework for integrating knowledge of key aspects
of urban sustainable development and requirements of policy and action.
14 harry smith and maria soledad garcia ferrari

3� Bring together a database of good practice on waterfront redevelopment

from around the world that would inform innovation in each partner city
and in other cities in the North Sea region.4
4� Use action research to systematically test, monitor and evaluate good
practice techniques. The database of good practice was used to select the
most relevant techniques or methods for each city to apply to their own
waterfront areas, in the context of the nine themes, of which partner
cities decided to test one or more by applying the same methods or to
test different techniques in different national and regional settings; thus
the project covered a wide range of options. Each city considered
strategic planning, economic development, social integration and urban
design in a coherent whole. The academic partner and academic
consultants helped the cities to force the pace of innovation through
action research. The work done to test good practice techniques and
methods was systematically monitored and evaluated throughout the
course of the project.
5� Develop a best practice toolkit derived from the database of good practice,
study visits and the testing carried out by the cities. The toolkit, published
in March 2007, included guidelines for achieving successful waterfront
areas in the context of each city’s experience and focus-themes of the
project. The toolkit reported on tools and methods which can be applied to
the regeneration of waterfront areas. It was aimed to help project partners,
developers, investors, professionals and the general public in the North Sea
region and beyond to access key learning points from the Waterfront
Community Project experience.5

The project began in April 2004 and ran until 2007, with partners leading on
areas of particular interest to them and inputting information into other
themes. Each partner also developed its own regional network to maximize the
benefits of being involved in the project. Research activities were carried out in
three main phases. Phase 1 (April to September 2004) involved setting up the
project management, developing a research framework, appointing academic
consultants in each partner city, and establishing a web-based communication
strategy. Phase 2 (October 2004 to September 2006) was based on each city
working on thematic subgroups (as above). Phase 3 (October 2006 to March
2007) focused on evaluating the final outcomes of the project and disseminating
the findings through the project website and a ‘toolkit’ which was launched at
the project’s Final Symposium in March 2007 in Edinburgh. In parallel to the
key activities in each phase, the project undertook a series of activities from
research coordination to evaluation and dissemination of experiences. In
addition, staff secondments between partner cities, study visits by partners to
non-partner cities within the North Sea area and transnational meetings
between project partners were organized.
The Waterfront Communities Project research generated a number of cross-
cutting recommendations which drew on the various project themes. These are
presented in the toolkit (Waterfront Communities Project, 2007) and cover a
range of issues, including:
 introduction: sustainable waterfront regeneration 15

• the importance of developing strong but consensual views on the future

direction for the city through visioning processes, as the quality of urban
vision influences all aspects of waterfront regeneration;
• the need to develop long-range (30 to 40 years) sophisticated economic,
social and environmental strategies in order to start making such visions
operational;
• the critical nature of strong leadership by municipal and city-region
authorities in order to balance commercial opportunities created by
regeneration with a long-term flow of public benefits;
• the role of both leadership and organizational innovation to drive forward
waterfront visions and strategies through new organizational forms within
local government itself, partnerships of key stakeholders or ‘special purpose
vehicles’;
• the achievement of social integration through participation which goes
beyond ‘mere consulting’ and develops widespread support for challenging
regeneration programmes;
• the need for public investment in integrated transport and infrastructure,
seen as a key to unlocking economic and social benefits;
• landownership as a critical factor, and the mechanisms to address control
over land when this is not publicly owned; and
• the potential of urban design to achieve a ‘paradigm of urban complexity’,
creating the diversity of function and complexity of human interaction of
the typical inner-city neighbourhood.

The project also resulted in recommendations about ‘learning to learn’,

proposing the experience of the Waterfront Communities Project’s action-
research approach, which linked city governments and local research
organizations as a powerful learning model. During the project, ‘learning to
learn’ from both local success and failure, and from good practice around the
world, was seen to have the potential to pay dividends in policy, regeneration
practice changing organizational culture and job satisfaction for key players.

Learning more about waterfront regeneration

This book takes learning from the Waterfront Communities Project one step
further, by providing the results of academic reflection on the above experiences.
The close collaboration of academics with the project not only supported the
action-research approach already described, but also made a rich vein of in-depth
experience available for theoretical reflection. The focus in this book is on
analysing the experience of creating new public realms through these cities’ city-
building activities, both as negotiation arenas where different discourses – including
those of planners, urban designers and architects, politicians, developers,
landowners and community groups – meet and are created, and as physical
environments where the new city districts’ public life can take place, drawing
lessons for waterfront regeneration worldwide. Thus, its focus is on the interaction
between place-making and city-building processes and resulting urban
environments which support long-term social and economic sustainability. The
next chapter sets out the theoretical framework that underpins this analysis.
16 harry smith and maria soledad garcia ferrari

Notes
1� Waterfront regeneration does not refer only to that taking place in coastal areas and seaports.
Many examples of regeneration which are labelled as ‘waterfront’ are located on riverbanks,
along canals, etc.
2� A widely used measure for ranking port activity is the ‘twenty-foot equivalent unit’ (TEU),
against which containers and their number are measured (http://geography.about.com/cs/
transportation/a/aa061603.htm, accessed 24 April 2011).
3� According to the Danish Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2002), European countries can
be divided into four welfare models: the Scandinavian; the Anglo-Saxon (liberal); the Central
European (conservative) and the Southern European (subsidiary). The Scandinavian/universal
model is based on the notion that benefits should be given to all citizens individually (e.g.
married women have rights independent of their husbands). However, the largest share of the
financial burden is still carried by the state and financed from general taxation. The
Anglo-Saxon, on the contrary, is a needs-based model and benefits are given only to those in
need. The Central European model is achievement-oriented based on participation in the
labour market. The Southern European is also called the Catholic model and is based on
other forms of contributions for social benefits beyond the state (e.g. church, family,
community, etc.). This is an idealistic description of welfare models and, in practice, the
concepts involved are not strictly applied.
� This database can be accessed through the Waterfront Communities Project website and is
available at www.seeit.co.uk/waterfrontcp/goodprac.cfm.
� The toolkit can be accessed through the Waterfront Communities Project website and is
available at www.waterfrontcommunitiesproject.org/toolkit.html.
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