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Jonathon Porritt, Founder Director of Forum for the Future, the UK’s leading sus-
tainable development charity, is an eminent writer, broadcaster and commentator
on sustainable development, and a leading adviser to business and government.
In July 2000, he was appointed by the Prime Minister as Chairman of the new
UK Sustainable Development Commission, the Government’s principal source of
independent advice across the whole sustainable development agenda. He is also
Co-director of The Prince of Wales’s Business and the Environment Programme,
a member of the Board of the South West Regional Development Agency, and
a Non-executive Director of Wessex Water. Porritt was formerly Co-chair of the
Green Party (1980–83), Director of Friends of the Earth (1984–90), Chairman
of UNED-UK (1993–96), Chairman of Sustainability South West (1999–2001)
and a Trustee of WWF-UK (1991–2005). Porritt received a CBE in January 2000
for services to environmental protection.
Praise for Capitalism as if the World Matters
‘The world is on the brink of a vast and mostly unpleasant change that may mark
the end of the present civilization. To renew and rebuild, we need to listen to the
voices of the few truly selfless and thoughtful individuals among us, and Jonathon
Porritt is one of them. His vision is much more optimistic than mine, which sees
the need for a massive retreat from all development, sustainable or otherwise, if
we are to avoid another dark age on a torrid and mostly uninhabitable Earth.’
James Lovelock, creator of the GAIA theory
‘We need more people like Porritt . . . prepared to . . . find the best ways to save
both the environment and the capitalist system’
Professional Investor
‘Jonathon Porritt’s book could not have come at a more timely and critical moment
. . . A vital contribution to the most compelling issue of our times.’
Will Hutton, author of The Writing on the Wall: China and the West
in the 21st Century
‘. . . provocative and always interesting manifesto for a society that will not destroy
the conditions for its own survival . . . he is vigorously passionate in describing
the catastrophic dangers of global warming or the unsustainability of the “growth
fetish” in current capitalism.’
Steven Poole, The Guardian
‘Too many environmentalists see capitalism as the enemy. Porritt grapples with
its reality – a system capable of delivering sustainability and enhancing wellbeing,
but only if we think carefully about what form of capitalism we want. This book
stimulates that thinking.’
Adair Turner, Chair of the Economic and Social Research Council
‘All too often, NGOs have to campaign against commercial activities that cause
environmental degradation around the world. Our message about unsustainable
lifestyles is increasingly understood, but greater thought leadership among business
and governments is needed. In this refreshing observation of capitalism, Porritt
positions the opportunities provided by sustainable development brilliantly.’
Robert Napier, former Chief Executive, WWF-UK
‘As ex-chair of the Green Party, one-time director of Friends of the Earth, and co-
founder and Director of Forum for the Future, Porritt is possibly the best person
to write a book such as this. The reader can feel confident that his views are based
on a desire to create a sustainable future rather than less laudable reasons . . . an
important factor when dealing with such a revolutionary book.’
Pauline Thomas, The Waste Paper
‘This is a very thoughtful and timely book. Many of those working towards a
more sustainable future for our planet see capitalism as a big part of the problem.
And with good reason. But if capitalism and free markets cannot be bent towards
sustainability – towards being part of the solution – then I believe there is no
solution. Hence the importance of this book. Read it.’
Lord May, President, The Royal Society
‘A message that businesses may find they are surprised to agree with.’
Financial Times
‘This book may well challenge any Christian environmentalists that see capitalism
as the enemy.’
Methodist Recorder
‘Here’s a compelling book that should sound the trumpet for a whole new
generation of engaged and optimistic young people, establishing once and for all
that we still have choices – we don’t have to sleepwalk our way into the future.’
David Puttnam, film producer and politician
‘In this brilliant and timely book Porritt has thrown down the gauntlet and
provided the necessary data and analysis on our collective dilemma.’
David Lorimer, Scientific and Medical Network Review
‘Capitalism, like the Tin Man on the Yellow Brick Road, needs to prove it has a
heart. Jonathon Porritt, like the Wizard of Oz, is doing his best to help!’
Tim Smit, Chief Executive, The Eden Project
Capitalism
as if the World Matters
Capitalism
as if the World Matters
Jonathon Porritt
EAR T H SCAN
London • Sterling, VA
Revised paperback edition first published by Earthscan in the UK and USA in 2007
ISBN: 978-1-84407-193-7
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
4 Unsustainable Capitalism? 86
Introduction 86
Capitalism and sustainability 86
Scale 98
Wants and needs 99
Competition 102
xii CAPITALISM AS IF THE WORLD MATTERS
Inequality 104
Inherent unsustainability? 107
Index 349
Foreword
climate protection is not costly but profitable, because energy efficiency costs less
than the fuel it saves; governments will be the last to know.
Natural Capitalism’s analysis of how to wring many times more work from
each unit of energy and resources is described by Jonathon as ‘hugely optimistic’,
and the realistic potential is said barely to outpace economic growth. This merits
the gentle rebuke that Natural Capitalism’s findings are actually proving very
conservative. Our recent redesigns of $30 billion worth of facilities in 29 sectors,
for example, have consistently found a practical potential for 30–60 per cent
energy savings with 2–3-year paybacks in existing facilities, and for 40–90 per
cent savings in new ones with nearly always lower capital cost. And attentive firms
are very profitably cutting their energy intensity by 6–8 per cent per year – several
times faster than is needed to stabilize the climate.
Since 1975, even the wasteful US has cut its primary energy consumption
per dollar of real GDP by 48 per cent, oil by 54 per cent, directly used natural gas
by 64 per cent and water use by slightly more. Yet this just scratches the surface
of what’s now practical and worthwhile; those savings keep getting ever bigger
and cheaper as technologies and design integration improve faster than we apply
them.
I therefore feel that efficiency’s role in meeting the formidable challenges this
book describes has been understated. But that’s an empirical question. In a few
decades, we’ll know whether it was efficiency or other factors – mindful markets,
enlightened policies, the grassroots revolution described in Paul Hawken’s new
book Blessed Unrest, a spiritual revival, or others – that ultimately proved decisive.
And of course efficiency, though the cheapest, fastest and biggest part of the
integrative solution, is only a master key, not the whole toolkit: it can’t substitute
for many other and complementary methods, any more than technology by itself
can triumph without sound policy.
However we get there, Jonathon Porritt has done us all a service by synthesizing
a compelling vision of the goals we must steer towards, the main stages of the
journey, and how each of us can joyfully bend to our oar. The breadth and
incisiveness of his vision oblige us to be grateful, attentive and engaged.
The world does matter. It’s all we have. Smarter capitalism can be our most
effective tool in making it work, for all, for ever.
Amory B. Lovins
Chairman and Chief Scientist
Rocky Mountain Institute
Snowmass, Colorado
May 2007
Acknowledgements
for all the guidance I’ve drawn on from colleagues both within and beyond the
Forum, Capitalism as if the World Matters is an expression of my own personal
views rather than those of Forum for the Future as an organization. It’s there that
responsibility must lie for any misinterpretations or analytical inadequacies.
www.forumforthefuture.org.uk
info@forumforthefuture.org.uk
All royalties from the sales of Capitalism as if the World Matters are being paid to
Forum for the Future to support its ongoing work.
Introduction
The old world is ending, and the new, hesitantly, is emerging. It’s a painful process,
and it’s going to get a lot more painful before it starts getting better. This is not
good news for those who believe that the threats to today’s dominant model of
progress can still be resolved with a few minor economic tweaks and political fixes.
But it is good news for all those who know that we could be doing something so
much more effective in terms of fashioning better lives for the vast majority of
people all around the world.
To some, such assertions will sound simply preposterous, given that we’ve
been enjoying the fruits of the triumph of capitalism over communism for little
more than twenty years. And the idea of there being some kind of successor to
capitalism waiting in the wings is quite understandably dismissed out of hand. But
as a citizen of Europe, there’s one historical parallel I can’t get out of my head. On
11th November 1918, the triumphant allies signed the Armistice with a crushed
and humiliated Germany. On 1st September 1939, Hitler invaded Poland, and
the world was cast once more into devastating war. The analogy may be somewhat
stretching, but twenty years after the collapse of the Berlin Wall, a triumphalist
axis of capitalist nations has so profoundly mismanaged and abused its triumph
that something much, much worse than the Cold War it brought an end to now
looms in our midst.
Hearing that, you may wish to read no further! But this is not just another
eco-tract predicting the end of everything we hold dear, if not the end of life on
Earth itself. After 35 years banging on about the need for radical change, I’m more
optimistic now than I’ve ever been. There’s so much to be hugely hopeful about
– technologically, politically, spiritually.
To justify such improbable optimism, I’ve had to go way back beyond the
symptoms of today’s disordered world to investigate the root causes of that
disorder, and to remind people that capitalism has always been a self-correcting
system, capable of startling and seemingly ‘unthinkable’ shifts at precisely the
moment when those shifts are most needed. This investigation has led me to the
conclusion that it is indeed still possible for capitalism today to self-correct (or,
more accurately, to be corrected) before traumatic collapse.
For all who believe, as I do, that market-based, properly regulated capitalism
is still capable of meeting today’s daunting challenges, that’s our best hope. But
this is no easy path. Anything vaguely resembling ‘business-as-usual’ is no less
than a death warrant for the highest ideals of contemporary civilization. And that
xx CAPITALISM AS IF THE WORLD MATTERS
means we have to dig down a lot deeper than today’s superficial, febrile political
debates seem inclined to do. Václav Havel, former President of Czechoslovakia
and one of the wisest commentators on the lessons to be learned from the collapse
of communism, has tirelessly pointed out that ‘without a global revolution in the
sphere of human consciousness, nothing will change for the better’.
And we will indeed need to engineer tomorrow’s world, step by step, with
great determination. It won’t just happen by chance. The world we live in today
is not unplanned; it’s the way it is because that’s the way earlier political elites
wanted it to be. Track back to those extraordinary years after the Second World
War where massive entrepreneurial energy was unleashed, particularly in the
United States and Europe. In good faith, without so much as an inkling of today’s
‘sustainability crunch’, the goal was to liberate people the world over (and not just in
the rich world) through increased consumption. This 1948 quote from Victor Lebow,
one of the most creative retail analysts of that post-war era, will shock people today but
was seen then as both visionary and progressive:
Sixty years on, this process of ‘manufacturing desire’ has proved to be massively
successful. But two ‘unintended consequences’ now imperil everything we may
aspire to in the future. First, politicians and wealth creators have so successfully
risen to Lebow’s challenge that the biological foundations of our human civilization
are now at risk. Second, that success has enriched so minute a percentage of
humankind that even if the world wasn’t about to implode physically, it certainly
is economically, even in the world’s richest countries. For instance, the top 10 per
cent of Americans today own 70 per cent of net US wealth, and the top 5 per
cent more than everyone else put together. The average CEO in the US today
earns in one day what an average worker earns in a year. This is America we’re
talking about, the nation that has made a bigger difference to the world’s ‘poor
and needy’, and offered more hope to the world’s disenfranchized, than any other
country on Earth. Tragically, however, the US today, at this dreadful moment in
its eventful history, represents the biggest threat to everything the US once stood
for.
Today’s lethal cocktail of environmental, social and security issues poses an
unprecedented challenge to world leaders. But I’m always slightly startled by the
number of my colleagues, in both the US and Europe, who believe it’s already
too late to pull things back from the brink even if we wanted to. I shall examine
the pros and cons of that case, particularly as it relates to climate change, in
much more detail at different points in the book. However, in terms of what we
INTRODUCTION xxi
would need to do to restore the Earth’s basic life-support systems (soils, forests,
fresh water, grazing land, biodiversity, fisheries, etc.), this is in fact much more
manageable than most people realize, with an asking price that is probably no
more than US$100 billion, according to Lester Brown, President of the Earth
Policy Institute in Washington.
Does that sound too much? Astonishingly reasonable? What’s your benchmark?
Perhaps it would help to know that $100 billion is less than 10 per cent of the
$1.6 trillion that is reckoned to end up every year in offshore tax havens, beyond
the reach of any government, as a result of capital flight, widespread and often
endemic corruption, and tax avoidance of every conceivable description (mostly
legal). Our world is in fact rich beyond most people’s wildest imagination, yet only
the tiniest imaginable percentage of that wealth plays any part at all in securing a
decent, dignified, sustainable life for the majority of people today.
Capitalism has always had its contradictions, but tax avoidance and ‘off-
shoring’ on this scale warps the very foundations of market capitalism. When
people like George Soros and even Zbigniew Brzezinski (a redoubtable neo-
conservative who helped shape US foreign policy throughout the 1970s and 80s)
begin to warn of a potential implosion in the system as a consequence of today’s
‘global political awakening around social injustice’, then it’s probably time to sit
up and listen.
There’s an interesting correlation here between climate change and poverty.
Many scientists today are focused on the possibility of what is called ‘non-linear
climate change’, where the gradual build-up of manmade greenhouse gases in the
atmosphere leads not to a gradual increase in average temperatures, followed by a
gradual increase in the severity of climate-related events, but rather to a dramatic
(‘non-linear’) step-change in the climate. This hypothesis is underpinned by
findings from ice cores in both the Arctic and the Antarctic which show earlier
sea level rises of several metres in a single century. About 14,000 years ago, for
example, sea levels rose approximately 20 metres over the course of 400 years, or
about 1 metre every 20 years.
Far fewer people look to the possibility of ‘non-linear social change’ as a con-
sequence of the very deep-seated, and still gradually worsening, levels of inequity
in society. We’ll see later that research today shows that nearly 60 per cent of people
live in countries where the gap between rich and poor is still getting bigger, not
narrowing. As with climate change, the effects of this are often indirect, diffuse,
long-term; there’s always something more pressing for politicians to deal with,
and NIMTO (Not In My Term of Office) mindsets tend to prevail. But we’ve see
many examples of ‘non-linear social change’ in the past, most recently with the
collapse of communism and the Iron Curtain in central Europe in the 1980s, over
a remarkably short period of time. So just how unequal will things need to get
before political instabilities and other knock-on consequences bring about further
non-linear change?
xxii CAPITALISM AS IF THE WORLD MATTERS
For the best part of ten years, I have been fortunate enough to end up working
with a large number of people at senior level in both government and business
– through Forum for the Future, the UK Sustainable Development Commission
and the Prince of Wales’s Business and the Environment Programme – who are
increasingly open to seeking answers to those difficult questions. Although it is, of
course, possible that the wool is being pulled over my eyes by all of these people all
of the time, my overwhelming impression is that more and more of them are now
intent upon seriously pushing forward with more sustainable ways of doing their
jobs. These are not radical people. They are not activists. They would not dream
of looking for change outside the system: if it can’t be made to happen inside the
system, then for them it just won’t work. Given the urgency now required, both
the length of time it takes to get the basics sorted and the extraordinary reluctance
to take any real risks remain hugely frustrating – but it is still the case that almost
all key policy processes continue to move slowly in the right direction.
And that, of course, means that the emerging solutions have to be fashioned
within the embrace of capitalism. Like it or not (and the vast majority of people
do), capitalism is now the only economic show in town. The drive to extend the
reach of markets into every aspect of every economy is an irresistible force, and
the benefits of today’s globalization process are still held by a substantial majority
of people to outweigh the costs – however serious those costs may be, as we shall
see. The adaptability and inherent strengths of market-based, for-profit economic
systems have proved themselves time after time, and there will be few reading this
book who are not the direct beneficiaries of those systems.
It’s as well to acknowledge both the power and the enduring appeal of
capitalism up front. Much of what follows will seek to harness the strengths
of that system to the pursuit of sustainable development, while simultaneously
challenging our dependence upon today’s particular model of capitalism. For fear
of arriving at a different conclusion, there is a widespread though largely unspoken
assumption that there need be no fundamental contradiction between sustainable
development and capitalism. That assumption will be rigorously tested in Part I,
as will the relationship between most governments’ good intentions on sustainable
development and the prevailing political and economic framework through which
they seek to deliver on those good intentions.
Sustainable development is still a relatively young and unfinished concept,
and has had to establish itself over the last 20 years or so at precisely the time
when those political philosophies which would have given it more space (social
democracy and democratic socialism) have surrendered the field to today’s
dominant, neo-liberal free market ideology. Organizations and individuals
championing sustainable development as a radically different model of progress
for humankind have had their work cut out simply trying to mitigate the worst
externalities of today’s global economy. There has been little time or opportunity
to map out more positive visions of what a sustainable world would look like,
to stop hammering on and on about the necessity of change and start focusing
INTRODUCTION xxiii
instead upon the desirability of change in terms of improved quality of life, greater
security, and more fulfilled ways of working and living. We are so preoccupied
with avoiding nightmares in the future that we have pretty much given up on
offering our dreams of a better world today.
Capitalism as if the World Matters sets out to address that imbalance. It does so
on the basis of a new political convergence that I believe is beginning to emerge
around the twin concepts of sustainability and wellbeing. Governments around the
world are now struggling to reconcile the legitimate material aspirations of their
citizens with the need to protect the natural environment far more effectively than
we have been able to do until now. They would, of course, prefer it if there were
no such environmental constraints; but the costs of mismanaging our natural
capital are now so great as to demand a new and lasting resolution to this long-
running dilemma.
At the same time, though even less purposefully, governments are beginning
to wake up to the problems of trying to achieve everything via the medium of
constant economic growth. As we’ll see in Chapter 3, growth clearly provides
the wherewithal for delivering many of the improvements that people ask of
their governments (better public services, security, renewed infrastructure and so
on), as well as many of the material benefits that people seek through increased
personal wealth and consumption. But it also gives rise to substantial social and
environmental costs, and does not appear to be making people any happier or any
more contented with their lot in life. So should governments be shifting the focus
more towards the promotion of wellbeing and contentment, rather than towards
economic growth per se?
The problem is that economies are now so geared towards year-on-year
increases in personal consumption (partly in order to keep business growth
buoyant and tax revenues flowing) that politicians are extremely reluctant even to
question this particular paradigm of progress. At the same time, companies have
been equally hostile to the notion that people might actually be better off by con-
suming less, and see any such discourse as a direct attack on the self-evident benefits
of free market economics. For many business people over the last fifteen years, this
has positioned sustainable development in the wrong psychological boxes – the
ones labelled ‘regulation and red tape’, ‘constraint on business’, ‘increased costs’
or ‘high risks’. Only during the last few years have we seen the other boxes –
labelled ‘opportunity’, ‘innovation’, ‘increased market share’ and ‘stronger brands’
– opening up in such a way as to provide wealth creators with an entirely different
and far more positive proposition. Given the dominant role of business in the
world today, this particular mindset transition is critically important: however
necessary or desirable something may be, it is unlikely to obtain the necessary
traction in today’s world unless the business community can be persuaded and
inspired to get behind it.
Opportunity is, thus, the third key element in the case made for a rapid transi-
tion to a very different variant of capitalism: capitalism as if the world matters.
xxiv CAPITALISM AS IF THE WORLD MATTERS
The politics of sustainability makes change necessary: we literally don’t have any
choice unless we want to see the natural world collapse around us, and with it our
dreams of a better world for humankind. The politics of wellbeing makes change
desirable: we really do have a choice in finding better ways of improving people’s
lives than those we are currently relying upon. And responding to both those
challenges will generate extraordinary opportunities for the wealth creators of the
future. When something is both necessary and desirable, and can be pitched to
demanding electorates in terms of both opportunity and progress, then it becomes
politically viable – and that’s the threshold that I believe we have now, at long last,
reached.
PART I
Conflicting Imperatives
INTRODUCTION
Wouldn’t it be great if any book dealing with sustainability could open with a
resolutely upbeat account of the state of the planet? But that’s just not possible
– not in this decade, at least. As this chapter confirms, things are going from bad
to worse, and they’ll get worse yet. Despite a growing number of countervailing
success stories, almost all of the trends are still heading in the wrong direction.
There is no mystery here: burgeoning human numbers, a spectacularly
vibrant, consumption-driven economy, and a continuing inability to accept that
there really are natural limits, make for a lethal combination. But no politician
can currently gainsay that drive for increased prosperity – offering people more (at
almost any cost) – has become the number one political imperative. The resulting
impasse poses the greatest challenge we face today: we know that change is
necessary, but that doesn’t necessarily make it desirable. Nevertheless, this chapter
ends with a brief and optimistic account of what it would be like to live in a more
sustainable world, just to show how close that already is to most people’s idea of
a better life.
huge impact upon wild species, with various estimates of loss of biodiversity from
the World Conservation Union (IUCN) and other international bodies a source
of intense concern. This situation has often been exacerbated by the impact of
alien species on many indigenous ecosystems, with billions of dollars now being
spent across the world on control and eradication programmes.
This litany of bio-devastation has been shouted out so often that it’s clear
politicians have simply switched off on hearing it. After the relative failure of
the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity, and the near silence that greeted
publication of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment report (MA; see below),
perhaps we should be rethinking our entire approach to biodiversity. In July
2006, leading biologists from around the world called for the creation of a new
international body for biodiversity to match the impact of the Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) – for whatever you may think about the IPCC’s
overall impact, it has compelled governments to take the advice of their scientific
institutions far more seriously than they would otherwise have done. And with
a ‘potentially catastrophic loss of species’ now unfolding in front of our eyes, the
IPCC’s Fourth Assessment Report (IPCC, 2007) couldn’t possibly have contained
worse news: up to 30 per cent of all plant and animal species are likely to be at
increased risk of extinction if global temperatures rise by more than 2°C.
In terms of managed (rather than wild) areas, we have seen little improvement
in management techniques over the last two decades. Soil erosion is a chronic
problem in many parts of the world, as is salinization, often caused by hugely
wasteful and poorly designed irrigation schemes. There are different estimates as
to the collective impact of all this upon farmland, but the UN FAO believes that
a minimum of 20 per cent of total cultivated acreage is now seriously damaged.
Overgrazing of grasslands has resulted in a similar loss of productivity in literally
dozens of countries.
More recently, there has also been growing concern about freshwater impacts,
both in terms of quantity (with severe water shortages now affecting a large number
of countries) and quality, as both rivers and groundwater aquifers are increasingly
affected by diffuse pollution of many different kinds. It is true that river quality
has often improved substantially in many Organisation for Economic Co-
operation and Development (OECD) countries during the last decade through
much tighter regulation and a growing reluctance to allow companies to use rivers
and streams as their private sewers. But the situation continues to worsen in most
developing countries. The same is true with local air quality.
When the will is there, it has occasionally proved possible to get on top of
major environmental problems. Quite rightly, the phasing out of gases such as
chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) that were having such a damaging impact upon the
protective ozone layer in the upper atmosphere is seen as one of the most effective
examples of international diplomacy working to protect the environment and
people’s health. But even here, we’re not exactly out of the woods. There is a
6 CAPITALISM AS IF THE WORLD MATTERS
thriving black market in banned CFCs, and growing resistance in the US and
elsewhere to further measures to phase out other ozone-depleting substances such
as methyl bromide. The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) still
reminds politicians that it is likely to be another 40 years before levels of ozone in
the atmosphere are restored to where they were during the 1980s.
One of the biggest problems in all of these areas is that the deterioration is
usually incremental, acre by acre, town by town, pollution incident by pollution
incident, species by species – and hence all but invisible to people living in the
midst of this progressive decline. The position in any one year may not be much
worse than in the preceding year, but go back 30 or 40 years and the changes are
stark. It is death by a thousand cuts, rather than by some traumatic shock to the
system which would be far harder for citizens and politicians to ignore.
Nowhere is this demonstrated more clearly than in the MA released in April
2005 (MA, 2005). This extraordinary study took four years to compile, involving
hundreds of scientists all over the world, assessing literally thousands of peer-
reviewed papers covering the principal aspects of the relationship between ourselves
and the natural world, and bringing those findings together in a single, extremely
powerful analysis. Its principal focus is on what are known as ‘ecosystem services’
– in other words, the benefits that we humans obtain from different ecosystems.
The MA describes ‘services’ in four categories: ‘provisioning services’, such
as food, water, timber and fibre; ‘regulating services’, which affect climate,
flood control, disease, waste and water quality; ‘cultural services’, which provide
recreational, aesthetic and spiritual benefits; and ‘supporting services’, such as
soil formation, photosynthesis and nutrient cycling. This serves to remind us,
however buffered against the impact of environmental damage we may think we
are through new technology, that we are still fundamentally dependent upon the
constant and reliable flow of ecosystem services to secure our own wellbeing.
The MA identifies the essential constituents of human wellbeing as having access
to the basic materials for a good life (such as food, shelter and clothing), sound
health, good social relations, security, and freedom of choice and action, and its
overall conclusions are deeply disconcerting:
• Over the past 50 years, humans have changed ecosystems more rapidly and
extensively than in any comparable period of time in human history, primarily
in order to meet rapidly growing demands for food, freshwater, timber, fibre
and fuel. This has resulted in a substantial and largely irreversible loss in the
diversity of life on Earth.
• The changes that have been made to ecosystems have contributed to substantial
net gains in human wellbeing and economic development; but these gains
have been achieved at growing costs in the form of the degradation of many
ecosystem services.
• Approximately 60 per cent (15 out of 24) of the ecosystem services examined
are being degraded or used unsustainably, including freshwater, fisheries, air
CONFLICTING IMPERATIVES 7
and water purification, and the regulation of regional and local climate, natural
hazards, and pests.
• The full costs of the loss and degradation of these ecosystem services are difficult
to measure, but the available evidence demonstrates that they are substantial
and growing.
• The harmful effects of this degradation are being borne disproportionately by
the poor, are contributing to growing inequities and disparities across groups
of people, and are sometimes the principal factor causing poverty and social
conflict.
• The degradation of ecosystem services is already a significant barrier to
achieving the Millennium Development Goals, and the harmful consequences
of this could grow significantly worse during the next 50 years.
• There is established but incomplete evidence that changes being made in
ecosystems are increasing the likelihood of non-linear changes in ecosystems
(including accelerating, abrupt and potentially irreversible changes) that have
important consequences for human wellbeing.
Blind optimism in the face of such a litany of continuing destruction and mis-
management is a strange phenomenon. It is premised on the hope that the
planet’s self-healing capacity remains resilient enough to weather these constant
assaults, despite growing evidence of irreversibility in terms of lost productivity
and diversity. There is something deeply unhistorical about this cornucopian
optimism, as if there wasn’t a robust body of evidence available to us – captured
authoritatively in Clive Ponting’s A Green History of the World (1991) and, more
recently, in Jared Diamond’s Collapse (2005) – demonstrating that there really are
‘points of no return’ when ecosystems are systematically overexploited and abused.
A rather more historical perspective would be helpful in all sorts of ways.
Over the last 550 million years, there have been five mass extinctions on planet
Earth, the last one just 65 million years ago when the dinosaurs disappeared.
For one reason or another (meteor or asteroid impact, dramatic climate change,
volcanic or other planetary traumas, or the normal process of speciation and
extinction as evolution unfolded), most life-forms that have appeared on planet
Earth have turned out to be unsustainable. We are the first species (as far as we
know) that is able to reflect upon where we have come from and where we are
headed. We are, therefore, able to conceptualize the necessary conditions for our
own survival as a species and, in the light of that understanding, so shape our
living patterns in order to optimize our survival chances.
It is only in the last few decades that our survival as a species has become an
issue. Slowly, painfully, we are coming to realize that there is nothing automatic
or guaranteed about our continued existence. If we don’t learn to live sustainably
within the natural systems and limits that provide the foundation for all life-
forms, then we will go the same way as every other life-form that failed to adapt
to those changing systems and limits. Deep down in our collective psyche, after
8 CAPITALISM AS IF THE WORLD MATTERS
ECONOMIC PROSPERITY
Even as we witness this reality unfolding in front of our eyes, it seems that we
have no choice in the rich world but to seek to go on getting richer. On current
projections, the global economy will grow from around $60 trillion today to
around $240 trillion by 2050. Historians will reflect upon the fact that the current
model of progress, premised on year-on-year increases in material prosperity, can
only be traced back a couple of centuries; life without any expectation of increased
prosperity has, in fact, been the historical norm. And anthropologists might point
to the Kalahari Bushmen or other indigenous people as living proof that constant
improvements in our material standard of living are not a necessary condition of
human existence.
Environmentalists argue that the pursuit of increased prosperity is a second-
order political aspiration rather than a first-order imperative, and should in no way
be set alongside the pursuit of sustainability – a point to which we return later.
Exponents of the art of ‘voluntary simplicity’ (maximizing one’s quality of life
while minimizing one’s dependence upon a wasteful, energy-intensive standard
of living) point to the falsehood that increased prosperity automatically leads to
a higher quality of life. And adherents of the world’s leading religions are able to
call upon concepts such as ‘right livelihood’ or warnings about camels passing
through eyes of needles to demonstrate that God and Mammon still inhabit
different spheres.
That’s all well and good; but the vast majority of people alive today both want
to be better off themselves and want their children (if they have them) to be better
off than them. This would appear to be as true of citizens in the world’s richest
nations as of those in the poorest.
There are clearly enormous differences in different people’s material aspira-
tions, however. Although there is still serious poverty in almost all OECD
countries, what are defined as ‘basic human needs’ are now largely met in those
countries. But as far back as 1930, John Maynard Keynes pointed out that our
absolute wants (those which we feel regardless of our relative position in society)
are limited and finite; it is our relative wants (those which we feel in comparison to
what others have in society) that are apparently insatiable – and it is these relative
wants that keep the wheels of our growth machine spinning merrily away.
This is eloquently summarized in the United Nations Development Pro-
gramme’s (UNDP’s) Human Development Report, published in September 2005.
It describes progress as ‘depressingly slow’, despite some encouraging signs – an
extra 30 million children in school, child deaths cut by 3 million a year, overall life
expectancy up by two years, and so on. But more than 460 million people now
live in countries with a lower score on the Human Development Index (HDI) than
in 1990 – an ‘unprecedented reversal’, as the report puts it.
10 CAPITALISM AS IF THE WORLD MATTERS
Reaffirming that ‘deep-rooted inequality is at the heart of the problem’, the report
pointedly comments that for every $1 spent on aid in rich countries, $10 is spent
on arms and military expenditure. Just the increase in defence spending since 2000,
if devoted to aid instead, would have been sufficient to reach the UN’s target of
0.7 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) being devoted to international
aid. It concludes: ‘this development disaster is as avoidable as it is predictable’.
In rich countries and poor countries alike, though with different justifications,
it is the pursuit of greater prosperity that drives the political process. Those
who claim that many people, deep down, know that increased prosperity won’t
necessarily make them happier may well be right. But that is not the way they
vote. Those who inveigh against today’s ‘ideological vacuum’ (where the pursuit
of economic growth has become an all too inadequate surrogate for real politics)
may do so with overwhelming justification. But such protestations would appear
to count for little across the political scene as a whole.
It was, after all, 35 years ago that two of the world’s most eminent economists,
William Nordhaus and James Tobin, published a landmark study criticizing the
use of Gross National Product (GNP) as the sole indicator of economic progress:
‘… maximization of GNP is not a proper policy objective. Economists all know
that, and yet their everyday use of GNP as the standard measure of economic
performance conveys the impression that they are evangelistic worshippers of
GNP.’ Yet mainstream economists have done next to nothing over those 35 years
to challenge the illegitimate ascendancy of GNP, with paralysing consequences for
policy-making at every level – as we will see in Chapter 3.
Francis Fukuyama was clearly a little premature when he asserted that the
demise of communism heralded ‘the end of history’. Nothing lasts forever, and
there’s little doubt that viable alternatives to capitalism (or, at least, a very different
model of capitalism) will emerge over time. The question is ‘when’ not ‘whether’,
and in which direction. In mapping out the kind of transformation that I believe
is now both necessary and desirable, I will be emphasizing the potential of a ‘soft
landing’ for contemporary capitalism, seizing hold of the wealth of opportunity
entailed in fashioning genuinely sustainable livelihoods for the 9 billion people
with whom we will be sharing this planet by the middle of the century.
Capitalism is a complex, adaptive system, and is clearly capable of profound
and rapid shifts. Even those who do not share my views have good reason to
be concerned about the durability of this particular model of capitalism. A
CONFLICTING IMPERATIVES 11
That puts the highest possible premium on political leadership in an age when
such leadership seems more and more elusive. As we will see in Chapter 3,
ecological reality is usually ignored if it is identified as any kind of serious barrier
to increased material prosperity. Nowhere has this been more evident than in
the response of the US to the phenomenon of climate change. Its basic rule of
thumb was definitively mapped out by George Bush senior when he arrived at the
1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, warning all and sundry that ‘the American
way of life’ was not up for grabs in the negotiations around the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The US did, eventually,
sign up to the Convention; but that was the last positive thing it has done on the
international climate change agenda since that time.
If there’s one message above all that I want people to take from these pages,
it’s this: that all the impacts described here are just the first whispers of
the hurricane of future climate change which is now bearing down on
us. Like the canary in the coal mine, those who live closest to the land
– the Eskimos in Alaska and the Pacific islanders – have been the first
to notice. But they won’t be alone for long. As I suspected when I first
began to undertake this mission, the first signs are evident to anyone
who chooses to look. (Lynas, 2004).
Courtesy of the IPCC, we now know a lot more about the scale of this ‘hurricane
of future climate change’. Its Fourth Assessment Report in February 2007 laid it
on the line for politicians still prevaricating in the face of residual uncertainty:
• ‘Best guess’ indicates global temperature will rise by 1.8°C to 4°C by 2100;
• Worst case ‘indicates up to 6.4°C’;
• Policy responses geared to hold temperature increase below 2°C; and
• Urgent need to agree on global stabilization target for CO2 and other
greenhouse gases.
True enough, 90 per cent isn’t 100 per cent, and a small number of dissenting
scientists (many of them funded directly or indirectly by US corporations, and
by the oil industry in particular) continue to give the impression that the science
of climate change is still hotly contested and that no real consensus exists. When
the science historian Naomi Oreskes analysed the 928 peer-reviewed papers on
climate change published between 1993 and 2003, she came to the very different
conclusion that today’s consensus is almost universal: ‘politicians, economists,
journalists and others may have the impression of confusion, disagreement and
discord among climate scientists, but that impression is incorrect’ (Oreskes,
2004). In An Inconvenient Truth, Al Gore (2006) graphically captures the stark
disparity between what scientists have concluded and what media commentators
make of these conclusions:
A particularly galling example of this hit the news both in the UK and the US
when a one-off documentary, The Great Global Warming Swindle (Durkin, 2007),
paraded a line-up of dodgy scientists peddling one particular theory (that it’s
increased radiation from the sun that is causing the Earth to warm up, releasing
more greenhouse gases in the process) that has been demonstrated time after time
to be without any empirical basis whatsoever. The only serious scientist among
them, Professor Carl Wunsch, shamefacedly acknowledged that they ‘completely
misrepresented’ him, a trick well known to the writer and presenter of this
particular travesty, Martin Durkin, whose earlier environmental programmes
have involved such devious misrepresentations that Channel Four was forced to
issue grovelling public apologies.
Having been routed scientifically, most contrarians have now shifted their
argument to the economics of climate change: even if it is happening, and even if
it is going to have extremely severe impacts upon humankind in terms of rising
CONFLICTING IMPERATIVES 15
sea levels, extreme weather events, disrupted agriculture and so on, the costs of
doing anything to mitigate these impacts are deemed by contrarians to be far too
onerous. Marshalled by Bjorn Lomborg in Europe, and by a host of right-wing
think-tanks in the US (such as the Cato Institute and the Competitive Enterprise
Institute), they are succeeding yet again in giving politicians a pretext for delay
and half-hearted half-measures.
Even this ‘final contrarian redoubt’ has now been smoked out by the report
from Sir Nicholas Stern, The Economics of Climate Change, published in November
2006. In describing climate change as ‘the greatest market failure the world has
ever seen’, this UK Treasury-funded report does for the economics of climate
change what the IPCC has done for the science. What Stern seeks to demonstrate
above all is ‘that there need be no irreconcilable clash between securing increased
economic prosperity and addressing the challenge of climate change’ (Stern,
2007). The report estimates the cost of action in addressing climate change at
around 1 per cent of global GDP every year; ‘business as usual’ will result in
economic damage of between 5 per cent and 20 per cent of global GDP every
year, and Stern comments that ‘the appropriate estimate is likely to be in the
upper part of this range’. In terms of getting one’s head around what this actually
means, he contrasts that level of damage with disruption on a scale similar to that
associated with the two world wars and the economic depression of the first half
of the 20th century.
Nonetheless, 1 per cent of GDP is not immaterial. In March 2007, the con-
sulting firm McKinsey published one of the first estimates of the costs entailed
in meeting the EU’s new target of a 20 per cent reduction in CO2 emissions
by 2020. This was assessed at up to €1.1 trillion (£747 billion). It showed that
simple technology (such as energy-saving light bulbs and wind power) will be
capable of providing up to 75 per cent of the required reductions in greenhouse
gas emissions, and that politicians should concentrate on implementing the most
cost-effective environmental measures first, rather than coal-fired power stations
with Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS).
No doubt further studies will emerge, both here in Europe and in the US,
providing alternative economic projections. But the reality is that things are
now moving, all around the world, and the politics of climate change have at
long last moved to the very centre of the political stage. It was interesting that
in setting the target of a 20 per cent cut in CO2 emissions (on 1990 levels) by
2020, the 2007 EU Summit also agreed that it would ratchet that up to 30 per
cent if other countries (particularly the US, China and India) follow suit. It also
determined that 20 per cent of Europe’s energy will be required to come from
renewable sources by 2020. Bizarrely, however, the category of renewables has
been expanded to include nuclear power (primarily to keep France on board),
although it’s blindingly obvious that the reserves of uranium on which nuclear
power depend are no more ‘renewable’ than reserves of oil or gas.
16 CAPITALISM AS IF THE WORLD MATTERS
For all that, different EU countries are bound to take different paths to the
same end. Sweden has set the highest ambition level in determining to make
itself ‘all but fossil-fuel free’ by 2020 – it currently relies on fossil fuels for around
35 per cent of its total energy consumption. Sweden’s ‘green gold’ (its huge and
well-managed forests) will fill a lot of that gap in terms of biomass and biofuels,
but every available technology will be expected to play its part. The UK may lack
Sweden’s forests, but it too has taken a very strong lead, setting CO2 reduction
targets in a legally-binding framework (at least 26 per cent by 2020 and 60 per
cent by 2050, with firm ‘milestones’ along the way), creating an independent
advisory committee to determine appropriate targets in the future, and building
in all sorts of ‘enabling powers’ to ensure that future governments do not have to
keep going back to Parliament with primary legislation every time they want to
bring in new measures.
Many critics believe that this is the turning point as far as the UK getting
its climate change act together in its own backyard is concerned. Hitherto, it has
been content to rely on the inspired international leadership of the former Prime
Minister Tony Blair, who undoubtedly did more than any other individual to
maintain at least some semblance of forward progress with other world leaders.
By bringing countries like India and China into the G8 process at the Gleneagles
Summit in 2005, he created space for the kind of persistent and less threatening
diplomacy that the formal UN-driven negotiations had failed to bring about.
Not that the US took advantage of that space. From the time they went
back on their campaign pledge, in 2001, to legislate to control emissions of CO2,
and then pulled out of the Kyoto Protocol shortly after that, President Bush and
Vice-President Cheney have remained sunk deep in their denial of the science of
climate change, aggressively defending the narrow interests of the US economy,
suppressing reports, corrupting advisory bodies and blocking even the most
modest of reforms. It is no exaggeration to say that these two figures (supported
by the likes of the notorious Senator Inhofe, who describes climate change as ‘the
greatest hoax ever perpetrated on the American people’) have come to represent
a quite unique ‘axis of evil’ regarding climate change. Americans often complain
about being ‘singled out’ for unfair calumny in the climate change ‘hall of shame’.
They shouldn’t – as Joseph Stiglitz explains through these astonishing statistics:
Fortunately for the rest of the world, President Bush and Vice-President Cheney
have been effectively sidelined since the mid-term elections in 2006. Winning
control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate has permitted the
Democrats to start undoing six years of neglect. Out went Senator Inhofe as Chair
of the most important Committee in the Senate, and in came Barbara Boxer, a
redoubtable climate change campaigner. Levels of activity on climate change in
both houses are second only to activity on the war in Iraq, with a number of
different proposals under consideration to introduce some kind of ‘cap-and-trade’
scheme for US industry.
In effect, Congress is simply catching up with the rest of America, which
selected a very different gear after Hurricane Katrina in October 2005. As
Governor of California, Arnie Schwarzenegger took the lead, with an extremely
ambitious climate change strategy including mandatory, economy-wide emission
reductions. Twenty-three states now have renewable electricity production
mandates, and almost as many have adopted greenhouse gas reduction targets,
or are in the process of developing their own climate action plans. The eight
states in the North East are on the point of introducing an innovative ‘cap-and-
trade’ scheme of their own, and the mayors of almost 400 cities are also on the
move in a manner that defies any conventional Republican/Democratic split.
Former Vice-President Al Gore has had a huge impact with his Oscar-winning
film, An Inconvenient Truth, allowing millions of American citizens to get their
heads around climate change for the very first time. This has to go down as one
of the most influential and effective environmental campaigns ever witnessed in
America – even Ralph Nader, who stood for the Green Party against Al Gore
in the 2002 Presidential election (and who is held by many to have deprived
Gore of the success that would otherwise have been his), is said to be a little bit
‘impressed’!
Predictably enough, public opinion in the US is also gradually shifting, despite
the fact that until recently mainstream American media had pretty much ignored
climate change. However, this is no seismic shift. Throughout 2005, high gas
prices were certainly a worry, but little connection was made between concerns
about energy security and concerns about climate change. The best efforts of
environmentalists to press alarm bells on climate change after Hurricane Katrina
(including rallies in more than 30 US cities) quickly faded away as media coverage
declined, especially as the 2006 hurricane season turned out to be as benign as
2005’s had been traumatic. The simple fact is that Americans remain strikingly
less concerned about climate change than their European counterparts: roughly
50 per cent of Americans don’t think it’s a problem, including 75 per cent of
Republicans, and only 40 per cent reckon it’s caused by man-made emissions
of CO2 and other greenhouse gases – all of which reinforces the natural caution
and conservatism that even the Democrats have shown on climate change until
now.
18 CAPITALISM AS IF THE WORLD MATTERS
Which makes it all the more encouraging that so many US companies have
clearly got the message, led by the likes of Jeff Immelt of General Electric, Lee
Scott of Wal-Mart, and Chad Holliday of DuPont, in effect dismissing the Bush
Administration’s position as scientifically corrupt and increasingly hostile to US
economic interests. In January 2007, a powerful consortium of CEOs (from
companies like BP, Alcoa, General Electric (GE), DuPont, Caterpillar, Lehman
Brothers and Duke Energy) joined forces with the World Resources Institute,
Environmental Defense and the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC)
to call for mandatory reductions in greenhouse gases. The US Climate Action
Partnership is clear that voluntary measures will never be sufficient: ‘It must be
mandatory, so that there is no doubt about the actions required.’
President Bush has of course ignored this, just as he has ignored every other
intelligent, constructive proposal during his time in the White House. And he
has made it clear that he will veto any cap-and-trade proposals that the legislature
brings forward, notwithstanding the minor concession he made at the 2007 G8
Summit in Germany in agreeing to rejoin international discussions to come up
with a successor initiative to the Kyoto Protocol by the end of 2008. Such a veto
may not matter as much as it once would have, however. As serious campaigning
for the 2008 Presidential Election gets under way, it seems more than likely that,
whoever is eventually nominated, both parties will go into the election formally
supporting some kind of cap-and-trade scheme. And that commitment will have
a dramatic effect on the international debate, especially if it brings America back
into discussions about what needs to happen after the first Kyoto period comes to
an end in 2012. And that should, in turn, change the debate in countries like China
and India. The US Administration’s intransigence and clear contempt for the rest
of the world have allowed developing countries to sit firmly on the sidelines of the
Kyoto process. If the one nation that is responsible for more than 25 per cent of
global greenhouse emissions, and which clearly has a greater historical legacy than
any other, is refusing to make any moves to restrict emissions, one can understand
why negotiators for China and India have been adamant that they will not budge
until America (and the rest of the rich world) has set its own house in order.
But here too things may be changing. Having once declared that it would
accept no mandatory reductions in emissions of CO2 until its citizens have
reached an average per capita income of $5,000 – which will not happen for
many years, notwithstanding China’s dramatic economic growth – China’s leaders
are beginning to realize that this may not be so smart. Its principal energy-related
objective in the latest 5 Year Plan is to reduce energy intensity (the amount of
energy required for each unit of economic value) by 20 per cent by 2010. This
makes good economic sense, given how disastrously inefficient China is compared
with other countries. Such efficiency improvements would simultaneously allow
China to slow the growth in emissions of CO2 – though it has to be said that
China is still on track to overtake the US as the world’s largest emitter of CO2 by
2009.
CONFLICTING IMPERATIVES 19
Chinese leaders have also realized that their economy is far more vulnerable
to accelerating climate change than most of the OECD countries that caused
the problem in the first place. Climate change is already exacerbating problems
associated with soil erosion and chronic desertification, and is likely to have a
terrible impact on already frighteningly scarce water supplies in key agricultural
regions of China. Sea level rises of much less than a metre would have a devastating
impact along the whole of the Eastern seaboard, where much of China’s economic
muscle is located. I shall return to this in more detail in Chapter 6.
This is precisely the picture that the second part of the IPCC’s Fourth
Assessment Report conjured up in March 2007. As Rajendra Pachauri, Chair of
the IPCC, put it: ‘The poorest of the poor in the world – and this includes poor
people in prosperous societies – are going to be the worst hit. People who are poor
are least able to adapt to climate change.’ The report says that climate change
will cause immediate and unavoidable harm, including less food from farming in
some areas (particularly in Africa), more violent storms, more drought and heat
waves, and the dwindling of water supplies as mountain glaciers melt.
It seems extraordinary, as one devastating report after another crashes down
on politicians’ desks, that we should simultaneously be witnessing the largest
ever wave of new investment in coal-fired power stations. Coal is the dirtiest
and most CO2 intensive of all the fossil fuels, and has profound impacts on the
environment both locally and globally. Yet in the US, after almost 30 years of no
new plants coming on line, there are now plans for as many as 150. Coal prices
are low and very stable (particularly in comparison to gas), demand is soaring, and
companies reckon that if there is to be a ‘cap-and-trade scheme’ they’d better get
their investment in first! This threat was significantly enhanced in March 2007
when the US Supreme Court made a landmark ruling that the Environmental
Protection Agency did indeed have the power to treat CO2 as a ‘pollutant’ –
something that the Agency had always claimed it was not authorized to do.
The picture in China is even worse, with one new coal-fired power station
coming on line every ten days. China is already the world’s largest coal producer,
with 26,000 coal mines employing around 8 million people, and coal accounts
for 75 per cent of total electricity generation. It also accounts for 90 per cent of
the 25 million tonnes of sulphur dioxide released in China every year, 70 per cent
of particulates, 67 per cent of nitrogen oxides and 70 per cent of the 4.7 billion
tonnes of CO2 emissions. Of the $63 billion of damage caused by environmental
pollution in 2004 (according to China’s State Environmental Protection Agency),
43 per cent is caused by the burning of coal. China has now set ambitious targets
for reducing emissions of sulphur dioxide, but it will have its work cut out
achieving them as demand for energy continues to soar.
Little wonder there is now so much interest in ways of capturing the CO2
from coal plants before it is released into the atmosphere, and then storing it
underground in depleted oil and gas reservoirs or saline aquifers. CCS is suddenly
very big business, with increasingly ambitious plans for prototype plants being
20 CAPITALISM AS IF THE WORLD MATTERS
brought forward in Japan, the US, the UK and elsewhere. Some scientists are very
bullish about the technical viability of CCS, claiming that all that is needed to
make it work is a proper price for every tonne of CO2 that is not released into the
atmosphere. Others are much more cautious, in both engineering and financial
terms, pointing to the very substantial costs involved not just in removing the
CO2 but in taking it from the power station or refinery to the place where it is
going to be buried. Al Gore has been particularly critical of CCS, and indeed of
all new ‘clean coal’ technologies: ‘It is time to recognize that the phrase “clean
coal technology” is devoid of meaning unless it means ‘zero carbon emissions’
technology.’
In this instance, I think Al Gore may be misled. A lot of coal in China, India,
the US and elsewhere is going to get burned over the next 20 years whether we
like it or not. I’m no great fan of technological ‘fixes’, but it seems to me that we
have no choice but to find a way of making CCS a success – and a huge success
at that. If we can’t store away some of the billions of tonnes of CO2 that will
otherwise be released into the atmosphere, then our chances of staying below that
2°C threshold for avoiding ‘dangerous climate change’ by the end of this century
(as reckoned by the IPPC) are zero.
Some scientists believe they are already zero – with or without CCS, or ‘clean
coal’, or huge new investments in solar power, wind power and other renewable
technologies, or even massive improvements in energy efficiency. Their view of
the IPPC is that it’s a hopelessly conservative body and that in having to reflect
the consensus among thousands of scientists with widely diverging views it fails
to give politicians the true picture. The 2007 Fourth Assessment Report, for
instance, contains very little reference to the concerns that many scientists now
have about accelerating feedback effects in the way certain natural systems are
responding to the warming that we have already caused to happen.
Over the last couple of years, attention has focused in particular on the
permafrost in Siberia (where current increases in average temperatures appear to
be melting the layer of permafrost under which is trapped billions of tonnes of
methane, a greenhouse gas 20 times more powerful than CO2), or melting sea ice
in the Arctic (with less ice, more of the incoming solar radiation is absorbed by
the ocean rather than being reflected back into the atmosphere, causing further
warming), and on the rainforests of the Amazon starting to dry out, with the very
real possibility that over time they will become net emitters of CO2 rather than a
CO2 sink. And there is even evidence to suggest that more and more CO2 is being
released all over the world as average soil temperatures gently rise.
And that’s why more and more scientists are now talking not so much of
gradual shifts in the climate (more or less in line with the gradual increase in
concentrations of CO2 in the atmosphere), but of abrupt, non-linear shifts from
one climate state to another. There’s plenty of evidence in the historical data
culled from ice cores in both the Arctic and Antarctic to demonstrate that this has
happened many times before. We just don’t know when those feedback loops may
CONFLICTING IMPERATIVES 21
kick in, or even whether staying below a 2°C increase by the end of the century
really is sufficient to prevent ‘runaway’ and potentially irreversible climate shifts.
After all, a 2°C average rise means increases closer to 5°C or 6°C in the polar
regions. If you want to know what this kind of countdown to meltdown looks
like, Mark Lynas’s new book, Six Degrees (2007), spells it out as graphically as you
can imagine. To me, it’s amazing how unconcerned we still seem to be in the face
of this accumulating evidence, with the very real threat, as Jim Lovelock puts it, of
‘the world [being] on the brink of a vast and mostly unpleasant change that may
mark the end of our present civilization’ (Lovelock, 2006).
As the world goes about its ‘business as usual’ business, climate scientists are
wrestling with all of these massively complex variables and potentially devastating
consequence. It seems to me, however you interpret all this, that we really are
very close now to the ultimate tipping point of all: the point at which the human
species loses the ability to command its own destiny in the face of nature’s infinitely
mightier powers.
But how are we to deal with the psychological implications of all this? I’ve
heard Jim Lovelock speak on a couple of occasions, laying out the central thrust
of his Revenge of Gaia (2006) that it’s basically too late, and that even if we
renounced the use of all fossil fuels tomorrow, the level of man-made warming
we’ve already induced would still lead ineluctably to runaway climate change.
Sustainable development is therefore a complete fiction; ‘sustainable retreat’ is all
we have to look forward to.
Lovelock is one of my great heroes, despite his zealous and (in my opinion, at
least) irrational advocacy of nuclear power – if it really is too late, what difference
are a few dozen (or even a few hundred) nuclear reactors going to make? But I’m
deeply troubled both by his certainty about the fate that now awaits us, and by
the disempowering effect that this has on people struggling to come to terms with
something that has been largely invisible to them up until now – that the world
really does have non-negotiable limits, that there really are natural laws by which
we humans are constrained as much as any other species. The discovery that ours
is ‘an outlaw civilization’ can be deeply disturbing, but nothing like as disturbing
as the suggestion that there’s nothing we can do to bring ourselves back on the
right side of the law.
This is particularly shocking for young people. I shudder to think just how
angry young people are going to be when they wake up to the full extent of my
generation’s negligence. If you subscribe to that uplifting aphorism that ‘we do not
inherit the Earth from our parents, but borrow it from our children’, then we’ve
really screwed up. Having spent the last 20 years or so in outright denial about
the declining state of the world, we’ve now leapt in one fell swoop from denial to
despair! Having stolen their future, we are about to steal whatever reasons to be
hopeful young people might still have.
22 CAPITALISM AS IF THE WORLD MATTERS
!
JAMES LOVELOCK Catastrophe of climate Climate change impacts
change recognized far too accelerate dramatically,
late by politicians, in thrall to exacerbating international
the seduction of exponential tension. Global insurance
economic growth and totally industry collapses; massive
false model of progress. economic and social damage
follows, with politicians
struggling to maintain any
kind of order.
1950–2000 2000–2010
!
Technology the answer to Humankind breaks through 9 billion people living
all our problems; continued to better future for all, off comfortably within planet
economic growth the best the back of technological Earth’s natural limits.
driver for change. Crucial revolution. High standards of Environment protected
to find more effective ways living for all, with impressive primarily through effective
of distributing wealth and narrowing of gap between market systems. Human
improving conditions for very rich and poor. Climate numbers start to decline in line
poor. change remains manageable. with UN projections.
!
Grave doubts about political Western democracies global institutions ensure much
leadership, especially in US, totally redefine meaning fairer distribution of wealth and
China and India: denial a of ‘security’; massive poor. People’s quality of life
major impediment to making investments in family massively improves. Climate
faster progress. planning and restoring stabilizes by around 2075.
exhausted ecosystems.
COLLAPSE
FOOTNOTES:
[24] The edition of 1800 of this popular compendium of
knowledge bore on the title page: “A New Geographical, Historical
and Commercial Grammar and Present State of the Several
Kingdoms of the World. Illustrated with a Correct Set of Maps,
Engraved from the Most Recent Observations and Draughts of
Geographical Travellers. The Eighteenth Edition Corrected and
Considerably enlarged. London. 1800.”
The work contained “Longitude, Latitude, Bearings and
Distances of Principal Places from London” as one of its
qualifications for use among mariners.
CHAPTER XI
PIONEERS IN DISTANT SEAS
(1775-1817)
Joseph Peabody began his sea life when a lad in his teens in the
hardy school of the Revolutionary privateersmen. He made his first
cruise in Elias Hasket Derby’s privateer, Bunker Hill, and his second
in the Pilgrim owned by the Cabots of Beverly. A little later he
became second officer of a letter of marque ship, the Ranger, owned
by Boston and Salem shipping merchants. It was while aboard the
Ranger that young Peabody won his title as a fighting seaman.
Leaving Salem in the winter of 1781-82, the Ranger carried salt to
Richmond, and loaded with flour at Alexandria for Havana. Part of
this cargo of flour was from the plantation of George Washington,
and the immortal story of the hatchet and the cherry tree must have
been known in Cuba even then, for the Spanish merchants
expressed a preference for this brand of flour and showed their
confidence by receiving it at the marked weight without putting it on
the scales.
The Ranger returned to Alexandria for another cargo of flour, and
on July 5th, 1782, dropped down the Potomac, ready for sea. Head
winds compelled her to anchor near the mouth of the river. At three
o’clock of the following night, the seaman on watch ran aft, caught
up a speaking trumpet, and shouted down to the sleeping officers in
the cabin that two boats were making for the ship. Captain Simmons
and Lieutenant Peabody rushed up the companionway, and as they
reached the deck, received a volley of musketry from the darkness.
Captain Simmons fell, badly wounded, and Peabody ran forward in
his night clothes, calling to the crew to get their boarding pikes. He
caught up a pike and with a brave and ready seaman named Kent,
sprang to the bows and engaged in a hand to hand fight with the
boarding party which was already pouring over the rail from the boat
alongside.
The Ranger’s crew rallied and held the deck against this invasion
until a second boat made fast in another quarter and swept the deck
with musket fire. The first officer was in the magazine below,
breaking out ammunition, the captain was wounded, and the
command of this awkward situation fell upon Lieutenant, or Second
Officer Peabody, who was a conspicuous mark in his white nightshirt.
He ordered cold shot heaved into the boats to sink them if possible,
and one of them was smashed and sunk in short order.
Peabody then mustered his crew against the boarding party from
the other boat, and drove them overboard. After the Ranger’s decks
had been cleared in fierce and bloody fashion and the fight was
won, it was found that one of her crew was dead, three wounded,
the captain badly hurt, and although Peabody had not known it in
the heat of action, he had stopped two musket balls and bore the
marks of a third. One of the very able seamen of the Ranger had
seen a boarder about to fire point-blank at Peabody and with a
sweep of his cutlass he cut off the hand that held the pistol. For this
service Peabody made the seaman a life-long pensioner, showing
that his heart was in the right place in more ways than one.
Joseph Peabody
The Ranger carried twenty men and seven guns at this time, and
the enemy attempted to carry the ship with sixty men in two barges,
their loss being more than forty in killed and wounded. They were
later ascertained to be a band of Tories who had infested the bay of
the mouth of the Potomac for some time, and had captured a brig of
ten guns and thirty men a few days before this. The Ranger sailed
up to Alexandria to refit and land her wounded, and the merchants
of the town presented the ship with a silver mounted boarding-pike
in token of their admiring gratitude for her stout defense. This
trophy became the property of Joseph Peabody and was highly
prized as an adornment of his Salem mansion in later years.
When the Ranger went to sea again, Thomas Perkins of Salem,
her first officer, was given the command and Peabody sailed with
him as chief mate. Thus began a friendship which later became a
business partnership in which Perkins amassed a large fortune of his
own. Peabody sailed as a shipmaster for a Salem firm for several
years after peace came, and at length bought a schooner, the Three
Friends, in which he traded to the West Indies and Europe. The story
of his career thereafter was one of successful speculation in ships
and cargoes and of a growing fleet of deep-water vessels until his
death in 1844, a venerable man of large public spirit, and shining
integrity, a pillar of his state and town, whose fortune had been won
in the golden age of American enterprise in remote seas.
William Gray completed the triumvirate of Salem ship owners of
surpassing sagacity and success, his name being rightfully linked
with those of Elias Hasket Derby and Joseph Peabody. He served his
apprenticeship in the counting room of Richard Derby and was one
of the earliest American shipping merchants to seek the trade of
Canton and the ports of the East Indies. In 1807 he owned fifteen
ships, seven barks, thirteen brigs, and one schooner, or one-fourth
of the tonnage of the port. He became the lieutenant governor of
the Commonwealth and left a princely fortune as the product of his
farsighted industry.
For the information of those unfamiliar with the records of that
epoch on the seas, the rapidity with which these lords of maritime
trade acquired their fleets and the capital needed to freight and man
them, it may be worth while to give a concrete example of the
profits to be won in those ventures of large risks and larger stakes. A
letter written from the great shipping house of the Messrs. Perkins in
Boston to their agents in Canton in 1814, goes to show that the
operations of the captains of industry of the days of Derby and Gray
and Peabody would have been respected by the capitalists of this
twentieth century. Here is the kind of Arabian Night’s Entertainment
in the way of dazzling rewards which these old-time merchants
planned to reap:
“Barcelona, June 8.
“You have undoubtedly heard of our movements in the
Mediterranean; indeed you must have heard of us, from
every place at which we have touched—for the Cleopatra’s
Barge is more celebrated abroad than at home. Even the
Moors of Tangier visited us tho’ they abhor the Christians.
At Gibralter the Englishmen were astonished. In Malaga,
Carthagena and this place the Spaniards have been
thunderstruck. For these four days past the whole of this
great city has been in an uproar. They begin to crowd on
board at daylight, and continue to press upon us till night.
This morning the Mole was so crowded with people
waiting to come on board, that we have been obliged to
get under weigh, and stand out of the Mole, yet the boats,
with men, women and children, are rowing after us. Thus
it has been in every place we have visited. In Port Mahon
we were visited by all the officers of our squadron.”
A—Z N—M
B—Y O—L
C—X P—K
D—W Q—J
E—V R—I
F—U S—H
G—T T—G
H—S U—F
I—R V—E
J—Q W—D
K—P X—C
L—O Y—B
M—N Z—A
Reading from the top of the column, the letters of the reversed
alphabet are to be substituted for the letters standing opposite them
in their normal order. The passage already quoted therefore
translates itself as follows:
“O, Dear Wife, what shall I write to fill this sheet. I will tell you
that I look your letters over and over and wish me in your arms, but
I wait in patience, thinking on a happy meeting. I am well.”
Log of the good ship Rubicon, showing the captain’s cipher at the
bottom of the page
Other messages which this sailor wrote from his heart and
confided to his cipher in the log of the Rubicon read in this wise:
“My Heart within me (is) ashes. I want to see my loving Wife and
press her to my bosom. But, O, my days are gone and past no more
to return forever.”
“True, undivided and sincere love united with its own object is one
of the most happy Passions that possesses the human heart.”