A Brief Summary of the First Voyage around the World by Magellan by Antonio

Pigafetta

In the following modules we will be examining different primary sources taken from
the works of Antonio Pigafetta and Juan de Placencia. These works will give us a
clearer view on the pre-colonial Philippines and its rich cultural heritage.

In the previous modules we were able to learn and identify different historical
sources and how historian use such sources in order to create a historical account base
on facts. In each primary source we will try to examine given information through
Internal and External criticisms. Further, Internal criticism, as define is the examination
of the truthfulness the evidence. It looks at the content of the source examine the
circumstances of its production. Internal criticism looks at the truthfulness and factuality
of the evidence by looking at the author of the source, its context, the agenda behind its
creation, the knowledge which informed it, and its intended purpose among others.
While external criticism is the practice of verifying the authenticity of the evidence by
examining its physical characteristics; consistency with the historical characteristic of
the time when it was produced; and the materials use for the evidence.

Note: The document below was a direct translation of the original document thus
contains minor grammatical error.

In the 14th to 15th century was the era of exploration in Europe, which was a product of
economic development of the west. As production grows among country and with the
discovery of steam engines. European countries started to explore different parts of the
continent in search for new markets, territories and raw materials. Initially these were
the main goals of the explorations made by the Europeans in which Portugal and Spain
where the pioneering countries. With these, it safe to conclude that before the
Europeans came to explore the east in search for more species and raw materials, they
already had a different kind civilization which includes advances in knowledge and
technology.

In Pigaffetta’s account on the Magellan’s first Voyage around the world try to
discover the different impressions made by the Europeans as they witness a different
kind of environment from the country which they came from. And also as you read the
excerpt try please take note that the purpose why Pigafetta was with Magellan is to
record every activities, engagement that Magellan made during the exploration. After
reading the excerpt you will also be given a background of the author in order to see or
explain how the perspective of the author affects or influence his narratives.

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Summary of FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD BY MAGELLAN

In Pigafetta’s account, their fleet reached what he called the Ladrones Islands or
the “Islands of the Thieves”. He recounted:

“These people have no arms, but use sticks, which have a fishbone at the end. They
are poor, but ingenious, and great thieves, and for the sake of that we called these three
islands the Ladrones Islands”.

The Ladrones islands is presently known as the Marianas Islands. It is located

south-southeast of Japan, west-southwest of Hawaii, north of New Guinea, and east of
Philippines. Ten days after they reached the Ladrones islands, Pigafetta reported that
they reach the isle of Zamal, now Samar, but Magellan decided to land another
uninhabited island for greater security where they could rest for a few days.

Pigafetta recounted that, after two days, March 18, nine men came to them and show
joy and eagerness in seeing them and welcomed them with food, drinks, and gifts. In
turn the natives give them fish, palm wine (uraca), figs and two cochos. The native also
give them rice (umai), cocos and other food supplies. Pigafetta detailed in amusement
and fascination the palm tree which bore fruit called cocho and wine. He also described
what seemed like a coconut.

“This palm produces a fruit names cocho, which is large as the head, or thereabouts: its
first husk is green, and two fingers in thickness, in it they find certain threads, with which
they make the cords for fastening their boats. Under this husks there is another very
hard, and thicker than that of a walnut. They burned this second rind, and make with it a
powder which is useful to them. Under this rind there is a white marrow of a fingers
thickness, which they eat fresh with meat and fish, as we do bread, and it has the taste
of almond, and if anyone dried it he might make bread of it.

Pigafetta characterized the people as familiar and friendly and willingly showed them
different islands and the names of this islands. They went to Humunu Island
(Homonhon) and there they found what Pigafetta referred to as the “Watering Place of
Good Signs”. Where they found the first signs of gold in the island. They named the
islands with the nearby islands as the archipelago of St. Lazarus. They left the island,
and on March 25th Pigafetta recounted that they saw two Ballangai (balangay) a long
boat full of people in Mazzava/ Mazaua. The leader who Pigafetta referred to as the
king of the ballanghai (balangay), sent his men to the ship of Magellan. The Europeans
entertained these men and gave them gifts. When the king of the balangay offered to
give Magellan a bar of gold and chest of ginger, Magellan declined. Magellan sent the
interpreter to the king and asked for money for the needs of his ships and expressed
that he can came into the islands as a friend and as an enemy. The king responded by
giving Magellan the needed provisions of food and chinaware. Magellan exchanged
gifts with robes in Turkish fashion, red cap, and gave the people knives and mirrors. The
two then expressed their desire to become brothers. Magellan also boasted of his men
in armor who could not be struck with swords and daggers. The king was fascinated
and remarked that men in such armor could be worth one hundred of his men. Magellan
further showed the king his other weapons, helmets, and artilleries. Magellan also
shared with the king his charts and maps and shared how they found the islands.

After a few days, Magellan was introduced to the king’s brother who was also king of
another island. They went to this island and Pigafetta reported that they saw mines of
gold. The gold was abundant that part of the ship and of the second king as the most
handsome of all men that he saw in this place. He was also adorned with silk and gold
accessories like a golden dagger, which he carried with him in a wooden polish sheath.
This king was named Raia Calambu, king of Zuluan and Calaga (Butuan and Caragua),
and the first king was Raia Siagu. On March 31st, which happened to be Easter Sunday,
Magellan ordered the chaplain to preside a Mass by the shore. The king heard of this
plan and sent two dead pigs and attended the Mass with the other king. Pigafetta
reported that both kings participated in the mass He wrote:

“…when the offertory of the mass came, the two kings, went to kiss the cross like us,
but they offered nothing, and at the elevation of the body of our Lord they were kneeling
like us, and adored our Lord with joined hands.”

After the Mass, Magellan ordered that the cross be brought with nails and crowned in
place. Magellan explained that the cross, the nail, and the crown were the signs of his
emperor and that he was ordered to plant it in the places that he would reach and the
cross would be beneficial for their people because once the Spaniards saw this cross,
then they would know that they had been in this land and would not cause them
troubles, and any person who might be held captives by them would be released. The
king concurred and allowed for the cross to be planted. This mass would go down in
history as the first Mass in the Philippines, and the cross would be the famed Magellan's
Cross still preserved until today.

After seven days, Magellan and his men decided to moved and look for islands where
they could acquire more supplies and provisions. They learned of the island of Ceylon
(Leyte), Bohol, and Zzubu (Cebu) and intended to go there. Raia Calambu offered to
pilot them in going to Cebu, the largest and the richest of the islands. By April 7th of the
same year, Magellan his men reached the port of Cebu. The king of Cebu, through
Magellan’s interpreter, demanded that they pay tribute for it was customary, but
Magellan refused. Magellan said that he was a captain of a king himself and thus would
not pay tribute to other kings. Magellan’s interpreter explained to the king of Cebu that
Magellan’s king was the emperor of a great empire and that it would do them better to
make friends with them than to forge enmity. The king of Cebu consulted his council. By
the next day, Magellan’s men and the king of Cebu, together with other principal men of
Cebu, met in an open space. There, the king offered a bit of his blood and demanded
that Magellan do the same. Pigafetta recounts:

“Then the king said that he was content, and as a greater sign of affection he sent him a
little of his blood from his right arm, and wish he should do the like. Our people
answered that he would do it. Besides that, he said that all the captains who came to his
country had been accustomed to make a present to him, and he to them, and therefore
they should ask their captain if he would observe the custom. Our people answered that
he would: but as the king wished to keep up the custom, let him begin and make a
present, and then the captain would do his duty.”

The following day, Magellan spoke before the people of Cebu about peace and God.
Pigafetta reported that the people took pleasure in Magellan’s speech. Magellan then
asked the people who would succeed the king after his reign and the people responded
that the eldest child of the king, who happened to be a daughter, would be the next in
line. Pigafetta also related how the people talked about, how old age, parents were no
longer taken into account and had to follow the orders of their children as the new
leaders of the land. Magellan responded to this by saying that his faith entailed about
their faith further and people were reportedly convinced. Pigafetta wrote that their men
were overjoyed seeing that the people wished to become Christians through their free
will and not because they were forced or intimidated.

On the 14th of April, the people gathered with the king and other principal men of the
islands. The people gathered with the king and other principal men of the island.
Magellan spoke to the king and encouraged him to be a good Christian by burning all
the idols and worship the cross instead. The king of Cebu was baptized as Christians.

“To that the king and all his people answered that thy would obey the commands of the
captain and do all that he told them. The captain took the king by the hand, and they
walk about on the scaffolding, and when he was baptized he said that he would name
him Don Charles (Carlos), as the emperor his sovereign was named: and he named the
Prince Don Fernand (Fernando), after the brother of the emperor, and the king of
Mazavva Jehan: to the Moor he gave the name of Christopher, and to the others each a
name of his fancy.”.

After eight days, Pigafetta counted that all of the island’s inhabitant were already
baptized. He admitted that they burned a village down for obeying neither the king nor
Magellan. The Mass was conducted by the shore every day. When the queen came to
the Mass one day, Magellan gave her an image of the Infant Jesus made by Pigafetta
himself. The king of Cebu swore that he would always be faithful to Magellan. When
Magellan reiterated that all of the newly baptized Christians need to burn their idols but
the natives gave excuses telling Magellan that they needed the idols to heal a sick man
who was a relative to the king. Magellan insisted that they should instead put their faith
in Jesus Christ. They went to the sick man and baptized him. After the baptismal,
Pigafetta recorded that the man was able to speak again. He called this miracle.

On the 26th of April, Zula, a principal man from the island of Matan (Mactan) went to see
Magellan and asked him for a boat full of men so that he would be able to fight the chief
named Silapulapu (Lapulapu). Such chief, according to Zula, refused to obey the king
and was also preventing him from doing so. Magellan offered three boats instead and
expressed hs desire to go to Mactan himself to fight the said chief. Magellan’s forces
arrived in Mactan in daylight. They numbered 49 in total and the islanders of Mactan
were estimated to number 1,500. The battle begun. Pigafetta recounted:

“When we reached land we found the islanders fifteen hundred in number, drawn up in
three squadrons; they came down upon us with terrible shouts, two squadrons attacking
us on the flanks, and the third in front. The captain then divided his men in two bands.
Our musketeers and crossbow-men fired for half an hour from a distance, but did
nothing, since the bullets and arrows, though they passed through their shields made of
thin wood, and perhaps wounded their arms, yet did not stop them. The captain shouted
not to fire, but he was not listened to. The islanders seeing that the shots of our guns
did them little or no harm would not retire, but shouted more loudly, and springing from
one side to the other to avoid our shots, they at the same time drew nearer to us,
throwing arrows, javelins, spears hardened in fire, stones and even mud, so that we
could hardly defend ourselves. Some of them cast lances pointed with iron at the
captain-general.”

Magellan died in the battle. The natives, perceiving that the bodies of the enemies were
protected with armors, aimed for their legs instead. Magellan was pierced with a
poisoned arrow in his right leg. A few of their men charged at the natives and tried to
intimidate them by burning an entire village but this only enraged the natives further.
Magellan was specifically targeted because the natives knew that he was the captain
general Magellan was hit with lance in the face. Magellan retaliated and pierced the
same native with his lance in the breast and tried to dram his sword but could not lift it
because of his wounded arm. Seeing that the captain has already deteriorated, more
natives came to attack him. One native with a great sword delivered a blow in
Magellan’s left leg, brought him face down and the natives ceaselessly attacked
Magellan with lances, swords, and even with their bare hands. Pigafetta recounted the
last moments of Magellan:

“Whilst the Indians were thus overpowering him, several times he turned round towards
us to see if we were all in safety, as though his obstinate fight had no other object than
to give an opportunity for the retreat of his men.”
Pigafetta also said that the king of Cebu who was baptized could have sent help but
Magellan instructed him not to join the battle and stay in the balangay so that he would
see how they fought. The king offered the people of Mactan’s gifts of any value and
amount in exchange of Magellan’s body but the chief refused. They wanted to keep
Magellan’s body as a momento of their victory.

Magellan’s men elected Duarte Barbosa as the new captain. Pigafetta also told how
Magellan’s slave and interpreter named Henry betrayed them and told the king of Cebu
that they intended to leave as quickly as possible. Pigafetta alleged that the slave told
the king that if he followed his advice, the king would acquire the ships and the goods of
Magellan’s fleet. The two conspired and betrayed what was left of Magellan’s men. The
king invited these men to a gathering where he said he would present the jewels that he
would send for the King of Spain. Pigafetta was not able to join the twenty-four men who
attended because he was nursing his battle wounds. The natives had slain all the men
except the interpreter and Juan Serrano who was already wounded. Serrano was
presented and shouted at the men in the ship asking them to pay ransom so he would
be spared. However, they refused and would not allow anyone to go to the shore. The
fleet departed and abandoned Serrano. They left Cebu and continued their journey
around the world.

Antonio Pigafetta (1491-1531)

Famous Italian traveler born in Vicenza around 1490 and died in the same city in 1534,
who is also known by the name of Antonio Lombardo or Francisco Antonio Pigafetta.
Initially linked to the order of Rhodes, which was Knight, went to Spain in 1519,
accompanied by Monsignor Francisco Chiericato, and was made available from Carlos
V to promote the company initiated by the Catholic Monarchs in the Atlantic. Soon he
became a great friendship with Magallanes, who accompanied, together with Juan
Sebastián Elcano, in the famous expedition to the Moluccas begun in August of 1519
and finished in September 1522. He was wounded at the battle of the island of Cebu
(Philippines) in which Magellan found death. The output of Seville made it aboard of the
Trinity; the return, along with a handful of survivors (17 of the 239 who left this
adventure), in victory, ship that entered in Sanlúcar de Barrameda (Cádiz) on
September 6, the designated year. In the last years of his life, he traveled by land from
France to finally return to Italy in 1523. He wrote the relation of that trip, which was the
first around the world, Italian and with the title of Relazioni in lathe to the primo viaggio
di circumnavigazione Notizia del Mondo Nuovo with figure you dei paesi scoperti, which
was published posthumously, in 1536.
His work became a classic that prominent literary men in the West like William
Shakespeare, Michel de Montaigne and Giambattista Vico referred to the book in their
interpretation of the New World. His travelogue is one of the most important primary
sources in the study of precolonial Philippines. His account was also a major referent to
the events leading to Magellans arrival in the Philippines, his encounter with local
leaders, his death in the hands of Lapulapu’s forces in the Battle of Mactan and in the
departure of what was left of Magellan’s fleet from the islands.

In this era, during the 16th century, the Spanish expeditions ere very evident. With these
adventures, it is a must for them to take into accounts their glorious journey. The
account describes the social structure of the pre-colonial Philippines including their daily
activities. Plasencia also describe how the relationship of these social class works and
acquired. He also has descriptions on the differences between its individual roles and
responsibilities. However the content does not include the religious beliefs and practices
that also had took a great portion of Plasencia’s work.

The account of Juan de Plasencia entitled “Customs of the Tagalogs” was due to his
missionary work in the Philippines. He wrote about the culture and society of the people
in Luzon, thus such title was written. However, it was not thorough since our customs
were new to them so it lead to misconceptions and prejudice of our ancestors.

Customs of the Tagalogs by Fray Juan de Plasencia

This people always had chiefs, called by them datos, who governed them and were
captains in their wars, and whom they obeyed and reverenced. The subject who
committed any offense against them, or spoke but a word to their wives and children,
was severely punished.

These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes as many as a hundred houses,
sometimes even less than thirty. This tribal gathering is called in tagalog a barangay. It
was inferred that the reason for giving themselves this name arose from the fact (as
they are classed, by their language, among the Malay nations) that when they came to
this land, the head of the barangay, which is a boat, thus called as is discussed at
length in the first chapter of the first ten chapters became a dato. And so, even at the
present day, it is ascertained that this barangay in its origin was a family of parents and
children, relations and slaves. There were many of these barangays in each town, or, at
least, on account of wars, they did not settle far from one another. They were not,
however, subject to one another, except in friendship and relationship. The chiefs, in
their various wars, helped one another with their respective barangays.
In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there were three castes:
nobles, commoners, and slaves. The nobles were the free-born whom they call
maharlica. They did not pay tax or tribute to the dato, but must accompany him in war,
at their own expense. The chief offered them beforehand a feast, and afterward they
divided the spoils. Moreover, when the dato went upon the water those whom he
summoned rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped him, and had to be fed for it.
The same was true when the whole barangay went to clear up his lands for tillage. The
lands which they inhabited were divided among the whole barangay, especially the
irrigated portion, and thus each one knew his own. No one belonging to another
barangay would cultivate them unless after purchase or inheritance. The lands on the
tingues, or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but owned in common by the barangay.
Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest, any individual of any particular barangay,
although he may have come from some other village, if he commences to clear any land
may sow it, and no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as, for
example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these nobles, or maharlicas, paid annually to the
dato a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this was that, at the time of their
settlement there, another chief occupied the lands, which the new chief, upon his
arrival, bought with his own gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him
for the arable land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now,
since the advent of the Spaniards, it is not so divided.

The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established limits, and sections of
the rivers for markets. At these no one could fish, or trade in the markets, without paying
for the privilege, unless he belonged to the chief's barangay or village.

The commoners are called aliping namamahay. They are married, and serve their
master, whether he be a dato or not, with half of their cultivated lands, as was agreed
upon in the beginning. They accompanied him whenever he went beyond the island,
and rowed for him. They live in their own houses, and are lords of their property and
gold. Their children inherit it, and enjoy their property and lands. The children, then,
enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be made slaves (sa guiguilir) nor can
either parents or children be sold. If they should fall by inheritance into the hands of a
son of their master who was going to dwell in another village, they could not be taken
from their own village and carried with him; but they would remain in their native village,
doing service there and cultivating the sowed lands.

The slaves are called aliping sa guiguilir. They serve their master in his house and on
his cultivated lands, and may be sold. The master grants them, should he see fit, and
providing that he has profited through their industry, a portion of their harvests, so that
they may work faithfully. For these reasons, servants who are born in the house of their
master are rarely, if ever, sold. That is the lot of captives in war, and of those brought up
in the harvest fields.
Those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to another, thereby themselves
making a profit, and reducing the wretched debtors to a slavery which was not their
natural lot. If any person among those who were made slaves (sa guiguilir) through war,
by the trade of goldsmith, or otherwise happened to possess any gold beyond the sum
that he had to give his master, he ransomed himself, becoming thus a namamahay, or
what we call a commoner. The price of this ransom was never less than five taels, and
from that upwards; and if he gave ten or more taels, as they might agree, he became
wholly free. An amusing ceremony accompanied this custom. After having divided all
the trinkets which the slave possessed, if he maintained a house of his own, they
divided even the pots and jars, and if an odd one of these remained, they broke it; and if
a piece of cloth were left, they parted it in the middle.

The difference between the aliping namamahay and the aliping sa guiguilir, should be
noted; for, by a confusion of the two terms, many have been classed as slaves who
really are not. The Indians seeing that the alcaldes-mayor do not understand this, have
adopted the custom of taking away the children of the aliping namamahay, making use
of them as they would of the aliping sa guiguilir, as servants in their households, which
is illegal, and if the aliping namamahay should appeal to justice, it is proved that he is
an aliping as well as his father and mother before him and no reservation is made as to
whether he is aliping namamahay or atiping sa guiguilir. He is at once considered an
alipin, without further declaration. In this way he becomes a sa guiguilir, and is even
sold. Consequently, the alcaldes-mayor should be instructed to ascertain, when anyone
asks for his alipin, to which class he belongs, and to have the answer put in the
document that they give him.

In these three classes, those who are maharlicas on both the father's and mother's side
continue to be so forever; and if it happens that they should become slaves, it is through
marriage, as I shall soon explain. If these maharlicas had children among their slaves,
the children and their mothers became free; if one of them had children by the
slave-woman of another, she was compelled, when pregnant, to give her master half of
a gold tael, because of her risk of death, and for her inability to labor during the
pregnancy. In such a case half of the child was free namely, the half belonging to the
father, who supplied the child with food. If he did not do this, he showed that he did not
recognize him as his child, in which case the latter was wholly a slave. If a free woman
had children by a slave, they were all free, provided he were not her husband.

If two persons married, of whom one was a maharlica and the other a slave, whether
namamahay or sa guiguilir, the children were divided: the first, whether male or female,
belonged to the father, as did the third and fifth; the second, the fourth, and the sixth fell
to the mother, and so on. In this manner, if the father were free, all those who belonged
to him were free; if he were a slave, all those who belonged to him were slaves; and the
same applied to the mother. If there should not be more than one child he was half free
and half slave. The only question here concerned the division, whether the child were
male or female. Those who became slaves fell under the category of servitude which
was their parent's, either namamahay or saguiguilir. If there were an odd number of
children, the odd one was half free and half slave. I have not been able to ascertain with
any certainty when or at what age the division of children was made, for each one
suited himself in this respect. Of these two kinds of slaves the saguiguilir could be sold,
but not the namamahay and their children, nor could they be transferred. However, they
could be transferred from the barangay by inheritance, provided they remained in the
same village.

The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to another, or from one
barangay to another, without paying a certain fine in gold, as arranged among them.
This fine was larger or smaller according to the inclination of the different villages,
running from one to three taels and a banquet to the entire barangay. Failure to pay the
fine might result in a war between the barangay which the person left and the one which
he entered. This applied equally to men and women, except that when one married a
woman of another village, the children were afterwards divided equally between the two
barangays. This arrangement kept them obedient to the dato, or chief, which is no
longer the case because, if the dato is energetic and commands what the religious
fathers enjoin him, they soon leave him and go to other villages and other datos, who
endure and protect them and do not order them about. This is the kind of dato that they
now prefer, not him who has the spirit to command. There is a great need of reform in
this, for the chiefs are spiritless and faint-hearted.

Investigations made and sentences passed by the dato must take place in the presence
of those of his barangay. If any of the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was
unanimously named from another village or barangay, whether he were a dato or not;
since they had for this purpose some persons, known as fair and just men, who were
said to give true judgment according to their customs. If the controversy lay between
two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also convoked judges to act as arbiters;
they did the same if the disputants belonged to two different barangays. In this
ceremony they always had to drink, the plaintiff inviting the others.

They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth who insulted the
daughter or wife of a chief; likewise witches, and others of the same class. They
condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the death-penalty. As for the witches,
they killed them, and their children and accomplices became slaves of the chief, after he
had made some recompense to the injured person. All other offenses were punished by
fines in gold, which, if not paid with promptness, exposed the culprit to serve, until the
payment should be made, the person aggrieved, to whom the money was to be paid.
This was done in the following way: Half the cultivated lands and all their produce
belonged to the master. The master provided the culprit with food and clothing, thus
enslaving the culprit and his children until such time as he might amass enough money
to pay the fine. If the father should by chance pay his debt, the master then claimed that
he had fed and clothed his children, and should be paid therefor. In this way he kept
possession of the children if the payment could not be met. This last was usually the
case, and they remained slaves. If the culprit had some relative or friend who paid for
him, he was obliged to render the latter half his service until he was paid not, however,
service within the house as aliping sa guiguilir, but living independently, as aliping
namamahay. If the creditor were not served in this wise, the culprit had to pay the
double of what was lent him. In this way slaves were made by debt: either sa guiguilir, if
they served the master to whom the judgment applied; or aliping namamahay, if they
served the person who lent them wherewith to pay.

In what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess of usury, which is a
great hindrance to baptism as well as to confession; for it turns out in the same way as I
have showed in the case of the one under judgment, who gives half of his cultivated
lands and profits until he pays the debt. The debtor is condemned to a life of toil; and
thus borrowers become slaves, and after the death of the father the children pay the
debt. Not doing so, double the amount must be paid. This system should and can be
reformed.

As for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and mother inherited equally,
except in the case where the father and mother showed a slight partiality by such gifts
as two or three gold taels, or perhaps a jewel.

When the parents gave a dowry to any son, and, when, in order to marry him to a chief's
daughter, the dowry was greater than the sum given the other sons, the excess was not
counted in the whole property to be divided. But any other thing that should have been
given to any son, though it might be for some necessity, was taken into consideration at
the time of the partition of the property, unless the parents should declare that such a
bestowal was made outside of the inheritance. If one had had children by two or more
legitimate wives, each child received the inheritance and dowry of his mother, with its
increase, and that share of his father's estate which fell to him out of the whole. If a man
had a child by one of his slaves, as well as legitimate children, the former had no share
in the inheritance; but the legitimate children were bound to free the mother, and to give
him something a tael or a slave, if the father were a chief; or if, finally, anything else
were given it was by the unanimous consent of all. If besides his legitimate children, he
had also some son by a free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given but who
was not considered as a real wife, all these were classed as natural children, although
the child by the unmarried woman should have been begotten after his marriage. Such
children did not inherit equally with the legitimate children, but only the third part. For
example, if there were two children, the legitimate one had two parts, and the one of the
inaasava one part. When there were no children by a legitimate wife, but only children
by an unmarried woman, or inaasava, the latter inherited all. If he had a child by a slave
woman, that child received his share as above stated. If there were no legitimate or
natural child, or a child by an inaasava, whether there was a son of a slave woman or
not, the inheritance went only to the father or grandparents, brothers, or nearest
relatives of the deceased, who gave to the slave-child as above stated.

In the case of a child by a free married woman, born while she was married, if the
husband punished the adulterer this was considered a dowry; and the child entered with
the others into partition in the inheritance. His share equaled the part left by the father,
nothing more. If there were no other sons than he, the children and the nearest relatives
inherited equally with him. But if the adulterer were not punished by the husband of the
woman who had the child, the latter was not considered as his child, nor did he inherit
anything. It should be noticed that the offender was not considered dishonored by the
punishment inflicted, nor did the husband leave the woman. By the punishment of the
father the child was fittingly made legitimate.

Adopted children, of whom there are many among them, inherit the double of what was
paid for their adoption. For example, if one gold tael was given that he might be adopted
when the first father died, the child was given in inheritance two taels. But if this child
should die first, his children do not inherit from the second father, for the arrangement
stops at that point.

This is the danger to which his money is exposed, as well as his being protected as a
child. On this account this manner of adoption common among them is considered
lawful.

Dowries are given by the men to the women's parents. If the latter are living, they enjoy
the use of it. At their death, provided the dowry has not been consumed, it is divided like
the rest of the estate, equally among the children, except in case the father should care
to bestow something additional upon the daughter. If the wife, at the time of her
marriage, has neither father, mother, nor grandparents, she enjoys her dowry which, in
such a case, belongs to no other relative or child. It should be noticed that unmarried
women can own no property, in land or dowry, for the result of all their labors accrues to
their parents.

In the case of a divorce before the birth of children, if the wife left the husband for the
purpose of marrying another, all her dowry and an equal additional amount fell to the
husband; but if she left him, and did not marry another, the dowry was returned. When
the husband left his wife, he lost the half of the dowry, and the other half was returned to
him. If he possessed children at the time of his divorce, the whole dowry and the fine
went to the children, and was held for them by their grandparents or other responsible
relatives.
I have also seen another practice in two villages. In one case, upon the death of the
wife who in a year's time had borne no children, the parents returned one-half the dowry
to the husband whose wife had died. In the other case, upon the death of the husband,
one-half the dowry was returned to the relatives of the husband. I have ascertained that
this is not a general practice; for upon inquiry I learned that when this is done it is done
through piety, and that all do not do it.

In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons when they are
about to be married, and half of which is given immediately, even when they are only
children, there is a great deal more complexity. There is a fine stipulated in the contract,
that he who violates 0-it shall pay a certain sum which varies according to the practice
of the village and the affluence of the individual. The fine was heaviest if, upon the
death of the parents, the son or daughter should be unwilling to marry because it had
been arranged by his or her parents. In this case the dowry which the parents had
received was returned and nothing more. But if the parents were living, they paid the
fine, because it was assumed that it had been their design to separate the children.

The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearly concerning customs observed
among these natives in all this Laguna and the tingues, and among the entire Tagalog
race. The old men say that a dato who did anything contrary to this would not be
esteemed; and, in relating tyrannies which they had committed, some condemned them
and adjudged them wicked.

Others, perchance, may offer a more extended narrative, but leaving aside irrelevant
matters concerning government and justice among them, a summary of the whole truth
is contained in the above. I am sending the account in this clear and concise form
because I had received no orders to pursue the work further. Whatever may be decided
upon, it is certainly important that it should be given to the alcal-des-mayor,
accompanied by an explanation; for the absurdities which are to be found in their
opinions are indeed pitiable.

May our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His grace and spirit, so that in every step
good fortune may be yours; and upon every occasion may your Lordship deign to
consider me your humble servant, to be which would be the greatest satisfaction and
favour that I could receive. Nagcarlán, October 21, 1589.

Author’s Background

Juan de Plasencia was born in the in the early 16th century as Juan Portocarrero in
Plasencia, in the region of Extramadura, Spain. He was one of the seven children of
Pedro Portocarrero, a captain of a Spanish schooner.
He was a Spanish friar of the Franciscan order. He was among the first group of
Franciscan missionaries who arrived in the islands on July 2, 1578.

He spent most of his missionary life in the Philippines, where he founded numerous
towns in Luzon and authored several religious and linguistic books, most notably the
Doctrina Cristiana (Christian Doctrine), the first book ever printed in the Philippines.

As soon as he arrived, he joined worth another missionary, Fray Diego de Oropesa, and
they both started preaching around Laguna de Bay and Tayabas, Quezon Province,
where he founded several towns.

The Kataastaasan, Kagalanggalangang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan (KKK) or

Katipunan is arguably the most important organization formed in the Philippine history.
While anti-colonial movements, efforts, and organizations had already been established
centuries prior to the foundation of the Katipunan, it was only this organization that
envisioned (1) a united Filipino nation that would revolt against the Spaniards for (2) the
total independence of the country from Spain. Previous armed revolts had already
occurred before the foundation of the Katipunan, but none of them envisioned a unified
Filipino nation revolting against the colonizers. For example, Diego Silang was known
as an Ilocano who took up his arms and led one of the longest running revolts in the
country. Silang, however, was mainly concerned about his locality and referred to
himself as El Rey de Ilocos (The King of Ilocos). The imagination of the nation was
largely absent in the aspirations of the local revolts before Katipunan. On the other
hand, the propaganda movements led by the Illustrados like Marcelo H. del Pilar,
Graciano Lopez Jaena, and Jose Rizal did not envision a total separation of the
Philippines from Spain, But only demanded equal rights, representation and protection
from the abuses of the friars.

Figure 2: Emilio Jacinto

In the conduct of their struggle, Katipunan created a complex structure and defined
value system that would guide the organization as a collective aspiring for single goal.
One of the most important Katipunan documents was the Kartilya ng Katipunan. The
original title of the document was “Manga Aral Nang Katipunan ng mga A.N.B.” or
Lessons of the Organization of the Sons of the Country.” The Document was written by
Emilio Jacinto in the 1896. Jacinto was only 16 years old when he joined the movement.
He was a law student at the Universidad de San Tomas. Despite his youth, Bonifacio
recognized the value and intellect of Jacinto that upon seeing that Jacinto’s Kartilya was
much better than the Decalogue he wrote, he willingly favored the the kartilya be
distributed to their fellow Katipuneros. Jacinto became the secretary of the organization
and took charge of the short-lived printing press of the Katipunan. On 15 April 1897,
Bonifacio appointed Jacinto as a commander of the Katipunan in Northern Luzon.
Jacinto was 22 years old. He died of Malaria at a young age of 24 in the town of
Magdalena, Laguna.

The Kartilya can be treated as the Katipunan’s code of conduct. It contains fourteen
rules that instruct the way a Katipunero should behave and which specific values should
be uphold. Generally, the rules stated in the Kartilya can be classified into two. The first
group contains the rules that will make the member an upright individual and the second
group contains the rules that will guide the way he treats his fellow men.

Below is the translated version of the rules in the Kartilya.

1. The life that is not consecrated to a lofty and reasonable purpose is a tree
without a shade, if not poisonous weed.
2. To do good for personal gain and for its own sake is not virtue.
3. It is not rational to be charitable and love one’s conduct, acts and words to
whatis in itself reasonable.
4. Whether our skin be black or white, we are all born equal: superiority in
knowledge, wealth and beauty are to be understood, but not superiority by
nature.
5. The honourable man prefers honor to personal gain; the scoundrel, gain to
honor.
6. To the honourable man, his word is sacred.
7. Do not waste thy time: wealth can be recovered but not time lost.
8. Defend the oppressed and fight the oppressor before the law or in the field.
9. The prudent man is sparing in words and faithful in keeping secrets.
10. On the thorny path of life, man is the guide of woman and the children, and if
the guide leads to the precipice, those whom he guides will also go there.
11. Thou must not look upon woman as mere plaything, but as a faithful
companion who will share with thee the penalties of life; her (physical)
weakness will increase thy interest at her and she will remind thee of the
mother who bore thee and reared thee.
12. What thou dost not desire done unto thy wife, children, brothers and sisters of
thy neighbour.
13. Man is not worth more because he is a king, because his none is aquiline,
and his color white, not because he is a priest, a servant of God, nr because
of the high prerogative that he enjoys upon earth, but he is worth most who is
a man of proven and real value, who does good, keeps his words, is worthy
 and honest; he who does not oppressed, he who loves does not cherishes his
fatherland, though he be born in the wilderness and know no tongue but his
own.
14. When these rules of conduct shall be known to all, the longed for sun of
liberty shall rise brilliant over these unhappy portion of the globe and rays
shall diffuse everlasting joy among the confederated brethren of the same
rays, the lives of those who have gone before, the fatigues and the well-paid
sufferings will remain. If he who desires to enter has informed himself of all
this and believes he will be able to perform what will be his duties, he may fill
out the application for admission.

As the primary document, which determines the rules of conduct in the Katipunan,
properly understanding the Kartilya will thus help in understanding the values, ideals,
aspirations,

The original Tagalog version;

1. Ang buhay na hindi ginugugol sa isang malaki at banal na kadahilanan ay

kahoy na walang lilim, kundi damong makamandag.
2. Ang gawang magaling na nagbuhat sa paghahambog o pagpipita sa sarili, at
hindi talagang nasang gumawa ng kagalingan, ay di kabaitan.
3. Ang tunay na kabanalan ay ang pagkakawang-gawa, ang pag-ibig sa kapwa
at ang isukat ang bawat kilos, gawa't pangungusap sa talagang Katuwiran.
4. Maitim man o maputi ang kulay ng balat, lahat ng tao'y magkakapantay;
mangyayaring ang isa'y hihigtan sa dunong, sa yaman, sa ganda...; ngunit di
mahihigtan sa pagkatao.
5. Ang may mataas na kalooban, inuuna ang puri kaysa pagpipita sa sarili; ang
may hamak na kalooban, inuuna ang pagpipita sa sarili kaysa sa puri.
6. Sa taong may hiya, salita'y panunumba.
7. Huwag mong sayangin ang panahon; ang yamang nawala'y mangyayaring
magbalik; ngunit panahong nagdaan ay di na muli pang magdadaan.
8. Ipagtanggol mo ang inaapi; kabakahin ang umaapi.
9. Ang mga taong matalino'y ang may pag-iingat sa bawat sasabihin; matutong
ipaglihim ang dapat ipaglihim.
10. Sa daang matinik ng buhay, lalaki ang siyang patnugot ng asawa at mga
anak; kung ang umaakay ay tungo sa sama, ang pagtutunguhan ng inaakay
ay kasamaan din.
11. Ang babae ay huwag mong tingnang isang bagay na libangan lamang, kundi
isang katuwang at karamay sa mga kahirapan nitong buhay; gamitin mo nang
buong pagpipitagan ang kanyang kahinaan, at alalahanin ang inang
pinagbuharan at nag-iwi sa iyong kasanggulan.
12. Ang di mo ibig gawin sa asawa mo, anak at kapatid, ay huwag mong gagawin
sa asawa, anak at kapatid ng iba.