American Geographical Society

Coca in Bolivia
Author(s): Robert B. South
Source: Geographical Review, Vol. 67, No. 1 (Jan., 1977), pp. 22-33
Published by: American Geographical Society
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 COCA IN BOLIVIA*
ROBERT B. SOUTH

C OCA has been an integral part of the cultural life of Bolivia since pre-Incaic
times.1 Various segments of the indigenous population chew it to cure a variety
of ailments, and it is highly praised as a general stimulant. The production of
coca in Bolivia has increased significantly in recent years, yet there is no evidence that
the incidence of coca chewing is growing. Indeed, many observers believe the use of
coca is declining as the forces of modernization shift it from a generally accepted
stimulant into the realm of a social stigma. If the increase of Bolivian coca production
is not the result of an indigenous demand for the leaf, then it is an attempt to meet an
international demand for coca derivatives, namely cocaine. Cocaine use in the United
States, for example, is currently the nation's most serious hard drug problem as
measured by the number of arrests for hard drug use and by the number of seizures of
large amounts of cocaine.2
The demand for coca to produce cocaine is having a significantimpact on the entire
coca system in Bolivia. Crop controls on coca are being considered as a result of the
increasing numbers of cash-crop farmers whose success can be noted in production
statistics. The coca-chewing population may find it increasingly difficult to compete
at the marketplace as "coke" producers affect both the general patterns of coca
distribution and the ability of a chewer to sustain his "habit."3 This paper is
concerned with the use of coca in Bolivia and some of the implications of an illegal
external demand on a traditional cash-crop and marketing system.

THE USE OF COCA

Coca chewing in Bolivia is generally accepted and is as commonplace among some

segments of the population as the coffee break or tea time of other cultures. Coca
chewing typically follows a well-established procedure. The chewer takes a few leaves
from a small pouch, usually removes the midribs, and places the leaves in his or her
mouth, between the gum and cheek, until a quid is formed. Quids are occasionally
replenished with new leaves as parts of masticated leaves mixed with saliva are
swallowed. The effects of chewing can purportedly be enhanced by adding an alkaline
substance to the quid, and in Bolivia an ash (legia) is used. A chew will commonly last
two or three hours, and when it is finished it is spat out.
According to the users, coca alleviates hunger, cold, fatigue, and pain, gives

* Field research was supported by the University Research Council, University of Cincinnati. I wish to
thank Arthur D'Antonio and Ramiro Barriuso, Universidad Boliviana Mayor de San Sim6n, Cochabamba,
for their assistance and for the use of their data; and David Arroyo, Office of Public Safety, United States
Agency for International Development, La Paz, for his assistance in the field.
l Richard T. Martin: The Role of Coca in the History, Religion, and Medicine of South American
Indians, Econ.Botany, Vol. 24, 1970, pp. 422-438.
2 Ann Crittenden and Michael Ruby: Cocaine: The Champagne of Drugs, New YorkTimes Magazine,
Sept. 1, 1974,pp. 14-17; and articles in the New rork Timesof Nov. 15V1971, Dec. 7, 1973,and Apr. 21-24,
1975-
3 New rork Times,Apr. 21, 1975.

* DR. SOUTHis an assistant professor of geography at the University of Cincinnati,

Cincinnati, Ohio 45221.

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 COCA IN BOLIVIA 23

pleasure, and keeps one awake.4 Some chewers even claim that it is an effective
aphrodisiac.5 Proponents of coca chewing maintain that it is beneficial because of the
vitamins it contains;6 opponents claim it is harmful to one's general health.7 There is
little evidence to substantiate either case. It is doubtful, however, that a "high" is
obtained from chewing coca, for it is improbable that cocaine can be ingested by
chewing coca leaves.8
No one knows how much coca a professed chewer will consume. The amount will
obviously vary by age, sex, ethnic group, occupation, and duration of chewing
experience. One or two ounces of coca leaf daily have been reported in other studies.9
A sample of coca chewers in Bolivia in 1973 revealed that daily consumption rates
ranged from 1.5 ounces to 2.2 ounces, and patterns of consumption could be dis-
cerned.10 Coca chewing is more prevalent among Indians, less among mestizos, and
almost absent from the European segment of the Bolivian population. It is also more
prevalent among the working class and poorer segments of the population. More men
chew than women, with a higher incidence among the middle and older age groups of
both sexes. Not surprisingly, coca chewing is more common in rural areas or small towns
than in larger cities. Some segments of the population abstain from coca chewing.
Middle- and upper-class women and particularly young girls will refrain from chew-
ing. Not only does coca produce undesirable stains on teeth, but, more important,
there is a definite social stigma associated with coca chewing.
Coca leaves are also used to make a hot drink, but significant increases in the use
of coca have not come from consumers who drink coca or chew it. Rather, it has come
from cocaine producers. Bolivian and United States officials concerned with the drug
problem believe that cocaine production in Bolivia has reached epidemic proportions.
It is not illegal to raise coca or to sell the leaf in Bolivia, but it is illegal to manufacture
derivatives of coca. Various methods of reducing the production of cocaine are being
considered, including controls on coca. However, the economic incentives for coca or
cocaine producers are high, and present trends indicate that increasing demands for
the leaf will be met by expansion of the crop in the coca-producing areas of the eastern
Andes.

Marcel Granier-Doyeux: Some Sociological Aspects of the Problem of Cocaism, Bull. onNarcotics,Vol.
14, No. 4, i962, pp. i-i6; H. Blejer-Prieto: Coca Leaf and Cocaine Addiction-Some Historical Notes,
CanadianMedicalAssn.J0urn.,Vol. 93, 1965,pp. 700-704; Joel M. Hanna: Responses of Quechua Indians to
Coca Ingestion During Cold Exposure, Amer.journ.Phys.Anthropol.,Vol. 34, 1971,pp. 247-278;idem,Further
Studies on the Effects of Coca Chewing on Exercise, HumanBiology,Vol. 24, 1971, pp. 200-209; idem,Coca
Leaf Use in Southern Peru: Some Biosocial Aspects, Amer.Anthropol.,Vol. 76. 1974,pp. 281-296;Martin, op.
cit. [see footnote i above], pp. 432 and 429; and my interviews in Bolivia in 1973.
Theresa Harwood: Cocaine, Drug Enjorcement, Spring, 1974,pp. 20-25.
6 Martin, op. cit. [see footnote I above], P. 432.
Alfred A. Buck, Tom T. Sasaki, Jean j. Hewitt, and Anne A. Macrae: Coca Chewing and Health: An
Epidemiologic Study Among Residents of a Peruvian Village, Amer.Journ. Epidemiology, Vol. 88, 1968,pp.
159-177; Granier-Doyeux, op. cit. [see footnote 4 above], p. 13; and "Report of the Commission of Enquiry
on the Coca Leaf" (United Nations Economic and Social Council; Lake Success, N.Y., 1950), pp. 22-25.
Roderick Burchard: NMythsof the Sacred Leaf: Ecological Perspectives on Coca and Peasant Biocul-
tural Adaptation in Peru (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Anthropology, Indiana Univ., Bloom-
ington, 1976).
Martin, op.cit. [see footnote X above], p. 430; and Report of the Commission of Enquiry [see footnote 7
above], p. 21.
'o Informal interviews were conducted at random in periodic markets in the departments of La Paz,
Oruro, and Cochabamba. A structured questionnaire was also administered to professed chewers, and
approximately eighty successful interviews were conducted.

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24 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

A CASH CROP IN THE YUNGAS AND THE CHAPARE

Coca production in Bolivia is largely confined to two areas, the Yungas and the
Chapare (Fig. I). The Yungas, northeast of La Paz, is the oldest area of production.
The Chapare, northeast of Cochabamba, is a newer producing region, but in terms of
volume it is now the most important. The current spatial distribution of production is
partially explained by physical factors. The crop grows best between 1,5oo and 1,600
feet above sea level in a humid, frost-free zone with a mean annual temperature
approximately 650F. and 700F.1' High rates of precipitation are also important, and
annual rainfalls of so inches have been measured in parts of the growing areas.12
Neither soils nor topography appears to be a limiting factor. The crop is produced on
steeply terraced mountain sides and on undulating terrain, and a variety of soil types
is found throughout the Yungas and the Chapare.
Appropriate climatic conditions are probably found throughout the eastern Andes
of Bolivia and are not the sole determinants of the crop's present locations. Other
factors, primarily accessibility, are important. The major coca-producing areas in the
Yungas are about sixty-five miles by an all-weather road from La Paz, the nation's
largest city. The Chapare is easily accessible by road from the largest wholesaling
coca market in Bolivia, located in Cochabamba. Coca fields have also been reported
along numerous rivers in both the Chapare and the Yungas.'3 It will'be interesting to
note whether significant shifts in production will occur as new roads are built or
improvements in transportation are made throughout the eastern Bolivian Andes.
Although reliable statistics are difficult to obtain, available data reveal that coca
production from both the Yungas and the Chapare has fluctuated for the past decade,
with record increases in production in the last few years. Declining production was
reversed in 1971, when a yield of 6,os6 tons was reported."4 The most significant
increase in production occurred in 1972, when an estimated 8,818 tons were produced.
The latest data reveal that 1974 production approximated 12,015 tons-almost double
the figure for 197i.15
Production data are highly suspect, however. Coca is heavily taxed, and producers
or transporters of the product can circumvent checkpoints where the cargo is taxed and
where production data are compiled. Nevertheless, the number of new farming units
and the number of farmers growing coca in both the Yungas and the Chapare point to
continued and significant increases in production. Local officials and individuals who
are knowledgeable about the Bolivian coca situation maintain that current produc-
tion is much higher than the published data reveal.'6
The Chapare is emerging as the nation's most important coca-producing region. In
1950only 10 percent of the nation's crop came from the Chapare; 89 percent was grown in
the Yungas and a mere i percent in the rest of the nation.'7 By 1972 the Chapare
accounted'for 65 percent of Bolivia's coca production and the Yungas for 35 percent.'8

" Argos A. Rodriguez: Possibilities of Crop Substitution for the Coca Bush in Bolivia, Bull. onNarcotics,
Vol. 17, 1965,p. 14.
12
Ibid.
13 Ibid., p. 15.
14 Arthur D'Antonio and Lloyd A. Clement: The Costs and Returns of Producing Coca from the
Chapare and Yungas Regions of Bolivia, Cochabamba, Bolivia (1973; mimeographed), p. 3.
"Production data for 1972and 1974were obtained from USAID, La Paz, Bolivia, personal correspon-
dence, Sept., 1975,and from the Bolivian Minister of Agriculture and Minister of Interior.
16 Ibid.

17 Report of the Commission of Enquiry [see footnote 7 above], p. 72.

18 D'Antonio and Clement, op. cit. [see footnote 14 above], p. 3.

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 COCA IN BOLIVIA 25

..
iPUERTO
VASQUEZ
BOLIVIA
COCA DISTRIBUTION FROM
THE YUNGAS AND CHAPARE
RIBERALTA
TO MAJOR URBANIZED AREAS
1971

MILES

jRURRENABAOUE

/ ~~~~~~~0)~
TRINIDAD

PUERTO
ACOSTA

(YLA PAZ
`
GUAQU --... -- CHAPARE

MONTERO

OCHABAMIA BUENA SAT

CHARANA

ORURO CRUZ

At ?'U E . CU'

SUCRE
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~PETO ET
PUREZ

POTOSI
CAMIRI I
* C\\ tOCA PRODUCING REGIONS
UYUNI t\\ '' \i POPULATION- URBAN AREAS

TUPIZ ATE/6 :O 0~~

>:0OO0050,000
: )} C~~~~UECHtISLA
\ A^A \ MNE f,too.o
OLL;>~~~ QUECHISLA V~~~~ILA ) >500.00-5000 1,0

. )EMJ 0 G-G - l
VILLYAZOIBN

f ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
.0
TH4OUS. LBS.

FIG. I-The distribution of coca from the Yungas and the Chapare, Bolivia, to major urbanized areas,
1971. Data for Yungas coca were obtained in 1973 from the Aduana Agropecuaria de La Paz and the
Sindicato Transporte Pesado Larga Distancia, both in La Paz. Data for Chapare coca were provided in
1972 by the Instituto de Estudios Sociales y Econ6micos, Universidad Boliviana Mayor de San Sim6n, in
Cochabamba.

Production costs and a changing demand for particular types of coca are the principal
reasons for the spatial shifts in production. Coca chewers prefer coca from the Yungas.
Consumers describe Yungas coca as having less "bite" and Chapare coca as harsh.
Yet production is increasing more rapidly in the Chapare than in the Yungas. The
reason is simple. Bolivians maintain that a harsher bite from Chapare coca is due to a
higher cocaine content of the leaf, and thus it is in greater demand for the manufac-
ture of cocaine. Also, large quantities of the coca leaf are needed for cocaine produc-
tion, and therefore the cheaper Chapare coca is preferred. Differences in price for
Yungas and Chapare coca are directly related to crop production techniques in the
two areas.
Coca is the major agricultural enterprise in the Yungas. In 1972, more than 7,500

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26 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

_ a~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~e

_ _~~~~~I.2Atrae oc il nteBlva ugs

_7

V_PS

p_ t
_ ~~~~~
VK- = | | |
i _
_

.
3 2Co
FIG Aseln terraced
i cc field
in the BolivianYungas.

a \ . ). .\w \e i.. .ME.

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 COCA IN BOLIVIA 27

farmers, or nearly 70 percent of the total farming population, grew coca."9Coca fields
are relatively small: a producing field probably averages less than half a hectare.
Owing to the steep slopes, fields have to be terraced in the Yungas (Fig. 2), and
terrace construction is an arduous undertaking. Fields are cleared of vegetation and
large stones, and each terrace is constructed by hand along the contour of the
mountain slopes. Coca seedlings which have been grown under protective shelter are
then transplanted to the terraced fields (Fig. 3). A coca bush in the Yungas can yield a
crop after one year and will continue to produce for as long as twenty years. Weeding
is generally practiced in terraced fields, although fertilizer application is unknown.
The crop is easily harvested. Leaves are simply picked off the bush and placed in a
stone-paved area to dry in the sun for a few hours.
At least three crops a year are harvested in the Yungas, but the first crop
(February-March) is considered the best. An estimated 5,380hectares were planted in
coca in June, 1972, with an average annual yield of 573 pounds per hectare.20The
average price per pound in 1972 was 36.2 cents, giving a producer a potential gross
profit of about $207 per hectare. Net profits were considerably lower, however, owing
to higher production costs for growers in the Yungas. Production costs have been
estimated at 14.8 cents per pound, thereby yielding a net profit of about $123 per
hectare. In short, more than 3,000,000 pounds of coca were grown in the Yungas in the
twelve-month period ending in June, 1972, with an estimated value of $i,100,000.
Lower production costs help to explain the dominance of the Chapare in Bolivian
coca production. The Chapare yielded more than 5,6oo,ooopounds of coca with an
estimated value of $1,125,000 in the twelve-month period ending in June, 1972.
Undulating terrain eliminates the necessity of terracing, so labor costs are lower and
profits for producers higher. Production costs for Chapare producers have been
estimated at 4.6 cents a pound. In 1972 Chapare coca was worth 20 cents a pound,
yielding producers a net profit of 15.4cents a pound. Chapare coca is harvested four
times a year, and yields per hectare have been estimated at 1,872pounds-three times
the annual per hectare yield from the Yungas. A hectare of Chapare coca thus has a
potential net return of approximately $288-more than double the profits derived
from Yungas coca production. Once planted, the crop needs little attention, so labor
demands are low except at harvesttime. Coca plants in the Chapare will produce
acceptable yields for as long as twenty, or even thirty, years. Lured by the high profits
and relatively low labor demands of coca, the Chapare is experiencing a rapid in-
migration of cash-crop farmers. In 1972, approximately 3,500 farmers, or 71percent of
all farmers in the region, were growing coca as a cash crop. In 1974estimates placed
the number of Chapare coca farmers at more than I2,000.21
Coca is thus an ideal cash crop in many ways. It has a high rate of return for the
producer, and the multiple harvests mean that income is staggered. With the ex-
ception of terrace construction in the Yungas the crop is not particularly demanding
in terms of either labor or capital inputs. Because coca is not a perishable product and
has a high value per unit weight, it can withstand a long journey from producing area
to market.

19Ibid., p. 2.
20All the data pertaining to coca production costs, profits, and so forth for the Yungas and the Chapare
were obtained from D'Antonio and Clement, op. cit. [see footnote 14 above].
21 Gordon N. Keller and Percy G. Aitken:
Economic and Social Factors in Coca Farming in the
Chapare, Cochabamba, Bolivia (unpublished report, USAID, La Paz, 1974), p. 3.

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28 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

In addition to its advantages as a cash crop, coca has a potential for even higher
profits for producers. Coca farmers have the option to produce coca sulfate, the first
step in the manufacture of cocaine and a highly profitable, though illegal, under-
taking. The production of coca sulfate is a simple process. Approximately 250 to 300
pounds of coca leaves, depending on the quality of leaf, are placed in a fifty-gallon
drum, filled with kerosene and water, and allowed to stand for a few days. The fluid is
then drained off and the leaves removed. About two pounds of coca sulfate residue,
with a value of approximately $300, remain. Yungas coca farmers who average more
than 5oo pounds of coca leaf per hectare can earn $6ooa year for their crop if they have
at least a hectare of producing shrubs. Potential profits for Chapare producers are
even greater. The average yield of a hectare would reduce to about six pounds of coca
sulfate, with a potential profit of $ i,800.22 Few crops can compete with the potential
profitability of Chapare coca.
The conversion of coca sulfate to cocaine (hydrochloride crystals) is more elabo-
rate, and the process is beyond the means of most coca producers. Coca sulfate will
reduce by about 20 percent in the production of cocaine, which is manufactured under
laboratory conditions. Approximately two pounds of cocaine (a kilo) in Bolivia sells
for $3,000 to $4,ooo, depending on whether it is delivered to the Chilean or the
Paraguayan border.23
According to United States and Bolivian officials concerned with the coca problem,
Bolivian coca farmers are probably not involved in organized cocaine manufacturing
or in an international delivery system. However, the number of farmers who raise
coca to produce coca sulfate is increasing rapidly. The growing number of young
Europeans and Americans who are "enjoying the climate" of the Yungas and the
Chapare, and the growing number of vehicles from the cities that are "on business" in
rural areas, point to an incease in illegal activities.

THE DISTRIBUTION OF COCA

The movement of coca leaf from producers to consumers in Bolivia is a highly

specialized and relatively large-scale business. Small amounts of coca leaf are carried
to markets by small-scale producers, many of whom then act as vendors, selling what
they describe as a high-quality leaf to the consuming population. But most coca, the
greatestvolume to enter interregionaltrade, is shipped from the Yungas and the Chapare
by middlemen or truckers, who transport large quantities of the leaf to coca markets
throughout southern Bolivia. In the Chapare, for example, approximately 85 percent
of the coca crop is sold at the production site to truckers.24In general, truckers
distribute coca to two types of markets. Some of the leaf is taken directly to periodic
markets, where coca vendors buy the leaf from the truckers and resell it to the
consuming population (Figs. 4 and 5). Large quantities of the leaf are also shipped to
major bulking, wholesaling coca markets, which are located principally in the larger
Bolivian cities.
22 Data oertaining to coca sulfate production and prices were obtained from the Office of Public Safety,

USAID, Bolivia, and from Bolivian narcotics agents, I973.

23
Prices are difficult to estimate. These data were obtained from personal correspondence, Office of
Public Safety, USAID, La Paz, Nov. I9, '973; and from sources quoted in the media. See, for example,
articles in the New rork Timesof April 2 1 and 22, 1975.It has been estimated that about two pounds (a kilo)
of cocaine may eventually sell for $250,000 when it is cut (diluted) and marketed in cities on the east coast of
the United States.
24 "Producci6n y comercializaci6n de la coca, Informe preliminar" (Instituto de Estudios Sociales y
Econ6micos, Universidad Boliviana Mayor de San Sim6n, Cochabamba, I972), p. 2.

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 COCA IN BOLIVIA 29

The distribution of coca from producing areas to markets in Bolivia is shown in

Figure I25 Spatial variations in demand are revealed, with a conspicuous consump-
tion pattern oriented to urban places on the eastern Altiplano and in the eastern
range of the Andes. It should be noted that Figure I does not reveal indirect flows,
because reshipment data pertaining to the movement of coca from major demand
centers to other markets are not available. The patterns which have emerged seem to
indicate that a sustained demand for coca has existed for some time and that trading
relations between shippers and markets are well established. Although size of an
urban place is a major factor in explaining flow patterns, other factors help to account
for spatial variations in coca demand.
The most important destination for coca is Cochabamba.2" In 1971, almost
3,150,000 pounds of coca were shipped from the Chapare to Bolivia's second largest
city. Scores of coca wholesalers are located on the periphery of the city's principal
periodic market. Coca wholesalers maintain they sell hundreds of pounds of leaf a
week, principally to truckers who ship the product to other markets to be resold.27A
relatively small amount of the leaf is sold directly to customers in Cochabamba. Other
buyers of coca are undoubtedly using the leaf for illegal purposes. Large volumes of
coca leaf are needed to manufacture cocaine, and the flow data reinforces suspicions
that Cochabamba harbors a number of cocaine factories. An additional 202,600
pounds of coca leaf were shipped to other urbanized areas in the department of
Cochabamba in 1971. This is a relatively small amount of leaf, considering that the
valley of Cochabamba is one of the most densely populated areas in Bolivia.
In 1971 Potosi receivedalmost I,I25,000 pounds of coca from the Yungas and
approximately 630,000 pounds from the Chapare, making the city the second most
important destination for coca in the nation.28Other urbanized areas in the depart-
ment of Potosi received an additional 8o6,ooo pounds of coca from the Chapare.
Because the city of Potosi is far from other urban centers and is not well situated in
the national transportation network, it is probably not a major transshipment center
for coca. Most coca destined for Potosi is either consumed there or resold in numerous
periodic markets in the department. If the population estimates are reasonably
accurate, annual per capita coca consumption for the department of Potosi is about
three pounds, not an improbable statistic and indicative of the traditional custom of
coca chewing in mining areas.
Other important destinations for coca are either wholesaling-transshipment cen-
ters, mining communities, or combinations of both. For example, Oruro, in the
northeastern sector of the Altiplano, is an important mining and transportation
center. Coca shipped south from the Yungas or southwest from the Chapare must
pass through Oruro on its way to Altiplano markets. Oruro's strategic position
between the major coca supply regions helps to explain why 2,151,500 pounds of coca
entered the city in 1971. Markets in Uyuni, another important mining area and

25 Data on the distribution of coca from the Yungas were obtained in I973 from the Aduana Agrope-
cuaria de La Paz and from the Sindicato Transporte Pesado Larga Distancia, both in La Paz. Distribution
data from the Chapare were obtained from Produccion y comercializaci6n [see footnote 24 above], p. 34.
Distribution data for a twelve-month period for both the Chapare and the Yungas were available only for
the year I971.
2fi Ibid.
27 The major destination for coca transshipped from Cochabamba is probably Santa Cruz, which is
reported to be the center for Bolivia's cocaine manufacturing and drug traffic (New rork Times, Apr. 21,
1975).
28 Producci6n y comercializaci6n [see footnote 24 above], p. 34.

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3( THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

transshipment center, in the southern Altiplano, received more than 500,000 pounds of
coca in 197I. Bolivian narcotics officials believe that a considerable portion of the.coca
shipped to Uyuni is reshipped to cocaine producers in the Chilean Andes. The

FIG. 4-Coca sellers in La Paz, taking a break in their daily routine of

selling coca to the consuming population.

importance of coca flows to border towns also emerges in Figure i. The small towns of
Villazo6nand Yacuiba are destinations for some rather large shipments. A significant
portion of these coca flows is probably transshipped into Argentina. In 1 971I, approxi-
mately 1,400,000 pounds of coca were legally exported from the Yungas to Argen-
291
tina.
Some of Bolivia'slargest cities, most notably La Paz, Sucre, and Santa Cruz, receive
relatively small direct shipments of coca. The city of La Paz received more than
1,300,000 pounds of coca in 1971. Considering the population of La Paz, estimated to

29 D'Antonioand Clement,op. cit. [see footnote14 above],p. 9.

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 COCA IN BOLIVIA 31

be more than half a million, and population densities in the northern Altiplano, this
does not appear to be an unusually heavy amount.30La Paz is Bolivia's primate city,
and the population is dominated by mestizos who, like their counterparts throughout

4,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~4

FIG. 5-A coca seller in Cochabama. Legi'a,a substance made of ash

and chewed with coca,can be seen on the windowsill The use of legia will
purportedly accelerate a chewer's "high."1

Latin America, often emulate the upper-class or European population, even to the
point of abstaining from chewing coca. The cities of Sucre and Santa Cruz are in
agricultural areas whose populations are largely mestizos. Coca chewing may be more
prevalent among populations with extremely poor diets, particularly those with un-
usually high levels of sugar intake.31People in agricultural regions like Sucre or Santa
30
Population estimates for departments and areas were obtained from "Bolivia Tr-ansport Survey"
(Daniel, Mann, Johnson, and Mendenhall, and Alan M. Voorhees and Associates, Inc.; NMcLean,Va.,
1968),Vol. 2, pp. 8-12. Urban population estimates were obtained from Statist.Abstractof LatinAmerica,I974,
p. 82.
31
Burchard, op. cit. [see footnote 8 abovel.

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32 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

Cruz may have better diets and less of a physiological demand for sugar or sugar by-
products than their highland compatriots.
In short, heavy coca flows are oriented to densely populated areas on the Altiplano
and in the central range of the Andes, where 8o percent of Bolivia's population lives.
Major coca flows are destined for the larger urban places, but city size is not the sole
explanation for distribution patterns. Urban places in mining areas with large Indian
populations have heavy consumption patterns. Transshipment centers and large coca
wholesaling markets in urban areas are also important destinations. Finally, the
demand for coca for the production of cocaine probably explains some proportion of
unusually heavy distribution patterns to urbanized areas, though these assumptions
cannot be substantiated without reliable data.

CONTROLLING COCA

The Bolivian coca problem has been the subject of investigation for a number of
years. In I950, for example, the United Nations commissioned a special report on the
effects of coca chewing. The findings were inconclusive, but the commission recom-
mended that coca controls be instituted and that crop substitution programs be
initiated in the producing areas.32In 1974 the Bolivian government enacted broad
narcotics legislation which called for renewed efforts directed at crop substitution
programs and for eventual controls on coca production which made it illegal to
engage in any type of drug activity, from cocaine production to drug trafficking.
Any form of coca control in Bolivia will be difficult to implement effectively. Those
who chew coca are concerned about the effect that production controls would have on
coca prices. Maintaining an adequate supply of coca to keep prices down is in the
interest of the government, too, for it does not need seemingly trivial issues under-
mining its support. Thousands of farmers throughout the Yungas and the Chapare
depend on coca for a cash income. They oppose and would probably even defy any
attempt by the government to control production levels. The major thrust of control
efforts are currently crop substitution programs, which have considerable technical
and financial support from the United States government. In other parts of the world
crop substitution programs have not greatly reduced the levels of "undesirable"
crops, and there is little evidence that the programs would fare any better in Bolivia.33
Opposition to, or at least noncompliance with, new drug laws will also come from
commercial interests. Coca is a major source of revenue for merchants near the coca-
producing areas. A good coca crop is often measured by the level of commercial
activity in Cochabamba and smaller urban places throughout the Yungas and the
Chapare.34
Coca is the most importanttaxable tropicalproduct in Bolivia.35For example, more
than $140,000 in coca taxes were collected by the department of Cochabamba in
1971 36 The revenue was used to support the department government, the university in
Cochabamba, and road maintenance in the Chapare. Similarly, the department bf La

32
Report of the Commission of Enquiry tsee footnote 7 above], pp. 63-72.
" According to Keller and Aitken (op. cit. tsee footnote 2I above], p. io), farmers in the Chapare will
resist attempts to shift to other crops. Moreover, for now, and probably for the "foreseeable future, there is
no other crop that will provide an income to compete with coca."
3 Rodriguez, op. cit. [see footnote I I above], p. 17.
35
Ibid.
38 Produccion y comercializaci6n [see footnote 24 above], P. 35*

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 COCA IN BOLIVIA 33

Paz collectedmorethan $250,000 in coca taxes in I97I, and the city of Sucrecollected
approximately $23,000 to support municipal services. Thus, although the national
government may attempt to control its production, local officials are likely to comply
in principle only.
Taxes on coca are levied while the product is being transported. One way of
controlling coca would therefore be to regulate its distribution. The transportation
network of Bolivia is limited, so control stations could be set up at strategic points.
Not only could taxes be collected at the stations, but the movement of coca could be
monitored, with information gathered on the amount and final destination of the
product.37 In the short run these distribution data would help in achieving the
immediate goal of national coca control efforts. In the long run, an analysis of
distribution patterns could also provide considerable insight into the spatial varia-
tions of coca consumption.
The so-called coca problem in Bolivia is not an indigenous problem but a manifes-
tation of the international demand for cocaine. Although the Bolivian government is
attempting to thwart this demand, its efforts will probably have limited impact. The
ultimate solution to the problemnwill be found in areas of demand, not supply. In the
meantime the use of coca, as it is embedded in the life of a large segment of the
population, is being threatened, a threat which could accelerate the decline of coca
chewing to a cultural relic before its time.
D'Antonio and Clement (op. cit. [see footnote 14 above], p. io) suggest that a surtax be imposed on
shipments from producing areas. The surtax could be returned to the transporting agent upon delivery of
the coca at the destination.

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