Women political leaders:

the impact of gender on

democracy
July 2020

Ya Kumba Jaiteh, a former MP

from the Gambia, speaking in
the UK House of Commons at
the Women MPs of the World
Conference in 2018
Report design: George Murkin
The Global Institute for Women’s Leadership at King’s College London
works towards a world in which women of all backgrounds have fair and
equal access to leadership.

Chaired by Julia Gillard, the only woman to have served as Prime

Minister of Australia, the institute brings together rigorous research,
practice and advocacy to break down the barriers to women becoming
leaders, while challenging ideas of what leadership looks like.

giwl.kcl.ac.uk | @giwlkings

Westminster Foundation for Democracy (WFD) is the UK public body

dedicated to supporting democracy around the world. Operating
directly in over 40 countries, WFD works with parliaments, political
parties, and civil society groups as well as on elections to help make
countries’ political systems fairer and more inclusive, accountable and
transparent.

wfd.org | @wfd_democracy

This report was written by Dr Minna Cowper-Coles, Visiting Research

Fellow at the Global Institute for Women’s Leadership. She holds a PhD in
Political Science from Birkbeck College University of London on gender
and political support in the Middle East.

Acknowledgements

Ryley Johnson and Sarah McLean also provided essential help with
the research and drafting. I would also like to thank Rosie Campbell,
Shannon O’Connell, Laura Jones, Joni Lovenduski, Sarah Childs, Julia
Gillard and numerous people at WFD for their time, help and for giving
such valuable comments on earlier drafts.

1
 Contents

Foreword…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 5

Executive summary…………………………………………………………………………………………………… 8

Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………………………11
Research approach……………………………………………………………………………………………… 11
Report structure……………………………………………………………………………………………… 12

Methods………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 13
Overview of the literature…………………………………………………………………………………… 13

1. Women’s political careers…………………………………………………………………………………… 15

A. Why women enter politics…………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 16
Feminism, womanism and gender-based activism…………………………………………………………17
Role models …………………………………………………………………………………………………… 18
Activism, a sense of duty or helping others……………………………………………………………… 18

B. How women are entering politics………………………………………………………………………………………………… 19

Grassroots activism and public sector work……………………………………………………………… 19
Local government……………………………………………………………………………………………… 20
Political parties………………………………………………………………………………………………… 21
Quotas and other positive measures……………………………………………………………………… 23
Time of change or stress……………………………………………………………………………………… 24
Political or elite family………………………………………………………………………………………… 25

C. How and why women in politics achieve leadership positions…………………………………………………… 27

Result of politics and society becoming more ‘feminised’……………………………………………… 27
Characteristics of government……………………………………………………………………………… 28
Background of women leaders……………………………………………………………………………… 29
Power is gendered even at the top………………………………………………………………………… 29

2 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

D. How women cope with life in politics: the problems and how they can be overcome…………………29
Cultural and societal gender attitudes……………………………………………………………………… 30
Domestic obligations and care……………………………………………………………………………… 34
Money and resources………………………………………………………………………………………… 35
Inequality of education and experience…………………………………………………………………… 36
Networks………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 38
Violence and abuse against women politicians…………………………………………………………… 40
Electoral structure…………………………………………………………………………………………………41

E. Actions to support women in politics…………………………………………………………………………………………43

For governments and parliaments………………………………………………………………………… 43
For political parties…………………………………………………………………………………………… 45
For women’s movements, women’s caucuses and civil society organisations……………………… 46

F. Concluding comments………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 47

2. Women political leaders and the quality of democracy……………………………………… 48

Improving trust and accountability………………………………………………………………………… 49
Are women more democratic in their leadership style?………………………………………………… 49
Are women more effective legislators and/or better representatives?……………………………… 50
Are women less corrupt?………………………………………………………………………………………51
Improved provision of services……………………………………………………………………………… 53
Expanding political frameworks……………………………………………………………………………… 53
Peace, militarism, and human rights………………………………………………………………………… 54
‘More women’ does not necessarily equal ‘more democracy’………………………………………… 55
Concluding comments………………………………………………………………………………………… 56

3. Women political leaders and policy making………………………………………………………… 57

A. Women’s interests ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 58
Equal rights……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 59
Reproductive rights and women’s and sexual health…………………………………………………… 60
Violence against women……………………………………………………………………………………… 60
Families and childcare………………………………………………………………………………………… 62
Concluding comments………………………………………………………………………………………… 62

3
 B. Women and care policy………………………………………………………………………………………………………………62
Education………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 63
Welfare and social services…………………………………………………………………………………… 63
Healthcare……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 64
Clean water and sanitation…………………………………………………………………………………… 64
Environment……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 64
International priorities………………………………………………………………………………………… 65
Concluding comments………………………………………………………………………………………… 65

C. Constraints and supports for promoting women’s policy priorities……………………………………………65

Critical mass or critical actors……………………………………………………………………………… 65
Feminism………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 67
Women’s political institutions: Caucuses, parliamentary groups, ministries and women’s
machinery………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 68
Party and ideology……………………………………………………………………………………………… 69
Political context………………………………………………………………………………………………… 70
Position of women politicians……………………………………………………………………………………71
Race, ethnicity and class……………………………………………………………………………………… 73
Moments of opportunity: statebuilding and peacemaking……………………………………………… 75
D. Concluding comments………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 75

Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 76

Appendix………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 77
Search locations………………………………………………………………………………………………… 77
Search terms and filters……………………………………………………………………………………… 77

Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 79

4 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

Foreword
by Rosie Campbell, Professor of Politics and Director of the Global Institute for
Women’s Leadership, King’s College London, and Shannon O’Connell, Senior
Advisor, Gender and Politics, Westminster Foundation for Democracy

As representatives of two institutions dedicated to the promotion of women’s

political participation and leadership, we are often asked why gender equality
in politics and public life is so important. It has always been easy to point
to the principles of basic rights and the fundamental values of democracy in
responding to this, but it has been more of a challenge to catalogue the specific
benefits and advantages that come from women’s leadership. Until now.

In recent decades, hundreds of research projects and studies have examined

what happens when women take their place as leaders in politics and public
life. This report pulls together over 500 of those efforts into a single, cogent
document. What emerges is a picture that is bright, emboldening, optimistic
and unequivocal – when women are able to exercise political leadership in a
manner that is authentic to them, there are gains not just for women and girls
but for the whole of society.

As noted in the report, women are altering the political framework in a way
that is bringing more robust consideration of issue areas that can deliver better
outcomes for women and girls and that also directly benefit men and boys,
such as improving public health services and access to clean water, expanding
the provision and quality of education, and tackling violence in the home.

Women are also bringing collaborative and inclusive leadership styles into a
political environment that has more frequently been characterised by division
and one-upmanship, which are approaches that by their very nature de-
prioritise the well-being of communities and thoughtful, informed debate.

Other key points outlined in the report include:

• Women political leaders are reshaping the nature of politics and

international relations in a manner that is bringing in issues and problems
previously perceived as ‘non-priorities,’ such as gender-based violence and
reproductive health.

• As elected officials, on average, women work harder than men to represent

their constituencies, which is linked to a stronger sense among voters that
government is responsive to their needs.

• Increased representation of women in elected office plays an important

role in counteracting corruption and focusing resources on the quality and
consistency of public service delivery.

• As policy makers, women are prioritising issue areas that benefit the most
vulnerable in society through healthcare, welfare and education. As such,
more women leaders seem to make for more equal and caring societies.

5
 • States where women hold more political power are less likely to go to war
and less likely to commit human rights abuses.

Together, these factors represent the key ingredients to drive economies, ensure
stability and improve quality of life. Yet despite this catalogue of benefits, there
are still significant barriers to women’s equality of participation in politics and
public life. The ‘big three’ all make a showing in the research: money, violence
and cultural norms. Norms are linked to women’s access to the time, freedom
of choice and freedom of movement required to fully engage in politics.

Some of these obstacles emerge from the manner in which we organise our
societies and economies, but many are connected to the ways in which political
parties – as the primary mechanism through which politics moves – conduct
themselves. Political parties are a big part of the problem when it comes to
political equality and inclusion so they must also be part of the solution.

While impediments to women’s political equality must be noted in any analysis

of this topic, they are not the focus of this report. Instead, the findings highlight
how women, women’s organisations and other allies have been uniquely
creative and adaptive in responding to both formal and informal barriers
to their leadership, recruiting family members, forming support networks,
building issue-based coalitions and constructing systems that reinforce
collaboration and focus on service delivery. Women demonstrate political
leadership every day, even when they are not bestowed with an office or
official title.

We commissioned this report in early 2020 before we were aware of the scale
of the COVID-19 global health pandemic and its subsequent economic fallout.
The contents of this report could not be more timely; during the pandemic the
potential positive impact of women’s political leadership was the focus of many
international news stories and the gendered social impacts of the crisis have
been brought to the fore. The gendered impacts are myriad. It is a terrible fact
that men are over-represented among the fatalities of the virus, but women are
disproportionately affected by the social and economic consequences. Women
make up the majority of health and social care professions in many countries,
and are thus at the frontline of fighting the pandemic. Many of the sectors
hardest hit are those where women are over-represented. Women have taken
on a greater share of the increased domestic burdens generated by the closure
of schools and childcare providers and this may have a retrogressive impact on
equality in the longer term. Rates of domestic violence against women have
gone up and those living in poverty, disproportionately women, are the most
vulnerable to the aftershocks. Understanding the gendered nature of political
leadership and decision-making is more important than ever as we collectively
rebuild and hopefully move towards are more sustainable, resilient and
inclusive future.

This report tells us a lot more about women’s political leadership, but it also
identifies important gaps in research and evidence and shortcomings in where
political equality efforts have focused to date. For example, we need to know
more about the experiences of Black, Asian and ethnic minority women, as
well as women with disabilities and women from more diverse social and
economic backgrounds. The women who are making it through the barriers
into formal politics still tend to come from elite communities. A greater

6 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

diversity of women in elected office will undoubtedly lead better representation
and better policy.

There are also imbalances in the literature due to language and geography. The
experiences of women in North America and Europe are better documented
than those of women in other parts of the world, and are least accessible in
the Middle East, North Africa and parts of Asia. Again, knowing more about
what’s going on for politically-active women globally helps uncover where and
how meaningful gains can be made towards political equality.

We would like to thank the author, Minna Cowper-Coles, for her

extraordinary work on this comprehensive and compelling report. This is a
unique and important piece of work that makes an unequivocal case for the
multitude of ways that politics, governance, economies and societies thrive
when women take their place as leaders.

UN Women/John Borgoyary 7
 Executive summary

This report aggregates over five hundred pieces of academic and institutional
research on the ways in which women’s political careers differ from
their male counterparts, what stands in their way, and what impact their
political presence has on democracy and policy. Parity of political presence
between women and men is fundamental for a representative, legitimate
and accountable democratic system, and this report points to the diverse
and important ways that women’s political representation improves and
contributes to democratic institutions and processes. It also highlights methods
and approaches which address their underrepresentation. Bringing this
research together in this way gives us a holistic understanding of the political
recruitment and impact of women politicians that will provide a platform for
future research and action. The report has three chapters:

1. Women’s political careers

2. Women political leaders and the quality of democracy

3. Women political leaders and policy making

Key findings

Women’s political careers: Throughout the report,

conclusions are
• Female role models can help close the ambition gap between the genders and categorised according
inspire more women to run for political office. to the following
colours:
• Quotas – when implemented properly – are found to increase women’s
representation in politics. Green: the literature
• Political funding and networks which target women help to reduce some of the clearly points to this
obstacles preventing women’s entry into politics. finding.

• Political parties are a major barrier to women’s entry into politics, they need Yellow: the literature
to be part of the solution. indicates this finding,
but with less certainty
Women political leaders and the quality of democracy: (through less
• Women in politics tend to do more constituency work than men. evidence/a number
of studies finding
• Having more women representatives is related to lower levels of corruption. otherwise).
• Evidence suggests women tend towards a leadership style that is more
Red: more research is
cooperative and inclusive, and which is less likely to enforce hierarchies.
needed on this point.
• Women politicians are altering the framework of politics, by introducing
legislation in areas previously considered beyond the scope of government,
from domestic violence to female genital mutilation, but also by broadening
perspectives on other policy areas.

8 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

 Women political leaders and policy making:
• Women in politics, more often than men, prioritise women’s interests, such as
equal rights, reproductive rights and sexual health, families and childcare, and
stopping violence against women.

• Women in politics also prioritise broader social ‘care’ issues more than men
such as education, welfare and healthcare, this extends to the international
sphere where women politicians spend less on militarism and more on aid.

• Women in politics often see representing women as part of their role and
legislate more than men on women’s priority issues.

• Women in politics are more able to propose and pass women friendly
legislation when there is a greater proportion of women in the legislature and
when there is a women’s caucus or women’s parliamentary body

Taken together, the literature presents a remarkable picture of the ways in

which women are altering the political landscape. Women political leaders
are reshaping the frameworks of politics and international relations. They
work harder to represent their constituencies and play an important role in
counteracting corruption. They are prioritising policy that benefits women
such as on equal rights and violence against women, but also policy that
benefits the most vulnerable in society through healthcare, welfare and
education. More women leaders seem to make for more equal and caring
societies.

Key actions:
• Introduce quotas and positive measures at the national and/or party level.

• Reconfigure political institutions to be more gender sensitive.

• Ensure political institutions accommodate the caring responsibilities of their

members.

• Set up (cross-party) women’s parliamentary bodies.

• Ensure women’s organisations and movements work together with women in

parliament.

This report points to the many constraints that women in politics still face,
from violence against women in politics, to bias within political parties and
persistent cultural barriers. However, it also gleans the literature for solutions to
these problems and provides suggestions on how to overcome them.

9
 More research is needed:
• On women political leaders in under researched geographical areas such as
the Middle East and Central Asia.

• On accessing and bringing together non-English research on women political

leaders.

• On how to make more political institutions gender sensitive and what the
impact of gender sensitive institutions will be on policy making.

• On motivators for women to enter politics. Does and how does feminism work
to motivate women?

• On the effectiveness of different reforms and regulations of political parties

and electoral structures intended to redress the gender imbalance in political
representation.

• On violence against women in politics, in terms of how it is putting women off

entering politics and what can be done to stop it.

• On whether having more women in politics leads to greater legitimacy for

democratic institutions.

• On the impact of race on women’s political priorities and the capacity of

women legislators to implement them.

• On how class differences among women impact upon their political roles and
capabilities.

This report presents an overview of the current state of research on these

subjects. It is intended as the groundwork for future research on women’s
political leadership. The research shows that greater inclusion could bring
about incremental differences that together might amount to a fundamental
reshaping of the political sphere.

Conclusion
This report highlights the important impact that women can have in politics.
It shows that having more women legislators will improve democracies by
not only creating a greater responsiveness to policies which are important to
women, but also by prioritising constituency work, using inclusive practices
and refocusing politics towards issues that matter more for people’s day to day
lives. It also points to key areas for action to help ensure women can enter and
stay in politics and to enable them to make these important contributions.

10 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

Introduction

There are still many fewer women than men in legislatures and positions of
political power worldwide. This report aims to aggregate research on the
ways in which women’s political careers differ from their male counterparts,
what stands in their way, and what we can all hope to gain from their
political presence. Parity of political presence between women and men is
fundamental for a representative, legitimate and accountable democratic
system, and this report points to the diverse and important ways that women’s
political representation improves and contributes to democratic institutions
and processes. It also highlights methods and approaches which address
their underrepresentation. The breadth of research included here points to
the importance not just of including women, but ensuring the needs and
perspectives of the full diversity of women of different nations, races, and
classes are politically represented. Bringing this research together in this way
gives us a holistic understanding of the political recruitment and impact of
women politicians that will provide a platform for future research and action

Taken as a whole, the literature summarised in this report presents a

remarkable picture of the ways in which women are altering the political
landscape. Women political leaders are reshaping the frameworks of politics
and international relations. They work harder than men to represent their
constituencies and play an important role in counteracting corruption. Women
in politics tend to use more inclusive and cooperative styles of leadership and
representation. They are prioritising policy that benefits women such as on
equal rights and violence against women, but also policy that benefits the most
vulnerable in society through healthcare, welfare and education. More women
leaders seem to make for more equal and caring societies.

Now, more than ever, with interstate cooperation and healthcare as pressing
priorities, increased attention has been directed at women political leaders and
their different styles of leadership (Wittenberg-Cox, 2020). This literature
review sets out the academic literature and presents an overview of the
current state of research on these subjects. It is intended as the groundwork
for future research on women’s political leadership. There are important areas
that require further detailed research, such as the role played by women
political leaders in the response to the COVID-19 pandemic, but also on areas
highlighted in this review, such as on gender sensitive institutions and the
violence against women in politics. The research shows that greater inclusion
could bring about incremental differences that together might amount to a
reshaping of the political sphere.

Research approach
This report summarises evidence from over five hundred academic papers,
articles and institutional reports on the topic of women political leaders – their
career and support, their effect on democracy, and the substantive issues
they pursue. It presents a synthesis of existing English-language evidence,

11
 from 1995, the year of the Beijing World Conference on Women, to 2020,
surrounding gender, representation, and democracy from a wide range of
perspectives, derived from heterogeneous cultures and political structures
around the globe. It provides an empirical overview of women’s political
representation – how women’s political careers differ in support, entry,
behaviour, and substance – and the ways in which greater representation of
women may and does alter the quality of democracy and bring about policy
changes which benefit women. Each section could be, and has been, the
subject of many books, and a great deal of research. As such this literature
review cannot hope to be comprehensive but instead draws out the prominent
themes that recur in the reviewed texts.

Report structure
The report is organised into three main sections: Women’s political careers,
women political leaders and the quality of democracy and women political
leaders and policy making. The first section addresses the careers of women
in politics and how they can be supported. It examines the factors that bring
women into politics and what keeps them there and helps them to progress.
The second section explores women political leaders’ impact on the quality
of democracy. This builds upon ideas of representation and legitimacy of
democracy, but also investigating claims suggesting women leaders may have
more inclusive styles of leadership, be more responsive to constituents and
even less corrupt than men. The final section looks at the policy priorities
of women in politics in comparison to men and points to how women tend
to advance policy both on ‘women’s interests’ but also which benefit society
more broadly. Each section will provide a review of existing literature and
findings on the topic.

Throughout the report, conclusions are categorised according to the following

colours:

• Green: the literature clearly points to this finding.

• Yellow: the literature indicates this finding, but with less certainty (through
less evidence/a number of studies finding otherwise).

• Red: more research is needed on this point.

12 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

Methods

The majority of the literature was gathered through systematic searches, using
the key words and selection criteria in the appendix. This was complemented
by a ‘sweep’ of the websites of prominent organisations concerned with
women’s political leadership, for reports on this subject. This research was
further aided by Professor Joni Lovenduski who recommended readings
and central texts on the area, Shannon O’Connell who pointed to some key
pieces of research, and the interns at GIWL who assembled an additional
bibliography and notes.

Over a thousand documents: book, journals and reports were selected from
these initial searches, as they were identified as addressing one of the three
subject areas. These were then scanned through and documents were excluded
if they were not original research, had not been peer-reviewed and/or published
(if academic) or were not relevant specifically to the research question or if they
pre-dated 1995. In some cases, exceptions were made for key or seminal pieces
of research, or if they were seen to fill a thematic or geographical gap. After
the ‘filtering’ process, there were over 500 pieces remaining. These were read,
summarised and the main findings were then grouped into themes within the
three research questions and written up. Finally, drafts of the report were read
by scholars and practitioners from GIWL and WFD who recommended some
further pieces of research and theory for inclusion.

Overview of the literature

The literature included here is mostly original research in peer-reviewed
academic journals. This includes quantitative and qualitative and mixed-
methods research. A very few important theoretical or historical pieces were
included, if they were deemed to fill a substantial gap in our understanding.
The greatest share of the literature is made up of quantitative studies.

A large proportion of the academic literature included here looks at North

America and Europe, indeed there is more on North America and Europe
than there is on Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Latin America, the Middle East,
Oceania plus all of the cross-national studies put together. This may partially
be because the focus here was on English language research. It is worth noting,
that an effort was made to include research beyond Western Europe and North
America, and studies with a slightly broader focus were included where it was
seen suitable on, say, women in Yemen, or democratic transitions in South
Asia. Many of these sources have made important contributions, by widening
our understanding of women friendly policy or the best ways to get women
into politics.

There are many studies exploring the paths to power and impact of women
politicians at different levels of politics in the US and to a lesser extent Europe
and Canada. Latin America, Africa and Asia all have emerging literatures,
with much focus on quotas in Latin America and Africa, and at the local

13
 Panchayat level in India. There is a distinct lack of analysis focussing on the
role and impact of women political leaders in the Middle East or Central Asia.
These gaps in literature point to important areas for future research.

14 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY WFD

1. Women’s political careers

Women make up less than a quarter of the representatives in legislatures

worldwide (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2019). Addressing the
overrepresentation of men and underrepresentation of women is important for
building legitimacy and accountability into democratic frameworks, but also
in terms of including women’s perspectives and experience into the structures
of power and policy making. Importantly also having more women in politics
should mean having a greater variety of women and the inclusion of a diversity
of views within the structures of power.

This chapter explores the whys and hows of women’s political careers. The
focus is intended to be on the positive factors, but it is impossible to explore this
subject without at least mentioning the many obstacles that stand in the way of
women’s entry into politics and the difficulties they face when there.

The literature on this subject is rich in theory as well as empirical research. The
main focus is on women’s underrepresentation in legislatures and recruitment,
rather on women’s political careers in the broader sense. Studies range
from cross national quantitative studies to in depth interviews with women
Members of Parliament, with each contributing to our understanding.

The context to this chapter is centred on two theoretical bases for

understanding political recruitment. First is the model of supply and demand
in political recruitment, originally set out by Lovenduski and Norris (1995).
This model has been used by a number of academics to point to where
the problem with women’s political underrepresentation lies. ‘Supply’ side
problems entail lack of qualified women willing to stand as candidates, while
problems of ‘demand’ might involve political parties preferentially choosing
male candidates, usually through bias at different points in the process.
This theory has since been overtaken by feminist institutionalist accounts
which place more emphasis on gender ideologies and the distorting effects
of institutions (Krook, 2010). These approaches are not necessarily mutually
exclusive and indeed both Lovenduski (2016) and Krook (2010) suggest that
elements of both approaches can and should be incorporated in future research.
These theoretical frameworks help to identify the points at which women’s
underrepresentation happens.

Figure 1 provides a diagram to show the many stages in the ‘ladder of

recruitment’ and indicates a number of the stages at which women may ‘fall
away’ or where positive measures might be introduced.

15
 Figure 1: Extended Ladder of Recruitment, (Lovenduski, 2016).

Cabinet

Parliament
Candidate safe seat
or list position
Candidate marginal seat
or list position

Candidate unwinnable

Applicants

Aspirants

Party members (eligibles)

Party supporters

Politically interested

Voters

Citizens

Women’s activism, feminism and women’s organising with parties are the
location of many of the positives within this chapter. Women’s movements act
as the motivation for many women in politics, sites for networking and women’s
funding, but also as the lobbying groups which push for the introduction of
quotas and other positive measures. Here, and with the role model effects,
one finds virtuous circles where the entry of women into politics leads to more
women entering into politics further down the line.

The first section looks at why women enter politics. Then the next looks at
the ways in which women have entered politics. The third section explores the
factors which allow women to gain leadership positions within politics. The
final one looks at the obstacles that women face in their political careers and
how they can be overcome.

A. Why women enter politics

There are several studies which find that women are less likely to be interested
in politics, less likely to participate in political activities, or run for political
office (Clavero and Galligan, 2005; Coffé and Dilli, 2015; Fox and Lawless,
2014; Fuszara, 2010; Jennings, 1998; Khan and Naqvi, 2018; Lawless and
Fox, 2005; Maddison, 2007; Shames, 2017; Verba et al. 1997). This research
suggests there is a problem with the ‘supply’ of women aspiring to enter
politics. However, recent work critiques this research base. Piscopo and
Kenny (2020) suggest this narrative tends to put the ‘blame’ on women for
their underrepresentation. Further they point out that while political ambition
is more important in US where candidates are self-starters, in much of the

16 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

rest of the world political parties largely determine who runs. They suggest
that gender differences in political ambition are largely determined by the
political context and institutions and as such research should still focus on
structural inequalities and understanding the gendered dynamics of candidate
emergence. This section points to some of the factors which inspire and
motivate women to enter politics.

Key findings

• Women are on the whole less interested and active in politics than men,
but this may be due to political contexts which disincentivise women’s
political participation.

• Female role models can help close the ambition gap between the genders Green: the literature clearly
points to this finding.
and inspire more women to run for political office.
Yellow: the literature
• Feminism and the desire to represent other women motivates some indicates this finding, but
with less certainty (through
women to run for political office. less evidence/a number of
studies finding otherwise).
• More research is needed to provide a more holistic account of how
Red: more research is
feminism motivates women to enter politics. The current research does needed on this point.
not explore this fully but rather is patchy, with specific focuses but very
little in terms of an overview.

• More research is needed on the motivations for men and women entering
politics. The current research suggest that women are motivated more
by a sense of duty to other people or their community than men, but the
evidence is far from conclusive.

Feminism, womanism and gender-based activism

Women’s gender-based activism, whether taking the form of feminism or

womanism, has increased women’s political involvement. While there is little
research which looks holistically at the role of feminism in motivating women
to enter politics there is evidence of its effect in several different studies.

First, it helps to increase women’s political awareness and to encourage women

to self-nominate to run in political parties (Matland, 2005). Interviews with
women in politics shows that they were motivated to enter so as to be able to
promote women’s equality, or the representation of either women in general or
else particular groups of women (Fawcett, 2018; Kamlongera, 2008).

Further, organising around women’s issues in civil society has given women
political experience and confidence (Matland, 2005; ODI, 2015). This can be
accelerated when a feminist political ‘moment’ pushes women’s rights to the
headlines. Crowley (2006) suggests that the ratification drive for the Equal
Rights Amendment in the US motivated more women to engage in politics and
run for positions. In the aftermath of the drive to ratify the ERA more women
became members of state legislatures.

17
 Role models

Women seem to be more interested in politics and more likely to participate,

and even run, when there are prominent women in politics who could act as
role models. This effect is found in much of the literature worldwide
(Alexander and Jalalzai, 2016; Atkeson, 2003; Bauer and Okpotor, 2013;
Barnes and Burchard, 2013; Campbell and Wolbrecht, 2006; Dassonneville
and McAllister, 2018; Dewi, 2015b; Fridkin and Kenney, 2014; Gala, 1997;
Gilardi, 2015; High-Pippert and Comer, 1998; Ladam, 2018; Liu and
Banaszak, 2017; Mariana et al, 2015; McAllister, 2019; Reingold and Harrell,
2010; Uhlaner and Scola, 2016; Wolbrecht and Campbell, 2007).

‘“Engendering” politics at the elite level translates to “engendered” politics at

the mass level.’ (Barnes and Burchard, 2013)

In general, this finding holds for states with gender quotas. In these cases the
introduction of quotas and the increase of women in the legislature has meant
that women are more likely to be politically engaged, and even more likely to
run (Bari, 2010; Barnes and Burchard, 2013; Beauregard, 2017; Burnet, 2011;
Caul Kittilson, 2005; Jayal, 2006).

This being said, there are studies which do not find that having a prominent
female political role model impacts levels of political interest and or
engagement among women (Broockman, 2014; Carreras, 2017; Dolan, 2006;
Lawless, 2004a) and others which do not find an effect from quotas (Darhour
and Dahlerup, 2013; Zetterberg, 2009). Liu (2018), interestingly, in a study on
Asia found that presence of female parliamentarians seems to discourage female
political engagement, which she suggests might be because of a backlash
effect or because they see that political engagement does not seem to make a
difference.

Activism, a sense of duty or helping others

Men and women candidates have largely similar reasons for running for office
or entering politics. Their main motivation for entering politics is because they
want to effect change and see this as a good way of doing so (Dabelko and
Herrnson, 1997; Fawcett, 2018).

However, both quantitative and qualitative studies often point to women

being more interested in entering politics because of certain issues, or a feeling
of duty towards a community or group rather than being motivated by self-
advancement (Prindeville, 2002; Kamlongera, 2008). These motivations
are often connected to having worked previously in the public sector, non-
profit sector, or in grassroots activism. Cowell-Meyers (2001) describes the
differences in motivations for men and women in running for election to the
Northern Ireland Assembly. She suggests women framed their motivations
more in terms of public service and representing the community or in order to
bring about peace and while men spoke more in terms of personal interest.

18 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

B. How women are entering politics
It is difficult to point to all the routes that women take in entering politics
because these are vast and varied, however there are a number of themes that
are drawn out in the literature pointing to the areas where there are, or have
been, differences between how men and women get involved in politics.

Key findings

• Political parties are the major barrier to women’s entry into politics.

• Political parties are found to not do enough to recruit women.

• Political parties can be biased against women candidates at the selection

stage. Green: the literature clearly
points to this finding.

• Political parties often disadvantage women by placing them either further Yellow: the literature
down candidate lists, or in unwinnable seats. indicates this finding, but
with less certainty (through
less evidence/a number of
• Quotas – when implemented properly – are found to increase women’s studies finding otherwise).
representation in politics.
Red: more research is
needed on this point.
• Women in politics are currently more likely than men to come from elite
family backgrounds, because these ‘elite’ women are able to overcome
more of the barriers that face women.

• There is some evidence that women are more likely to enter politics
having worked in the public sector, non-profit sector or civil society
activism compared to men.

• There is some evidence that women are more likely to enter the political
sphere at a time of stress or change. This seems to happen at the state
level (e.g. implementation of a gender quota after a peace agreement) and
the level of political parties and political organisations (e.g. being given
party leadership when the party is weak).

• There is no conclusive evidence that local government acts as a place of

entry for women entering politics.

• More research is needed into the effectiveness of different reforms and

regulations of political parties intended to redress the gender imbalance
in political representation.

Grassroots activism and public sector work

There is some evidence that women in politics tend to come into politics as a
way of extending their work at the grassroots level, or as a way to expand upon
the work they do for a particular section of society. Activism tends to be an
important part of both male and female politicians’ backgrounds (Fawcett
2018). In terms of their careers before politics, there is evidence of a gender
gap. Women tend to come into politics from the public sector or non-profit
sector – and often particularly after a career in education (Barrett, 1995;

19
 Josefsson, 2014; Schwindt-Bayer, 2011) - more than men (Bird, 2003; Fawcett,
2018; Rosenbluth, 2015). While men are more likely than women to have
backgrounds in the military (Baturo and Gray, 2018) or business (Fawcett,
2018).

“I don’t see myself as a politician. I see myself as a community activist.

So whether in ten years from now I’m here doing what I’m doing, I’m not a
politician. And, I think that’s a good way for me because I don’t lose sight of
the community where I come from and why I’m here–to help to change their
lives, to make them feel better . . . I’m in this to make a better life for me,
for my family, for my community.” (Member of the Northern Irish Legislative
Assembly interviewed by Cowell-Meyers, 2001)

Being in a civil society organisation or working within the community are

important for developing skills, building constituencies and encouraging
women to enter politics (Cornwall and Goetz, 2005; ODI, 2015; WomanKind,
2016). Some studies suggest women activists often enter politics because of
work at the community level. Examples can be found in Tadros’s book (2014)
on women and politics in the context of ‘development’, and in Ng and Ng’s
(2008) study of women in the District Boards in Hong Kong, one of whom,
for example, originally become involved because of issues with drainage in her
housing estate.

Religious organisations can also play an important role in bringing women into
politics. Mapuranga (2016) suggests that membership of religious organisations,
such as churches or the Salvation Army, has been useful for women politicians
in Zimbabwe as a way for them to gain a network, experience, pride and
purpose. Dewi (2015b) and Rinaldo (2008) suggests that the rise of pluralistic,
progressive Islam in Indonesia was an important precursor to women’s political
engagement there, because it made space for women to organise within Islam,
fostered their political engagement and has allowed for the emergence of
Islamic feminism.

Local government

Local government is often seen as a gateway to a further political career. Yet

this is not always the case for women. There is evidence that suggests that local
government is more accessible to women and some that it is not.

Local government is seen by some to be more appealing and accessible to

women. The issues dealt with at a local level are seen as being more closely
linked to women’s experiences and expertise. Chin (2004) gives the example
of local politics being more about waste disposal, education, clean air and
childcare and as such, apparently, being more relevant to women. Further,
the barriers to entering local government can be easier to overcome than at
a national level. Local government work is often a part time job and is local,
so does not require a long commute or dislocation (Gidengil, 1997). Further,
winning a position involves a less competitive election requiring fewer financial
resources and networks of support (Gidengil, 1997).

20 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

Bitušíková (2005) describes how in Slovakia, while women are
underrepresented at every level, they do better as mayors of smaller towns and
villages. The women she interviewed suggested this was because it was work
close to home so women could balance it with their family responsibilities.
They also felt like they understood and cared about the local issues and wanted
to help their areas. Also, these positions are hardly ever well paid so perhaps
there is less competition from men.

In Chhoeun et al.’s (2008) study of commune councils in Cambodia they found

women increasingly participated and won seats. They attribute this to the
lower required level of education needed, and the fact that they are a somewhat
new institution, so men’s interests had not yet become entrenched.

However, several studies find that in many cases women are not more highly
represented at the local level, such as in the UK, Australia and Canada
(Fawcett, 2017; Kelly, 2001; Maddison, 2007; Tolley, 2011). The Fawcett
Society (2017) found that there is a lower proportion of women in local
government than at the national level in the UK. The reasons given are
the lack of childcare support, no parental allowances, and sexism within
councils (Fawcett, 2017) and the difficulty of juggling political work with
domestic responsibilities, particularly when there are few or no financial
justifications (Kelly, 2001). A study of local politics in Europe by Sundström
and Wängnerud (2016) found that where there is less corruption there are more
women in power and suggest that perhaps the networks of power and interest
conspire to keep women out of politics.

Political parties

Entry into formal politics, in most countries, is through political parties. This is
where scholars suggest the ‘demand’ side of the model of political recruitment
lies. The literature points to there being a major problem with how parties
recruit women. A number of studies, from around the world, suggest that
political parties often form a barrier to women’s entry into politics (Bauer,
2012; Conteh, 2018; Fuszara, 2010; Hinojosa, 2012; Maddison, 2007; Murray,
2008; Rule, 1981; Siwatibau, 2007; Studlar and McAllister, 1991; Tadros,
2014; Tremblay, 2012).

The key problem is that women are not selected as candidates by political
parties as often as men. Many articles point to the problem of parties not doing
enough to ensure women run for political office as a major reason for women’s
underrepresentation in politics (Bauer, 2012; Conteh, 2018; Maddison, 2007;
Murray, 2008; Siwatibau, 2007; Studlar and McAllister, 1991; Tadros, 2014;
Thames, 2018).

Problems with the under selection of women as candidates can be caused by

women being less likely to self-nominate or to see themselves as fitting the
image of an MP (Fawcett, 2018). But it can also be due to bias within the
political party itself. Some articles point to a problem with the party chairs or
selectorates who discriminate against women at the selection stage, because
women are not seen to resemble the current party elite or fit the idea of the
ideal candidate (Cheng, 2011; Dahlerup, 2018; Fawcett, 2018; Kenny, 2011;
Niven, 1998; Park, 1999; Rule, 1981; Tremblay and Pelletier, 2001; Yishai,

21
 1996). In other cases, members of political parties have actively discouraged
women from running, or sidelined and discredited them (Fawcett, 2018;
Geisler, 1995).

Interestingly, the academic literature is unclear as to whether women

candidates do better or worse than male candidates in elections, with evidence
pointing both ways, but on the whole showing them to do equally well (Brians,
2005; Ekstrand and Eckert, 1981; Fulton, 2014; Hinojosa, 2012; McElroy and
Marsh, 2010; Murray, 2008; Shair-Rosenfield and Hinojosa, 2014; Thames,
2018). Other studies find women do not do as well as men (King and Leigh,
2010). Some studies find women are slightly more likely to support women
candidates (Dolan and Ray, 1998; Dolan, 2008; Rosenthal, 1995). Campbell
and Heath (2017) suggest that because of the scarcity of women candidates,
research in this area can be somewhat unreliable, because they are based not
only on small samples but also the women candidates being studied may be
‘exceptional’ in some way.

There are a range of other factors which leads to the underrepresentation of

women in politics which stem from the political arrangements in different
parties and states. Many studies point to the importance of whether candidates
are selected by primaries or by nominations at the local level. Often primaries
tend to disadvantage women candidates because of the cost of an additional
campaign (Hennings and Urbatsch, 2016; Hinojosa, 2012). Further, Hennings
and Urbatsch (2015) point out that women are disadvantaged by the running
mate formula where a lead and their vice run together. This is because most
parties are unlikely to have two women on a ticket but might have two men.
Another problem is when there is a lack of clear rules for the selection of
candidates, as this leads to the use of informal networks, patronage and ‘who
you know’ systems to select candidates. These generally exclude women to a
greater extent than men (Fawcett, 2018; Kenny, 2011, Matland, 2005).

Parties might be more likely to field women candidates in certain situations.

A number of examples come up in the literature, such as: when a party wants
to look more inclusive or to appeal to a Western, liberal audience (Ayata and
Tütüncü, 2008a; Ben Shitrit, 2016); if the party is trying to appeal to female
voters (Ayata and Tütüncü, 2008a; Ben Shitrit, 2016; Caul Kittilson, 2006;
Jiménez, 2009; Short, 1996); if the party has a leftist (or green) ideology
(Caul, 1999; Childs, 2008; Dahlerup, 2018; Kenworthy and Malami, 1999;
Maddison, 2007; O’Brien, 2018; Siaroff, 2000; Yishai, 1996), or has a more
centralised structure (Caul Kittilson, 2006), if there are active feminists and
highly placed women within the party (Caul, 1999; Kunovich and Paxton,
2005; Threlfall, 2007) and, of course, most important is whether parties have
adopted a quota system or active recruitment campaign of some sort (Childs,
2008; Fawcett, 2018; Fuszara, 2010).

Beyond the selection process, there are other ways in which political parties
disadvantage women candidates. Often women are placed lower down on
candidate lists than men or in positions that are more difficult to win (Chhoeun
et al., 2008; Childs, 2008; Clavero and Galligan, 2005; Fawcett, 2018;
Fuszara, 2010; Esteve-Volart and Bagues, 2012; Khan and Naqvi, 2018;
Oduol, 2015; Rodriguez, 2003; Studlar and McAllister, 1991).

22 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

Political parties continue to present obstacles to women’s representation.
It is essential for women candidates to have support from political parties
throughout the process of becoming a political representative, but it seems this
is often lacking (Childs, 2013; Fawcett, 2018; Niven, 2006; Shvedova, 2005).

The persistence of women’s underrepresentation in political parties and

legislatures has led many countries to introduce quotas and other positive
measures as the best way to overcome the barriers to women’s recruitment.

Quotas and other positive measures

The major advances in women’s representation globally in recent decades can

be attributed most of all to the introduction of quotas and other positive
measures (Tripp and Kang, 2008). Some of the jumps in the levels of women’s
representation have been startling. Bauer (2012) describes how eight states
from Sub-Saharan Africa had leapt into the top 30 list of countries with the
highest levels of female representation – largely due to the implementation of
quotas. In Tanzania, Yoon (2008) found that women hold over 30 percent of
seats, but this number would be about 7 percent were it not for quotas.
Davidson-Schmich (2006) found that the numbers of women representatives at
the state and federal level in Germany doubled due to the implementation of
voluntary party quotas.

“Given the pervasively gendered nature of politics in many countries, only the
equivalent of an exogenous shock could loosen the hold of longtime norms
associating politics with men. Gender quotas provide this kind of exogenous
shock.” (Baldez, 2006)

In their many forms, whether as voluntary party quotas, parity laws, candidate
quota laws, or reserved seats, these mechanisms for increasing women’s
representation have on the whole worked (Baldez, 2006; Bauer, 2012; Bird,
2003; Caul Kittilson, 2005; Dahlerup and Friedenvall, 2005; Darhour and
Dahlerup 2013; Davidson-Schmich, 2006; Sater,2007; Tremblay, 2012; Tripp
and Kang, 2008; Yoon, 2008).

In some cases, they are more effective than in others. Research suggest that for
quotas to work, there should be enforceable sanctions against parties which do
not comply and strict rules as to how they should be implemented – namely
where women should be placed on lists, or specify that they should be in a
reasonable proportion of winnable seats (Caul Kittilson, 2005; Dahlerup, 2011;
Delgado-Marquez et al., 2014; Gwiazda, 2017; Jones, 2004; Schmidt, 2009;
Schwindt-Bayer, 2009). Gwiazda (2017) shows that in Poland the introduction
of quotas did not significantly increase the number of women elected and
Miguel (2008) found that the quota in Brazil hardly changed the number of
women, because of flaws in the way it worked. Rosen (2013) in a cross-national
comparison found that the effect of quotas seemed to be higher in developing
countries – perhaps because in more developed contexts women were already
represented at a higher level.

The impact of gender quotas on the representation of ethnic minority women is

unclear. Hughes (2011) has shown that when quotas are introduced to benefit

23
 minorities or women, they often benefit that group at the expense of other
underrepresented groups, rather than at the expense of the majority ethnic
males. However, she does make tentative claims as to the benefits of tandem
quotas where they exist for both ethnic minorities and women. On the other
hand, Celis et al. (2014) found that ethnic minority women are particularly well
represented in the Netherlands where a gender quota is in place, partly due to
the efforts of party elites to maximise support.

On the whole, quotas have been successful and have been recommended
by UN Women as a strategy for getting more women into parliaments (UN
Women, 2011). Krook (2006) identifies the four main reasons for their
adoption as being as a result of women’s mobilisation to increase representation,
political elites introducing them to gain a strategic advantage, because they
are consistent with ideas about equality and representation and because of
international norms and sharing across national boundaries.

In the absence of gender quotas, many scholars recommend the regulation of

political parties to enhance gender equality of representation (Childs, 2008;
Childs, 2013; Karam and Lovenduski, 2005; Krook and Norris, 2014). More
research is needed into how effective different regulations and reforms of
political parties are in redressing the imbalance in representation of women
and men.

Time of change or stress

Women have often managed to press for gains in terms of rights and
representation at times of stress or change. This pattern of women taking
advantage of opportunities happens at a number of levels. It must be noted,
however, that in many cases women gain leadership positions in times of crisis
not solely because of women taking advantage. It can also perhaps be because
leadership positions come with fewer advantages and greater costs at these
times, so the usual male candidates may not want them. Further, when an
organisation is in need of reform and revitalisation introducing a woman to a
leadership position may look more like a fresh start than appointing another
man (O’Brien, 2015).

At a state level, Dahlerup (2018) points out that some of the gains in women’s
representation has come as a result of post conflict transitions or elite
dislocations such as post-genocide Rwanda (Bauer and Burnet, 2013; Burnet,
2008). Women have managed to ensure gender quotas and favourable electoral
systems are put in place in post-settlement systems after peace agreements
(Anderson and Swiss, 2014). Women’s involvement in the struggle against
apartheid in South Africa allowed them to press for greater representation
of women in the post-apartheid system of government (Geisler, 2000;
Hassim, 2002). However, often, even when women have been involved in
the ‘struggle’ they can be side-lined in the aftermath– women have not made
gains, for example in post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe or in the
wake of the Arab Spring (Dahlerup, 2018), in Nicaragua (Saint-Germain,
1993) or in Zimbabwe (Geisler, 1995). Scholars suggest that the presence of
an active women’s movement and a high status for women in society before
the moment of change makes it more likely that women will benefit from the

24 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

transition (Anderson and Swiss, 2014; Moghadam, 2014; Okeke-Ihejirika and
Franceschet, 2002).

Women also can make gains within political movements and parties at times
of crisis, or when the focus is elsewhere. O’Brien (2015) in a study of 55 parties
across ten democracies finds that women are more likely to be given the party
leadership position when a party is doing badly. Importantly in O’Brien’s study
it is unclear whether these women were being passed ‘a poisoned chalice’
because no one else wanted to take the fall, whether women were seen as
better at coping with crises or whether women were taking advantage of
the unrest surrounding the crisis. Clark and Schwedler (2003) in their study
of Islamist parties in Yemen and Jordan, suggest that women gain ground
when there are ‘windows of opportunity’ because the party is distracted by
entering electoral politics or some other contentious issue. Ben Shitrit (2016)
in her study of Jewish-nationalist and Islamic-nationalist movements in Israel
and Palestine argues that women can enter these conservative nationalist
organisations and upturn gender expectations because the national cause is
seen as more important.

On an individual level, many female leaders have emerged at times of crisis

and instability. In her examination of female presidents and prime ministers
worldwide, one of the few ‘trends’ Jalalzai (2008) found was this tendency
for women to come to power at times of instability. In South Asia, many
prominent women leaders have come to power through independence
struggles, and often with the shock of a political assassination bringing
people together (Richter, 1990). It may be important to note that many of
these women led peaceful movements pressing for transitions to democracy
(Thompson, 2002). Thompson (2002) suggests that women leaders were
accepted because they looked like a ‘clean break’ from the previous corrupt
system and did not seem to threaten other male political leaders.

Political or elite family

Many studies of women in politics have pointed out that many of them –
particularly historically and in more patriarchal societies - come from elite or
political families. The family background of a woman candidate can help them
to overcome many of the traditional barriers to entry for women. Political
families might encourage women to be involved in politics, while elite families
can facilitate entry into powerful networks and provide money for
campaigning. This problematic phenomenon is a symptom of the difficulties
faced by women entering politics and has been found to reduce both over time
and with the introduction of gender quotas.

“Female leaders often need to compensate for gender biases and structural
barriers . . . One such compensatory tool is the availability of family ties that
give women access to resources and networks. However . . . with time, as
society gradually accepts women’s participation in politics as normal, female
politicians no longer need such ties.” (Baturo and Gray, 2018)

A political family can inspire women to enter politics, and reinforce ideas
around values, duty and responsibility towards others (Prindeville, 2002).

25
 Further, a famous family name can give women recognition beyond their
own achievements (Baturo and Gray, 2018; Kumari, 2012; Pai, 2012) and
enable them to enter networks from which they would otherwise have been
excluded (Baturo and Gray, 2018; Hinojosa, 2012). A political family seems to
be important for politics at all levels. Prindeville (2002) in her examination of
female Native American and Hispanic grassroots activists and public officials
in New Mexico describes how many of them came from politically active
families where they were socialised into activism. Having a political family is
also important for women in legislatures and executive positions (Adler, 1996;
Baturo and Gray, 2018; Jalalzai, 2004; Kumari, 2012; Pai, 2012; Richter,
1990; Sater, 2007; Solowiej and Brunell, 2003; Thompson, 2002). There
is a particular phenomenon where a number of women politicians come to
politics as the widows or daughters of a killed politician. This is perhaps most
pronounced among the prominent women prime ministers and presidents of
South Asia (Bari, 2010; Jalalzai, 2004; Kumari, 2012; Pai, 2012; Richter, 1990;
Thompson, 2002), though it has also been the case in the US (Solowiej and
Brunell, 2003).

Of course, political dynasties, and families fostering political interest does

not solely benefit women. Male candidates often have family connections
to politics too (Fawcett, 2018; Hinojosa, 2012). However, it might be that
with fewer women in politics this ‘socialisation’ is more important in creating
the impetus to run and faced with greater obstacles the ‘leg up’ of political
connections and name recognition is likely to be more important.

A wealthy background can also help women to enter politics. The research
suggests that women leaders are more likely than men to be from upper class
or elite backgrounds (Adler, 1996; Bari, 2010; Baturo and Gray, 2018; Clark
et al., 1993; Kamlongera, 2008; Saint Germain, 1993; Sater, 2012; Yishai,
1996). Being wealthy is likely to help with funding political campaigns but it
also allows women to be more educated and as such ensure they are qualified
enough to enter politics (Baturo and Gray, 2018; Dewi, 2015). Further,
Richter (1990) points to the importance of having full time household help and
childcare as enabling women to enter politics without jeopardising family life.

While family and background can help some women run, in other cases
women politicians are used as proxies for their male family members –
particularly where there is a gender quota in place (Bari, 2010; Hinojosa, 2012;
Khan and Naqvi, 2018). Women proxies act as a work-around so political
parties can maintain the current patronage networks (Hinojosa, 2012; Sater,
2012). Bush and Gao (2017) find a similar phenomenon in Jordan where small
tribes strategically exploit gender quotas by promoting women from the tribe to
gain more seats on councils.

Two factors seem to reduce the importance of family ties for women entering
politics – time (Baturo and Gray, 2018) and quotas (Bauer, 2012) – this
presumably is because over time, and with quotas, the barriers for women’s
entry into politics are reduced so the advantages of coming from an elite family
are not as important.

26 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

C. How and why women in politics achieve leadership positions
Rosenbluth et al. (2015) in their survey of legislators in 84 countries found that
women legislators are less likely to seek a ministerial position than men. Yet the
numbers of women in leadership positions are increasing.

For the most part, the evidence is not very clear as to the factors which help
women to achieve leadership positions (Bauer, 2011). Many studies point
– inconclusively – to different characteristics of government, and women’s
backgrounds and position as factors which can help or hinder women’s ascent.
Bauer (2011) discerned two main themes which seemed to impact women’s
ascension to the chief executive (president or prime minister) role or to cabinets
world-wide. She found women tend to come to power at a time of transition (as
described above) and that culture has some impact. The rest of the literature
endorses the idea that ‘culture’ has an impact as it finds that there tend to be
more women in leadership positions as society and the political sphere becomes
more women friendly.

Key findings

• Women are more likely to become cabinet ministers or leaders when Green: the literature clearly
there are more women in the legislature. points to this finding.

• Women are more likely to become cabinet ministers when there have
previously been female cabinet ministers.

• Even at the cabinet and executive levels power is gendered. Women tend
to be assigned to roles in ministries of health and education rather than
foreign affairs and defence.

Result of politics and society becoming more ‘feminised’

Broad cross-national studies show that certain factors seem to help ‘explain’
the number of women in cabinets. The most prominent factor is that there
tend to be more women in cabinet or in leadership positions when there are
more women in the legislature (Bauer and Okpotor, 2013; Bego, 2014; Deen
and Little, 1999; Escobar-Lemmon and Taylor-Robinson, 2005; Krook and
O’Brien, 2012 ). Another factor that correlates with higher levels of women in
leadership positions, is when women are more educated in society in general
(Bego, 2014). Together this seems to show that women are more likely to lead,
when society as a whole is already more feminised.

This finding that the feminisation of society and politics matters has some
bearing on the findings of Annesley et al. (2019) in their book on the
appointment of women to cabinet. They suggest that the appointment of
women is determined by a gendered process involving the interactions between
the selectors, those eligible for cabinet positions, and the rules (both written
and unwritten) which govern cabinet appointments. They suggest that for the
most part the rules for appointing cabinets give presidents and prime ministers
significant agency to appoint ministers, and they tend to appoint friends and
political allies from their networks, who are often men. However, recently (and
with large differences between countries) new ‘representational criteria’ have
been introduced to the process of appointing candidates, which although

27
 informal may be highly institutionalised and stipulate the need for certain
ethnicities, races, genders and regions to be represented. These representational
criteria for the most part explain why women are appointed as ministers.
Further, Annesley et al. (2019) suggest that once more than one woman has
been appointed to cabinet this forms a ‘concrete floor’ a level from which there
is little backsliding as it becomes the minimum number of women needed for a
cabinet to appear legitimate. Annesley et al.’s (2019) model of cabinet
appointments shows that it is not just the feminisation of society but the
feminisation of the rules and precedents of cabinet appointments that explain
women’s greater or lesser representation in cabinet.

“[I]n a majority of cases women’s cabinet appointments were explained by the

presence of more women among political elites.” (Krook and O’Brien, 2012)

Further, it seems that views on whether a man or a woman would be more

suited for leadership depends on the political focus at the time. McDonagh
(2010) proposes that if or when states are more maternalistic and take ‘care’
to ensure the wellbeing of their citizens, then women are more likely to come
to positions of power. On the other hand, militarised societies are less likely
to appoint women to certain leadership positions. Barnes and O’Brien (2018)
explore the appointment of women as ministers of defence. They find that this
is unlikely when a state is involved in a conflict of some sort, if it is a military
dictatorship and if it has high levels of defence spending. Women are more
likely to be minister of defence when there are more women in the legislature
and the executive, and in states where the remit of defence has moved closer
towards peacekeeping. Yishai (1996) describes the way society in Israel is
militarised means that women are not seen as sufficiently qualified or as
capable as men to lead because of their lack of military experience and negative
stereotypes of women. Arriola and Johnson (2014) in their study of politics in
Africa show that when ethnic cleavages and patronage networks play a big role
in politics, women are less likely to be appointed to cabinet positions, because
they are often less able to access the resources that would enable them to take
on the role of a ‘patron’.

Characteristics of government

Many studies find that the characteristics of the government, parliament and
political institutions play a role in determining the likelihood of women being
appointed as ministers or to leadership positions. For example, some studies
find that women are more likely to hold a higher proportion of cabinet or
leadership positions when there is a left-leaning executive (Escobar-Lemmon
and Taylor-Robinson, 2005), strong partisan competition (Escobar-Lemmon
and Taylor-Robinson, 2005), a high turnover (Deen and Little, 1999), when
there is a ‘specialist’ recruitment system where presidents appoint cabinet
ministers from outside of parliament (Bauer and Okpotor, 2013; Siaroff,
2000) and when international norms, such as EU membership (Bego, 2014)
or African Union and UN regulations (Bauer and Okpotor, 2013) might have
an increased influence on the government. There is however little consensus
on these characteristics and whether and how they impact the appointment of
women to leadership positions.

28 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

Background of women leaders

Women who gain leadership positions tend to be those with higher levels
of education and experience (Bauer and Okpotor, 2013), indeed Escobar-
Lemmon and Taylor-Robinson (2009) suggest that women in cabinets in Latin
America tend to be more qualified for the position than men.

Power is gendered even at the top

Often when women do access positions of power it is gendered. For example,

women tend to be appointed to ministries or committees concerned with
health, education or gender equality and committees that are generally seen
as less important than, say, economics and foreign policy (Bauer and Okpotor,
2013; Bolzendahl, 2014; Britton, 2005; Deen and Little, 1999; Escobar
-Lemmon and Taylor-Robinson, 2009; Heath et al., 2005; Miguel, 2012;
Rodriguez, 2003; Schwindt-Bayer, 2010).

Ayata and Tütüncü (2008a) explore the increase of women in the AKP in
Turkey and suggests that while more and more women have been introduced
to the party (in order to try to appeal to women voters and Western audiences)
they remain excluded from the centre of power and are unable to change the
party rhetoric.

D. How women cope with life in politics: the problems and how
they can be overcome
There are numerous obstacles to women entering and staying in politics. These
have been considered in depth in many other studies, so will not be covered
in detail here. Short explanation are included for each problem so as to be
able to point to the solutions, work arounds and coping mechanisms that are
highlighted in the literature.

Key findings:

• Women face cultural barriers to participating in politics. Women in politics Green: the literature clearly
may be disadvantaged by negative stereotypes of women, they may points to this finding.

also face sexual harassment, attacks on their reputation, morality, or Yellow: the literature
qualifications. indicates this finding, but
with less certainty (through
less evidence/a number of
• Quotas or positive discrimination measures can help to get women into studies finding otherwise).
politics in areas where there are high cultural barriers. Having women in
Red: more research is
politics may then change social attitudes to be more accepting of women
needed on this point.
leaders.

• Domestic and caring obligations are a major barrier for women entering
politics.

• The financial costs of entering politics, from the costs of campaigning to

living off stipends at the local level, can also prevent women from entering
politics.

29
 • Funding specifically designated for women candidates, such as EMILY’s
List, can help women overcome financial barriers to politics.

• Women often have difficulty entering male dominated power networks.

• A number of studies find that women tend to make up a higher

percentage of the legislature where the electoral system is proportional
representation.

• Incumbency hinders women’s access to political positions, as men are more

likely to be incumbents, and incumbents have an electoral advantage.

• In countries where women have significantly lower literacy levels than

men, this acts as a barrier to their entry into politics.

• Women may benefit from alternative networks. Examples include

specific spaces for women, such as women’s caucuses, women’s political
organisations and even the women’s sections of religious organisations.

• More research is needed into how parenthood and caring responsibilities

impacts male and female politicians differently.

• More research is needed into the ways political institutions and

organisations can be more accommodating of the domestic and caring
responsibilities of women.

• More research is needed into how political parties and the state can
reduce the financial barrier to women’s entry into politics, perhaps
through regulating and reducing campaign funding, for example.

• More research is needed to greater understand how abuse, threats and

violence directed against women in politics prevents women from seeking
positions or else makes them leave politics early.

• More needs to be done to understand how to combat violence against

women in politics.

Cultural and societal gender attitudes

Problem

Cultural and social attitudes about the appropriate roles for men and women
can be a major barrier to women’s participation in politics. Numerous studies
point to a patriarchal culture (sometimes religion is used as a proxy for this) as a
major factor in barring women’s entrance into politics or more egalitarian
gender attitudes as facilitating their entry. This has been found to be the case
worldwide, in studies ranging from the US states to Papua New Guinea
(Arceneaux, 2001; Chhoeun et al., 2008; Chin, 2004; Clavero and Galligan,
2005; Fuszara, 2010; Hill; Inglehart and Norris, 2003; Inglehart et al., 2002;
Kamlongera, 2008; Kenworthy and Malami, 1999; Mateo Diaz, 2005;
Matland, 1998, only in developed countries; Ndeda, 2014; Nicholl, 2007;
Norris, 1985; Norris and Inglehart, 2001; Oduol, 2015; ODI, 2015; Omvedt,

30 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

2005; Panday, 2008; Pavlović, 2001; Paxton, 1997; Paxton and Kunovich,
2003; Paxton and Hughes, 2014; Rai, 2011; Reynolds, 1999; Ruedin, 2012;
Sabbagh, 2005; Saint-Germain, 1993; Sater, 2007; Shvedova, 2005; Siaroff,
2000; Siwatibau, 2007; Soaki, 2017; Susub, 2013; Tremblay, 2007; Tremblay,
2012; Truong, 2008; Windett, 2011; Yoon, 2004).

‘[A] given society’s traditional cultural heritage continues to have significant

impacts on both the percentage of women in its parliament, and its level of
political rights and civil liberties’ (Inglehart et al., 2002)

There are various mechanisms through which cultural attitudes disadvantage

women and preclude their entry into politics. Several studies suggest that
in certain cultures women are not seen as viable candidates (Chin, 2004;
Hora, 2014; Sater, 2007; Siwatibau, 2007; Yishai, 1996). This may impact
their recruitment by political parties as they are not considered to fit their
ideas of what a candidate looks like (Cheng, 2011; Dahlerup, 2018; Fawcett,
2018; Kenny, 2011; Niven, 1998; Park, 1999; Rule, 1981; Tremblay and
Pelletier, 2001; Yishai, 1996). In other studies, women are not taken seriously
or are actively subverted or harassed by their male colleagues (Bauer, 2012;
Britton, 2005; Clavero and Galligan, 2005; Fawcett, 2018; Hazarika, 2008;
Panday, 2008; Tamale, 2000). In some cases they are blamed by society for
family problems or their reputations and morality are called into question (for
working, traveling with men and often late) and this may lead to them being
socially ostracised (Clavero and Galligan, 2005; Geisler, 1995; Hazarika,
2008; Hsiung, 2001; Kiamba, 2008; Ndeda, 2014; Panday, 2008). Cultural
attitudes towards women often have implications towards women’s mobility
as in some cases it is seen as inappropriate for women to travel alone or with
a man which impedes their ability to work in politics (Panday, 2008; Ndeda,
2014). In Kenya, Ndeda (2014) describes how women cannot campaign in the
evenings without risking their reputations and their safety unlike men.

Race, religion, ethnicity and class can interact with cultural contexts to mean
certain groups face increased difficulties in terms of their representation. Joshi
and Och (2014) in a study of women’s representation in 16 countries across
Asia find that working class women and those who have average levels of
education are severely underrepresented. In the US, Hardy-Fanta et al. (2006)
show that all women and all ethnic minorities are severely underrepresented
at both the state and the congressional level with non-Hispanic white men
being grossly overrepresented. Further, factors which predicted greater
representation of white women and women of colour differed, meaning that
future researchers and practitioners should be careful to note these differences
and not apply a one size fits all model to women’s representation (Scola, 2006).
Hancock (2009) points to the importance of recognising the way intersectional
dynamics impact views of candidates even if they do not fit into the usual
‘target’ areas for intersectional analysis.

The way that cultural attitudes hamper women’s access to political positions
can often be masked by official rhetoric, such as in communist and ex-
communist states. In Vietnam, where it is stated in the constitution that
‘women and men have equal rights in all areas’, women still struggle with
expectations around family life and domestic duties (Truong, 2008). Galligan
and Clavero (2008) suggest a similar finding in post-socialist Central and

31
 Eastern Europe where there is no feminist culture and where gendered
institutions persist because there is a lack of will or ability to acknowledge
them. Baluta and Rothstein (2015) suggest a similar phenomenon in Romania,
but also suggests that the equality rhetoric of feminism seems too reminiscent
of communism, and that the idea of women in politics too easily summons
up the image of Elena Ceausescu, making feminism and a greater number of
women in politics unappealing to most people.

Cultural contexts also create stereotypes about women as leaders. Some studies
suggest that men (or voters more generally) are less likely to see women as
good or effective leaders or else they may find women as politicians less likable
(Aalberg and Jennsen, 2007; Lawless, 2004b; Okimoto and Brescoll, 2010;
Sater, 2007; Smith et al., 2007). A prominent example of these stereotypes
is the public reaction to Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign where
she was seen to be too ambitious and calculating and was punished more for
accusations of her wrongdoing than Donald Trump was for his (Jalalzai, 2018).
Other studies suggest that gender stereotypes are more salient over certain
issues, and at times of crisis, with women being seen as less desirable leaders
during times of war or terrorism (Falk, 2006; Fridkin and Kenney, 2009;
Holman et al., 2011; Lawless, 2004b).

It is important to note that culture impacts both the ‘supply’ and ‘demand’
for women candidates, with women less likely to put themselves forward in
a context hostile to women’s leadership (Piscopo and Kenny, 2020) but also
parties are less likely to want female candidates in a society where women are
seen as unable to lead.

The media can also fuel and perpetuate negative images of women or else
exclude women candidates. Some studies find that the media is less favourable,
or even more hostile, to female candidates and politicians than their male
counterparts (Aalberg and Strömbäck, 2011; Bauer, 2012; Clavero and
Galligan, 2005; Fawcett, 2018; Kropf and Boiney, 2001; Shor et al., 2014;
Skalli, 2011; Trimble et al., 2015; Trimble, 2016). Trimble et al. (2015) describe
how the news media in Canada propagates a view of political leaders as white
and male, and highlights negative features of those who do not fit this model.
Other studies have not found this to be the case, with the media presenting
fairly equal coverage to men and women (Atkeson and Krebs, 2008). Whether
the media is hostile or not, female politicians and candidates seem to worry
more about how they are portrayed in the media than men, and this worry may
prevent them from entering politics (Bligh et al., 2012; Rosenbluth et al., 2015).

Successes, positives and solutions

If or when societies become more equal, where attitudes to women are better,
more women enter politics. Some quantitative studies use ‘length of time
since women’s suffrage’ as a proxy variable for the level of women’s rights in
a country, and find that the longer women have had the vote the more likely
it is that there are going to be a higher proportion of women in the legislature
(Kenworthy and Malami, 1999; Mateo Diaz, 2005; Thames and Williams,
2013).1 Many studies point to a connection between level of development,

1 Rosen (2013) finds problems with this variable, she suggests it does not work as well in post-colonial contexts where
women’s suffrage is often linked to year of independence not the outcome of a long process of women’s activism and the
fight for rights and equality.

32 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

culture and women’s representation with more developed countries having
more women representatives (Inglehart et al., 2002; Inglehart and Norris,
2003; Matland, 1998; Rosen, 2013; Stockemer, 2015). The idea is that
economic development, leads to societal modernisation and cultural change
which in turn encourage democratisation and the entry of women into politics
(Inglehart et al., 2002; Inglehart and Norris, 2003). If this is the case, then
cultural barriers to women’s participation in politics may reduce over time.

Further, having women in leadership positions can effect a gradual change

to the way women in general are seen, which in turn can make it easier for
women to get into politics. Some studies have found that in areas where
women have been leaders, negative stereotypes against women as leaders are
reduced (Beaman et al., 2009; Kerevel and Atkeson, 2015). In a similar point,
but looking at discrimination within parties, Tajali (2017) has found that the
inclusion of women in Islamic parties in Turkey and Iran has allowed these
women to challenge the discriminatory attitudes and behaviours of the male
leaders of these parties and push for greater representation of women.

Quotas can be a good way to ‘fast track’ this process. Several studies point
to increased status for women as a result of quotas. In India and Bangladesh
quotas and reserved seats for women have been introduced at the level of
village politics (panchayats and union parishad). Studies show that the women
who participate in politics at this level have gained an increased status in their
families and in the community (Gala, 1997; Jayal, 2006; Nanivadeker, 2006;
Nazneen et al., 2010; Panday, 2013). But also, Bhavnani (2009) found that
women were more likely to be elected in local politics in areas even after the
quota had been withdrawn – perhaps because it had led to a greater acceptance
of women as politicians. Elsewhere, quotas seem to be having an effect on how
women are viewed. Johnson et al. (2003) and Burnet (2011) suggests this might
be happening in Uganda and Rwanda where women are viewed with more
respect and have become more prominent in the public sphere since the quotas
have been introduced.

Several studies in the US show that, as a group, women in the legislature are
more ethnically diverse than men, and that there is more gender diversity
among African American and Latino legislators – so although coming from
discriminated ethnicities, races and genders, ethnic minority women do
not face the full ‘double disadvantage’ that might be supposed (Bratton et
al., 2008; Hardy-Fanta et al., 2006; Scola, 2006). Celis et al. (2014) found
a similar phenomenon of surprisingly high levels of representation of ethnic
minority women in Belgium (and the Netherlands where there is a gender
quota). They suggest this is due to the political elites seeking candidate lists ‘in
which numerous identities are represented by a limited number of candidates
with whom the electorate can identify’.

Karam and Lovenduski (2005) suggest that women MPs need to use mass
media effectively, particularly focusing upon women working in the media
as being able to convey their messages. They suggest that the effective use of
media can enhance the image of women politicians, promote their ideas and
reach, educate and mobilise those who are more difficult to reach. Further,
Krook and Norris (2014) suggest that the state should ensure that national
broadcasters give fair and equal coverage to male and female candidates and
politicians and that these broadcasters should be held to this.

33
 Domestic obligations and care

Problem

A fundamental barrier for women entering politics, and ongoing difficulty for
women in politics, is balancing politics with the other caring and domestic roles
which tend to fall upon women. Several pieces of research mention this as an
important barrier for women entering politics or seeking higher office (Bennett
and Tang, 2009; Britton, 2005; Chhoeun et al, 2008; Clavero and Galligan,
2005; Conteh, 2018; Elder, 2004; Fawcett, 2018; Fulton et al, 2006; Fuszara,
2010; Hazarika, 2008; Hora, 2014; Kamlongera, 2008; Kiamba, 2008;
Maddison, 2007; Ng and Ng, 2008; Omvedt, 2005; Park, 1999; Rosenbluth et
al., 2015; Shvedova, 2005; Teele et al., 2018; Thomas and Bittner, 2017;
Truong, 2008).

‘The women I interviewed stated that the most debilitating challenges they
faced were personal problems created by balancing the demands of the
job and their traditional domestic obligations. Marriages are ending; friends
express feelings of abandonment; children voice concerns of neglect.’
(Britton, 2005)

Some studies have highlighted how voters and parties tend to prefer candidates
with a traditional family set up (married with children) or else there is stigma or
suspicion attached to single women (Kamlongera, 2008; Tadros, 2014). Yet this
presents a ‘double bind’ for women, who then tend to have less time to be both
a good mother or carer and a successful candidate (Teele et al., 2018). The
‘damned if you do, damned if you don’t’ relationship between parenthood and
politics for women (but not usually for men) is explored in depth in Thomas
and Bittner’s (2017) book. They highlight how the impact of parenthood on
politics is a new area in need of further research.

The pressures of balancing politics with domestic responsibilities can be

very difficult for women. These difficulties might explain why many studies
find that women in politics are more likely to be single or divorced than men
(Conteh, 2018; Schwindt-Bayer, 2011) and to have fewer or no children
(Rosenbluth et al., 2015; Schwindt-Bayer, 2011; Campbell and Childs, 2017)
or only to enter politics later once their children are older (Rosenbluth et al.,
2015; Tadros, 2014).

Successes, positives and solutions

As with the issues surrounding cultural barriers to women’s participation in

politics, it would take a great social shift to bring about a gender balance in
care and domestic duties. Without this balance in place, the main impetus is
to ensure that ‘politics’ allows for care. Everything from political meetings,
candidate training courses through to political institutions like parliaments
must make better accommodation for people’s caring responsibilities, through
flexibility in timings, provision of creches, space for breastfeeding etc (See e.g.
Childs, 2016; Childs and Campbell, 2017).

It is worth noting that families can be both a burden and/or a source of support
for politicians. It is important for women legislators to have a family which

34 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

supports them in their decision to run for office (Clark et al., 1993; Fawcett,
2018; Kamlongera, 2008; Prindeville, 2014; Rosenbluth et al., 2015; Sater,
2007; Tadros, 2014). Taking this one step further many women in politics use
their family to help them with their political campaigns, from pamphleteering
to helping run meetings and acting as campaign managers (Prindeville, 2002;
Tadros, 2014). While family involvement in politics is common practice for
men and women, Tadros (2014) suggests that maximising the ability of family
members to help women, through including them in training, might be an
effective way of promoting women in politics.

Money and resources

Problem

Entering politics, particularly running an election campaign, is costly in terms

of money and time and men tend to be wealthier and have greater access to
resources than women, often through networks. Rosenbluth et al. (2015) in
their survey of politicians in over 84 countries found that women were less
likely to receive individual donations than men and as such they were more
reliant on party sponsorship and support. Several studies point to the financial
cost of entering politics as a considerable obstacle for many women (Bauer,
2012; Chin, 2004; Chhoeun et al., 2008; Fawcett, 2018; Hinojosa, 2012;
Hogan, 2007; Jacquette, 1997; Kamlongera, 2008; Kiamba, 2008; Ndeda,
2014; Ng and Ng, 2008; Sater, 2007; Shvedova, 2005; Siwatibau, 2007; Smith
et al., 2012; Westminster Foundation for Democracy, 2017).

‘The financial constraints that many women interested in politics face

compared to their male counterparts bar them from contesting, thereby
making their political potentials go unnoticed’ (Ndeda, 2014)

While the costs of campaigning tend to be greater for higher level political
jobs, finances can be just as limiting for, for example, local politics where
there is often just a stipend or very low levels of pay (Fawcett, 2017; Kelly,
2001). Thus, women entering this kind of politics may have to balance it with
their caring duties and a second job, unless they can rely on resources from
elsewhere (such as from their family, their partner’s income or due to being
wealthy themselves) (see Ng and Ng, 2008).

Successes, positives and solutions

Yet again the most fundamental way to deal with this would be to address
gender equality in resources throughout society (Karam and Lovenduski,
2005; Mateo Diaz, 2005; Matland, 1998; Oakes and Almquist, 1993). The
ODI suggests that if women gained more economic and social capital resources
at the household level then they would be in a better position to seek change
at the community and national level (ODI, 2015). Cross-national studies
often point to greater economic equality between men and women, through a
higher percentage of women in the labour force, and their economic resources,
as being related to a higher proportion of women in the national legislature
(Mateo Diaz, 2005; Matland, 1998; Oakes and Almquist, 1993; Rosenbluth et
al., 2006; Thames and Williams, 2013). However, other studies do not find this

35
 to be an important factor (Bego, 2014; Bitušíková, 2005; Norris, 1985; Paxton,
1997; Tremblay, 2012).

Where funds have been set up to help women candidates run, they have largely
been effective, such as EMILY’s list and Wish in the US (Jaquette, 1997;
Krook and Norris, 2014; Rosenbluth et al., 2015). Gaunder (2012) suggests
that more female candidates have entered Japanese politics recently because of
the money put up by the Democratic Party of Japan’s water and seed program
which targets women and provides half the cost of running in most cases. In
the US, some studies now do not find a gender gap in campaign resources
(Dabelko and Herrnson, 1997; Gaddie and Bullock; 1995). Crespin and Deitz
(2010) find that in the US Democrat women are actually at an advantage
compared to men in terms of gaining funding for their campaigns from
individual funders.

Political parties and the state can take active steps in reducing this barrier.
Political parties and the state can work to reduce the cost of campaigning,
through regulating and introducing limits on campaign funding (Childs, 2013;
Hinojosa, 2012; Krook and Norris, 2014). Otherwise political parties can
provide funds and subsidies for women candidates and/or ensure that they
are funded and subsidised to the same degree as men candidates (Childs,
2013; Khan and Naqvi, 2018; Krook and Norris, 2014; Shvedova, 2005).
The literature here largely points to possible solutions rather than showing
the effectiveness of different measures. More research is needed on the role
political parties and the state could play in reducing the cost of entry into
politics.

Inequality of education and experience

Problem

In much of the literature there is an insistence that the lack of women in

politics is not due to a lack of ‘supply’ of qualified women or because women
candidates were less qualified than their male colleagues and so less able to
gain office (Gaddie and Bullock, 1995; Hinojosa, 2012). Many studies for
instance find that women politicians tend to be very well educated, often as
and sometimes even more educated than their male colleagues (Barrett, 1995;
Baturo and Gray, 2018; Bird, 2003; Fawcett, 2018; Sater, 2007).

The problem in the West is in large part a problem of gendered perceptions. In

many cases the idea of what kind of experience or education is required for a
political position is defined in male terms (Murray, 2015). Research suggests
that women are less likely than a man of similar status, to believe that they are
qualified to run for political office (Fox and Lawless, 2004).

There are, however, important locations where women and men do differ
substantially in terms of their education levels. This is most evident at the
level of very local politics, as is described in Chhoeun et al.’s (2008) study
of commune councils in Cambodia and Jayal’s (2006) study of the local
government panchayat system in India. In Malawi too, Kamlongera (2008)
points to low literacy rates among women as a restraint upon their ability
to enter politics. Where women are more likely to be illiterate or lack basic

36 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

education, they are less able to access and participate in politics. The ODI
stresses the importance of an education for enabling women to voice their
concerns with credibility (ODI, 2015), and Chhoeun at al. (2008) and Tadros
(2014) suggest a minimum level can both increase candidates’ abilities, their
perceived abilities and give them more pride and prestige.

The literature also points to examples where women suffer from the lack of
support provided once they have entered Parliament. Bari (2010) and Khan
and Naqvi (2018) in their studies of women brought into parliament through
quotas in Pakistan, find they have been hampered in their ability to pass laws
because they have been provided with neither the training nor the technical
support needed for drafting legislation or on the legislative process. This is
undoubtedly a symptom of the lack of respect afforded these women but
demonstrates the importance of the provision of training and support within
parliament being equally accessible to all.

Successes, positives and solutions

The broad societal solution here would be to ensure that men and women are
both given a foundational education and that they have equal access to arenas
where they can gain further education, skills and experience (Karam and
Lovenduski, 2005).

Participating in politics at the grassroots level and in civil society organisations

can give women practical experience of politics and the skills needed for a
future career (Cornwall and Goetz, 2005; Krook and Norris, 2014; Tadros,
2014; ODI, 2015; WomanKind, 2016).

While there is little in the literature which suggests that women politicians are
less qualified or able than their male colleagues, many studies point to training
as a way of helping women enter politics. It may be that this training is useful
mainly in addressing women’s lack of belief in their own qualifications, rather
than addressing a lack of skills among women more generally.

Much of the literature points to the benefits that could result from the provision
and support for schools or centres, or leadership institutes, to train women
and prepare them with skills such as communication, public speaking and in
the use of media for political careers and election campaigns (Fawcett, 2018;
Khan and Naqvi, 2018; Krook and Norris, 2014; Lovenduski, 2005; Shvedova,
2005; Tadros, 2014). Further, training programmes which are long-term
can allow women to build skills as and when they need them and develop
the relationships with the other people on the training course, thus building
important networks (Tadros, 2014).

Finally, within the context of parliament and/or political parties training and
support should be readily accessible for men and women (Bari, 2010; Khan and
Naqvi, 2018; Krook and Norris, 2014).

37
 Networks

Problem

Networks are crucial for gaining funds, political support and developing
constituencies. As politics have been male-dominated so long, many of the
networks of power surrounding it are male-dominated ‘old boys clubs’ and
are intrinsically difficult for women to join. Bjarnegård (2013) describes the
persistence of male power emphatically as based on these networks of power
that she terms ‘homosocial capital’. Often informal networking takes place
after hours, in bars or cafés which may be difficult for women to access due to
social stigma or else because women are more likely than men to have caring
responsibilities and so not be free ‘after hours’.

Several studies point to women’s lesser access to networks as a major obstacle

to their entry into politics and ability to further their political careers
(Bjarnegård, 2013; Britton, 2005; Clavero and Galligan, 2005; Fawcett, 2018;
Hsiung, 2001; Kiamba, 2008; ODI, 2015; Rhode, 2003; Rodriguez, 2003;
Shvedova, 2005; Tadros, 2014).

In contexts where politicians maintain their positions through patronage

networks and corrupt practices, women are often excluded to an even
greater degree. Studies in Europe, Lebanon, Papua New Guinea, Senegal
and Thailand all point to the ways in which women are excluded from male
patronage networks, sometimes embedded within political parties, and thus
political power structures (Bjarnegård, 2013; Beck, 2003; El Husseini, 2012;
Susub, 2013; Sundström and Wängnerud, 2016).

Certain contexts can make the entrenched patronage networks even more
difficult to displace. For example, in Lebanon, the Taif agreement – which
brought peace after the civil war – has reinforced religious divisions within
the political system, but an effect of this is that, as El Husseini (2012) writes, it
has perpetuated patron-client relations within each of the different groups and
excluded groups which could cross cut the religious barriers and work to end
patron-client relations (such as women’s groups) from gaining power. Another
example is in Arab states, where male dominated tribal systems - which
are reliant on patronage networks - strongly overlap with more formalised
political groupings and make it particularly difficult for women to enter politics
(Sabbagh, 2005).

Often cultural attitudes towards women makes it more difficult for women to
gain entry to men’s political networks. For example, Hsiung’s (2001) study of
political engagement of women in China describes how women are persistently
seen as sexualized beings with all unnecessary contact with men or even good
working relationships with male colleagues often leading to speculation about
affairs and inappropriate sexual behaviour. This means that women often
self-exclude from networking opportunities with men in order to protect their
reputations. Tadros (2014) exposes similar issues around informal meetings
taking places in bars and at late hours when it is more difficult for women
politicians and candidates to join without risking reputations and their security.

38 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

Successes, positives and solutions

There are, of course, cases where women have entered into elite networks,
for example Edling et al. (2013) find that women have the same status in elite
networks in Sweden. Rodriguez (2003) found that in some cases women had
penetrated the ‘camarillas’ or political networks through which a great deal of
informal politics is conducted in Mexico.

In other cases, women have found alternative networks from the traditional
male dominated networks of power. These can be within parties, such as
the New Zealand Labour Women’s Council which has worked to promote
women and has become a woman focused network which has boosted the
careers of many of its members (Curtin, 2008). Mapuranga (2016) suggests that
membership of religious organisations, such as churches or the salvation army,
has been useful for women politicians in Zimbabwe as a way of gaining them a
network, but also experience, pride and purpose.

Ways to improve women’s access to networking might involve capitalising on

existing groups and using them in different ways. The literature suggests that
for example training programmes for women entering politics offer important
networking opportunities, which could be maximised to help create support
networks for women (Krook and Norris, 2014; Tadros, 2014). Or else other
women’s meetings, family groups, membership networks linked to NGOs
or religious organisations could be used to help build support bases and gain
experience within an organisation (Tadros, 2014). Pini et al. (2004) discuss the
potential of the Australian Local Government Women’s Association for further
empowering its members.

A number of studies point to the importance of women’s caucuses, women’s

political bodies, women’s sections of political parties, women’s movements
and other women-only (or women-friendly) spaces in supporting women in
politics (Clavero and Gilligan, 2005; Curtin, 2008; Krook and Norris, 2014;
Palmieri, 2013; WomanKind, 2016). There are many different forms that these
women’s spaces might take. Many studies advocate in particular women’s
political bodies which connect women members of the legislature with each
other and women’s organisations outside of it (Palmieri, 2013). This allows
women to organise, create agendas, find common ground, support each other
and foster and maintain connections between female politicians and women’s
organisations in civil society. Not only do these seems to aid and encourage
women’s substantive representation, but they are supposed to help support the
careers of women in politics through creating additional networks. Clavero and
Gilligan (2005) suggest that the lack of connection between women MPs and
between them and civil society women’s organisations has hindered women’s
political advancement in Central and Eastern Europe.

In order to aid women in moving from the informal to the more formal sphere
of politics, they could be helped with connections to think tanks, political
and local networks or through formal apprenticeships with women politicians
(Krook and Norris, 2014; Tadros, 2014).

39
 Violence and abuse against women politicians

Problem

Violence against women in politics is an issue which is increasingly growing in

visibility (Krook, 2019; Women in Parliaments Global Forum, 2016). The
abuse, threats and violence directed against women in politics are increasingly
a reason why women do not want to enter politics or why they are leaving it
(Bigio and Vogelstein, 2020; Fawcett, 2018; Krook and Restrepo Sanín, 2019;
Krook, 2019). Krook and Restrepo Sanín (2019) suggest a broad understanding
of what constitutes violence against women in politics to include physical,
psychological, sexual, economic and semiotic violence. They also suggest that
acts of violence should be distinguished from harassment which is the creation
of a hostile work environment.

‘Female MPs in Europe are particular targets of only ne attacks. 58.2 per cent
of those interviewed had experience of abusive, sexual or violent content
and behavior on social networks. In addition, electronic communication is the
primary means used for threats against female MPs. In 75.5 per cent of cases,
the perpetrators of these threats are anonymous citizens.’ (IPU,2018)

Cases of abuse, sexual harassment and blackmail against women MPs were
described in the literature, such as Tamale (2000) describing how women
MPs in Uganda face sexual harassment when going about their work (breast
and crotch grabbing by colleagues as examples), or Hazarika (2008) giving an
account of a woman in local government in India being falsely accused by her
colleagues of participating in pornography and being subjected to a virginity
test. In an article on the issue, Bigio and Vogelstein (2020) give numerous
examples of the disproportionate levels of violence and threats aimed at female
officials and women politicians both directly and online, including for instance,
nearly half of European female politicians having been threatened with
rape or death and 55 percent of female officials in a survey of Cote D’Ivoire,
Honduras, Tanzania and Tunisia being subjected to violence while performing
their duties. Krook and Restrepo Sanín (2019) in addition to several incidents
of physical and sexual violence, point to economic violence and harassment
of women politicians – such as the burning of the crops of one Indian local
councillor or women (but not men) in local politics in Latin America being
denied offices, travel expenses or telephones – and semiotic violence, where
women are subjected to humiliation and degrading language.

Successes, positives and solutions

Unfortunately, there is not much evidence of success or positives on this issue

as yet. Ending violence and abuse against women in politics is not easy as it
is underreported, stems largely from social attitudes, and is often difficult to
police (UN Women, 2018).

One of the few concrete cases in the literature of positive action taken against
violence against women in politics is in Bolivia. Here a law was passed in 2012
criminalising political harassment and political violence against women. There
is little research on how successful the law has been although an initial report
shows that still very few cases are found in favour of the victim and 7 out of 10

40 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

cases go unpunished (UN, 2013). Whether this law will take greater effect or
succeed in improving the situation is still unclear.

In Germany legislation has been passed in 2018 and 2020 which obliges social
media companies to take down illegal content and report hate speech to the
police. Again, there is little evidence on how effective this has been as yet.
Initial studies into the 2018 law show that it may not have been particularly
effective at tackling hate speech (Echikson and Knodt, 2018).

The literature suggests some points for further action. One of the major
problems is that this issue is underreported. Krook and Restrepo Sanín (2019)
point out that violence against women in politics is widely seen as ‘the cost
of doing politics’. Clear language around violence against women in politics
is needed, together with ‘safe spaces’ for reporting incidents (UN Women,
2018). Krook and Restrepo Sanín (2019) point to criteria based on hate
crime identification as a starting point that could be used for encouraging
reporting of incidents of violence against women in politics. The language and
protocols should be publicised with awareness campaigns. This would serve to
address the major problem of underreporting, helping women to feel justified
in reporting incidents without fear of repercussions or victim blaming (UN
Women, 2018).

Ending abuse online is difficult as it involves anonymous accounts and it is

often justified through appeals to freedom of expression (Bigio and Vodelstein,
2020; Fawcett, 2018; Krook and Norris, 2014; UN Women, 2018). As such,
clear guidelines and tighter rules around abuse and enforcement are needed
from the state, political parties and by social media providers (Fawcett, 2018;
UN Women, 2018).

Electoral structure

Problem

The electoral structure is only the ‘mechanism’ through which men and women
enter formal political positions. Political parties are, for the most part, the
institutions which are responsible for selecting and supporting candidates and
members of legislatures. As has been shown above, political parties themselves
can be a barrier to women’s entry into politics. However, numerous studies
have found that electoral systems can also make a difference. The major
finding here is that in proportional representation systems, women tend to have
a larger share of seats. A number of studies find this to be the case (Kunovich
and Paxton, 2005; Mateo Diaz, 2005; Matland, 1998 finds this has an impact
in developed countries; Norris, 1985; Rule, 1981; Rule, 1987; Reynolds, 1999;
Rosen, 2013; Salmond, 2006; Schwindt-Bayer, 2010; Siaroff, 2000; Thames,
2018; Tremblay, 2012; Tripp and Kang, 2008, Yoon, 2004). In particular,
women benefit from a closed list proportional representation system (Bauer,
2004; Dahlerup, 2018; Gray, 2003), although some suggest a panachage open
system gets more votes for women (Golder et al., 2017).

A first past the post system or majoritarian system is seen to disadvantage

women (Bauer, 2012; Nicholl, 2007; Ogai, 2001; Siwatibau, 2007). Although,
some studies do not find that electoral type makes a difference (Bernauer et al.

41
 2015; Caul Kittilson, 2006; Matland, 1998 finds this does not have an impact
in developing countries).

Other studies suggest that the size of the district or council is important, with
bigger as being more likely to increase the proportion of women (Matland
and Brown, 1992; Welch and Studlar, 1990). This is because with larger
district magnitudes more candidates are sent from each district to the national
legislature, as such women can be put on a political party’s ballot without
‘displacing a male’ (Paxton and Hughes, 2014).

Similarly, gender quotas are most effective in closed list proportional

representation systems (Bauer, 2004; Davidson-Schmich, 2006; Gray, 2003;
Jones, 1998; Jones, 2009; Schmidt, 2009; Yoon, 2004). District magnitude
(bigger as better for women) within a proportional representation system also
enhances the effect of a quota, as women tend to be further down candidate
lists, so when there are more seats allocated per district, women do better
(Jones, 1998; Schmidt, 2009).

Incumbency has often been cited as a barrier to women’s representation. The

idea being that it is more difficult for candidate to unseat an incumbent, and as
most incumbents are male, women are at a disadvantage. Some studies seem to
confirm this (Kerevel and Atkeson, 2013; Palmer and Simon, 2001; Pettey,
2018; Schwindt-Bayer, 2005; Schwindt-Bayer et al., 2010; Studlar and
McAllister, 1991; Welch and Studlar, 1996), while others have not found
incumbency to have an effect (Caul Kittilson, 2006).

‘Women do not get elected because they are not incumbents, and because
they do not get elected, they do not become incumbents, truly a vicious cycle.’
(Studlar and McAllister, 1991)

When looking at electoral systems in general, it is important to also consider

the cultures of political institutions, which in themselves can seriously hamper
women’s ability to get into and progress in politics. Political institutions can
pressure women to dress in certain ways, make it difficult to balance a career in
politics with childcare (through long working hours and the need to live in two
places), or to breastfeed a child. They can also create an atmosphere hostile to
women through sexual harassment, or even male dominated art. Further they
can enable the exclusion of women from informal networking groups where
policy might be decided (Britton, 2005; Childs 2016; Erikson and Josefsson,
2018; Fawcett, 2018; Fuszara, 2010; Krook, 2018). For this reason, many
feminists welcome the setting up of new political institutions, where there is no
‘old boys club’ and new norms can be formed (Cowell-Meyers, 2001; Kenny
and Verge, 2013; Lovenduski, 2005).

As a final, but important, note on this section, the major barrier to women’s
entry into politics is the political party itself, as described above. The problems
within political parties tend to be bias against women at the point of candidate
selection and then to a lesser extent the exclusion of women from positions of
power and networks at higher levels.

42 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

Successes, positives and solutions

While changing the electoral system may not be easily achievable everywhere,
when there are opportunities these can be used to ensure the new system
accommodates women. Gaunder (2012) suggests that more female candidates
have entered Japanese politics recently partly because of the recent change to
a mixed electoral system with some proportional representation built into it. In
the post-apartheid system in South Africa, women successfully ensured greater
representation for women (Geisler, 2000; Hassim, 2002). Peace agreements in
Africa have led to the implementation of gender quotas and the implementation
of proportional representation systems explaining much of the recent increase
in women’s representation (Anderson and Swiss, 2014; Hughes and Tripp,
2015). The devolution of power within a state can also provide an opportunity
for women, for example, in Scotland (Kenny, 2013).

There seem to be a number of factors that help to ensure that moments of

transition do benefit women. Many suggest that having an active women’s
movement and a relatively high status for women before the transition helps
(Anderson and Swiss, 2014). Moghadam (2014) suggests these factors were
important in impacting women’s status in the aftermath of the Arab Spring,
and Okeke-Ihejirika and Franceschet (2002) found these to be important in
determining outcomes in democratisation Chile and Nigeria.

Scholars emphasise the importance of a party environment which actively

encourages the nomination of women candidates (Karam and Lovenduski,
2005; Lovenduski, 2005). This is cited as an important factor in encouraging
female candidates in the UK (Fawcett, 2018; Hinojosa, 2012) but also
Karpowitz (2017) found in the US that a letter of encouragement from the
party increased the number of women nominated in state level candidate
nominations.

If quotas are introduced, they need not solely target the make-up of candidate
lists, but can shape the higher levels of the legislature too. Lovenduski et al.
(2002) describe how in Finland there is a quota for legislative committees
where they have to have 40 percent women. The introduction of quotas, as
described above, has largely been successful in bringing women into politics.

E. Actions to support women in politics

This section distils the evidence above into points of action for different
institutions.

For governments and parliaments

Governments and parliaments should consider how the political status quo
disadvantages women and act to ensure legislation is in place to reduce the
barriers to women’s entry into politics. In some cases, and where possible,
gender quotas can be introduced. These are a good way to fast track women’s
political representation.

43
 ‘[T]he presence of an institutionalized separate space for women is important
in a range of ways. It can actively promote the descriptive representation of
women, support them while they once they are elected but also in providing
women with an alternative reference group, an environment where feminist
positionings are validated.’ (Curtin, 2008)

A key action at the parliamentary level would be to set up a women’s

parliamentary body or caucus. Women’s parliamentary bodies or caucuses
are an important resource for women in politics. They should allow women
to share information, ideas and resources. It may be cross party so be used to
build consensus on certain issues. They help support female MPs and foster
a more inclusive Parliament as a whole. They can also facilitate connections
between women representatives and women’s movements in civil society
(Karam and Lovenduski, 2005; Krook and Norris, 2014; Palmieri, 2013).
Further, a women’s parliamentary body can publicise and celebrate the
achievements of women in politics, creating a positive feedback loop (Palmieri,
2013).

• Change the electoral system to have more proportional representation

(Ogai, 2001).

• Consider different levels for democratic institutions, devolution/

decentralisation of power can benefit women (Ortbals et al., 2012).

• Allow for, and/or introduce positive discrimination or quotas with effective

mechanisms to increase the number of women in political positions (Karam
and Lovenduski, 2005; Lovenduski, 2005; Shvedova, 2005).

• Introduce legislation where women are required to hold a certain

proportion of seats on government appointed bodies (e.g. Denmark,
Finland, Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands and Germany) (Karam and
Lovenduski, 2005).

• Introduce term limits to restrict the impact of incumbency (Schwindt-

Bayer, 2005).

• Political institutions like parliaments should adapt to be ‘gender-sensitive’,

accommodating to a more diverse selection of members and candidates.
Recommendations include e.g. changing imagery and language used
through to changes in working hours and zero-tolerance of sexual
harassment (Childs, 2016; Fawcett, 2018; Krook and Norris, 2014;
Palmieri, 2018)

• Take measures to prevent violence against women candidates (Krook and

Norris, 2014). Evidence is needed to see whether legislation criminalising
violence against women in politics in Bolivia or legislation requiring social
media provider report hate speech in Germany has been effective. Other
possibilities may be through awareness campaigns and safe spaces for
reporting crimes.

• Create women’s parliamentary organisations or caucuses (Karam and

Lovenduski, 2005; Krook and Norris, 2014; Palmieri, 2013).

44 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

• Ensure that national broadcasters give fair and equal coverage to male and
female candidates and politicians (Krook and Norris, 2014).

• Regulate campaign funding, and party funding to reduce costs and ensure
women have equal access (Childs, 2013; Hinojosa, 2012; Krook and
Norris, 2014).

For political parties

Political parties form a major barrier to women’s entry into politics. They need
to take positive measures to ensure women are included and supported at each
stage of political recruitment.

• Parties to adopt voluntary quotas or other positive measures, such as All

Women Shortlists (Childs, 2008; Childs, 2013; Hinojosa, 2012; Karam and
Lovenduski, 2005; Krook and Norris, 2014; Lovenduski, 2005).

• Parties to formalise selection procedures and include equal opportunity

practices (Childs, 2013).

• Parties to guarantee placement of female candidates in winnable seats

and/or in equal positions on party lists (Karam and Lovenduski, 2005;
Shvedova, 2005).

• Parties to provide funds and subsidies for women candidates and/or ensure
they are funded and subsidised to the same degree as men candidates
(Childs, 2013; Khan and Naqvi, 2018; Krook and Norris, 2014; Shvedova,
2005).

• Parties to create and support women’s sections (Childs, 2013; Krook and
Norris, 2014).

• Parties to provide training for women candidates (Childs, 2013; Krook and
Norris, 2014).

• Parties to ensure they (repeatedly) ask women to run and appoint a search
director/ talent spotter focusing on women (Childs, 2013; O’Leary and
Shames, 2013).

• Parties to take explicit measures to combat threats of violence against

women candidates and parliamentarians (Fawcett, 2018).

• Parties to foster connections between women’s organisations in civil

society, women politicians, think tanks and other political networks
(Karam and Lovenduski, 2005; Krook and Norris, 2014; Palmieri, 2013)

• Parties to make better accommodation for female candidates’ and

politicians’ caring responsibilities throughout their careers (Childs, 2016;
Childs and Campbell, 2017; Fawcett, 2018).

• Parties to work to include women in grassroots work and at a local level,

enabling political apprenticeships (Krook and Norris, 2014; Tadros, 2014),

45
 • Parties to give media and social media training for women candidates
(Childs, 2013; Karam and Lovenduski, 2005; Women in Parliament Global
Forum, 2016).

For women’s movements, women’s caucuses and civil society

organisations

Women’s movements and organisations are fundamental to the struggle for

equal representation. They are key to motivating and engaging women in
politics, they are a space for organising, connecting and building networks
and they can be the driving force behind policy change. Feminist or women’s
movements are important in pushing for the greater representation of women
(Karam and Lovenduski, 2005; Krook and Norris, 2014). They have been
instrumental in calling for the introduction of quotas (Anderson and Swiss,
2014), they have pushed for the greater appointment of women cabinet
ministers (Bauer and Okpotor, 2013). They can and do provide training
for women entering politics (Bauer and Okpotor, 2013; Krook and Norris,
2014). They have pushed for women to be selected through providing CVs
of suitable women to the government and parties (Bauer and Okpotor, 2013;
Karam and Lovenduski, 2005). Women’s movements importantly can also act
as a watchdog, monitoring the situation for the representation of women and
protesting if the situation regresses (Karam and Lovenduski, 2005). Further,
women’s movements support women politicians through their careers, through
the provision of networks and resources (Rosenbluth et al., 2015).

• While women’s movements and women’s parliamentary bodies are

important, their impact can be amplified if and when they work together
(Geisler, 2006; Karam and Lovenduski, 2005; Shvedova, 2005).

• Lobby for the greater representation of women and/or the introduction

of quotas and positive measures (Anderson and Swiss, 2014; Karam and
Lovenduski, 2005; Krook and Norris, 2014).

• Raise awareness through campaigns which point to the importance of

balanced participation and representation of women and men, e.g. the
Movement for Equal Rights–Equal Responsibilities in Cyprus (Karam and
Lovenduski, 2005; Krook and Norris, 2014).

• Collect, monitor and disseminate facts about women’s political

participation and representation (Karam and Lovenduski, 2005).

• Foster connections between women’s organisations in civil society, women

politicians, think tanks and other political networks (Krook and Norris,
2014; Tadros, 2014).

• Provide training for women aspirants, candidates, and politicians, including

media and social media training (Karam and Lovenduski, 2005; Shvedova,
2005; Tadros, 2014; Women in Parliament Global Forum, 2016).

• Provide funds and/or fundraising opportunities to women political

candidates (Hinojosa, 2012; Khan and Naqvi, 2018; Krook and Norris,
2014; Lovenduski, 2005).

46 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

• Encourage women to participate in civil society organising where they
can develop skills (Cornwall and Goetz, 2005; ODI, 2015; Tadros, 2014;
WomanKind, 2016).

• Promote the use of equality rhetoric so that the idea of gender equality is
accepted more broadly, changing society’s frames of reference (Karam and
Lovenduski, 2005).

• Maximise the ability of family members to help women by including them

in training (Tadros, 2014).

• Provide parties with lists of eligible women when it comes to nominations

(Bauer and Okpotor, 2013; Karam and Lovenduski, 2005).

• Act as watchdogs on parties and protest when there are setbacks (Karam
and Lovenduski, 2005).

F. Concluding comments
This chapter describes the motivations for women entering politics, the routes
they have taken, and the factors which help or hinder them in politics. I
want to highlight the way that feminism and women’s organisations bookend
this chapter, as the motivating force for women, and as a source of ongoing
support. Women’s organisations and feminism in different senses are present
throughout this chapter in pushing for the feminisation of society, the
introduction of quotas or offering training, resources and support networks
to women candidates. Women’s activism, in whatever form, is both the past
and the future for women’s involvement in politics. This chapter shows that
the obstacles women face when entering politics are deeply entrenched and
institutionalised. However, it also shows the many ways in which women are
using opportunities which present themselves and creating new ones to push
for greater numbers of women in politics.

47
 2. Women political leaders and
the quality of democracy
This chapter looks at whether increasing the number of women in politics
impacts democracy itself. One of the main arguments for including greater
numbers of women in politics is to ensure political representatives reflect more
truly the population they represent. As such, it is seen to improve democracy
and give more legitimacy to the institutions of government. Beyond this
important argument, there is also evidence that having women in politics
improves the quality of democracy in other ways. Women leaders are thought
to have more inclusive leadership styles, are more proactive legislators and more
responsive to constituents. They may even reduce corruption and improve
the provision of essential services. An interesting finding is the way that the
inclusion of women in politics reshapes the political sphere by reframing what
is deemed ‘political’. As a final cautionary note, this chapter highlights the fact
that including more women does not necessarily make a better democracy.
Many authoritarian states, due to external pressures or to increase their
perceived legitimacy ‘add women’ without democratising power itself. These
women tend to act as tokens and do not have any real power. As such more
women does not necessarily mean more democracy, but including more women
in a democracy can improve its overall quality.

• Women in politics tend to do more constituency work than men. Green: the literature clearly
points to this finding.

• Having more women representatives is related to lower levels of corruption. Yellow: the literature
indicates this finding, but
• Having more women representatives does not always bring more with less certainty (through
less evidence/a number of
democracy, as women may be included in non-democratic parliaments studies finding otherwise).
where they have little power and act as tokens.
Red: more research is
needed on this point.
• There is some evidence that suggests women tend towards a leadership
style that is more cooperative and inclusive, and which is less likely to
enforce hierarchies.

• There is some evidence which suggests having more women in politics

leads to a better implementation of welfare and health services and
infrastructure.

• Women politicians are altering the framework of politics, by introducing

legislation in areas previously considered beyond the scope of
government, from domestic violence to female genital mutilation, but also
by broadening perspectives on other policy areas and looking to address
causes and work within communities.

• Women political leaders in some cases are associated with lower levels of
conflict, fewer human rights abuses and less military spending.

• More research is needed into whether having more women in politics may
lead to greater legitimacy of democratic institutions, and whether trust in
government is an appropriate measure.

48 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

• There is no clear evidence that women are more effective at law-making
than men, there is evidence which points both ways, and it is likely that the
context plays an important role in determining this.

Improving trust and accountability

The greater representation of women in parliaments and governments may

improve the quality of democracy by making women feel like they are
represented, and as such giving the institutions of democracy greater
legitimacy. This is likely to be particularly true when having more women
representatives also increases the diversity of women representatives. One of
the major arguments for the greater inclusion of women in politics is that it
inherently improves democracy by better representing the citizens of the state
(Weldon2002b; Celis and Childs, 2020). Lovenduski (2019) has argued that
politicians are rarely accountable to women and this means that one of the
fundamental tenets of democracy – accountability – is denied to women.
While new forms of feminist and women’s activism and organisation – for
example using social media - are increasingly striving to hold political
representatives to account, women’s ability to hold political power to account
would be accelerated if there were more women political representatives.

‘When greater proportions of female state legislators are present, the

likelihood that women feel better about government, and hence the
democratic society in which they live, improves.’ (Atkeson and Carrillo, 2007)

While the theory is strong on this point, there is some evidence which suggests
this might be the case, but it is not overwhelming. One way of measuring
whether having more women improves the legitimacy of a democracy is to
measure whether citizens report greater feelings of trust in government. The
connection between these measures is rather tenuous, and the evidence here is
not overwhelming. Atkeson and Carillo (2007), Ulbig (2007) and Schwindt-
Bayer et al. (2010) find that greater female representation leads to increased
feelings of trust in government, but Lawless (2004) does not.

Are women more democratic in their leadership style?

Some studies find that women bring distinctly feminine qualities to their role as
leaders and to their methods of leadership (Adler, 1997; Ayman, 2010; Childs,
2004; Holman, 2015; de la Rey, 2011). In many cases, researchers have found
women’s style of leadership to be more democratic, cooperative, and inclusive
(Adler, 1996; Adler, 1997; Childs, 2006; Eagly and Johnson, 2003; Fraga et
al., 2006; Holman, 2015; Rosenthal, 2000; Tripp, 2001). Tripp (2001) suggests
that female leaders in particular in Africa have taken a stand against division
and sectarianism. Holman (2015) shows that women mayors in America have
more contact with community groups and focus more on constituent demands
rather than those of the business community or their own policy priorities.
Adler (1996) follows 25 global women leaders and suggests that many women
leaders have made an effort to break with hierarchies and to create consensus.
She gives the examples of Corazon Aquino, President of the Philippines, not
living in the presidential palace but instead working out of a small office; Golda

49
 Meir, President of Israel, insisting that committee meetings were conducted
without hierarchies – ‘like a kibbutz’ - and the Irish President, Mary Robinson,
keeping the door of her house open to the people of Ireland.

Other studies found women politicians less likely to rebel (Cowley and Childs,
2003), or be openly rebellious (Childs, 2006), though it is hard to determine
whether women’s disinclination to rebel is because of higher risks or a more
cooperative nature and style of politics (Cowley and Childs, 2003). Childs
(2006) suggests that it may demonstrate a different, less macho style of politics
with more work behind the scenes.

Other scholars find little difference between the leadership styles of men
and women in terms of communication, cooperation, or inclusivity (Cowell-
Meyers, 2001; Reingold; 1996), or find that differences are based more on
strategy than gender (Funk, 2015). Shair-Rosenfield and Stoyan (2018) found
that women in executive positions were less likely to rule in an authoritarian or
hierarchical manner, but the effect existed primarily when they had high levels
of popularity and reduced when popularity levels reduced.

Political culture and gendered institutions can also provide a restraint to

more feminized, inclusive or cooperative styles of leadership (Childs, 2004).
Male leaders are more likely to succeed and ascend to higher status positions
within masculine organisational structures (Eagly and Carli, 2007). Masculine
institutions can perpetuate male leadership styles that operate most successfully
within the established system (Eagly and Carli, 2003; de la Rey, 2011).
Even new organisations and institutions determined to do politics differently
from before may struggle not to fall back into old practices when they work
within male-dominated institutions or when the new ideas have not been
sufficiently reinforced, such as with political recruitment in Scotland or the
Women’s Equality Party in the UK (Evans and Kenny, 2020; Kenny, 2011).
This highlights the importance of looking at the context in which women, and
women’s organisations are working and trying to change cultures to enable
more inclusive leadership styles.

Are women more effective legislators and/or better representatives?

The evidence is divided on how effective women are as legislators, with some
studies showing them to be more effective than men, and some not. Their
effectiveness seems to depend largely on the political context. There is, though,
a clear finding in the literature that women legislators are more concerned
with, and responsive to, their constituents.

In some contexts, women law makers have been found to sponsor more bills
and secure more funding (Anzia and Berry, 2011), and introduce and pass
more priority legislation (Fraga et al., 2006) than men. In other instances, by
contrast, scholars have found no significant difference in the effectiveness of
male and female law makers (Bratton and Haynie, 1999; Bratton, 2005; Jeydel
and Taylor, 2003). In some cases, female representatives were quieter and
spoke less than male representatives (Bäck et al., 2014), while other studies
found that female representatives gave more speeches and involved themselves
more in debates (Pearson and Dancey, 2011). The differences can perhaps
depend on cultural context, number of women also present, overall session

50 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

attendance (Khan and Naqvi, 2018), or the policy areas discussed (Bäck et al.,
2014).

Other institutional barriers or structural challenges can impede a female

legislator’s effectiveness. Elements such as seniority and membership (Jeydel
and Taylor, 2003), clientelism (Taylor-Robinson and Heath, 2003), and
position in either the majority or minority can affect a legislator’s ability
to get bills passed (Bratton, 2005; Volden, Wiseman, and Wittmer, 2011).
In Honduras, women MPs may be seen as less effective than male MPs for
engaging less in corrupt practices or pork barrel projects in a clientelist system
(Taylor-Robinson and Heath, 2003).

Gender differences between legislators do seem to exist in the ways in which

they relate to and serve their constituencies. Beck (2001) found women in
local government to be more responsive to constituents. Clark et al. (1993)
also found that female legislators in Taiwan are more likely to emphasize their
constituency roles. In terms of the work itself, women have been found to
prioritize constituency work (Norris, 1996), and generally receive and conduct
more constituency work than male representatives (Holman, 2015; Richardson
and Freeman, 1995). This, too, can vary by constituent gender. Studies have
found that female representatives are able to reach female constituents better
(Childs, 2002; Reingold, 2000, Schwindt-Bayer, 2010). This could stem from
female constituents finding female MPs more approachable (according to UK
MPs interviewed by Sarah Childs, 2002), or women spending more time
working within their constituencies (Norris, 1996).

Are women less corrupt?

Corruption ranges from small to large offenses, petty crimes to collusion (Bauhr
et al., 2019). The academic literature finds a clear link between having (more)
women as representatives and lower levels of both types of corruption. This
effect is found at all levels of government.

Women’s representation in local councils has been found to reduce corruption.

Scholars have found this effect in local councils worldwide, from Africa
to Europe to Asia, in a way that refracts through regional context but
demonstrates a clear trend (Bauhr et al., 2019; Chhoeun, Sok, and Byrne,
2008; Goetz, 2002; Jayal, 2006; Sundström and Wängnerud, 2016).

At the parliamentary level, although female legislators have been found to be

less corrupt as individuals, the effect of female representation in aggregate also
has an impact on corruption, with greater overall representation of women in
parliament decreasing levels of corruption (Bari, 2010; Dollar, Fisman, and
Gatti, 1999; Jha and Sarangi, 2018; Schwindt-Bayer et al., 2010; Stockemer,
2011). Goetz (2002) found in particular that female politicians in Uganda
could make a significant impact in anti-corruption even against an increasingly
authoritarian government.

It is worth noting that while higher levels of female representation might

be associated with lower levels of corruption, so is low levels of female
representation associated with higher levels of corruption (Sandstrom and
Wängnerud, 2016; Stockemer, 2011). There are several explanations for this

51
 relationship. The first explanation is that corrupt practices tend to exclude
women from power. Second, greater gender equality and lower levels of
corruption both tend to be outcomes of democratisation and development
and so there may be some element of there being a correlation between them
rather than a causation. Third, women in power may act to reduce corruption,
through actively targeting corruption and improving the provision of services.
The literature gives evidence which suggests that all three explanations may
contribute to this overall pattern.

The first explanation is that women are excluded from power when there are
high levels of corruption because they cannot infiltrate the networks used
for corrupt practices as easily as men (Bauhr et al., 2019). Corrupt practices
allow those already in advantageous positions to remain so. As politics is still a
male-dominated sphere, corrupt practices might serve the men who are already
in the system, and obstruct further female representation (Sundström and
Wängnerud, 2016). Beck (2003) observes this effect in the patronage politics
in Senegal, which inhibited women from accruing resources and access to
political positions.

However, when the public mood moves against corruption, women’s relative
position as outsiders and new entrants in a male-dominated field can act in
their advantage. Tripp (2001) suggests that women’s outsider role in Uganda,
Zimbabwe, and Kenya has emboldened female representatives to speak
vociferously against corruption.

The seeming relationship between corruption and women’s representation

may be a result of political context (Alatas et al., 2009). For example, studies
have shown that female labour force participation has been found to display
the same negative association on corruption (Swamy et al., 2001), as well as
not to have an effect (Jha and Sarangi, 2018). Elsewhere other measures of
greater gender equality and good governance have been shown to moderate the
connection (Caballero and Ziegler, 2012; Schwindt-Bayer et al., 2010; Sung,
2003). As such, there is some evidence that having women in politics does not
reduce corruption per se but that the contexts which give rise to more women
in politics are likely to reduce corruption – such as higher levels of development
and democracy.

Finally, this relationship between women in politics and the reduction of

corruption might be because women politicians act to reduce corruption more
than men. They might disrupt corrupt networks, but also they might focus on
improving the provision of services which may have been accessed previously
through corrupt practices, such as providing better healthcare and a more
efficient bureaucracy (Bauhr et al., 2019). The literature suggests that women
legislators may act differently to men in power because they are more wary of
the repercussions of their actions. Women can face a steeper risk for operating
outside of political norms, or engaging in corrupt practices (Esaray and
Chirillo, 2013). Further, female voters hold female politicians more accountable
than men and male voters (Eggers et al., 2018; Esarey and Schwindt-Bayer,
2017). There is evidence to suggest that the action of women political leaders is
at least partially responsible for the reduction in corruption (Bauhr et al., 2019).

Corruption runs counter to democratic principles of fairness and representation.

Should female representatives have a role in lowering levels of corruption,

52 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

individually or in aggregate, this will have an effect on a country’s democracy,
and can potentially enhance constituents’ levels of satisfaction and trust with
their government (Schwindt-Bayer et al., 2010). As such, this association
points to a way in which greater female representation improves the quality of
democracy.

Improved provision of services

The next chapter explores how women politicians tend to push for more
women friendly legislation, and increased spending on welfare, healthcare
and education. These policy preferences may not relate directly to the quality
of democracy, but a good democracy also entails implementing policies and
providing services to the public. As such, while it is difficult to untangle the
‘policy’ from its delivery, there are studies which do show that women political
leaders alter outcomes.

Women political leaders seem to improve health for adults and children,
and access to high quality latrines which are crucial to improving health
in India. Ng and Muntaner (2018) find that an increased level of women’s
leadership is linked to lower mortality rates in the Canadian provinces. In a
study of developing countries, Swiss et al. (2012) find that increased female
representation leads to improvements in child health in terms of higher levels
of immunisations, and reduced levels of infant and child deaths. Lee (2018) in
a quasi-experimental piece of research in India shows that female leaders are
more likely to increase access to high quality latrines than male candidates.
Having women leaders also seems to improve the levels of education among
young women. Clots-Figueras (2012) finds that having more women leaders
improves the levels of female education in urban areas in India.

These studies, while rigorous in themselves, do not demonstrate a global

pattern of women leaders leading to better health, sanitation and education.
They do however, add another piece of evidence to a picture, which when
taken together with the evidence surrounding female policy preferences, and
the connection between women and the reduction in levels of corruption,
shows the differences that increasing women’s representation could make in the
provision of services.

Expanding political frameworks

Having more women in politics has brought about a fundamental change

in what is considered to be ‘politics’. The feminist movement and women
politicians have brought legislation into realms that were previously considered
beyond the scope of government. Women in politics have introduced, for
example, legislation on female genital mutilation, domestic violence and
childcare and maternity policies which have altered the status quo in terms
of what is deemed as politics, bringing the ‘private’ into the political (Caul
Kittilson, 2010; Goetz, 1998). An example of how greater gender equality
in government might alter what society sees as the responsibility of the state
might be found in Iyer et al.’s (2012) study. They found that the election
of women to high positions in India, tends to be followed by an increase
in reported crimes against women. They argue that this is not because of

53
 increased levels of violence against women, but because women are more likely
to report them. This seems to reinforce the idea that the greater representation
of women leads to an increased awareness of gender and power, and an
expansion of what women see as their rights and government obligations.

Further, women in politics have offered insights into the gendered impact of
legislation that would have previously been seen as gender neutral and have
diversified the idea of what is seen as women’s interests (Celis, 2006). Cowell-
Meyers (2001) describes how the women politicians she spoke to thought of
politics in terms of communities and networks of people and with a greater
understanding about how structures shape and impact relations between
people. As such they may have shifted and broadened the understanding
of what constitutes politics. One example of how greater gender equality
in government tends to alter the ways policies are formed is highlighted in
Mackay’s (2010) comparison of domestic violence legislation in Scotland and
England. She suggests that because of the greater gender equity in the Scottish
parliament, and the involvement of women’s groups in policy making, domestic
violence was looked at as an issue more holistically. Thus, in Scotland,
prevention measures such as media campaigns and training strategies were put
in place. While in England the focus was on domestic violence as a crime, so
the emphasis was put on policing.

With women diversifying and broadening what is deemed as political, the

democratic mechanism may be strengthened as policies impact more people’s
lives in a more tangible way, and as people are made more aware of the impact
of power differentials in society.

Finally, women in politics are expanding political frameworks in other ways.

They have been using foreign policy opportunities to press for greater gender
equality, altering standard perceptions of international relations as the domain
of conflict and the sanctity of state sovereignty. Angevine (2017) found that
women in Congress are more likely than men to introduce legislation that
benefits women globally such as the ‘Afghan Women Empowerment Act’ and
the ‘Women and Children in Crisis and Conflict Protection Act’. Bashevkin
(2014) finds that women foreign policy decision makers are more likely than
male foreign ministers who preceded or followed them to make pro-equality
statements, and that having more women in foreign policy elites might lead to
more aid being directed towards women’s programmes. While again, these acts
are not revolutionary in themselves they point to the way women are creating a
gradual shift in focus in the international realm.

Peace, militarism, and human rights

States tend to be more democratic when they are not at war, militaristic or
committing human rights abuses. There is evidence that states where women
hold more political power are less likely to go to war, spend less on the military
and are less likely to commit human rights abuses. Feminist scholars and
politicians suggest that men and women hold different perspectives on peace
and security, with women being more likely to promote interconnection
(Tickner, 1992; Wallstrom, 2010).

54 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

Studies have found greater female representation in the legislature positively
related to a longer lasting peace and reduced levels of conflict (Demeritt et
al. 2014; Melander, 2005; Shair-Rosenfield and Wood, 2017), lower military
spending (Koch and Fulton, 2011; Clayton and Zetterberg, 2018), and a
more gender equal eventual peace deal (True and Riveros-Morales, 2019).
Melander (2005) also finds that states with higher levels of women legislators
are less likely to commit personal integrity human rights abuses such as
political imprisonment and torture. This effect does not seem to translate to
female executives, however (Koch and Fulton, 2011; Melander, 2005), and is
moderated by which political party is in power and the gender balance within
the legislature (Koch and Fulton; True and Riveros-Morales, 2019).

Evidence at the individual level also seems to support this. In interviews with
members of the legislative assembly in Northern Ireland, Cowell-Meyers
(2011) found that women, unlike men, expressed explicit interest in running for
office to promote peace. Simms (2008) also gives an account of New Zealand
Prime Minister Helen Clark steering the country away from nuclear weapons
and the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

‘More women’ does not necessarily equal ‘more democracy’

There are clear and important reasons why the descriptive representation
of women is necessary for representative government, women’s political
equality, accountability and the legitimacy of democratic governments (Celis
and Childs, 2020 forthcoming). However, the presence of women does not
necessarily indicate a more democratic context (Dahlerup, 2018; Lovenduski,
2019). In fact, some studies find more women in national parliaments in less
democratic places (Stockemer, 2011). Many non-democracies have high
numbers of women in the legislature – often through quota systems - but
with very little power (Fallon et al., 2012). Indeed, efforts which seem to
promote the inclusion of women such as quotas are often used to improve the
appearance or bestow some kind of legitimacy to otherwise autocratic regimes
(Bush, 2011; Tripp and Kang, 2008), or regimes seeking to appeal to foreign
aid donors (Kang, 2015; Panday, 2008). Scholars suggest this has been the
case in Pakistan under Musharraf (Bari, 2010; Dutoya, 2016), in Rwanda
under Kagame (Bauer and Burnet, 2013; Burnet, 2011) and in Morocco (Sater,
2007). Further, some quotas are used to give a ‘fresh face’ to old parties and
tactics particularly when they enable the party leaders or government to
handpick or appoint the women who either act as proxies for men or otherwise
are assumed to play by the same old rules (Baldez, 2006; Bari, 2010; Panday,
2013; Zetterberg, 2008).

The other side of the coin is that sometimes women’s ‘representation’ may seem
to reduce with democratisation. The major example of this is in Central and
Eastern Europe where, with the end of communism and the introduction of
democracy, the number of women in parliament fell substantially (Fallon et al.,
2012; Fuszara, 2010). In recent years the numbers of women in politics have
started to increase in these states.

55
 Concluding comments

This chapter points to several ways in which women political leaders seem to
be changing the status quo, shifting the focus of politics, increasing trust, and
as such creating a more inclusive and responsive version of democracy. The
research included here is rarely presented together in this way and there are
numerous gaps that exist in the current understanding of this subject. This
chapter shows strong findings that indicate a relationship between having more
women in politics and less corruption, and that shows that women politicians
prioritise constituency work. Beyond this, there is some evidence that women
may be more inclusive and cooperative in their leadership style, and promote
peace-making and cooperation at an international level. As ever, political
context is important here in restraining or encouraging different leadership
styles and the effectiveness of women as legislators, with women being more
effective and more assertive as more women enter the political sphere. This
chapter shows how having more women in politics alters, and improves, the
quality of democracy.

56 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY Jessica Taylor/UK Parliament
3. Women political leaders and
policy making
This chapter asks whether women political leaders legislate in a way which
differs from men. Do women in politics have different political priorities and
when do they manage to create legislation which addresses these priorities? It is
worth noting that to a great extent the priorities of women and men in politics
tends to overlap. This chapter focuses on the areas of difference.

It is important to remember that women’s interests vary widely according to

context and intersect with different racial, class and other identities. Smooth
(2011) highlights this point, describing how in interviews with African
American state legislators she found they described issues from criminal justice
through child welfare as women’s issues. Many of these issues were beyond the
scope of the usual set of ‘women’s issues’ analysed in research. The literature
acknowledges the differences within and breadth of what might constitute
women’s interests and woman friendly policy, but the breadth and diversity of
policy issues important to women must continue to be reviewed and reiterated
(Angevine, 2017; Celis, 2008; Celis and Childs, 2012; Celis and Childs, 2020;
Childs and Krook, 2009; Dahlerup, 2018; Htun and Weldon, 2010; ODI,
2015; Smooth, 2011).

Nonetheless, the literature shows some broad areas of consensus as to priority

policies for women such as equality before the law and freedom from violence.
Further, as women tend to both have responsibility for caring and tend to be
poorer than men world-wide, issues that relate to the family or to alleviating
poverty are also commonly cited as being women’s interests. There are major
policy areas which women tend to prioritise more than men, such as healthcare
and education. There is substantial evidence in the literature that women in the
legislature do prioritise different policy issues and advance them into legislation
where possible, more than their male counterparts (Bratton and Haynie, 1999;
Caroll, 2001; Celis, 2006; Chaney, 2006; Chattopadhyay and Duflo, 2004;
Childs, 2001; Childs, 2002 on the UK; Childs, 2006a; Curtin, 2008; Dodson,
2001; Dodson, 2006; Dolan, 1997; Gerrity et al., 2007; Little et al., 2001;
MacDonald and O’Brien, 2011; Maddison, 2007; Miguel, 2012; O’Regan,
2000; Reingold, 1992; Sater, 2007; Sawer, 2012; Schwindt-Bayer, 2006;
Schwindt-Bayer, 2010; Swers, 1998; Swers, 2002; Swers, 2005; Tamerius,
2010;Taylor-Robinson and Heath, 2003; Tremblay, 1998; Wängnerud, 2000;
Wängnerud and Sundell, 2012).

This chapter is divided into three sections. The first two look at policy areas
where women and men might differ. The first explores how women political
leaders prioritise areas typically considered ‘women’s interests’. The second
looks at the way women in politics also tend to advocate better education,
welfare and health as well as broader issues such as environmental concerns
and peace. The final section highlights the conditions which might obstruct or
facilitate women being able to legislate on these policy areas.

57
 • Women in politics prioritise women’s interests, such as equal rights, Green: the literature clearly
reproductive rights and sexual health, families and childcare, and stopping points to this finding.

violence against women. Yellow: the literature

indicates this finding, but
• Women in politics also prioritise ‘care’ issues more than men such as with less certainty (through
less evidence/a number of
education, welfare and healthcare. studies finding otherwise).

Red: more research is

• Particularly in e.g. India and Africa women politicians prioritise providing
needed on this point.
access to clean water and providing good quality sanitation.

• Women in politics also prioritise issues associated with care in the

international sphere, such as international aid, and deprioritise military
spending.

• Women in politics see representing women as part of their role and

legislate more than men on women’s priority issues.

• Women in politics are more able to propose and pass women friendly
legislation when there is a greater proportion of women in the legislature
and when there is a women’s caucus or women’s parliamentary body.

• Women in politics seem to prioritise environmental concerns more than

men.

• Women can be aided in promoting women friendly policy when there is a

women’s policy agency or machinery.

• Parties from the political left tend favour women friendly policy, but the
evidence suggests that leftist governments do not substantially increase
women friendly policy making.

• Non-democratic, patriarchal, nationalist and communist political

environments hamper women’s ability to promote women friendly policy.

• Women are better able to promote women friendly policy when they are in
the cabinet.

• Women can push for legal improvements for women at moments of

opportunity and change.

• More research is needed on how more gender equal political contexts

improve women’s ability to promote their policy priorities.

• More research is needed on how race, ethnicity and class may interact
and impact women’s policy priorities and their capacity to promote their
policy preferences.

A. Women’s interests
One of the main justifications for increasing the proportion of women in
legislatures and government around the world is the belief that women are

58 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

more likely than men to advocate and legislate on matters of interest and
importance to women.

Several studies give support to the idea that it is important to have women
in politics because they are more likely to be active and legislate on women’s
issues than men. The literature finds women in politics represent women on
three different measures. Scholars find women in politics believe they should
represent women. Women in politics push for legislation on women’s issues,
and finally having more women representatives leads to more woman friendly
policy on the ground.

First research shows that women legislators do (often) consider representing

women as part of their role (Childs, 2001; Childs, 2002; Cowell-Meyers,
2003; Reingold, 1992; Smooth, 2011), although often women candidates and
legislators might not point to women’s issues as their priorities (Dolan, 2005).

Second, numerous studies point to the role of women legislators in promoting

and pushing through legislation on women’s rights and gender equality
(Carroll, 2001; Chaney, 2006; Childs and Withey, 2004; Childs, 2006a;
Dodson, 2001; Escobar-Lemmon and Taylor-Robinson, 2014; Goetz, 2008;
Lovenduski, 2003; MacDonald and O’Brien, 2011; Pearson, 2011; Reingold,
2000; Sawer, 2012; Schwindt-Bayer, 2006; Schwindt-Bayer, 2010; Swers,
2002; Tamerius, 2010; Volden et al., 2018; Wängnerud, 2000).

Finally, cross-national research also suggests that greater numbers of women

in power leads to more women friendly law. For example, Atchison and
Down (2009) find that ‘the proportion of cabinet portfolios held by women is
positively associated with the total number of weeks of maternity and parental
leave guaranteed by the state’. Caul (2008) found similar trends with women’s
descriptive representation seeming to influence ‘both the rate of adoption and
the scope of maternity and childcare leave’. Weldon (2002) also finds (although
she emphasises that other factors are more important) that having more women
in the legislature contributes to better legislation on the ground preventing
violence against women.

The section below explores in more detail the policy areas which emerge
frequently in the literature as being ‘women’s interests’.

Equal rights

Women’s rights and the idea that women and men should be equal before the
law is an important tenet of much feminist campaigning, and is frequently
cited in the literature as an important ‘interest’ to women (Bari, 2010; Childs,
2002; Eduards, 1991; Norris, 1996; Taylor-Robinson and Heath, 2003). This
often includes policies addressing equal opportunities for employment and even
targets for redressing gender inequality in income (Barrett, 1995; Buchanan
and Annesley, 2007; Dolan, 1997; Fischer-Tahir, 2010; Holman, 2015). The
priorities in this area vary according to the region and context.

Most pressing in the literature on Africa are issues surrounding property, land
and inheritance. In many states, men have traditionally had sole control over
marital property and land and a greater part of inheritance, and women’s

59
 movements have been fighting to bring about reforms (Bauer and Okpotor,
2013; Britton, 2005; Goetz, 2002; Tripp, 2001; Wang, 2013).

In India, Clots-Figueras (2011) mentions the Hindu Succession Act, which

privileges male heirs, and the ways it has been circumvented and annulled in
states with legislatures with higher proportions of women.

In the Middle East and North Africa, there are a number of areas where
women are pushing for increased rights. Sater (2007) mentions how women
parliamentarians in Morocco managed to push a reform which allowed
Moroccan citizenship to be passed from mothers to their children (it had
previously been only transferrable from fathers). In Palestine, Jamal (2001)
points to the lack of reform – despite pressure from the women’s movement
- of the personal status law which gives religious laws authority on subjects
relating to marriage, divorce, child custody and property rights, and therefore
often disadvantages women. Shahrokni (2009) has discussed how in Iran
conservative and progressive women have come together, for example on
blocking a law which would have facilitated polygamy.

In Japan, Gaunder (2012) mentions women trying to reform laws which

oblige families to register under one surname as central to women’s equality
campaigns.

Reproductive rights and women’s and sexual health

The legality of abortion is often cited in the literature as a key signifier of

women’s rights and interests (Berkman and O’Connor, 1993; Cowell-Meyers
and Lanbein, 2009; Dolan, 1997; Eduards, 1991; Norris, 1996; Sawer, 2012;
Swers, 1998). This may be because much of the literature on women’s political
representation is generated in the US where abortion is a highly prominent
and contentious issue, with the divide in views fitting close to the feminist/
anti-feminist divide. That being said, abortion is pointed to as an important
issue elsewhere. For example, in Northern Ireland (Cowell-Meyers, 2001) and
Indonesia (Rinaldo, 2008). Rinaldo (2008) discusses women political activists
in Muslim women’s groups in Indonesia and describes divergences between
groups in how they see the issue. One group advocate for legalising abortion
(up to the 40th day of pregnancy) to prevent the dangers of illegal abortions.
They use justifications from within Islam to support this view.

Like abortion, women’s health and sexual health more generally is also
recognised as a concern for women This may include provision for breast
cancer, contraception and even VAT on sanitary products (Bari, 2010; Childs,
2002; Dolan, 1997; Swers, 1998; Swers, 2005). In general issues surrounding
women’s health are less contentious than those surrounding abortion, however,
sexual health and policy making around it can be particularly contentious
because it is perceived to touch upon issues of morality.

Violence against women

Another urgent concern of women according to the literature is violence

against women (Childs, 2002; Fischer-Tahir, 2010; Goetz, 1998; Holman,

60 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

2015; Htun and Weldon, 2012; Norris, 1996; Sater, 2007; Swers, 1998;
Tripp, 2001; Wang 2013; Weldon, 2002b). Concerns about violence against
women are global, if different in their emphasis. Domestic violence and sexual
harassment are mentioned in the literature on the UK and US (Childs 2002,
Holman, 2015). Fischer-Tahir (2010) and Bari (2010) cites violence against
women - in particular honour killing - as serious issues for women in Iraq and
Pakistan. Sater (2007) finds that female parliamentarians in Morocco agree
that domestic violence and marital rape should be punishable by law, though
(at the time of the research) they had not proposed any legislation on this.

Figure 2 shows a diagram from Beckwith (2014) that highlights how women’s
shared interest in freedom from violence against women might lead to different
policy preferences in different contexts. The literature considered in this report
shows a much wider variety in issues related to this shared interest.

Figure 2: Women’s interest, issues, preferences in freedom from violence against

women (Beckwith, 2014).

Interest Issue Preference

Criminalise; prosecute assailants

Spousal Establish and fund shelters
assault
Initiate education programmes against
spousal assault

Criminalise; prosecute rapists

Freedom
from Increase police patrols
violence Rape
against Institute curfews and modesty dress
women code for women

Criminalise pornography

Criminalise; prosecute offenders

Sexual
harassment Initiate educational programmes against
sexual harassment

Women in Ghana introduced legislation on female genital mutilation and

human trafficking (Bauer and Okpotor, 2013). In Senegal, Beck (2003)
describes legislation banning female genital mutilation. Studies in Uganda
highlight legislation against gendered violence, such as genital mutilation
and domestic violence, as significant achievements for women in parliament
(Goetz, 1998; Wang, 2013). Freedom from gendered violence appears to
be important as a women’s interest globally, and stands out as such in the
literature, even if the priority issues differ by region.

61
 Families and childcare

One of the most cited areas of women-friendly policy concerns family,

childcare and parental leave (Atchison and Down, 2009; Atchison, 2015;
Bratton and Ray, 2002; Buchanan and Annesley, 2007; Carroll, 2001; Caul,
2008; Childs, 2002; Cowell-Meyers, 2001; Cowell-Meyers and Lanbein,
2009; Dolan, 1997; Gaunder 2012; Little et al., 2001; Lovenduski et al., 2002;
Swers, 1998; Swers, 2005; Wängnerud and Sundell, 2012). Studies may
specifically cite childcare provision by the state, parental leave, flexible work,
enforcement of child support payments, and other benefits to help families look
after children. These issues tend to be a priority in Western states, particularly
in Europe, however e.g. Wang (2013) looking at Uganda, points to the removal
of school fees and the extension of maternity leave as major achievements for
women legislators. Nordic countries are highlighted as countries that have best
addressed this interest through models of equality of employment (Buchanan
and Annesley, 2007; Lovenduski, Campbell and Sampson-Jacent, 2002).

Concluding comments

The literature points to policy areas that tend to be considered ‘women’s

interests’, because they primarily impact women. This section has shown
that while there is much consensus around the kinds of areas considered,
there are also important regional variations. These regional variations are not
explicit, but when the research is taken together patterns do seem to emerge.
Violence against women and equal rights are two areas which are considered
women’s interests around the world, although there are important variations
in the particular issues pointed to in different areas. While at the level of this
report much of the nuance is lost, certain broad trends are visible. In terms of
violence against women, female genital mutilation is more of an issue priority
in Africa, while honour killings are more important issues in the Middle East
and South Asia. Equality in property rights is a continuing battle for women in
Africa, while in Europe and North Africa the focus is more on income equality.
Similarly access to abortion is prioritised in particular as a feminist issue in
North America, while parental leave and childcare seems to be a priority issue
in Western Europe. To better conceptualise these regional variations, it might
be worth using Beckwith’s (2014) distinction between women’s ‘interests’,
women’s policy ‘issues’ and ‘preferences’. Thus while women may agree that
‘freedom from violence’ is an important ‘interest’, the particular priority issues
and preferences might vary between countries, regions and actors. When
considering women’s representation at a global level, women’s interests may
be global, but the specific issues of concern and policy preferences will change
according to context.

While it is important to remember this regional variation, this section points to

a broad consensus in the literature that women in politics do act for women.

B. Women and care policy

Beyond women’s interests there are broad policy areas which women legislators
prioritise. These areas may be seen to reflect women’s greater ‘ethics of care’
(Mackay, 2001). This section points to how women in politics work to benefit

62 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

not just women, but all society, with an emphasis on the most vulnerable:
children, the poor and the sick.

‘[T]he impact of women in legislature is not limited to family or services

provision, perhaps female legislators are more interested in the “social
project” as a whole than in “women’s interests” more narrowly defined’
(Bolzendahl, 2011)

Several studies point to women legislators being more ‘left-leaning’ than

men on issues such as healthcare, welfare and social spending (Dabelko and
Herrnson, 1997; Heidbreder and Scheurer, 2013; Little et al., 2001; Poggione,
2004). A number of studies find that increases in the number of women in the
legislature or having a female mayor correlates with higher social spending
(Braendle and Colombier, 2016; Bolzendahl, 2009; Bolzendahl, 2011; Chen,
2013; Clayton and Zetterberg, 2018; Courtemanche and Green, 2017; Ennser-
Jedenastik, 2017; Funk and Philips, 2019; Holman, 2013; Park, 2014). Other
studies do not find having a female mayor makes a difference (Ferreira and
Gyourko, 2014).

This section highlights some of the policy areas specifically mentioned as

priorities for women in politics, which cannot be considered solely as ‘women’s
interests’, but instead seem to prioritise the wellbeing of society as a whole.

Education

Education is cited as an important issue for women in studies worldwide (Bari,

2010; Barrett, 1995; Britton, 2005; Clots-Figueras, 2011; Clots-Figueras,
2012; Cowell-Meyers, 2001; Dolan, 1997; Fischer-Tahir, 2010; Hazarika,
2008; Holman, 2015; Norris and Lovenduski, 1989; Swers, 2005;). It might be
particularly important because of the gender gap in education (Dolan, 1997;
Clots-Figueras, 2012) or because women tend to be primarily responsible in
caring for children and as such schools and education is a particular concern to
them.

There is some interesting nuance in terms of how and whether women

prioritise education in India. Chattopadhyay and Duflo (2004) show that
men at the local level prioritise education more than women (who instead
prioritise access to clean water). Clots-Figueras (2011, 2012) finds that women
legislators tend to bring improvements education in urban but not rural areas,
and that there are differences between the level of education prioritised by
‘ordinary’ women legislators compared to those from the scheduled castes and
tribes. These variations point to the importance of context and intersections of
identity.

Welfare and social services

Many studies find that women legislators are more interested in or more likely
to prioritise or legislate on social services and welfare provision than men
(Bolzendahl, 2011; Chen, 2013; Cowell-Meyers, 2001; Cowell-Meyers and
Lanbein, 2009; Holman, 2015; Little et al., 2001; Norris, 1996). The reasons

63
 women may prioritise welfare and social services more than men might be
because women tend to be both poorer on average than men – and thus perhaps
more likely to be reliant upon welfare and benefits, tend to do more caring, and
they also tend to make up a larger proportion of those working in welfare and
social services.

Healthcare

Women legislative leaders are more likely than men to prioritise healthcare
(Barrett, 1995; Braendle and Colombier, 2016; Britton, 2005; Carroll, 2001;
Clayton and Zetterberg, 2018; Clots-Figueras, 2011; Courtemanche and
Green, 2017; Cowell-Meyers, 2001; Cowell-Meyers, 2003; Cowell-Meyers
and Lanbein, 2009; Dolan, 1997; Fischer-Tahir, 2010; Little et al., 2001;
Norris and Lovenduski, 1989; Swers, 1998; Swers, 2005). Again, women may
prioritise this area because women are more likely to have more experience of
care, be likely to work in care, or have greater responsibility for the health and
welfare of their dependents.

‘[I]n the absence of women in the legislature, vulnerable populations would be

more at risk. When women are elected in significant numbers and the need
is great, higher amounts of money are spent on vulnerable children, disabled
adults and elders.’ Courtemanche and Green, 2017

Two studies point to how effective women legislators have been in this area
in terms of outputs. Ng and Muntaner (2018) find that an increased level
of women’s leadership is linked to lower mortality rates in the Canadian
provinces. In a study of developing countries, Swiss et al. (2012) find that
increased female representation leads to improvements in child health in terms
of higher levels of immunisations, and reduced levels of infant and child deaths.

Clean water and sanitation

Clean water and sanitation does not appear in the dominant American and
European literature as a women’s interest but is mentioned in the literature
in studies on women in India (Chattopadhyay and Duflo, 2004; Gala, 1997;
Hazarika, 2008; Jain, 1996; Lee, 2018) and South Africa (Britton, 2005).
Clean drinking water is a concern to everyone, but access to clean water is
particularly important for women in India, where women tend to have the
responsibility for fetching water and for caring for the sick. Research in India
suggests that women candidates are more likely than men to promote high
quality latrines, possibly because women are more aware of the need for good
sanitation for people’s health (Lee, 2018).

Environment

Some scholars suggest that the environment is an issue area which women
are more likely to prioritise (Little et al., 2001; Norgaard and York, 2005;
Schreurs, 2001). This may be because they suffer disproportionately from

64 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

environmental problems (Norgaard and York, 2005). Or else it may be due to
women having an ‘ethic of care’ which extends to the world around them.

International priorities

As discussed in the previous chapter, there is also evidence that states with
more women legislators are likely to spend less on the military (Clayton and
Zetterberg, 2018; Koch and Fulton, 2011) and be more peaceful and less likely
to commit human rights abuses (Melander, 2005; Shair-Rosenfield and Wood,
2017).

Further, Lu and Breuning (2014) and Hicks et al. (2015) find that countries
with greater levels of female political representation are also more generous
in their donations to international development aid and at responding to
international crises. This points to a broader understanding perhaps of the
‘ethics of care’ extending beyond national frontiers.

Concluding comments

This section highlights priority areas for women legislators that extend beyond
‘women’s interests’ to society more broadly. Explanations for this point to both
women’s greater experience of deprivation and inequality and the role played
by women in caring for others. Whatever the explanation, these studies show
that women legislators tend to impact policy in a way that extends far beyond
the areas usually designated as women’s interests and that women in politics
will likely prioritise better care for society as a whole.

C. Constraints and supports for promoting women’s policy

priorities

This section focuses on the factors which can enable or inhibit law making on
women’s policy priorities. This final section returns to some of the obstacles
detailed in the first chapter in showing the extent to which political context
determines outcomes, but also touches upon debates around critical mass and
critical actors. It again emphasises the importance of women’s organisations
and women’s spaces for women legislators. For simplicity, in this section the
term ‘women friendly’ is used for women’s policy priorities as such as those
described in the two sections above, but the examples used in the literature on
the whole relate more to the ‘women’s interests’ section rather than the broader
policies on care.

Critical mass or critical actors

A major point of debate within the academic literature is whether a ‘critical

mass’ of women are needed in a legislature to push through women friendly
legislation, or whether a few key (women) legislators and activists can do it.
The idea of critical mass is anchored in work by Rosabeth Kanter (1977) which
suggests that when women only have a ‘token’ presence they are unable to
change the culture of the group, and are undermined by their ‘token’ status.

65
 But when they make up a larger proportion of the group – a ‘critical mass’
– their power increases and they become more able to make changes or act
as a group. Some studies which look at deliberative groups suggest that the
proportion of women in a group can impact upon the amount women speak and
the way they are treated (Funk and Taylor-Robinson, 2014; Funk et al., 2017;
Kathlene, 1995; Karpowitz et al., 2015; Mendelberg et al., 2014). This suggests
that the proportion is important in terms of how effective women can be, and
that their impact would increase even more as the proportion of women crosses
a threshold.

Other scholars suggest that having a few key activists – ‘critical actors’ - can be
as or more effective at making change than having the correct proportions of
women. This debate often centres around the ability of women representatives
to bring about the substantive representation of women. Childs and Krook
(2009) explain that there are several ways in which having more women in
masculinized contexts could be less effective - due to backlash, or more diverse
women being unable to form groups. Even when women might want to act for
women, they might find themselves in political institutions where this is not
possible without significant costs. As such, studies should not assume critical
mass is the answer to women’s underrepresentation.

A number of studies serve to bolster the idea that increasing the proportion
of women is important for the substantive representation of women, even if
they do not explicitly support the idea of critical mass (Barnes and Jones,
2011; Berkman and O’Connor, 1993; Braendle and Colombier, 2016; Bratton
and Ray, 2002; Caiazza, 2004; Caul, 2008; Clayton and Zetterberg, 2018;
Courtemanche and Green 2017; Cowell-Meyers and Lanbein, 2009; Gaunder,
2012; MacDonald and O’Brien, 2011; Mateo Diaz, 2005; Park, 2017;
Schwindt-Bayer, 2005; Svaleryd, 2009; Swiss et al., 2012; Wängnerud and
Sundell, 2012; Weldon, 2002a).

Other studies do not find a link between the proportion of women and
substantive representation (Celis, 2006; Htun and Weldon, 2012), or are
wary of the idea even though they acknowledge that a more gender diverse
parliament is better for women (Bratton, 2005; Weldon, 2002b). Curtin (2008)
suggests that a greater number of women is ‘a necessary but not sufficient
condition to achieve women-friendly outcomes’. She suggests other factors (as
will be discussed below) are also important.

A number of studies point to the importance of critical actors (Annesley,

2010; Curtin, 2008; Grey, 2006; Lovenduski and Guadagnini, 2010; Piscopo,
2014). Childs and Withey (2006) point to the importance of MP Christine
McCafferty in changing government policy, in the case of VAT on sanitary
products. Crowley’s (2004) findings suggest that ‘token’ numbers of women
were effective – perhaps even more effective – than larger groups in her study
on child support in the US. Piscopo (2014) traces sexual health reform in
Argentina and points to the importance of individual female actors in creating
the networks and coalitions (both within parliament and in outside institutions
to ensure its implementation) and their mobilisation of resources to push the
legislation through. She suggests that substantive representation occurs when
individual actors have the commitment to do so.

66 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

Some studies suggest that both the proportion of women and the actions of
critical actors are important in legislating and implementing policy for women
(Bratton and Ray, 2002; Chaney, 2011; Sawer, 2012).

Feminism

Some studies suggest that the extent to which women political leaders act on
behalf of women depends on the extent to which they subscribe to feminist
ideas around the need for greater representation of women, and their attitudes
towards feminist and women’s issues (Barnes and Jones, 2011; Dodson, 2001).

There is some debate as to whether being feminist (regardless of gender) is

more important than being a woman in terms of acting for women in the
legislature. While Dodson (2001) finds feminist women are the most effective
in acting for women, she finds that both non-feminist women and feminist
men also may often pursue women friendly legislation, but usually in different
areas from each other. Tremblay and Pelletier (2000) find in their study of the
Canadian parliament that feminism (or political party but not gender) is usually
the most significant predictor of what a legislator’s opinion will be about liberal
and gender related issues.

There are cases, however, when being feminist can in fact be

counterproductive for women friendly policy making. For example, in South
Africa, Britton (2005) describes how a new generation of feminist legislators
focussed their energy on feminist issues such as abortion and pornography,
when women’s most pressing needs were access to clean water, land ownership,
healthcare, education and employment.

Other studies point to the importance of a feminist or women’s movement

outside of parliament in advocating for women friendly legislation (Bauer,
2012; Costain and Majstorovic, 1994; Dodson, 2006; Hassim, 2003; Htun
and Weldon, 2012; Lovenduski and Guadagnini, 2010; Tripp, 2001; Weldon,
2002a; Weldon, 2002b). Dodson (2006) shows the importance of a women’s
movement in holding legislators to account and framing the debate in public
opinion on matters of substantive representation and working with female
legislators. Htun and Weldon (2012) find that the most important factor in
pushing for the adoption of policies on violence against women is having
an autonomous feminist movement. They suggest this is the case because
a feminist movement works to increase awareness and motivation among
legislators and the general public. Further, unlike legislators, it can maintain
momentum on issues because it does not need to appeal to voters, maintain
consensus with other party members or dilute their message in other ways.

Further, a number of studies highlight the importance of public opinion

supporting liberal or feminist positions as encouraging and pushing for the
greater adoption of women friendly policy (Costain and Majstorovic, 1994;
Cowell-Meyers and Lanbein, 2009).

Substantive representation is best brought about when feminists and women

work together across divides and in different parts of governments. This is
something that has been highlighted by Annesley (2010) in the context of
New Labour’s welfare reform and by Eduards (1991) regarding legislation in

67
 Sweden. Often it is not the fact that legislators or leaders are feminist, or the
presence of a feminist movement, but these working together which makes the
difference.

Women’s political institutions: Caucuses, parliamentary groups,

ministries and women’s machinery

Besides women’s movements and individual actors, many states, parliaments

and parties have institutions designed to aid women’s influence in policy
making and implementation. While these institutions range from parliamentary
groups or caucuses to full ministries dedicated to women and gender equality.
The presence of these more ‘official’ institutions has been connected with
greater substantive representation of women (Ayata and Tütüncü, 2008b;
Bauer, 2012; Johnson and Joseffson, 2016; Rodriguez, 2003; Sawer, 2012).

Some studies suggest that while a caucus or parliamentary group can be very
effective at increasing substantive representation, it is most productive when it
works together with the women’s movement (Bauer, 2012 on Africa; Palmieri,
2013; Weldon, 2002; Weldon, 2002b)

Several within-party women’s organisations are mentioned in the literature

and they give us an insight into how they tend to work. Childs and Allen
(2019) find that in the UK the women’s organisation within the Labour
Party (WPLP) maintains a focus on women’s issues and interacts with party
leadership. Curtin (2008) looks in particular at the New Zealand Labour
Women’s Council and suggests this is where policies are often made and
then adopted by the party but also that women political leaders can use this
organisation to gain experience and to trial policies.

Cross-party women’s groups are seen to be more effective at promoting women

friendly policy making, as they allow a ‘safe space’ for women to connect
with other women across party lines on issues of mutual interest (Dodson,
2006; Fuszara, 2010). Wang (2013) points to the women’s caucus in Uganda
as crucial to ensuring the increase in pro-women legislation since 2006. It is a
cross-party organisation and all women (and men) can join. It worked together
with civil society organisation and the women’s movement to pinpoint areas for
action. Sawer (2012) suggests that women’s cross-party parliamentary groups
were crucial in the passage of a bill allowing an abortion pill in Australia.

Policy agencies and women’s ministries and machineries have the potential to
act as important institutions for advocating and implementing women friendly
legislation. However, they are often seen to be an ‘ineffective symbol’ unless
they are provided with sufficient resources, have public support and unless they
work with women’s movements (McBride and Mazur, 2010; Rai, 2003). There
are cases of them having helped with policies, for example on violence against
women but they ‘add to, rather than replace’ the work of other organisations
and actors in promoting women friendly policies (Htun and Weldon, 2012).

Other frameworks for ensuring the political representation of women in their

diversity are suggested by other authors, such as Celis and Childs (forthcoming
2020) based around three feminist principles of inclusiveness, egalitarianism
and responsiveness.

68 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

Party and ideology

Political parties often have clear policy preferences on issues relating to women.
More ‘left-wing’ parties – at least in Western democracies - tend to be more in
favour of women friendly policies.

Many studies on the US show that Democrats on the whole are more feminist
than Republicans (Caiazza, 2004; Carroll, 1984; Dolan, 1997; Wolbrecht,
2000; Swers, 1998). There are similar findings elsewhere. Tremblay and
Pelletier (2000) suggests that party is a major predictor of attitudes towards
liberal and gender issues in Canada. Childs (2002) suggests that in the UK it
was Labour MPs in particular who were bringing women’s issues back onto
the agenda. Htun and Power (2008) find that in the Brazilian congress leftist
parties seem to have a clear and coherent set of views on women’s issues.

However, the academic literature does not find that when leftist parties are in
government there is a considerable increase in pro-women legislation. Indeed,
neither Atchison (2015) nor Htun and Weldon (2012) find that having a left-
wing government is a significant contributor to female-friendly policy making.
Caul (2008) did not find it to be of great importance in a study of maternity
and childcare leave.

The literature suggests that political party probably plays a moderating

influence on attitudes towards women friendly policy, with women overall
being more likely than men to hold liberal or pro-equality views, but the
main parameters of those views are likely to fall in line with party positions.
Tremblay (1993) and Erickson (1997) both suggest that this is the case in their
studies of political candidates in Canada.

It must be emphasised however, that acting ‘for women’ is not the preserve of
the political left; see e.g. Gray (2003) on Chile and Webb and Childs (2012) on
the UK conservative party. Och’s (2019) study of the debates on parental leave
and the gender makeup of corporate boards in the German Bundestag shows
that feminist arguments are used even by members of conservative parties in
these debates. Childs (2003) explains how women from the political ‘right’ may
act ‘for women’, however they may not be feminist and party ideology will also
intervene, moderating their views. Thus, for example, on childcare, if a woman
MP thinks that state should be minimalist (party ideology) and women should
bear and raise children (gender view) then she is unlikely to support more
state childcare. However, they may be willing to support measures preventing
domestic violence or promoting women’s health.

O’Brien (2018) in cross-national analysis finds that Christian democrats and

leftist parties both mention women a lot in their policy statements, but that
Christian democrats do so more in terms of women in traditional roles. In
Muslim societies, religious-political organisations also sometimes enable the
promotion of ‘pro-women’ policy. The research shows that in addition to the
more usual leftist and progressive feminist groups that exist in Muslim societies,
there is also a trend of women expressing their concerns over women’s rights
within the framework of Islam (Ben Shitrit, 2016; Hoodfar, 1999; Moghadam,
2013; Sater, 2007). Muslim feminists propose alternative gender-relations based
on Islamic texts and suggest that current Islamic ideas are not a correct reading
of the text. In this way they aim to use an emancipatory Islam to gain increased

69
 rights (Hoodfar, 1999; Moghadam, 2013). Interestingly, Meyersson (2014)
compares Turkish provinces where the Islamic Refeh party narrowly won, with
those where it narrowly lost. He finds that in the regions governed by the Refeh
party, the rates of female secular secondary education increased which in the
long run led to a decrease in adolescent marriages and higher female political
participation. Tajali (2017) in an ethnography of women in Islamic parties
in Turkey and Iran showed how women in these parties have challenged the
discriminatory attitudes and behaviours of the male leaders of these parties and
pushed for greater inclusion of women.

As such, taken together, political ideology does not seem to be as important a

factor in enabling or preventing women’s substantive representation as might be
presumed.

Political context

The extent to which women political leaders can bring about change and
represent women depends on the political context. On the one hand, there
may not be the political will for women friendly legislation because of the
dominant culture, or else women politicians may be hampered in their efforts
because of the masculine style of an institution (Chappell, 2006; Franceschet,
2011; Walsh, 2012). There are cases too where women friendly contexts are
emerging which facilitate women friendly policy making.

In Africa, some of the states lauded for their high levels of women in the
legislature have political contexts that restrict these women making a policy
impact (Bauer, 2012). Rwanda is often pointed to for being the first state to
have more women than men in the legislature. However, Burnet (2008) and
Debusscher and Ansoms (2013) point out that as the number of women has
increased, the state has become less democratic. This has restricted their
ability to implement changes or influence policy. In Uganda, political parties
have little power and the way that patronage systems extend throughout
the political system means that women are largely powerless (Goetz, 2002;
Tamale, 2000). Goetz (2002) describes how the president simply deleted
from the final legislation a hard-won amendment that women had lobbied to
introduce allowing wives to co-own marital property with their husbands.
However, Wang’s (2013) account points to how Uganda may have changed
more recently.

In communist states, such as communist Romania and China, there are often
women in senior political positions, but they rarely hold power. Additionally,
because of the view that equality already exists, plus the view that feminism is
‘bourgeois’ women were (and are) seldom able to pursue or promote women-
friendly policies (Baluta and Rothstein, 2015; Zheng, 2005).

The promotion of women friendly policy can be difficult in certain aggressively

nationalist contexts because it is seen as detracting from the national cause,
which is prioritised above all else. Ben Shitrit (2016) emphasises this in her
study of religious and nationalist movements in Israel and Palestine, as does
Yishai (1996) in her study of women in politics in Israel.

70 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

In Kuwait, the struggle for women’s suffrage show how democratic reform,
women’s rights and a patriarchal society can conflict and highlights the
difficulties faced in some parts of the world. Wills (2013) describes how the
Kuwaiti national assembly rejected a decree made by the emir giving women
the right to vote. They did this not solely because of anti-women attitudes, but
because the assembly were incensed by the Emir’s attempt to rule by decree.
Interestingly, a group within the assembly created an identical bill but it was
narrowly rejected. Thus two different ‘ideas’ of democracy came into conflict –
greater participation vs. parliamentary power.

Often patriarchal culture obstructs women friendly legislation and policy from
progressing, such as the case in Kuwait above. In patriarchal cultures women
legislators are often ignored, sidelined, patronised and even sexually harassed
making their work more difficult. Tamale (2000) in interviews with Ugandan
women politicians even heard stories of them having their crotch and breasts
grabbed by male colleagues. Even when legislation has been passed, masculine
institutions can prevent their implementation. For example, Goetz (1998)
describes the magistrates and police failing to implement to new legislation on
violence against women in South Africa.

Masculine and male dominated political institutions exist even in much more
‘liberal’ cultural contexts and these can prevent women from entering politics,
and obstruct their ability to work while they are there. Scholars have pointed
to the US Congress (Dodson, 2006) and the UK Parliament (Childs, 2016)
as well as Latin American legislatures (Schwindt-Bayer, 2010) as gendered
institutions.

Palmieri (2018) emphasises the importance of having a gender sensitive

parliament for greater representation of women. Studies seem to highlight
how a female-friendly political institution can facilitate the substantive
representation of women. Cohen Bell and Rosenthal (2003) suggest that having
female congressional staff might lead to greater substantive representation of
women. Mackay (2010) suggests that the more egalitarian set-up of the new
devolved Scottish parliament accounts for the more holistic approach being
taken towards violence against women in Scotland compared to England.
More research is needed into this area.

The substantive representation of women is often helped by the international

community. Often pressure from the international community at key moments,
or in tandem with aid provision, has helped to accelerate legislative reform
(Guadagnini, 2007; Htun and Weldon, 2012; Wang, 2013).

Position of women politicians

The position of women politicians is an important factor when considering

whether they can deliver women friendly policy. Members of the cabinet are
likely to be more able to influence policy than a newly elected or appointed
‘quota woman’.

Local government is sometimes considered to be a good place for pro-women

policymaking, because the issues decided on here are ‘closer to home’ and
can be felt more immediately in the vicinity (Beall, 2005). Smith (2014) finds

71
 that women in executive roles at the city level do seem to introduce more
women friendly policy, but again it depends greatly on the context and their
levels of power. In India, where quotas have been introduced in councils at the
village and district level, women have introduced a number of changes, from
emphasising the importance of education for girls, to reducing child marriage
and introducing measures to combat addiction (Jayal, 2006; Nanivadeker,
2006).

However, prejudices can be strongly held at the local level and there is often
less scrutiny over informal practices (Beall, 2005). Further, the fact that local
governments are dealing with a relatively easily shifting population – where
people and businesses can come and go – often discourages redistributionist
policies in favour of economic development. This is because of the way local
government is funded in most places by local taxes. Often local governments
need to work with businesses and the private sector to get money and
sponsorship which ends up meaning they prioritise them. This often means
local government is a difficult arena for promoting women friendly policy
(Holman, 2015).

While it might be assumed that when women have more power they are
more likely to act for women, this is not always the case. There is a marked
difference in the literature between how women act in cabinet and as the
executive leaders.

Most studies agree that a greater number and proportion of women in the
cabinet is likely to lead to more woman friendly policymaking (Atchison and
Down, 2009; Atchison, 2015; Bauer and Okpotor, 2013; Curtin, 2008).

‘[I]n the case of women in cabinet, descriptive representation is translated

to action by position. Because they are members of the executive and policy
initiators, female ministers are uniquely positioned to pursue female-friendly
policy agendas through cabinet discussion and coordination of policy initiatives
with parliament and party leadership.’ (Atchison, 2015)

However, most studies do not find that when women are in the executive
they seek to represent women or actively advocate for more women friendly
policy (Adler, 1996; Bauer, 2011; Caiazza, 2004; Escobar-Lemmon and
Taylor-Robinson, 2014; Mun, 2015). This might be because women have had
to become masculinised in order to reach those positions, or it might be that
once they are in charge they want to be seen to be acting for the nation as a
whole rather than just advocating for women. It seems the particular contexts
in which they come to power may have an effect. Curtin’s 2008 study of
New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark is enlightening. Curtin finds that
Clark did introduce women friendly policies – including paid parental leave,
after school care and pension reforms - but did not label them as such. Curtin
suggests this is because she was facing some backlash from the media for being
part of a ‘feminist mafia’ so was keen not to reinforce that image.

Women in the legislature may be less effective at promoting women friendly

policy when they are new and inexperienced (Gaunder, 2012; Cowley and
Childs, 2003). This is one of the worries associated with the introduction of
quotas. In certain jurisdictions, women introduced to parliament through

72 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

a quota have been denigrated as elite or unqualified or simply lack power
because of being new and in the minority (Bauer, 2012; Franceschet and
Piscopo 2008; Gray, 2003). In Pakistan the women in the reserved seats
suggested they were seen to have ‘charity’ seats and lacked the power and
authority of other members (Khan and Naqvi, 2018). This has made it difficult
for them to push legislation through. The majority of studies show that ‘quota
women’ are making positive contributions for women through, for example,
drafting private members bills, attending many sessions (more regularly than
male MPs), and making interventions on women’s issues (Bari 2010; Khan and
Naqvi, 2018; Murray, 2010; Xydias, 2007/8). The literature seems to indicate
that the introduction of women through quotas has been leading to incremental
changes to the agenda and by bringing in women’s perspectives, even though
they have not meant major ‘overnight’ policy shifts (Bari, 2010; Caul Kittilson,
2005; Franceschet and Piscopo, 2008). One piece of research, however,
suggests that ‘quota shocks’ do occur, where the introduction of an effective
gender quota leads to a rapid rise in government spending on health (Clayton
and Zetterberg, 2018).

Finally, the power and influence of women legislators will be affected by the
size of their party and whether it is in power. For example, Mateo Diaz (2005)
suggests that the position of a party determines how the members in parliament
can act. Smaller parties might be easier to influence but might seek unanimity
on certain issues, while larger parties might be more open to a spectrum of
opinions.

Race, ethnicity and class

Women politicians come from different racial, ethnic, and class backgrounds,
which interact with their position as ‘women’ to influence the ways in which
they represent other women. As mentioned in Chapter One, often non-majority
racial, ethnic, religious identities and or having a working-class background
can present additional difficulties in accessing political power. However, there
are many further ways in which race, ethnicity and class can impact women’s
substantive representation.

Research in the US highlights the ways in which race interacts with gender.
In her seminal work, Hawkesworth (2003) describes the processes and effects
of racing-gendering on black female members of congress. She gives accounts
of black congresswomen being ignored, silenced or looked over in committee
meetings, or not being able to access key white male decision makers, or being
mistaken for one another by congressmen. She suggests this racing-gendering
hampers these women’s ability to substantively represent.

In terms of law making, the research points to a number of interesting ways

that identity and policy preferences interact. An important starting point is
Smooth’s (2011) finding that the black female legislators she spoke to defined
women’s interests in broad terms, seeing issues from childcare through to
criminal justice as having direct and indirect impacts on women’s lives. This
important issue is addressed by Minta (2012) who points to the importance of
an intersectional approach when looking at lobbying, caucuses and law-making
as it shows what is being missed. He suggests that organisations designed to
promote the interests of women and/or minorities tend to focus on issues which

73
 address the ‘core’ of their groups and are relatively less controversial, the
interests of minority women may fall through the gaps. He gives the example of
groups aiming to bring women together tending to focus on less ‘controversial’
issue areas such as ending domestic violence and sexual abuse, rather than
areas where there are party divides such as on abortion and welfare. Welfare
impacts minority women the most but often gets left aside. Equally when
women’s groups and minority groups work together, they may find issues of
mutual interest in, say, affirmative action which benefits minority men and
middle-class women. While it must be acknowledged that these groups
working together is important for promoting both of their interests (Minta and
Brown, 2014), again issues such as welfare which directly which impacts
minority women the most are often overlooked. Taking an intersectional
approach is crucial to understanding where and how interests and needs of
minority and underrepresented groups of women are being overlooked.

‘Through tactics such as silencing, stereotyping, enforced invisibility,

exclusion, marginalization, challenges to epistemic authority, refusals to
hear, legislative topic extinctions, and pendejo games, Congresswomen of
color are constituted as “other.” In committee operations, floor debates,
and interpersonal interactions, they are treated as less than equals in
various ways that carry palpable consequences for their identities and policy
priorities.’ (Hawkesworth, 2003)

Studies have found black female legislators tend to have – relative to other
groups – a clear and cohesive set of policy preferences (Orey et al., 2006).
These policy preferences respond to both ‘women’s interests’ and ‘black
interests’ (Bratton et al., 2006). The overlapping identities of black women
legislators means they can often gain support for their proposed legislation
beyond their immediate groups and as such they are able to introduce
legislation and get it passed at a level not dissimilar from more traditionally
privileged groups such as white men (Orey et al., 2006).

Clots-Figueras (2011) in her study of the impact of female legislators on policy

outcomes in India explores the contrasting positions between women legislators
and those in the seats reserved for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. She
suggests that the ‘ordinary’ women legislators are more likely to be from a high
caste and as such are less likely to want to change policy which might hurt
them as a class, while the women from the scheduled castes and tribes have
a double interest as women and as being from the lower rungs of society, in
increasing welfare provision to the poor. As such class and gender can interact
to either reinforce policy preferences or counteract each other.

These effects are important. They show how class and race can impact both
policy priorities and the effectiveness of legislators. Intersectional approaches
are most developed in the US and are emerging elsewhere, however more
research is needed in this field and intersectionality needs to be made more
central to research on women political leaders.

74 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

Moments of opportunity: statebuilding and peacemaking

The moments when constitutions are created, or settlements are drawn up,
are key opportunities for women to push for gender equality to be included in
the legislation. Feminists are able to make serious gains during these moments,
particularly if they work together and when they have played a role in the
‘struggle’ or ‘movement’ leading to the moment (Waylen, 2006a; Waylen,
2006b). However, nationalist movements have served to exclude or deprioritise
women, even in the settlement, because issues relating to gender are seen as a
distraction from the ‘cause’ or other identity and potentially divisive between
different ‘sections’ within a movement (Jamal, 2001; Rebouché and Fearon,
2005).

D. Concluding comments
This final chapter has shown the impact women political leaders have in
terms of their policy making. There is overwhelming evidence that women
do represent women’s interests. This finding serves to confirm and emphasise
the importance of having women in politics as they do represent women and
women’s interests more than men.

However, as this chapter has shown, women in politics differ from men not
only in prioritising issues that are typically considered ‘women’s interests’ such
as reproductive rights and maternity leave, but they also prioritise government
spending on care, in terms of education, welfare, healthcare, clean water and
even the environment and peace. Thus, studies show that women political
leaders promote policies which benefit men and women, but particularly the
most vulnerable in society.

There are, of course, contextual factors that can hamper women in this task
but equally there are structures which can aid them. Women are best able to
promote women friendly policy when there are more women in power, when
they have more power, and when they work together. The most enabling
contexts are when women work together across institutional boundaries,
whether in cross party caucuses, and/or when women legislators work together
with the women’s movement.

75
 Conclusion

This report has synthesised and drawn out the themes from hundreds of pieces
of research on women political leaders’ careers and the impact they have on
politics. It shows that there are still many difficulties that women in politics
have to face, but they are having a substantial effect on policy and are slowly
reshaping the way politics is done.

Feminist and women’s movements are key in advocating for greater female
representation, changing social attitudes and supporting women as they enter
politics. This report has shown that feminism is often the motivating force for
women, and can also be a source of ongoing support. Women’s organisations
have also played an important role in pushing for the feminisation of society
and the introduction of quotas or positive discrimination measures. Further
they may offer training, resources and support networks to women candidates
and politicians.

However, it is important that the male-dominated institutions of politics, in

particular the parliaments and the parties take steps to ensure they do what
they can to accommodate and actively promote the inclusion of women. This
may mean introducing recruitment campaigns, or setting up women’s caucuses,
but in many places - where institutions may have been slow to change - quotas
can be a helpful tool in fast-tracking the inclusion of women.

This report highlights the important impact that women can have in politics.
It shows that having more women legislators will improve democracies by
not only creating a greater responsiveness to policies which are important to
women, but also by prioritising constituency work, using inclusive practices
and refocusing politics towards issues that matter more for people’s day to
day lives.

76 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

Appendix

Search locations

Online

Jstor
Google scholar
University of London Library

Institutional websites

The Clayman Institute for Gender Research at Stanford

Equality and Human Rights Commission
European Institute for Gender Equality
The Fawcett Society
The Gender and Development Network
Harvard’s Women and Public Policy programme
Inter-Parliamentary Union
UN Women
Women Deliver’s policy briefings
Woman Kind
Women Political Leaders
WomenStats.org

Search terms and filters

Research Question 1: What does the literature reveal about why women
enter politics, and the factors that help them to stay there and progress?

(Gender OR women OR female OR sex) AND (Politician OR “political party”

OR parliament OR congress OR senate OR “local government” OR “grassroots
activism” OR legislature) AND (support OR progress OR career OR promote
OR sustain OR leadership)

Research Question 2: What does the literature reveal about the impact
of women in politics on the quality of democracy and the legislative
environment?

(Gender OR women OR female) AND (politic* OR parliament OR “local

government” OR “grassroots activism” OR legislature) AND (corruption OR
“quality of democracy” OR “descriptive representation” OR independent* OR
transparen* OR efficacy)

Research Question 3: What does the literature reveal about the impact of
women in politics on pro-equality or women friendly policy making?

(Gender OR women OR female) AND (Politician OR parliament OR congress

OR “local government” OR “grassroots activism” OR legislature) AND

77
 (“substantive representation” OR “equality” OR “women’s rights” OR policy
OR “women friendly”)

Filters

1990-2020
Not including patents or citations
Only in English
Searches ended at 100 pages, or after 250 items with nothing new or relevant
to add.

Publications

Exclude: Dissertations, blogs, magazine articles

Include: Books, academic journal articles and research outputs from Non-
Governmental Organisations and Think Tanks.

Research type

Exclude: Secondary research

Include: Quantitative, qualitative and mixed-methods research

Subject matter

Exclude: Purely theoretical research, where focus is not on research question.

Excluding historical works on pre 1950s

Where the relevance is unclear.

Include: where focus is on research question.

Quality criteria

Exclude: Research of poor quality with only tenuous connections to the

research question.

78 WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: THE IMPACT OF GENDER ON DEMOCRACY

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