2 Zimbabwe

Introduction
Until the Second World War, most of Africa was ruled by European colonial
Fact powers. After the war, however, the growth of African nationalism led to
Zimbabwe was the name of an African decolonisation and independence. In 1957, Ghana became the first independent
kingdom that dominated trade in state in sub-Saharan Africa. For most African countries the path to independence
the area between the 13th and was a peaceful one, following constitutional negotiations. However, for colonies
15th centuries. The capital at Great with large numbers of European settlers who were reluctant to accept majority
Zimbabwe was built by ancestors rule, the process involved lengthy wars of liberation. The Algerians fought an
of the Shona people. The kingdom eight-year war against France before becoming independent in 1962. In Kenya,
controlled the export of ivory and gold a determined resistance from landless peasant farmers, called the Mau Mau
from the interior to the Swahili city uprising, forced Britain to accept the principle of black majority rule in 1963.
states on the eastern coast. In the Independence for the Belgian Congo (later called Zaire and then the Democratic
1960s, nationalist organisations chose Republic of Congo) was accompanied by violence and civil war, aggravated by
superpower intervention. Portugal was initially determined to maintain control
the name Zimbabwe as it symbolised
of its colonies, and it was only after lengthy wars of resistance to Portuguese rule
African achievement and heritage, and
that the colonies became independent in 1975. In Angola this was followed by a
had links to the pre-colonial past.
decades-long civil war, prolonged by Cold War politics and foreign intervention.

14 The last British colony to become independent was Rhodesia/Zimbabwe in

1980. Nationalist movements in Zimbabwe waged a long struggle against white
rule to achieve this in the area of central southern Africa that British settlers
called Rhodesia. This independence movement involved peaceful political
organisations, strikes and eventually a bitter armed struggle against a white
minority government that was unwilling to surrender political power and
economic privilege.

A map showing the states of southern Africa as they exist in 2011

Cameroon
Somalia
Equatorial
Guinea Congo Uganda Kenya
Gabon Democratic
Republic Rwanda
of Congo
Burundi
Tanzania

Angola
Malawi
Zambia

Zimbabwe Mozambique

Namibia Madagascar
Botswana

Swaziland

N South
Africa
Lesotho

km
0 1000
0 1000
miles
1 The origins and rise of nationalist and independence
movements in Zimbabwe

Timeline
Key questions 1890 British South Africa Company (BSAC)
• How did Rhodesia become a British colony? begins colonising Rhodesia
• What factors influenced the growth of opposition to white rule? 1896–97 BSAC crushes uprisings by
• What led to a Unilateral Declaration of Independence in 1965? Shona and Ndebele peoples
1914–18 First World War
Overview 1923 Southern Rhodesia becomes self-governing
• The region that became Rhodesia was colonised by the British colony
because of their economic interest in the area’s resources.
1930 Land Apportionment Act reinforces white
• In 1923, Southern Rhodesia became a self-governing colony
control of land
under the control of a white minority.
• The Land Apportionment Act of 1930 gave white settlers control 1939 Bledisloe Commission
over the best land. Africans were confined to overcrowded
reserves from which their movement was strictly controlled. 1939–45 Second World War
• White support for a merger of Southern Rhodesia with other 1951 Land Husbandry Act
British colonies in central Africa was investigated by the British
government’s Bledisloe Commission. African opposition meant 1953 formation of Central African Federation
15
no further moves to unify the colonies were made at this time. 1957 Southern Rhodesian African National
• After the Second World War, Britain was too weak economically
Congress (SRANC) re-launched
to maintain its empire; Africans expected an extension of
democracy to the colonies; and white settlers in southern Africa 1959 SRANC banned
expected sympathy and support for their viewpoint.
1960 formation of National Democratic
• In 1953, Britain created the Central African Federation, joining
Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland.
Party (NDP)
• A strong nationalist movement emerged despite government 1961 NDP banned
efforts to suppress it. Several nationalist groups were formed
and later banned by the government throughout the 1950s 1962 formation of Zimbabwean African People’s
and 1960s. Union (ZAPU); formation of Rhodesian
• Several African leaders who later played a key role in the Front by white extremists
nationalist struggle for independence, such as Joshua Nkomo,
1963 formation of Zimbabwean African National
Ndabaningi Sithole and Robert Mugabe, were involved in
Union (ZANU); break-up of Central African
establishing nationalist organisations.
• Widespread protests and resistance by African nationalists in
Federation
Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland forced Britain to break up 1964 Ian Smith becomes prime minister of
the CAF in 1963, creating the independent states of Zambia and Southern Rhodesia; ZAPU and ZANU
Malawi respectively in 1964. banned
• The white government in Southern Rhodesia was not prepared
to accept plans for majority rule. Britain was not willing to grant 1965 Unilateral Declaration of Independence
independence to a white minority government. Talks between
1966 UN applies economic sanctions
the two governments reached a stalemate.
• In 1965, the right-wing Rhodesian Front government, led by Ian 1970 Smith government declares Republic of
Smith, made a Unilateral Declaration of Independence, cutting Rhodesia
off ties with Britain.
• The new Rhodesian state was not officially recognised, and UDI
was condemned by Britain and the UN.
 2 Zimbabwe

Terminology
How did Rhodesia become a British colony?
African nationalists rejected the name Zimbabwe is named after the stone ruins of Great Zimbabwe, the centre of
Rhodesia because of its obvious links a thriving empire that dominated the region over 500 years ago. The Shona
to imperialism and white domination. descendants of the builders and rulers of Great Zimbabwe continued to live in
Some historians use the name the area after its decline. In the 19th century, Ndebele people from the south
Zimbabwe exclusively when discussing moved into the western part of Zimbabwe.
the history of the area. For the sake
of clarity, however, this chapter uses British interest in the area was sparked by hopes of finding gold deposits to
the names by which the region was match the substantial gold discoveries that had been made in the South African
officially known at different times: Republic. However, the British government itself did not colonise the region.
Southern Rhodesia (until 1965); In 1889, the government granted a charter to Cecil John Rhodes and his private
Rhodesia (between 1965 and 1979); company, the British South Africa Company (BSAC), to exploit the resources in
Zimbabwe-Rhodesia (1979–80); and the area that became known as Rhodesia.
Zimbabwe (1980 onwards).
White settlers started moving into the area in 1890, and in 1896–97 the BSAC
crushed uprisings by the Ndebele and Shona people to secure white control. Using
a mixture of force and diplomacy, Rhodes rapidly carved out his own empire.
Cecil John Rhodes (1853– The white settlers and BSAC administrators used a ruthless combination of land
1902) A British businessman and seizure, taxation and forced labour to impose a system of harsh control over the
politician, Rhodes established a huge people of Zimbabwe. By 1914, a minority of 25,000 white settlers dominated
commercial empire for himself in the land, which had been organised into large ranches. In the process, the local
people lost their independence and freedom, as well as their land.
southern Africa based on mining. He
was so powerful in the area that the
whole region under BSAC control was
Establishment of Southern Rhodesia as a self-governing
named after him. Southern Rhodesia colony, 1923
16
was the area between the Limpopo and White settlers opposed continuing BSAC rule. They saw the BSAC as dominating
Zambezi Rivers; Northern Rhodesia lay the economy of the region for the benefit of its shareholders to the detriment
to the north. of their own interests. In 1922, in a referendum conducted by the British
government, the settlers rejected a proposal to make Rhodesia a province
of South Africa. Instead, when the BSAC charter expired the following year,
Southern Rhodesia became a self-governing British colony. This development
placed great power in the hands of the white settlers. Britain had a supervisory
role, but the white population effectively controlled the colony.

A poster released by the Empire Marketing Board in the early 1930s, showing a tobacco
plantation in Southern Rhodesia

referendum The approval of

a law or political action by direct
public vote.
 1 The origins and rise of nationalist and independence movements in Zimbabwe

The constitution of Southern Rhodesia gave power to an elected legislative (law- Theory of knowledge
making) assembly, led by a prime minister. The constitution did not specifically
prohibit Africans from voting, but the franchise qualifications were so high
that very few black people qualified. Thirty years later only 560 Africans, out
History and language
of a population of 4 million, had the right to vote. The constitution gave Britain The white settlers in Rhodesia called
little control over the white government, which could effectively implement the 1896–97 uprisings the ‘Ndebele
its own policies. Elsewhere in the empire – for example in Kenya – the British Rebellion’ and the ‘Shona Rebellion’,
government had sought to protect the rights of the indigenous population. In but the local people themselves
Southern Rhodesia, however, the structure actually encouraged the domination referred to them as the Chimurenga,
of whites over blacks. or ‘struggle’. Use this example, and
others you can think of, to explain
A key development in reinforcing white domination was the Land Apportionment how terminology can be linked to
Act of 1930. This formally divided the land between the indigenous population bias in history.
and white settlers. Although a minority, white settlers gained over half the
land, while Africans were marginalised into the poorer and more arid regions,
or ‘reserves’. Africans could not own land outside these reserves, and had to
have an official document, or ‘pass’, to allow them to leave in search of work in
the towns. The unfair distribution of land was a deep-seated issue that would
resurface again and again.

The division of the land caused a massive economic crisis for black farmers.
The reserves were overcrowded, overstocked and over-grazed. In order to survive Great Depression Following
during the difficult years of the Great Depression in the 1930s, black farmers had the 1929 Wall Street Crash (see
to farm intensively what land they had, resulting in severe ecological damage. page 66), the entire world entered
This led to famine and great hardship. At the same time, the white minority a prolonged economic downturn
grew richer, increasing political tensions in the colony. that resulted in a contraction
of economic activity and mass 17
White settlers had earlier rejected a proposed union with Northern Rhodesia, unemployment. This became
but after the discovery of vast copper deposits in the north the issue resurfaced. known as the Great Depression.
Large numbers of white miners and farmers from Southern Rhodesia migrated
to the ‘Copperbelt’, as it became known. Links between the two colonies had
also been strengthened by the merging of their two railways into ‘Rhodesia
Railways’. When the imperial authorities in London proposed the formation of
a ‘Greater Rhodesia’, to include the two Rhodesias and Nyasaland, white settlers
in the three colonies supported the idea. They felt that such a union would
protect their interests from African political activity. The British government
appointed the Bledisloe Commission to investigate the issue. The Bledisloe
Report, published in 1939, stressed the economic interdependence of the three
territories, but noted the concerns of Africans that such a union would not be in
their interests. Africans feared that such a move would lead to the extension of
racial segregation from Southern Rhodesia to the other two territories.
Theory of knowledge

History and language

Source A Although historians today would
consider the language used in this
The African possesses a knowledge and shrewdness, in matters extract from the Bledisloe Report to
affecting his welfare, with which he is not always credited. It would be be patronising, it is important to take
wrong to assume that his opposition to the amalgamation of Northern into account the time and context
and Southern Rhodesia is based to a very large extent on ignorance or in which a statement was made or
prejudice or an instinctive dread of change. written. Why do you think this is? In
what ways, and by whom, would this
Extract from the Bledisloe Report (1939). Adapted from Blake, R. 1977. statement have seemed dangerously
History of Rhodesia. London, UK. Methuen Publishing. p. 226. liberal at the time?
 2 Zimbabwe

Question The Bledisloe Report, which noted the viewpoint of the black majority, meant
that African opinions were heard in London for the first time. The report caused
What disadvantages did the black concern amongst the more liberal civil servants in Britain, but its conclusions
majority in Rhodesia face in the period were totally at odds with the views of the settlers. Although the outbreak of the
before the Second World War? Second World War in 1939 postponed any further discussion about a possible
merger, the idea of federation did not die.

The situation after the Second World War

The Second World War (1939–45) had a massive impact on the British Empire
and the expectations of its population. Britain emerged from the conflict
economically weakened, and the empire would not be able to survive in the
same form as it had before the war began. By 1945, blacks and whites in
southern Africa had different expectations about the future. After the horrors
of Nazi race policies had been exposed, there was a worldwide condemnation
of racism and a greater awareness of human rights. Furthermore, the wartime
Allied leaders, Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt, had confirmed
their support for self-determination in the Atlantic Charter, a joint declaration
of Allied war aims. Africans hoped that the end of the war would mean an end
to colonialism and white domination. Whites hoped that the contribution of
self-determination People’s Rhodesian and South African troops to the war effort would win them support
right to rule themselves. This became and sympathy. This led the white settlers in southern Africa to assume that
a key demand in Asian and African they would not be subject to the post-war move towards decolonisation that
colonies after the Second World War. was sweeping the British Empire. They hoped that, if independence came, it
would be in the form of white-dominated states with close ties to Britain.

The war created an economic boom in Southern Rhodesia. The growth of

18
white commercial farming and the establishment of manufacturing industries
resulted in increased demand for cheap African labour. In response to this,
the government introduced the Land Husbandry Act in 1951. This act enforced
a radical change in the traditional system of land tenure in the African
reserves, dividing the communally owned land into individual smallholdings.
Only adult males and widows living in the reserves at the time were included
in the scheme.

The act was intended to force those unable to acquire land to work in the
towns and on white commercial farms. The result was a huge increase in the
number of landless people, many of whom moved to the towns to seek work.
In the towns, social problems such as poverty and poor living conditions fuelled
growing discontent. This formed the basis for the growth of African nationalism
as a mass movement.

Establishment of the Central African Federation, 1953

After the war, white settlers revived the idea of a closer union of the three British
colonies, wanting to create an economically powerful, white-controlled state.
They put strong pressure on the British government to make the necessary
constitutional changes. Africans, however, were strongly opposed to the idea
and the Labour government was hesitant about proceeding. However, the
election of a Conservative government in 1952 changed this. Despite continuing
African protests, in 1953 Southern and Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland were
joined as the Central African Federation (CAF).

The federal parliament was made up of 35 members, of whom only six were
African – two from each territory. African representative councils in Northern
Rhodesia and Nyasaland selected their delegates, but the African delegates from
 1 The origins and rise of nationalist and independence movements in Zimbabwe

Southern Rhodesia were elected by white voters. Federation led to a further

economic boom in Southern Rhodesia, and this assisted the government’s
policy of encouraging white immigration.

Federation also allowed whites to strengthen their hold on power. Originally

Britain had intended that the federation would begin the transition to majority majority rule When a government
rule. However, this development was halted by whites in Southern Rhodesia, has been elected by the majority in
who had already established a self-governing state under white domination an election in which all adults have
and hoped to extend this to the other two territories. In 1953, the white the right to vote, regardless of race.
population in Southern Rhodesia was 150,000, out of a total population of just In the context of post-colonial Africa
over 4 million, but white immigration during the 1950s pushed this number up this meant a black government.
to about 250,000. There were far fewer white settlers in Northern Rhodesia and, Minority rule means rule by a white
especially, Nyasaland. minority, who dominate political
power and deny others the right to
What factors influenced the growth of vote, except perhaps in insignificant
numbers. Rhodesia had a white
opposition to white rule? minority government until 1979, as
The origins of black nationalist organisations did apartheid South Africa until 1994.

Before the Second World War, there were no large-scale African political
organisations. African dissatisfaction with colonial rule and economic
exploitation was voiced mainly through societies known as Welfare Associations,
which focused on issues such as voting rights for Africans, or educational
and social reforms. Independent African churches also provided an outlet for
discontent and defiance.

There was also support from urban workers for industrial organisations, and 19
branches of the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union (ICU) held mass
meetings and called for improved working conditions. However, all of these
were on a regional rather than a national scale. The first attempt to create a
nationwide nationalist movement was the formation in 1934 of the Southern
Rhodesian African National Congress (SRANC). This was cautious and
conservative in its approach, and failed to gain a mass following, appealing
instead to an educated élite.

Several factors hindered the development of black political organisations. Most

Africans lived in the reserves or on land owned by white settlers, and it was
illegal for Africans to have permanent residence in any of the urban centres.
Political activity is most easily facilitated in dense population centres, not
amongst farm labourers or rural dwellers dispersed across the countryside.
Africans were also denied education on a large scale. African schools run by
missionaries had focused initially on teaching basic literacy, as well as practical
subjects such as carpentry, agriculture and domestic science.

The poor standard of education prevented the development of a large

independence movement and also deprived the economy of black skilled
workers and professionals. After the war, however, the number of potential
leaders increased rapidly as larger numbers of Africans began to receive
secondary education.

The development of nationalist movements was also negatively affected by

the segregationist and repressive policies of the government, which wanted to
prevent the spread of political opposition. Godfrey Huggins, prime minister of
Southern Rhodesia from 1933 to 1953, and of the Central African Federation
from 1953 to 1956, was a strong supporter of maintaining white domination.
 2 Zimbabwe

20
A school in Rhodesia in 1959; before the Second World War few black Rhodesians
received any formal education, but standards of education improved after the war

Source B
Partnership between black and white is the partnership between a
horse and its rider.

Godfrey Huggins. Quoted in Arnold, G. 2006. Africa: A Modern History.

London, UK. Atlantic Books. p. 286.

The impact of the Second World War and the Cold War
The Second World War made a significant contribution to the growth of African
nationalism. Black soldiers from Southern Rhodesia had fought with some
equality alongside whites in East Africa and Burma. On their return home they
found it impossible to revert to their previous subservient position. They had
been part of the Allied fight for freedom, and they now wanted to know why
liberation and democracy did not extend to African colonies. This new mood
was reflected in the revival of the SRANC after 1945, and an increasing number
 1 The origins and rise of nationalist and independence movements in Zimbabwe

Activity
‘The open expression of these
Source c racial views was the prelude to
inevitable repression, conflict and
We believe that the African should be given more say in the running bloodshed. In the retrospect of a later
of the country, as and when he shows ability to contribute more to “forgive and forget” culture about
the general good, but we must make it clear that even when that day imperialism it is important to recall
comes, in a hundred or two hundred years time, he can never hope to the sheer demeaning contempt such
dominate the partnership. He can achieve equal standing, but not go attitudes conveyed.’
beyond it. Arnold, G. 2006. Africa: A Modern
History. London, UK. Atlantic Books.
Roy Welensky, prime minister of the Central African Federation, 1956–63. p. 286.
Quoted in Arnold, G. 2006. Africa: A Modern History. London, UK. Atlantic
Books. p. 286. How do the attitudes shown in
Sources B and C help to explain
African opposition to the creation
of strikes by workers. Despite this, the Huggins administration ignored any of the Central African Federation?
claims the African population made for greater rights, and continued a policy Read and comment on the views
of strict social and economic segregation. of historian Guy Arnold, and
explain how they relate to the
After 1945, some members of the new Labour government in Britain grew sources. Suggest what he means
concerned about developments in the British colonies in southern Africa, and by ‘a later “forgive and forget”
wanted to work towards a multi-racial settlement there. However, with the culture about imperialism’.
start of the Cold War, colonial affairs became secondary to the development
of a Western alliance and containment of the perceived threat of the USSR. 21
Indeed, the white-dominated colonies of southern Africa were seen as partners
in this struggle. Thus, from 1945, the British government put little pressure on
the Southern Rhodesian government to curtail its race polices. At the same
time, however, Britain was concerned that continued segregationist policies
would alienate the black majority and deny them any democratic route to
self-determination. The British government feared that desperation might
push Africans into a guerrilla war, which would lead to instability and even
communist involvement in the region.
Fact
African nationalism becomes a mass movement The segregationist policies applied
in Southern Rhodesia were very
During the 1950s, there was increasing resistance to colonial rule all over similar to the discriminatory race
Africa, and African nationalism became a powerful force. In South Africa, too, policies in South Africa. After 1948,
there was a mounting spirit of defiance towards the imposition of stricter
when the Afrikaner Nationalist
segregation laws, while in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland nationalist leaders
Party was voted into power in South
were demanding an immediate end to federation and majority rule. These
Africa, this policy became known
developments inspired the nationalist movement in Southern Rhodesia, which
as apartheid, an Afrikaans word
was also motivated by a growing economic disparity. In 1961, for example, the
meaning ‘separateness’. In theory
average wage for black workers was less than £90 per annum, while whites
earned over £1,250. There was no indication that the white minority intended
it segregated the white and black
to surrender their economic privileges or political control, and this intensified populations; in reality it created
resistance to the white Rhodesian regime. extreme political, social and economic
inequality, with the white population
In 1955, a militant organisation, the City Youth League, was launched in Salisbury benefiting disproportionately from
(Harare), and in 1957 it merged with Bulawayo-based organisations to form a the arrangement.
re-launched SRANC, led by Joshua Nkomo. The policy of this organisation was
 2 Zimbabwe

moderate, and it stressed non-racialism and the right of all – black and white
– to be citizens of the country. With growing landlessness and unemployment,
it rapidly grew into a mass-based organisation with support in both urban and
rural areas. It was inspired by growing opposition to federation from nationalist
organisations in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland.

However, the Southern Rhodesian government was not prepared to tolerate

protests and opposition, and so in 1959 it banned the SRANC and introduced
restrictions on political organisations. This move only served to intensify
opposition. In 1960, the National Democratic Party (NDP) was formed, also
under the leadership of Nkomo, and proposed a policy of more active resistance
to white minority rule. Growing unrest and protest actions around the country
led to the banning of the NDP in December 1961.

It was re-launched a week later, in January 1962, as the Zimbabwe African

People’s Union (ZAPU). Its programme was much more militant and it organised
Land Freedom Farmers who occupied unused government or white-owned
land. ZAPU also began a campaign of sabotage, targeting railway lines, electrical
installations and government forests. ZAPU was banned in September 1962, but
survived under the name of the People’s Caretaker Council (PCC).

Amongst ZAPU members there had been differences of opinion about the
tactics to use to achieve majority rule. Some, including Nkomo, were prepared
Question to compromise with Britain and the Southern Rhodesian government to
What factors played a role in negotiate a constitutional solution. Others supported more radical solutions
hindering the emergence of a strong and in 1963 they formed a separate nationalist organisation, the Zimbabwe
22 national independence movement in African National Union (ZANU), which supported a policy of confrontation
Rhodesia/Zimbabwe? with the government. Its leader was Ndabaningi Sithole, and its secretary was
Robert Mugabe.

A struggle began between ZAPU and ZANU to gain the support of people in
the townships. Disagreements over policies and regional rivalries between the
two organisations reduced their effectiveness at a crucial time in the early
1960s, when the Central African Federation was breaking up and constitutional
Theory of knowledge negotiations were taking place. When Ian Smith and the right-wing Rhodesian
Front Party were elected in 1964, they banned both ZANU and ZAPU/PCC.

Historical interpretation
The Nigerian historians A. E. Afigbo What led to a Unilateral Declaration of
and E. A. Ayandele believe that Independence in 1965?
Britain’s decision to break up the
Federation and recognise majority rule The break-up of the Central African Federation
in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland
Even before the establishment of the Central African Federation, there had been
was influenced by British experiences strong opposition from African nationalist organisations in Northern Rhodesia
during the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya and Nyasaland by those who feared the extension of white minority rule from
and French experiences in Indochina Southern Rhodesia to the two northern territories. When Britain ignored their
and Algeria. They think these showed concerns and went ahead with the formation of the CAF in 1953, opposition
that ‘attempts to suppress political intensified. Protests by the Nyasaland African Congress gained momentum
ambitions of the majority in colonial after 1958, when Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda became an outspoken critic
countries could lead to expensive and of federation. In Northern Rhodesia, Kenneth Kaunda formed the Zambia
futile wars’. Africa National Congress (ZANC) to step up protests and force Britain to grant
independence to the territories.
 1 The origins and rise of nationalist and independence movements in Zimbabwe

The British government feared that the protests would turn into armed
resistance, which would be more difficult to control and would divert Britain’s
military and economic resources from the Cold War. Britain also believed
that governments led by Banda and Kaunda would be viable solutions to the
problems in the region. Not only did these men have mass support, but they
were considered to be politically moderate leaders who would block communist
influence in the region.

N Tanganyika
Congo

NYASALAND
Angola
NORTHERN RHODESIA
Lusaka

Salisbury
Mozambique
SOUTHERN
RHODESIA
Bulawayo
Bechuanaland 23

km
0 500
South N Congo Tanzania
0 500 Africa
miles (Zaire)

These maps show Rhodesia/Zimbabwe at the time of

the Central African Federation (above) and after the
Unilateral Declaration of Independence (right) Angola
MALAWI

ZAMBIA
Lusaka

Salisbury
Mozambique
South
West RHODESIA
Africa
(Namibia)
Bulawayo
Botswana

km
0 500
South
0 500 Africa
miles
 2 Zimbabwe

In 1960, the British government set up a commission to review the workings of

the CAF. The commission recommended that, as African opposition to it was
so strong, each colony should be given the right to secede (withdraw from the
federation). The government readily accepted this recommendation and on
31 December 1963 the CAF was formally dissolved. In 1964, Northern Rhodesia
and Nyasaland became the independent states of Zambia and Malawi
respectively, under majority rule governments.

Southern Rhodesia remained a self-governing British colony, however. The

British government would not grant independence to a white minority
government, and this government in turn was determined not to allow majority
rule. From the perspective of white Rhodesians, Britain had ignored their
concerns by creating two new black African states along their northern frontier.
They believed that their future now lay in co-operation and closer links with
the apartheid regime in South Africa. This reinforced the siege mentality that
was deeply ingrained in the minds of white settlers, and led directly to UDI and
a break with what they saw as a meddling colonial power.

The Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI), 1965

Since 1961, the government of Southern Rhodesia had been negotiating with
the British government about full independence, but the British government
insisted that certain guarantees must be made before independence could
be granted. One of these was eventual progress to majority rule. As the white
government’s main reason for wanting independence was to maintain white
Ian Smith (1919–2007) Smith supremacy, it would not agree to this. As protests and acts of resistance by black
was the leader of the Rhodesian Front nationalist groups intensified, white Rhodesians turned to a new political party,
24 political party. He became prime more right-wing and racist than its predecessors – the Rhodesian Front.
minister of Southern Rhodesia in
1964, and after UDI in 1965 he was In 1962, a Rhodesian Front government was elected to power, and in 1964 Ian
prime minister of Rhodesia until the Smith became its leader and prime minister of Southern Rhodesia. He adopted
end of white minority rule in 1979. a hardline policy towards the nationalist movements, banning ZAPU and
After independence, he remained a ZANU and imprisoning hundreds of their leaders, including Nkomo, Sithole
member of the Zimbabwean parliament and Mugabe. The government also introduced harsh security laws, including
until 1987. a compulsory death sentence for many political offences. Under Smith,
negotiations between the British government and the white administration in
Southern Rhodesia rapidly broke down, especially after the election of a Labour
government in Britain in 1965. Rhodesians began to talk openly about declaring
Fact independence unilaterally.
Unilateral means ‘made by one side
only’. In other words, this was a one- On 11 November 1965, Smith made a Unilateral Declaration of Independence,
sided decision, made by white settlers formally severing his country’s ties with Britain. In 1970, the Rhodesians took
in Southern Rhodesia without the this a step further, breaking all legal ties with Britain and becoming the Republic
agreement of the British government, of Rhodesia. The result of these acts was to place Rhodesia on a collision course
which did not recognise the legality of with neighbouring African states and to intensify armed resistance to the white
the declaration. The previous occasion minority regime.
on which British colonists had made
such a move was when settlers in International reactions to UDI
North America made their famous UDI was condemned immediately by the United Nations Security Council,
Declaration of Independence in 1776, which called on all countries not to recognise the ‘illegal racist minority
resulting in the establishment of the regime’ and to refuse to give it any assistance. UDI was also condemned by the
United States of America. Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the Commonwealth. No country in the
world, not even apartheid South Africa, officially recognised the Smith regime.
 1 The origins and rise of nationalist and independence movements in Zimbabwe

Fact
The Organisation of African Unity was
established in 1963 by the 32 African
states that were independent at that
time. One of its aims was to eradicate
colonialism in Africa, by giving support
to the liberation movements fighting
white minority rule in southern
Africa, including ZAPU and ZANU, and
putting pressure on the UN to support
independence movements. Zimbabwe
joined the OAU after independence in
1980. In 2002, the OAU was replaced
by the African Union.

25

White voters arrive at a polling station in Salisbury, Rhodesia, in November 1964, to

cast their votes in a referendum about independence

Britain regarded the declaration as illegal and moved to impose economic and
diplomatic sanctions. In previous situations where the peaceful transition from
colonial rule to independence had broken down, the British had been ready
to use force. However, the special circumstances in Rhodesia prevented this.
Firstly, Southern Rhodesia had been autonomous for almost 40 years rather
than ruled directly from London. Secondly, there was a racial dimension to the
decision. The presence of a large white minority in Rhodesia created fears in the
British government that public opinion in Britain would not tolerate a military
solution to the problem. There is even some evidence to suggest that ministers
 2 Zimbabwe

feared the British army would not carry out orders directing it to fight the white
settlers. As a result, the British government decided that military force would
only be used if civil order collapsed in Rhodesia.

Britain decided that a combination of political and economic pressures might

economic sanctions Also known achieve its aims, and rallied support for economic sanctions at the United
as trade embargoes, these ban trade Nations. Over 40 countries agreed to isolate Rhodesia politically and, critically,
with a particular country, and are used economically. The UN passed a resolution implementing restrictions on the
as a means of putting pressure on a supply of arms, financial services and oil to Rhodesia. Later that year the
country to change its policies. embargo was extended to include a range of essential goods, and by mid 1967
the embargo was made total. At first sight these economic sanctions should
have created economic collapse in Rhodesia, but they had limited impact.
Instead, they helped to reinforce a siege mentality amongst whites.

There were specific problems involved in the implementation of economic

sanctions against Rhodesia, which made them far less effective than they might
have been. Although Britain was empowered by the UN to enforce oil sanctions,
it turned a blind eye to exports into Rhodesia by British oil companies via the
Mozambican port of Beira, which was connected to Rhodesia by a pipeline.
Thus, Rhodesia was never really cut off from the key resource of oil. The British
did not want to destroy the Rhodesian regime; rather they wanted to make life
so difficult that Smith would be forced back to the negotiating table.

Another major obstacle to the successful implementation of sanctions was South

Africa, which until the 1970s continued to supply goods and financial credit to
another white minority regime. In addition, Portugal, a country sympathetic to
26 the Smith regime, was in control of Mozambique until 1975. Some American
and other Western companies also needed Rhodesia’s valuable mineral exports,
such as chromium, and continued to buy them secretly despite the sanctions.

Finally, the Rhodesians had the means to retaliate. Many neighbouring African
states were linked to Rhodesia’s economy and infrastructure, making them
vulnerable. A good example is Zambia, which was almost totally dependent
on Rhodesia for coal to power its vital copper industry, and on the Rhodesian
rail routes for the export of its copper. In an effort to help Zambia break its
dependence on Rhodesia and South Africa, China financed the building of a
railway linking the Zambian Copperbelt with the Tanzanian port of Dar-es-
Salaam, called the TanZam Railway. The rail link covered 1800 km (1100 miles)
over extremely rugged terrain. It was China’s most ambitious foreign aid project
and built at a time when China was competing with the USA and Soviet Union
for influence in Africa. Historians such as Neil Parsons believe that the real
victim of sanctions was Zambia. Although the Rhodesian economy was severely
damaged by sanctions, the government was in no danger of a sudden collapse.
 1 The origins and rise of nationalist and independence movements in Zimbabwe

End of unit activities Theory of knowledge

1 Create a spider diagram to illustrate the political, economic and social
Historical interpretation
advantages that white settlers had in the colony of Rhodesia.
Although the Smith regime was
2 The historian Guy Arnold has argued that ‘The history of Rhodesia is the ultimately overthrown in 1979, it
history of Anglo-Saxon racialism in Africa. Two factors operated throughout
seems that economic sanctions
the colonial period: white control of African education in order to limit
were not a major reason for this. In
advance and white control and demarcation of the land.’ Write an argument
a study for the Harvard Center for
to support this view.
International Affairs, Robin Renwick,
3 The historian Kevin Shillington believes that the creation of the Central head of the Rhodesian department of
African Federation was designed to benefit the white settlers of Southern the British Foreign Office, reports that
Rhodesia, at the expense of the black inhabitants of all three territories. Find
between 1965 and 1974 Rhodesia’s
out what you can about the Central African Federation (1953–63), and work
real output increased by 6% per year
out an argument to support or oppose this view.
‘despite the depressing effect of
4 ‘Britain should have played a more decisive role in the early 1960s to force sanctions’; the value of exports more
the government of Southern Rhodesia to accept majority rule.’ than doubled between 1968 and 1974
Divide into two groups. One group should develop an argument to support and continued to rise afterwards,
this statement, and the other group an argument to oppose it. although much more slowly.
5 Some of the African nationalist leaders who later played leading roles in
the struggle for independence were Joshua Nkomo, Ndabaningi Sithole and
Robert Mugabe. Find out and make brief notes on the contribution of one of
these leaders in the period before UDI in 1965.

27
 2 Methods of achieving independence

Timeline
1961 ZAPU formed under Joshua Nkomo Key questions
1963 ZANU formed under Ndabaningi Sithole • What was the role of armed struggle in achieving independence?
1964 ZAPU and ZANU banned by the government • What other factors played a role in the success of the
independence struggle?
1965 Unilateral Declaration of Independence • What part did Robert Mugabe play?
(UDI)
1966 start of guerrilla war
1967 United Nations declares a total trade Overview
embargo on Rhodesia
• In response to domination by the white minority government,
1970 Land Tenure Act; Smith government Africans formed political organisations such as ZAPU and ZANU.
declares Republic of Rhodesia When they were banned by the government in 1964, these groups
resorted to an armed struggle.
1972 Pearce Commission • In 1966, the guerrilla movements ZIPRA and ZANLA began a 14-
1974 South Africa begins to put pressure on the year war of resistance to gain majority rule in Zimbabwe.
• The independence of neighbouring Mozambique under a FRELIMO
Smith government
government (see page 31) in 1975 gave a boost to the Zimbabwean
28
1975 Mozambique achieves independence under nationalist movement, providing economic and military support.
FRELIMO government • In the climate of the Cold War, the West wanted to prevent the
spread of communist influence in a strategically vital region, and
1976 talks between Smith and Nkomo break this influenced policies towards the Smith government.
down; South Africa steps up pressure on • In 1972, a settlement that would ensure the continuation of white
Smith government; formation of Patriotic minority control was rejected by the African majority in a report
Front between ZANU and ZAPU by the Pearce Commission.
• The Smith government tried to counter support for the nationalist
1977 guerrilla war intensifies
movement by attacking guerrilla bases in neighbouring states and
1978 Internal Settlement between Smith and moving the rural population into ‘protected villages’.
‘moderate’ leaders • South Africa played a key role in events, initially supporting the
Smith regime but later increasing the pressure for reform, mainly
1979 elections won by Muzorewa; establishment to prevent a Marxist victory in Rhodesia, which would weaken
of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia; Internal Settlement South Africa.
rejected by Patriotic Front and • There were divisions within the nationalist movement, with
international community; Lancaster leadership struggles and competition for power and influence
House talks between ZAPU and ZANU.
• As a result of pressure from Zambia and other frontline states,
1980 elections won by Mugabe and ZANU-PF;
ZAPU and ZANU joined together in 1976 to form the Patriotic Front
independence of Zimbabwe
(PF), to strengthen the liberation movement.
• In the face of mounting military incursions and a declining
economy, the Smith government concluded an ‘Internal
Settlement’ with moderate black leaders in an effort to prevent a
PF victory.
• Smith met nationalist leaders at Lancaster House in London, and
the parties agreed on a settlement that was acceptable to both
blacks and whites.
• Robert Mugabe played a decisive role in the nationalist struggle,
and he and ZANU-PF won independent Zimbabwe’s first election.
 2 Methods of achieving independence

Theory of knowledge

History and the manipulation

of ‘truth’
When the ruins of Great Zimbabwe
were first seen by white explorers
in the 1880s, they were reluctant
to believe that their origins were
African. They speculated that the
builders could have been ancient
Egyptians or Phoenicians or even the
Queen of Sheba. Archaeologists and
scientists later proved beyond doubt
that the builders were the ancestors
of the Shona people who lived in the
area. After UDI in 1965, the Smith
government tried to suppress this
knowledge and perpetuated the myth
that Great Zimbabwe was built by
foreign invaders. Why do you think
a government would encourage the
spread of false historical information?

29

Demonstrators gather at Rhodesia House in London in protest against the British

government’s policies towards Rhodesia
Question
Historical interpretation Is Leaver’s view convincing? As you
read other case studies in this book,
Historian David Leaver has argued that both whites and blacks either created
myths or used history to legitimise their struggles. The myth of white supremacy try to find parallels with this view of
was based on their control of the land and the concepts behind segregation and Rhodesia/Zimbabwe.
minority rule. Black nationalists emphasised the greatness of Great Zimbabwe
as a legitimate black state long before the colonists arrived. As Leaver states:
‘To African nationalist movements of the 1960s and 1970s, Great Zimbabwe
proved what most whites sought to deny – that blacks had, could, and would Terminology
create a great nation. From the early twentieth century, there never was any The following acronyms are used in
doubt about the site’s African origins: colonial mythmaking was believed by this unit:
those who needed or wanted to believe it.’ ZAPU Zimbabwe African People’s
Union
ZANU Zimbabwe African National
What was the role of armed struggle in Union
achieving independence? ZIPRA Zimbabwe People’s
Revolutionary Army (the armed
ZAPU, ZANU and the move to guerrilla warfare wing of ZAPU)
As seen in Unit 1, ZAPU was formed in 1961 after the National Democratic Party ZANLA Zimbabwe African National
(NDP) had been banned. ZAPU’s first president was Joshua Nkomo (see page 30) Liberation Army (the armed wing
with the Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole as chairman and Robert Mugabe (see page of ZANU)
30) as secretary. Differences over policies and tactics, and a distrust of Nkomo’s ZANU-PF Zimbabwe African National
leadership, led to a split in the organisation. In 1963, Sithole and other leaders, Union–Patriotic Front
including Mugabe, broke away to form ZANU. Even though ZAPU had embarked
 2 Zimbabwe

on a campaign of sabotage and the occupation of unused land, Nkomo had also
Joshua Nkomo (1917–99) been prepared to negotiate a settlement with Britain. ZANU, however, urged a
Nkomo was one of the founding policy of more active confrontation with white minority rule. There was violence
members of ZAPU. He spent much of between the two organisations as they fought to gain the support of the masses. In
the 1960s and 1970s in prison. In time, regional differences between them intensified. ZANU was seen to represent
1974, he went to Zambia to continue the interests of Shona-speakers based mainly in the eastern part of the country,
the armed struggle. He was eventually and ZAPU the interests of Ndebele-speakers in the western areas.
eased out by Robert Mugabe and,
When the Rhodesian Front government banned ZAPU and ZANU in 1964, both
although he held office in the
organisations realised that a constitutional solution was unlikely, and began
independent state of Zimbabwe, by
an armed struggle. ZAPU formed the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army
1987 he had agreed to ZAPU being
(ZIPRA), and ZANU formed the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army
absorbed into ZANU, effectively
(ZANLA). ZAPU aligned itself with the USSR and encouraged an uprising by
creating a one-party state and isolating
urban workers. Its armed wing, ZIPRA, later received Soviet support and funding.
himself from mainstream politics. ZANU, on the other hand, aligned itself with China and attempted to mobilise
the rural peasantry. It believed that the low urban density of Rhodesia, and
the ease with which the authorities could monitor and control town dwellers,
Robert Mugabe (b. 1924) meant that ZAPU’s strategy was doomed to failure. ZANU and its military wing
Mugabe emerged as one of the primary ZANLA received support and training from China.
figures in the independence movement
as leader of ZANU, a splinter group of The guerrilla war begins
Joshua Nkomo’s ZAPU. He was prime The first real clash between guerrilla fighters and the Rhodesian army came
minister of Zimbabwe from 1980 in April 1966, when ZANU guerrillas crossed into Rhodesia from Zambia to
to 1987, and president with special blow up power lines and attack white farms. They were wiped out by the
powers from 1987. Rhodesian army in what was later referred to as the battle of Sinoia. Although
this event demonstrated how effective the Rhodesian armed forces were at
30 countering insurgent activity, it also showed how vulnerable the white farming
community was.

In addition, the Rhodesian government realised it would face problems in the

future, if the guerrilla attacks became better organised and supported. In 1967
and 1968, the tempo increased, with attacks on urban targets such as hotels
and cafés. In August 1967, a combined force of ZAPU and African National
Congress guerrillas from South Africa attacked targets in Rhodesia. This force
was defeated, but it drew South African forces into the conflict. For the next few
years, South African paramilitary units were stationed in Rhodesia.

These early attacks showed the nationalist organisations that large-scale

incursions into Rhodesia would not be successful on their own. They were
inviting a devastating military response from the government, which the
guerrillas could not hope to resist. However, if large areas of the countryside
Fact could be brought over to support the resistance movement, and if attacks in the
Events would prove ZANU right – it was cities were co-ordinated, then perhaps the government would lose control of the
in the countryside that the guerrillas situation. This was the path increasingly followed by ZANU, which infiltrated
stood the best chance of success. It Rhodesia with small numbers of guerrillas – sometimes single individuals.
was harder for the Rhodesian armed
forces to maintain control over large ZANU and its military wing ZANLA were applying Maoist techniques borrowed
rural areas. The presence of friendly from the Chinese. These involved creating a strong powerbase amongst the
states, especially Mozambique, along peasants, making control of the countryside impossible for the government.
all except the southern border of ZANLA even enlisted the aid of traditional leaders and local spirit mediums.
Rhodesia also created safe havens The powerbase they created was initially political, but eventually it involved
for the guerrillas. arming large numbers of men and women who supplemented the more formally
trained ZANLA guerrillas.
 2 Methods of achieving independence

External influences on the situation in Rhodesia

Maoist Relating to the policies and
Unlike other parts of the continent, the colonies of southern Africa did not make tactics used by Chinese communist
the transition to independence smoothly. Portugal was fighting to retain control leader Mao Zedong. Working in a
of Mozambique and Angola, and Namibia was under the control of South Africa. pre-industrial agrarian society,
The success of the independence movement FRELIMO in Mozambique gave he modified classic Marxism to fit
considerable encouragement to Zimbabwean nationalists. FRELIMO trained China’s circumstances. He argued that
guerrilla fighters and provided safe havens for operations across the border
communist activity could prepare the
into Rhodesia. This aid intensified after Mozambique achieved independence in
peasant population for a full-scale
1975. The newly independent Mozambique also placed an economic embargo
uprising against the ruling class.
on trade with Rhodesia at considerable cost to its own economy.

Eventually, ZANLA guerrillas began to infiltrate Rhodesia from Mozambique’s

Tete province in such numbers that they posed a serious military threat to the FRELIMO The Frente de Libertaçâo
Smith regime. de Moçambique, or Mozambican
Liberation Front. This group was
The guerrilla war in Rhodesia was also linked to the Cold War. Southern Africa formed in 1964 to fight Portuguese
supplied key minerals to the world economy, and the value of its strategic control in Mozambique. During the
position was recognised by the USSR and China, as well as by the West. Soviet 1960s and early 1970s, Portugal waged
and Chinese support for ZAPU and ZANU respectively created the potential fierce wars against resistance groups
for future communist influence in the region, a situation that the West feared in all three of its African colonies
would be exploited by its enemies in the Cold War. – Mozambique, Angola and Guinea-
Bissau. These resistance movements
forced the Portuguese to grant
independence in 1975.

Source A 31
Finally, the Rhodesian conflict constituted a chapter in the global
Cold War, with the Soviet bloc and China supporting the two
guerrilla armies and the United States and its allies backing white
Rhodesia and South Africa as strategic, resource-laden bastions of
anti-communism.

Mtisi, J., Nyakudya, M. and Barnes, T. 2009. ‘War in Rhodesia’. In Raftopoulos,

B. and Mlambo, A. Becoming Zimbabwe. Harare, Zimbabwe. Weaver Press.
p. 144.

Attempts at a negotiated settlement

In spite of UDI, the British government continued to hold talks with Smith in
an attempt to negotiate a settlement. The Rhodesian government, however,
stubbornly refused to make meaningful concessions. Finally, in 1971, the
two sides agreed on a proposed settlement. Although this made provision
for eventual majority rule, it effectively maintained white domination for
the foreseeable future. Despite this, the British government insisted that the
agreement should have the support of the majority of people in Rhodesia, and
in 1972 it sent the Pearce Commission to investigate. Even though ZANU and
ZAPU were formally banned and their leaders in prison, there were widespread
demonstrations, strikes and mass meetings showing overwhelming opposition
from Africans to the proposed settlement. This was a major setback for the
white minority government, which had hoped to gain international recognition
of its regime.
 2 Zimbabwe

Source B
The whole Pearce Commission exercise proved a disaster for the
Smith government. … It showed Britain, South Africa and the world
at large the depth and extent of African rejection of white minority
rule in Rhodesia. It showed that the regime would be unlikely to
survive for very long even if it gained legal independence. Finally it
showed Africans who disliked the regime that this hatred was shared
by almost every other African throughout the land. It thus played a
Discussion point very important part in preparing the ground for the spread of the
liberation struggle.
Explain the similarities and
differences between the significance
Afigbo, A. E., et al. 1986. The Making of Modern Africa, Volume 2:
of the Bledisloe Commission of 1939
The Twentieth Century. London, UK. Longman. p. 276.
and the Pearce Commission of 1972.

In the meantime, the Smith government had shown that it had no intention
of relinquishing white control. In 1970, the Land Tenure Act replaced the Land
Apportionment Act of 1930, consolidating white control over more of the land.
This Act formed the basis of a new constitution, designed to maintain white
supremacy, which declared Rhodesia to be a republic.

32 Developments in the early 1970s

From 1972, the guerrilla war intensified. By this stage the peasants of north-
Fact eastern Rhodesia had been heavily politicised and were prepared to support
The uprisings against colonial rule that guerrilla operations. ZANLA launched a series of attacks on white farmsteads
had taken place in 1896–97 had been which the Rhodesian security forces found difficult to contain. Even though
called the Chimurenga, which means the period of national service required by the white population was extended,
‘struggle’ in Shona. Although they had the Rhodesian government simply did not have enough troops to protect the
been crushed, the resistance provided scattered white farming communities. The government therefore launched
inspiration to future freedom fighters. Operation Hurricane, a plan to strike the guerrilla bases in neighbouring
The uprising against white minority Zambia and Mozambique. It also closed the border with Zambia to all goods
rule between 1966 and 1980 was except copper. These actions left no room for negotiation and served to alienate
Zambia and extend the war’s geographic area. The South African government
referred to as the Second Chimurenga.
was also concerned by these actions, fearing destabilisation of the whole region.
The Rhodesian attempt to eliminate guerrilla bases in neighbouring countries
was thus not successful.

The government next focused on the peasants, who were providing vital
support for ZANLA. The government imposed collective fines on entire regions,
confiscated cattle as a punishment, and closed key facilities such as shops,
clinics, schools and churches. The most extreme measure was the creation
of ‘protected villages’ – entire communities were uprooted and moved out of
the war zone. This created vast unpopulated regions along the Mozambique
frontier, allowing the Rhodesian military to sweep the countryside for guerrillas.
Although this measure had an impact on ZANLA operations, it also alienated
the rural population to such an extent that many more joined the resistance.
It has been estimated that 240,000 Africans were uprooted by this scheme.
Although some of the settlements to which they were relocated were a genuine
improvement on their original homes, in general the new protected villages
were of very low quality, and living conditions were poor. In an attempt to win
 2 Methods of achieving independence

support, the government offered rewards to villagers for informing on ZANLA

operations. This had limited success and its effects were largely offset by the
negative policy of the protected villages.

The increased tempo of the war began to have a significant effect on the white Questions
population. Rhodesia’s critical shortage of troops resulted in extreme measures
to fill the ranks of the army. The draft age for white settlers was extended to 38, What strategies did the Rhodesian
and mixed-race Rhodesians were also conscripted. As time went on, this placed government use in an attempt to
an increasing drain on the economy as more of the skilled workforce was called crush the resistance movement?
up for military service. The regular army was also expanded, but it was clear How successful were they?
that a military force capable of waging a long-drawn-out war would be
prohibitively expensive. ZANLA’s operations, therefore, were slowly undermining
the white regime.

ZANLA guerrillas in the Zambezi Valley region of Rhodesia

Theory of knowledge

History and language

An example of bias in historical
terminology is the use of the word
‘terrorist’. White Rhodesians referred
to ZANU and ZAPU as terrorists,
while the nationalist movements saw
themselves as freedom fighters. What
term could be used that would be more 33
neutral than either of these?
 2 Zimbabwe

What other factors played a role in the success

of the independence struggle?
The role of South Africa and Zambia
Portugal’s withdrawal from southern Africa and the independence of
détente An attempt by all sides in Mozambique under a socialist FRELIMO government in 1975 forced the South
the Cold War, including China, to ease African government to reassess the situation. The South African leader, John
the tension and create an atmosphere Vorster, realised the significance of developments in Rhodesia. He decided on a
of mutual tolerance and acceptance. policy of détente – called the ‘Outward Policy’ – to establish better relations with
Vorster saw parallels in its application the independent African states in the region.
to the affairs of southern Africa.
The Outward Policy involved negotiation with neighbouring governments in
an effort to secure regimes that were at least neutral to South Africa. Vorster
hoped to achieve this through a combination of diplomacy and the wielding of
South Africa’s economic power. South Africa was the dominant economy in the
region and its co-operation was essential for the economic well-being of all the
southern African states.

Smith’s government threatened Vorster’s plans for two reasons. Firstly, the
Question
actions of the Rhodesian army along its borders were causing major diplomatic
Why was the role of South Africa problems. Secondly, it seemed to Vorster that Rhodesia’s defeat was inevitable
critical in forcing Smith’s government in the long term, and that the longer the guerrilla struggle went on, the more
into talks with the nationalists? likely it was that an extreme Marxist regime would come to power in Rhodesia.
This would be a direct threat to South Africa’s security. It would be in South
Africa’s best interests if a moderate black government came to power in
34 Rhodesia by negotiation.

Zambia’s leader, Kenneth Kaunda, also wanted the war to end as soon as
frontline states These were possible so that Zambia could focus on its own pressing economic policies. The
the independent states that were presence of ZANU and ZAPU leaders and their guerrilla armies was creating
geographically close to Rhodesia tensions, and they were a target for cross-border raids into Zambia by the
– Mozambique, Zambia, Botswana, Rhodesian security forces. By the end of 1974, Kaunda and Vorster had reached
Angola and Tanzania – and which were an agreement to attempt to stop the fighting in Rhodesia. As part of the process
affected by the ongoing guerrilla war. of détente, they put pressure on their respective allies. Kaunda and the leaders
Three of them shared borders with of the other frontline states urged the leaders of the nationalist organisations
to negotiate. Under pressure from South Africa, Smith agreed to release ZAPU
Rhodesia, and Tanzania provided the
and ZANU leaders from prison. By 1975 a ceasefire of sorts was in place.
nationalist forces with support and
bases. The frontline states played
However, the ceasefire did not last and the independence struggle continued.
an influential role in urging unity
Any chance of fruitful discussions between the two sides was prevented by
among the nationalist groups and an
Smith’s refusal to make meaningful concessions. Renewed guerrilla attacks
acceptance of a negotiated settlement.
took place. The shortage of Rhodesian troops, the economic cost of the war and
the strain it placed on the white minority were now becoming more obvious.
Smith’s confidence was severely damaged by the pressure put on him by the
South African government.

Divisions among the nationalists

From the nationalist point of view, the ceasefire looked like – and was
depicted as – a victory. The nationalists, however, faced problems of their own.
The movement had already divided into ZANU and ZAPU; now there was
infighting within ZANU’s military wing, ZANLA. This was the so-called Nhari
rebellion of 1975.
 2 Methods of achieving independence

The Nhari rebellion was essentially a confrontation between the ZANU high
command and a group of ZANLA guerrillas. The guerrillas were led by Thomas
Nhari, who complained about the lack of sophisticated weapons, ammunition
and supplies reaching the guerrillas while the leaders enjoyed comfortable lives
in the Zambian capital, Lusaka. Eventually Nhari was arrested and executed
together with 60 ZANLA fighters who had supported him.

This did not solve the divisions within ZANLA, however, and in 1975 its
charismatic leader, Herbert Chitepo, was assassinated. Much later it was
discovered that Chitepo’s death was a result of Rhodesian covert operations,
but at the time it was blamed on ZANLA infighting. The Zambians stepped in
to restore order and forced the ZANLA leadership to leave for Mozambique.
Zambian actions also began to starve ZANU of money. Funds for the guerrilla
war went through a nationalist umbrella organisation called the African
National Council, headed by Bishop Abel Muzorewa. Under Zambian pressure
he withdrew funding for ZANU.

At this stage there was also a change of leadership within ZANU. Many in the
organisation had come to believe that Sithole was out of touch with the fighters
in the ZANLA camps in Mozambique, and he was replaced as leader of ZANU
by Robert Mugabe. Sithole continued to lead a significant minority claiming to
be the real ZANU. In 1975, Mugabe and a fellow ZANU leader, Edward Tekere,
were under house arrest in Mozambique. This was ostensibly for their own
safety, but may also have been because Mugabe was regarded with some
suspicion by Mozambican leaders. These problems within ZANU shifted the
power in the nationalist movement to Nkomo’s ZAPU. ZAPU’s military wing,
ZIPRA, was almost wholly based in Zambia and received full support from 35
Kenneth Kaunda.

This division of effort between ZAPU and ZANU weakened the effectiveness of
the resistance movement. Eventually pressure from the frontline states led to
the establishment of the Patriotic Front between ZAPU and ZANU in October Fact
1976. This was not a union of the two organisations, but an agreement to When Angola, another former
work together. Although differences between the two continued – with ZANU
Portuguese colony, gained
openly critical of détente – by this time there was widespread support for both
independence in 1975, a civil war
organisations throughout Zimbabwe.
broke out between the socialist
People’s Movement for the Liberation
Talks and negotiations, 1976 of Angola (MPLA) and the National
Smith and Nkomo had begun talks in March 1976. These broke down when Union for the Total Independence of
the white government predictably failed to concede to black majority rule. Angola (UNITA). Anxious to prevent
Superficially, the war seemed to be going well for Smith. Fighting was limited an MPLA victory, South Africa
to the frontier regions, the nationalists were split and the army was doing well. invaded Angola to support UNITA,
The situation was transformed, however, by events in Angola. South Africa while the MPLA received substantial
feared that the new Angolan regime would extend its operations south into support from communist Cuba,
South African-controlled Namibia, where a nationalist movement called the
including 20,000 Cuban troops.
South West African People’s Organisation was struggling for independence.
Under international pressure, South
Africa withdrew its army from Angola,
South Africa feared that continuing raids by the Rhodesian army into
although its support for UNITA
neighbouring states would create a hostile alliance of states in southern Africa,
continued. The USA also worked to
allied to the USSR. This would obviously not be in South Africa’s interests. Vorster
used Rhodesia’s dependence on its rail link through South Africa to put pressure
oppose an MPLA victory, although it
on Smith to agree to a negotiated settlement. Matters came to a head in August did not send troops to Angola.
1976, when Rhodesian forces attacked a camp at Nyadzonya in Mozambique,
 2 Zimbabwe

Theory of knowledge killing hundreds of people. The Rhodesian government claimed that it was a
ZANLA training camp; ZANU insisted that it was a refugee camp. Whatever the
truth, Vorster decided that the time had come to declare South African support
Historical interpretation for majority rule in Rhodesia, totally isolating Smith’s government.
The US did not send troops to
intervene in Angola, partly because Vorster also came under pressure from the US. American foreign policy had failed
1975 was the year of America’s to prevent a communist government coming to power in Angola and the new
final withdrawal from Vietnam US secretary of state, Henry Kissinger, believed that open support for majority
and public opinion was opposed rule in Rhodesia would serve American interests if it prevented the nationalist
to further involvement in faraway movements from drawing closer to the communist bloc. He put pressure on
wars. Nevertheless, historians have Vorster to help deliver majority rule in Rhodesia, by promising to tone down
interpreted events in Angola as a America’s anti-South Africa rhetoric. In September 1976, Vorster threatened to
defeat for American foreign policy. cut off supplies to Rhodesia if Smith failed to move to majority rule.
Afigbo et al refer to the ‘disastrous
failure of American intervention in In addition, by this time the Zimbabwean nationalists had begun to recover
Angola’, and Mtisi, Nyakudya and and ZANLA raids from Mozambique were increasing. The combination of South
Barnes refer to the ‘embarrassing African pressure and an intensification of the guerrilla war forced Smith’s hand.
military approach that had been used He offered majority rule in return for the West lifting sanctions and making
unsuccessfully in Angola’ by the US. funds available for development. In reality, though, Smith was not prepared
to accept full majority rule. Rather, he believed that some small concessions
could be made to the black majority without relinquishing white control. He
also believed that the nationalist movement remained so divided that it would
be unable to push for full majority rule.

Question When the parties met in Geneva between October and December 1976, there
was little prospect of a lasting settlement. The USA convinced Smith that a
36 How did the politics of the Cold compromise could be reached with the nationalists. Smith, however, saw the
War influence the Zimbabwean talks as a chance to buy a two-year cessation of economic sanctions, during
independence struggle? which time the Rhodesian security forces could destroy the guerrilla movement.
The Americans had not discussed their proposals with the nationalist leadership
or with the presidents of the frontline African states. The Geneva conference
ended in deadlock.

Developments after 1976

After the failed talks between Smith and Nkomo in 1976, members of the
guerrilla organisations and the black population in general increasingly looked
Fact
to Mugabe as the nationalist leader who would succeed in gaining majority
By 1979, conscription of white
rule. His position was further strengthened when the frontline states of
Rhodesians had been extended from
Zambia and Mozambique finally allied themselves to ZANU. This development
age 38 to 50, placing a huge strain
proved critical in bringing down white minority rule in Rhodesia. Despite the
on the economy. It also contributed
formation of the Patriotic Front, friction within the nationalist ranks continued,
to increasing numbers of whites
but ZANU managed to strengthen its position and create a military threat that
emigrating from Rhodesia. Soon the Rhodesian government could not overcome.
Rhodesia was conscripting black
soldiers, who were obviously not Between 1977 and 1979, the guerrilla war intensified. ZIPRA forces from Zambia
committed to the fight. The protected and Botswana, and ZANLA forces from Mozambique, launched full-scale
villages scheme was extended, and by incursions into Rhodesia. This created considerable tensions within the ruling
1979 over half a million people had Rhodesian Front party when extremists demanded mass conscription and a
been relocated. huge expansion of the army. There was even talk of a military coup against
Smith. Neither came about.
 2 Methods of achieving independence

The Rhodesian security forces also stepped up their attacks on guerrilla bases
outside the country. In November 1977 they launched a massive raid on Chimoio,
a ZANLA camp 90 km (56 miles) inside Mozambique. Using ground troops and
the entire Rhodesian air force, they killed over 1200 people. They also attacked
ZIPRA camps in Zambia.

The nationalists reacted by increasing the conflict, declaring 1978 as the ‘year of
the people’ and sending thousands of guerrillas into Rhodesia. With increasingly
sophisticated weapons, including Soviet-made surface-to-air missiles, ZIPRA
forces shot down two Air Rhodesia passenger planes, killing dozens of
passengers. ZANLA forces blew up the oil storage tanks in an industrial area of
the Rhodesian capital, Salisbury.

On the international scene, pressure on

Smith’s government increased. The new
Democratic administration in the USA,
under President Jimmy Carter, worked with
the British government to create a new plan
for Rhodesia. In July 1978, the US Senate
voted against the lifting of sanctions. In
Angola the USSR was creating a communist
ally with the aid of the Cubans. South Africa
was becoming ever more concerned about a
total Marxist victory in the region, and from
1978 the new South African premier, P. W.
Botha, put more pressure on Smith.
37
By 1979, the nationalist guerrillas were
on the brink of victory, forcing the Smith
government into a deal with moderate
black leaders – those who had no military
backing, and who, like Smith, were opposed
to the Patriotic Front. In 1978, an ‘Internal
Settlement’ was reached between Smith,
Muzorewa, Sithole and Chief Jeremiah
Chirau. They agreed to a transition to
majority rule but with the white political
position protected by constitutional
guarantees. In 1979, elections were held
in which Muzorewa’s United African
National Council won 67% of the vote.
Muzorewa briefly became prime minister
of ‘Zimbabwe-Rhodesia’, although whites
retained control of the army, police, civil
service and economy. The Patriotic Front
had called on its supporters to boycott the
election. It rejected the Internal Settlement
and stepped up the guerrilla war.

A ZANU poster deriding the Internal Settlement

of 1979
 2 Zimbabwe

Britain, the United States and the rest of the world also refused to recognise the
Internal Settlement, and the frontline states, supported by the OAU, confirmed
their support for the Patriotic Front. At a Commonwealth conference held
in Lusaka in August 1979, African leaders put pressure on the British prime
minister Margaret Thatcher, saying that it was Britain’s responsibility to resolve
the crisis. Nigeria, Britain’s biggest trading partner in Africa, even threatened to
block British investments in Nigeria. Thatcher agreed to convene a constitutional
conference in London.

At the same time, there were increasing pressures on the Rhodesian government
and on the Patriotic Front. By late 1979, with over 20,000 guerrillas active within
Question the country, Smith saw the futility of his position and agreed to negotiate a
How did a combination of internal and settlement. Mozambique and Zambia, both of which had suffered heavy damage
external pressures force the Smith as a result of raids by Rhodesian security forces, and needed peace to rebuild
government into negotiations? their own economies, put pressure on the nationalist leaders to negotiate. The
result was the Lancaster House conference in 1979.

The Lancaster House talks and the election of 1980

At the Lancaster House talks in London, the parties signed a ceasefire in
a war in which about 27,000 people had lost their lives. They drew up a new
constitution and prepared for all-party elections in 1980. In the meantime, the
Smith government formally surrendered its independence and handed over
power to a transitional government under British control.

The constitution established a parliamentary democracy with 20 of the 100

seats reserved for whites for at least seven years, giving the white minority
38 Activity
disproportionate power in the new state. The issue of land created the greatest
Working in pairs, discuss whether disagreement. The Patriotic Front wanted the new government to take over and
the Lancaster House agreement redistribute unused farmland to resettle war veterans. However, the constitution
was of greater benefit to the white stipulated that land could not be confiscated but could only change hands on the
minority or to the black majority principle of ‘willing seller, willing buyer’. The British and American governments
nationalist movement. offered to make funds available to implement this, but no details were clarified
or agreed. The unresolved land issue was to create problems in the future.

As the election approached, the Patriotic Front disintegrated, and ZANU and ZAPU
fought the election as separate parties – ZANU-PF and PF-ZAPU respectively.

Source c
Speech by Robert Mugabe pledging reconciliation, 18 April 1980.

Activity The wrongs of the past must now stand forgiven and forgotten. If
Discuss the possible reactions to ever we look to the past, let us do so for the lesson the past has taught
the speech quoted in Source C by us, namely that oppression and racism are inequalities that must
different groups of people hearing never find scope in our political and social system. It could never be
it at the time: guerrilla soldiers who a correct justification that because the whites oppressed us yesterday
have spent many years in camps in when they had power, the blacks must oppress them today because
exile; members of the Rhodesian they have power. An evil remains an evil whether practised by white
Front; black farmers who have against black or black against white.
lost their land and been moved to
protected villages; and members of Quoted in Meredith, M. 2005. The State of Africa. Cape Town, South Africa.
the British government. Jonathan Ball Publishers. p. 328.
 2 Methods of achieving independence

White Rhodesian (and South African) hopes of a victory by the moderates

were shattered by the outcome of the election. Mugabe’s ZANU-PF won 57 Fact
seats, Nkomo’s PF-ZAPU won 20 seats, and the moderate Muzorewa’s UNAC A song by the Jamaican reggae singer
won only three. The 20 seats reserved for whites all went to Smith’s Rhodesian Bob Marley called ‘Zimbabwe’ had been
Front party. All except one of PF-ZAPU’s seats were won in Matabeleland in the an inspiration to guerrilla fighters
west, and ZANU-PF won all the seats in the northern region of Mashonaland, during the nationalist struggle. Marley
a development ‘boding ill for the post-independence period’, according to and his group The Wailers were invited
historians Mtisi, Nyakudya and Barnes. On 18 April 1980, Robert Mugabe was to Zimbabwe to participate in the
installed as the first prime minister of independent Zimbabwe. Independence Day celebrations in
Salisbury on 18 April 1980, where they
What part did Robert Mugabe play? performed this song.

At the time of writing, Robert Mugabe is still the leader of Zimbabwe. He is of

Shona origin and his ethnic background has influenced his politics. Like many
other independence leaders, he received a Western education in mission schools,
Fact
in his case Catholic, and qualified as a teacher after graduating from university
Kwame Nkrumah, the first leader of
at Fort Hare in South Africa in 1951. He also studied at Oxford University in independent Ghana, was a leading
Britain in 1952. He has two law degrees and is a Master of Science. His education supporter of Pan-Africanism. Pan-
brought him into contact with many future African leaders, including Julius Africanists called for the liberation
Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda. In the late 1950s, Mugabe taught in Ghana, of Africa and promoted African unity.
where he was influenced and inspired by Kwame Nkrumah. These early years Ghana became an important centre
influenced his political thinking, pushing him towards the left and Marxism. of the movement, and Nkrumah an
inspiration to nationalist leaders
Robert Mugabe (left) with Georges Silundika (centre) and Joshua Nkomo (right) in a throughout Africa.
photograph taken around 1960

39
 2 Zimbabwe

After his return to Zimbabwe in 1960, Mugabe joined the National Democratic
Party, which soon developed into Nkomo’s ZAPU organisation. In 1963, Mugabe
left ZAPU to join Sithole’s ZANU party, and in 1964 he was arrested and
imprisoned for his political views. During this period he experienced at first
hand the restrictions of the Rhodesian government – he was not even allowed
to attend the funeral of his four-year-old son.

Mugabe’s early life was thus dominated by two forces – firstly, an extensive period
of education and secondly, a long period of imprisonment. It was during this
latter period that he came to two conclusions about the route to majority rule.
He recognised that a more conventional Soviet-style revolutionary movement
would fail in the face of the poverty and lack of political consciousness of
Zimbabwe’s peasant class. He also saw that the white regime was so extreme
in its position that considerable force would have to be applied to bring about
any kind of change within the country. He concluded, therefore, that a Maoist
(see page 31) approach to insurgency was necessary to politicise the mass of the
black rural poor and to conceal political activity so that it could not be easily
countered by the Rhodesian regime.

Mugabe’s time in prison greatly increased his prestige within ZANU. He was
released in 1974, after South African pressure on the Smith government to reach
an agreement with the Zimbabwean independence movements. When Sithole
was overthrown as leader of ZANU in 1974, Mugabe emerged to take his place.
The problem Mugabe faced, though, was that he and his organisation were
largely ignored by other African leaders. Thus, when he travelled to Zambia in
the same year, Kaunda refused to recognise his position. At that time ZAPU was
40 seen as the best hope for achieving independence in Zimbabwe. Mugabe had
no military experience and was eyed with suspicion by other African leaders.
He was a dedicated Marxist and he had an inflexible approach to the problem
of gaining independence.

Mugabe consolidated his control of ZANU in 1975.This takeover was accompanied

by political assassination and intimidation, which showed him that leaders
Activity had to be ruthless to achieve their goals, a view that has since dominated his
http://iwpr.net/report-news/ political life. He then focused on defeating ZAPU to push forward his model of
mugabe-warrior-credentials- the fight for independence. His bid for dominance was successful, and ZANU
questioned played a vital role in the final phases of the guerrilla war. By the time of the
Lancaster House negotiations, Mugabe had become a key player in events.
Read this review of a book written
by Edgar Tekere, a former comrade The Lancaster House talks demonstrated Mugabe’s diplomatic skill. The events
of Mugabe’s in the ZANU leadership, of 1979 were complex; ZAPU and ZANU were waging a guerrilla war that was
and later the leader of a group wearing down the Rhodesian regime but not defeating it. Left to its own devices,
opposed to Mugabe. In it he there is a good argument that Ian Smith’s regime would have continued the fight
critically examines how Mugabe rose against the nationalist organisations. However, outside pressures in the form of
to his leadership position in ZANU the UN and South Africa had created the conditions in which Smith might be
and then Zimbabwe. prepared to deal with Mugabe. It was at this point that the ZANU leader made
two key concessions. He agreed both to the creation of a parliament in which
Explain why this book is considered the white population was disproportionately represented, and to place a ten-
to be a revisionist interpretation, year moratorium on changes to land ownership. These concessions reassured
and what the reviewer means when whites and allowed them to reach an agreement which led to the formation of
he says that Tekere has ‘broken one an independent Zimbabwe a year later. Subsequent events, however, showed
of the most sacred conventions of that Mugabe never stopped opposing white supremacy, and that in the long
African liberation doctrine’. term he was determined to end white dominance not only of political power,
but also of the economy.
 2 Methods of achieving independence

End of unit activities

1 Draw up a table to highlight the differences between ZANU and ZAPU.
Include information on leadership, support base, ideology, tactics, allies,
effectiveness, and any other categories you think are important.
2 Write a report about the involvement of Mozambique and Zambia in the
Zimbabwean independence struggle. Include an analysis of the negative
impact that their support had on their own countries.
3 Draw a spider diagram to illustrate the factors that finally forced the Smith
government to agree to black majority rule. Include the following factors
plus any others you can think of:
• sanctions
• the guerrilla war
• collapsing economy
• pressure from South Africa
• impact of the Cold War
• world opinion.
4 ‘The key factor responsible for the attainment of majority rule in Zimbabwe
was the heroism of the nationalist organisations.’
Divide the class into two groups. One group should prepare an argument to
support this statement, and the other an argument to oppose it.
5 Find out what daily life was like for ordinary civilians, black and white, who
lived in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe between 1965 and 1980.
6 http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/march/4/newsid_2515000/
2515145.stm 41
Read this news report written on the day of Zimbabwe’s first democratic
election. Use the information here, together with information from this unit,
to write a newspaper editorial commenting on the historical significance of
the ZANU-PF victory in the election.
 3 The formation of and challenges to Zimbabwe

Timeline
1980 Zimbabwe becomes an independent state Key questions
1982 violence breaks out between ZANU and • What kind of state was established in Zimbabwe after 1980?
ZAPU supporters in Matabeleland • What challenges did Zimbabwe face after 1987?
1987 Mugabe and Nkomo sign Unity Accord; • What part has Robert Mugabe played since independence?
Mugabe’s powers as president are
significantly strengthened
1992 Land Acquisition Act
Overview
1997 Land Redistribution Act
• Newly independent Zimbabwe faced many challenges in 1980,
1999 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) including economic reconstruction, political transformation,
formed inequity in the ownership and control of land, and racism.
• The new government needed the co-operation of the white
2000 55% of electorate rejects constitutional
minority, which still controlled key areas of the economy.
changes in a referendum; ZANU-PF and MDC
• The government applied moderate economic policies and sought
votes evenly balanced in parliamentary to retain the co-operation of white business and agriculture.
elections; occupation of white farms, • There were significant improvements in education and health
42 often accompanied by violence care, but these improvements were unevenly distributed, and key
2002 Mugabe re-elected areas of the economy remained under foreign ownership.
• Efforts by the government to implement a programme of land
2005 ZANU-PF re-elected, followed by brutal reform and redistribution met with limited success.
government attacks in urban areas • Rivalry and tensions between Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF and
Joshua Nkomo’s PF-ZAPU surfaced once again, based on political
2008 MDC wins majority in parliament; disputed rivalry between the two leaders and parties, as well as ethnic and
presidential election sees Mugabe clinging regional differences between their supporters.
to power • In 1982, Nkomo was dismissed from the government and PF-ZAPU
2009 power-sharing arrangement between accused of planning a coup. The Fifth Brigade, a ruthless North
ZANU-PF and the MDC formalised Korean-trained militia, waged a war of violence and intimidation
against ZAPU supporters in Matabeleland.
• The crisis ended in 1987, when Mugabe and Nkomo signed a Unity
Accord, merging the two parties and increasing Mugabe’s powers.
• Relations between the government and the white community
deteriorated, with accusations of racism adding to tensions rooted
in white economic privileges.
• After 1990, ZANU-PF consolidated its hold on power, winning all
elections using violence, intimidation and vote-rigging.
• Despite the difficulties, there was opposition to Mugabe’s rule,
notably from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which
was formed in 1999 under the leadership of Morgan Tsvangirai.
• Land reform became the key issue in Zimbabwe in the late 1990s,
culminating in the occupation by force of many white-owned farms
by groups of landless peasants and war veterans (see page 50).
• Throughout the 1990s the economy declined, causing real hardship
to the people of Zimbabwe.
• In 2008, growing support for the MDC forced Mugabe to agree to a
form of power-sharing between ZANU-PF and the MDC.
 3 The formation of and challenges to Zimbabwe

What kind of state was established in Fact

Zimbabwe after 1980? As part of the process of
transformation, many of the place
Challenges facing Zimbabwe after independence names associated with colonial rule
The new state of Zimbabwe faced many challenges in 1980. The country had were replaced by African names. The
emerged from over 15 years of civil war, which had caused severe damage to the capital city, which had been named
economy and infrastructure. The country also needed to be reintegrated into the Salisbury in honour of the British
world economy after many years of trade sanctions. The new government’s main prime minister at the time of the
concern was economic reconstruction, but the white minority still controlled takeover of the area by the British
key areas of the economy so their co-operation was vital. Furthermore, the South Africa Company in 1890, was
new Zimbabwe was as reliant on South Africa for economic activity as its renamed Harare in 1992, after the
Rhodesian predecessor had been. These factors hindered the ability of the Shona chieftain Neharawa, who had
new government to fulfil many of the wishes of its followers, especially the lived there with his people in pre-
redistribution of land. colonial times.

Another challenge was to transform the colonial state from an authoritarian

white minority regime to a more democratic form of government. There was
also serious inequity in ownership and control of land and resources. Whites
still controlled much of the economy because, as a result of colonial land
policies, they owned the bulk of the fertile agricultural land. Robert Mugabe
was initially committed to gaining the confidence of the 6000 white commercial
farmers who were a critical factor in the economic well-being of the country. He
also attempted to reassure white-controlled businesses that the government
would apply market rather than socialist solutions to the country’s problems.
For the white minority the new regime initially brought many advantages. Their
businesses no longer had to fight against the impact of economic sanctions and 43
they were no longer drafted into the military. There was an economic boom
between 1980 and 1982, with growth at a record 24%. Whites were the major
beneficiaries of this.

The government also faced the problem of nation-building in a society ‘deeply

divided along the lines of race, class, ethnicity, gender and geography’, according
to historian James Muzondidya. The government adopted as its national symbols
emblems associated with the empire of Great Zimbabwe, as reminders of the
pre-colonial past. The Zimbabwe bird
is depicted on the flag, coat of arms
and coins, and features of the ruins
of Great Zimbabwe on the banknotes
and coat of arms. The languages of
the two main ethnic groups, Shona
and Ndebele, were adopted as official
languages, along with English.

The new Zimbabwean flag was filled

with symbolism: the green stripes
represent the land; the yellow stripes
the mineral wealth; the red stripes the
blood that was shed; black represents
the black majority; the white triangle
represents peace; the red star symbolises
internationalism; and the Zimbabwe
bird represents the pre-colonial history
of the empire of Great Zimbabwe
 2 Zimbabwe

The inequality enshrined in the Lancaster House constitution, which protected

the political and economic power of the white minority, was another challenge.
Firstly, whites controlled 20% of the seats in parliament and were thus grossly
over-represented. This concession could be reviewed after seven years. Secondly,
the Lancaster constitution banned the government from forcibly seizing land
for at least ten years. The government could buy land, but only at market
prices, and based on a system of ‘willing seller, willing buyer’. The sheer scale
of such an investment meant that the nationalisation of this key resource and
its redistribution to the black majority was impossible. Initially, therefore, the
white minority had considerable political and economic influence.

Continuing racism was another issue that needed to be faced. Historians Terence
Ranger and Ibbo Mandaza have described the post-independence attitude of
the remaining white population as a legacy of ‘settler culture’, based on a desire
Question to maintain their privileged lifestyles and positions. Another historian, James
What were the economic, political Muzondidya, suggests that whites made little effort to contribute to nation-
and social problems facing the building or to rectify the racial imbalances inherited from the past. Most whites
new government? retained their privileged economic position whilst the bulk of the population
lived in poverty. These unresolved issues became major problems in the 1990s.

Successes and failures of the new government

For the first decade after independence Zimbabwe followed a fairly moderate
course. This was partly due to the Lancaster House constitution, which had
given key concessions to the white minority. This placed a brake on radicalism
in the new state, and acted as a counterbalance to the more Marxist or African
nationalist policies of ZANU-PF. Initially Mugabe attempted to include whites in
44 his government, and there were two white cabinet ministers. He also retained
the white heads of the armed forces and the intelligence services, and even
struck up a working relationship with Ian Smith.

There was remarkable progress in the provision of education and health services,
Fact especially in areas neglected by the colonial administration or damaged by
There were some remarkable years of guerrilla warfare. This was helped by almost £900 million of aid that
improvements in education. Between poured into Zimbabwe, especially from Scandinavian countries. Work was also
1980 and 1990, the number of schools done on building or repairing infrastructure, such as roads, clinics, fencing
increased by 80%. Between 1979 and and boreholes, and in providing safe drinking water to 84% of the population.
1985, enrolment in primary schools Altogether there were some notable economic and social achievements in
rose from 82,000 to over 2.2 million, the first few years, although many challenges remained. The economic gains
and in secondary schools from 66,000 were unevenly distributed and society remained very unequal, with millions
to 482,000. of rural dwellers still desperately poor. Control over key areas of the economy
remained in foreign hands, mainly British or South African-based multinational
companies. In 1985, 48% of Zimbabwe’s manufacturing industry was owned by
foreign companies or individuals.

The new government also started on a process of land reform. This was a pressing
issue: 4 million Zimbabweans lived on overcrowded communal land and black
peasants had a disproportionate amount of poor land frequently threatened
by drought. With British financial aid, the government began to resettle black
families on formerly white-owned land that had been abandoned during the
Question war. None of this broke the ten-year moratorium on the seizure of white land.
How successful was Zimbabwe in its However, progress was slow, and by 1990 only 6.5 million hectares of land had
first decade of independence? been acquired and 52,000 families resettled. In addition, much of the land that
had been redistributed was in areas unsuited to agriculture.
 3 The formation of and challenges to Zimbabwe

The establishment of ZANU-PF dominance Historical debate

The political situation in Zimbabwe was deeply affected by its history. For many Historian James Muzondidya believes
decades the white minority had used repressive laws to crush protests, detain that the main obstacle to successful
political opponents and silence opposition. In the liberation movement, too, land reform was the ‘willing-seller,
there was a tradition of intolerance, where opponents were viewed as enemies willing-buyer’ principle in the
and treated with a mixture of violence and intimidation, and the use of force Lancaster House constitution, which
was often seen as the only way to achieve results. These traditions continued in protected the interests of white
post-independence Zimbabwe. commercial farmers: ‘Conscious of
the racial protection guaranteed by
Mugabe had often stated that he wanted to establish a one-party state under
the constitution, white farmers were
ZANU-PF. The chief obstacle to this was Joshua Nkomo’s PF-ZAPU. Rivalry
generally reluctant to relinquish
between the two nationalist movements went back a long way, but they had
their colonially inherited privilege.’
united to form the Patriotic Front under pressure from the frontline states in
Another view, voiced by Martin
1976. They had contested the 1980 election as separate parties but, despite
Meredith, is that ZANU-PF politicians
ZANU-PF’s convincing majority, Mugabe had included Nkomo in a coalition
made more effort to acquire farms
government. However, not long after independence, tensions and rivalries
between the two parties began to surface once more. Friction surrounding the for themselves than to distribute
integration of the two guerrilla forces, Nkomo’s ZIPRA and Mugabe’s ZANLA, to them to landless peasants, and that
form a new national army soon turned into violence. by 1990, 8% of commercial farmland
was owned by politicians, senior civil
servants and security-force officials.
ZANU-PF supporters welcome Mugabe back to Zimbabwe at the time
of independence in 1980

45
 2 Zimbabwe

The political conflict and personal rivalry between the two parties and their
leaders also had ethnic and regional aspects. Most of PF-ZAPU’s supporters
were Ndebele speakers, living predominantly in Matabeleland in the western
part of the country. They believed that ZANU-PF was putting the interests of
the majority Shona-speakers ahead of others. In October 1980, Mugabe signed
a secret agreement with the communist dictatorship in North Korea whereby
the Koreans would train a Zimbabwean brigade in internal security tactics.
This unit, drawn exclusively from Shona-speakers, came to be known as the
Fifth Brigade.

By 1982, Mugabe felt strong enough to move against Nkomo, and he accused
ZAPU of planning a military coup. Nkomo was expelled from the government
and his party’s property was seized, ruining the livelihoods of many ex-ZIPRA
guerrillas. In the army, former ZIPRA soldiers were targeted, many were beaten
up and some were killed. As a result, many former ZIPRA guerrillas fled into the
bush, taking their arms with them. By late 1982, concentrations of these refugees
had become a serious threat to public order in Matabeleland. The Fifth Brigade
was sent in to destroy the ‘dissidents’, as they were labelled by Mugabe.

The Fifth Brigade attacked not only armed ex-ZIPRA soldiers, but also the civilian
Question
population. About 2000 people died within six weeks, and 20,000 between 1982
The government called the crushing and 1987. The situation was made worse by drought and, by 1984, 400,000
of opposition in Matabeleland the people in southern Matabeleland were almost entirely dependent on relief
Gukurahundi operation, a Shona supplies. When the Fifth Brigade stopped the movement of these supplies, the
word meaning ‘the rain that sweeps entire region was threatened with famine. In addition to the actions of the Fifth
away the chaff’. What do you think is Brigade, Mugabe’s secret police rounded up thousands of civilians and interned
46 the symbolism implied in this term? them in camps where beating and torture were routine and many died. This
violence and intimidation intensified in the run-up to the 1985 election. The
government used the ‘Matabeleland crisis’ or the ‘Dissidents’ war’ – as the
whole operation was called – as a means of ridding itself of opposition.

The violence in Matabeleland only ended when Mugabe and Nkomo signed the
Unity Accord in December 1987. This formally merged ZANU and ZAPU into a
single party, which retained the title of ZANU-PF. Zimbabwe was now effectively
a one-party state, a situation that had been achieved by wearing down ZAPU,
its officials and ex-guerrillas. At least 20,000 civilians had died as a result of
Theory of knowledge this infighting.

Nkomo became one of two vice-presidents in the new party and was given a
History and ethics
senior post in the government, together with two other former ZAPU leaders.
Mugabe justified the violence by
As Mugabe’s power became more secure, he and ZANU-PF grew in confidence.
accusing the opposition of plotting to
On 30 December 1987, Mugabe was declared executive president by parliament,
overthrow the state. He claimed that it
a position that merged the roles of head of state, government and the armed
was necessary to defend the gains that forces. He was also given the powers to dissolve parliament, declare martial
the liberation movement had achieved. law and hold office for an unlimited number of terms. In effect, Mugabe had
Can you think of other examples in become a dictator, and the key offices of state were controlled by a new élite
history where dictators have used the whose members owed their positions of power to him.
notion of a threat to the security of the
state to justify violence? Can violence The infighting between ZANU-PF and ZAPU had a negative effect on the white
ever be justified? Is it acceptable minority. In order to secure its victory, ZANU-PF had taken control of the state’s
to use violence to save lives, or to media so it could advance its cause with propaganda. This propaganda openly
intervene to prevent a greater evil referred to whites as racists and, as a result, a greater rift developed between
from happening? the black and white communities. Other factors also contributed to this rift.
White voters continued to support Smith and his uncompromising Rhodesian
 3 The formation of and challenges to Zimbabwe

Front, and in parliament the overrepresented white community regularly Question

criticised the ZANU-PF government. Their continued privileged position added
to the tensions, although half of the white population had emigrated within How did the ZANU-PF government use
three years of independence and by 1985 only 100,000 remained. Adding to the violence as a means of consolidating
suspicions were covert military operations by the apartheid government in its power?
South Africa in an attempt to hinder Zimbabwe’s development. During 1987,
the reservation of 20 seats for white voters was abolished (as had been decided
in the Lancaster House constitution) and so they lost their overrepresentation
in parliament.

What challenges did Zimbabwe face after

1987?
Political developments: the move to authoritarian rule
After 1987, ZANU-PF strengthened its hold on power, and in the 1990 election
it won 117 of the 120 seats. However, there were signs of discontent with the
state of affairs. Edgar Tekere, a former ZANU leader and member of Mugabe’s
government, broke away and formed the Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM).
Tekere ran unsuccessfully against Mugabe in the 1990 presidential election, but
ZUM won 20% of the votes in the parliamentary elections. Anti-government
protests by students at the University of Zimbabwe led to its closure by the
government for six months in 1990–91. When the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU) sympathised with the students, its leader Morgan Tsvangirai
was arrested and detained for six weeks.

Despite growing dissatisfaction with the government, ZANU-PF won the 1995 47
elections with a convincing 82% of the votes cast. However, eight opposition
groups boycotted the elections, which were marred by a great deal of violence.
In presidential elections held in 1996, Mugabe was re-elected, winning nearly
93% of the votes against his two opponents – Abel Muzorewa and Ndabaningi
Sithole – in an election in which fewer than 32% of the electorate voted.

As the state of the economy deteriorated in the late 1990s, there was increasing
criticism of government policies. Government actions against its critics,
including newspaper editors, led to a confrontation between the government
and members of the judiciary, who tried to uphold the rule of law. The
government’s response was to appoint a Constitutional Commission to amend
the constitution, and Mugabe announced that a referendum would be held to
approve its findings.

As concerns mounted, a new political movement was formed in 1999. This

was the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), a coalition of civic groups,
churches, lawyers and trade unionists opposed to ZANU-PF. It was led by Gibson
Sibanda, the ZCTU chairman, and Morgan Tsvangirai.

The referendum on the constitutional amendments was held in February 2000.

The 55% ‘No’ vote showed the strength of opposition to Mugabe’s government,
which proceeded to launch a campaign of intimidation against its opponents.
The parliamentary elections later that year were characterised by yet more
violence. However, despite government attempts to intimidate voters, the MDC
attracted large crowds to its meetings and managed to win 47.06% of the votes.
ZANU-PF won 48.45%. Fearing the strength of the opposition, the government
constantly harassed MDC leader Tsvangirai. It also acted against independent
 2 Zimbabwe

Questions newspapers that were critical of its policies, threatening to silence them.
The printing presses of one such newspaper, the Daily News, were blown up.
Mugabe referred to the 2002 During 2001, the government moved against the judiciary, which had until then
election as the ‘Third Chimurenga’, managed to retain a degree of independence. The chief justice was forced out
or struggle. The first one had been of office and two other judges retired early, leaving the Supreme Court with a
the uprising against the imposition ZANU-PF majority in favour of government actions.
of colonial rule in 1896–97; the
second the guerrilla war against In the 2002 presidential elections Tsvangirai stood against Mugabe. The election
the Rhodesian Front government was marred by further violence and intimidation, as well as serious irregularities.
between 1966 and 1980. What is the For example, a severe shortage of ballot boxes in urban constituencies – the
significance of the use of the term MDC stronghold – meant that only 28% of registered voters were able to cast
in the context of the 2002 election? their votes by the end of the second day of polling. After two re-counts, the
What propaganda function would official result gave Mugabe 56% of the vote to Tsvangirai’s 42%. A new and
it serve? sinister development in the 2002 election was a threat by the army to step in if
ZANU-PF lost. After the election, government-sanctioned violence continued in
the constituencies that had supported the MDC.

Source A
I don’t think that anyone could fail to notice how central to ZANU-
PF’s [election] campaign was a particular version of history. I spent
four days watching Zimbabwe television which presented nothing but
one ‘historical’ programme after another. Television and newspapers
48 insisted on an increasingly simple and monolithic history. Television
constantly repeated documentaries about the guerrilla war and
colonial brutalities. The newspapers regularly carried articles on
slavery, colonial exploitation and the liberation struggle. I recognised
the outlines of many of my own books but boiled down in the service
of ZANU-PF.
Question
Extract from ‘The Zimbabwe Elections: A Personal Experience’, an article
How might the influences referred to written by Terence Ranger, a leading historian of Zimbabwe, at the time of
in Source A affect our ability to find the 2002 presidential election. Quoted on http://africalegalbrief.com.
historical truth?

The 2005 parliamentary elections were characterised by vote-rigging on a

massive scale, which gave ZANU-PF a comfortable majority. However, the MDC
retained the support of all the main towns. As punishment for this – and in a
brutal display of state-sanctioned violence – Mugabe’s police and youth militia
attacked the poor inhabitants of informal settlements on the fringes of the towns.
Houses were bulldozed, markets destroyed, the goods sold by street vendors
confiscated or burnt, and people left to fend for themselves. The operation
was known as Murambatsvina, a Shona word meaning ‘drive out the rubbish’. A
UN investigation estimated that 700,000 lost their homes and livelihoods, and
that another 2.4 million people were affected indirectly. According to historian
Martin Meredith, the purpose of the operation was to make clear the fate of
anyone who voted against Mugabe. In spite of this the MDC won a majority
in the 2008 elections, and Tsvangirai won the first round of the presidential
election. However, a re-run of this election was ‘won’ by Mugabe, after some of
the worst political violence since the Matabeleland campaign in the 1980s. After
this, Mugabe reluctantly agreed to a form of power-sharing with the MDC in an
‘inclusive government’.
 3 The formation of and challenges to Zimbabwe

49

Children watch a stall burning during the violent government attacks in 2005 known
as Operation Murambatsvina, which the government claimed was designed to clear
Zimbabwe’s slums

International observers had watched political developments in Zimbabwe

with grave concern. Western countries suspended aid and the European Union
applied ‘smart sanctions’ against Mugabe and other top ZANU-PF leaders,
prohibiting travel and freezing overseas bank accounts.

African leaders attempted to exert pressure on Mugabe in different ways.

For example, President Obasanjo of Nigeria tried to persuade him to observe
the rule of law. In 1994, when a democratically elected government replaced
the apartheid regime in South Africa, Zimbabwe finally had a sympathetic
state on its southern border. But in 2000, former president Nelson Mandela
publicly criticised Mugabe’s use of violence and the erosion of the rule of law.
Activity
Archbishop Desmond Tutu of Cape Town warned that Zimbabwe was sliding Use the information in this section
towards dictatorship. to explain why Zimbabwe can
be considered an example of an
However, other South African leaders – notably president Thabo Mbeki – did not authoritarian state, but not a
voice open criticism of the Mugabe regime, and were themselves criticised for one-party state.
their apparent support of it.
 2 Zimbabwe

The issue of land

Although some progress had been made on the land issue in the first decade of
independence, it was not nearly enough to tackle the inherited problem, which
was aggravated by population growth in rural areas. The fact that 4500 white
farmers owned 11 million hectares of the best farmland, while more than a
million black farmers shared 16 million hectares, was an issue that obviously
had to be addressed. This fact, together with years of reluctance on the part of
white farmers to compromise on the issue of land, became the main political
prop of Mugabe’s regime. He was able to use the land issue as a political weapon
to keep himself in power – with disastrous economic consequences.

The Lancaster House provisions protecting the white ownership of land and
guaranteeing full compensation for it expired after ten years. In 1992, they were
replaced by the Land Acquisition Act. This gave the government the right to
purchase half of the land still owned by white farmers for the resettlement of
small-scale black farmers. Widespread criticism erupted when it emerged that,
rather than peasant farmers, the political élite loyal to Mugabe was acquiring
the leases to some of the farms. Mugabe stepped in to defuse the situation. He
announced an investigation into the whole system of land tenure and requested
financial assistance from Britain to pay for the purchase of land. Britain had
already provided £44 million for land resettlement – a figure that fell far short
of the funds needed to effect any meaningful redistribution of land – and cut
off any further support.

In 1997, the Land Redistribution Act came into effect. It listed 1503 white farms
50
Fact for compulsory purchase and reallocation, including some of the largest and
When landless peasants invaded most productive commercial farms in the country. War veterans began to invade
and occupied white-owned farms, white-owned farms and threaten farmers and their workers with violence. Over
many of them claimed to be ‘war the next few years the war veterans became increasingly hostile. Historian Guy
veterans’ of the independence Arnold poses the question of whether Mugabe controlled the war veterans or
struggle in the 1970s. Many guerrilla whether he was in fact their prisoner: ‘He had unleashed a demand and with it
fighters had left school early to join a sense of grievance that could not be bottled up or contained.’
up, had little education and few
skills, and had struggled to survive In 1998, a conference of leading aid donors to Zimbabwe, including Britain and
after independence. Initially loyal the World Bank, met in Harare to discuss an orderly system of land reform.
They approved the principle of land redistribution provided that it was fairly
supporters of Mugabe, they began
applied and that it benefited the poor. But there was no real follow-up to this
to protest in the late 1990s at the
meeting and in November 1998 the government announced the seizure of 841
government’s apparent indifference
white-owned farms without compensation. This led to the cancellation of
to their situation. Critics of Mugabe
donor aid. In 2000, Mugabe blamed the government’s defeat in the referendum
believed that condoning the land
on white farmers and stepped up his campaign to force them off the land. The
invasions was his government’s way
government condoned the often violent invasion of farms by landless peasants,
of attempting to solve this issue. many of whom claimed to be war veterans. By the middle of 2001, 95% of all
white farms had been occupied or listed for resettlement.

These events affected not only the white farmers themselves but also their farm
workers. Many were assaulted and about 20,000 were evicted from the farms
where they had lived all their lives. The land seizures were not accompanied
by back-up services to help small farmers. Large tobacco and dairy farms were
often dismantled in a piecemeal manner and handed over to small peasant
farmers, many of whom lacked experience of commercial farming. Once again,
claims were made that many of the most productive farms were not distributed
among small farmers but in fact went to high-ranking politicians and ZANU-PF
supporters. In this way, the redistribution of land – although welcomed with
 3 The formation of and challenges to Zimbabwe

great joy by the bulk of Zimbabwe’s people and in many ways a fair outcome Question
after years of injustice – had a catastrophic effect on agricultural production
and contributed to the collapse of the economy. Why was land such an emotive issue
in Zimbabwe?
Economic decline and collapse
Throughout the late 1990s, the unresolved challenges and political extremism in
Zimbabwe resulted in the country’s economic collapse. The health and education
systems – real achievements of the new government in the 1980s – started to
collapse as funds dried up. In 1991, after the fall of communist governments
in Eastern Europe and the collapse of the USSR, the Zimbabwean government
adopted an economic structural adjustment programme, with support from
the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Government rhetoric in
support of communist economic policies was replaced by more market-related
terminology such as ‘indigenous capitalism’, and in 1996 ZANU-PF formally
announced that it had abandoned Marxism–Leninism.

Rising unemployment and dissatisfaction with working conditions led to

widespread industrial unrest and strikes in 1994 and 1996. As the economic
situation deteriorated, there were accusations of corruption against senior
officials. There was also criticism of the government for its misuse of funds
to benefit senior politicians at a time when the population as a whole was
suffering. Towards the end of 1997, the Zimbabwean currency collapsed after
a government decision to compensate ex-guerrilla soldiers for their role in the
independence struggle.

By 1998, the economy was in crisis and ZCTU organised a two-day general
51
strike, which was widely supported. The economic situation deteriorated even
further when the Zimbabwean government decided to provide military aid to
Congolese president Laurent Kabila in a civil war in the Democratic Republic
of Congo. As the defence spending escalated to support this, Zimbabwe saw
increasing unemployment, inflation at 70% and shortages of fuel and other
commodities. The effects of AIDS added to the problems facing Zimbabwe – by
1999, 1700 people a week were dying as a result of the disease.

From 2000, the economy declined

even further, with shortages of petrol,
electricity and other commodities,
rising food prices and a collapsing
currency. The military venture in the
DRC continued to drain the economy,
and income from tourism dropped
drastically as visitors stayed away,
scared by the political violence and
instability. Foreign investment dried
up as banks and companies feared
risking money in a politically and
economically unstable environment.

A Zimbabwean banknote to the value of

one hundred million dollars, issued in
2008; even higher values were issued later
as Zimbabwe tried to control inflation
 2 Zimbabwe

Question The disruption to agriculture caused by the land invasions resulted in

food shortages and starvation, with millions of people living in desperate
What factors contributed to the poverty. With skyrocketing unemployment, town dwellers in particular found
ongoing political and economic themselves badly hit by the economic problems. By the end of 2002, an estimated
crises in Zimbabwe? 3 million Zimbabweans had fled as refugees or illegal immigrants to
neighbouring countries, especially South Africa, and more were to follow in the
next few years as the economy declined further and Mugabe clung to power
despite mounting opposition.

By 2010, there was an uneasy balance between Mugabe and Tsvangirai as a

result of a political agreement to have a form of power-sharing in an inclusive
government. Although the violence had substantially reduced, Zimbabwe still
faced enormous economic challenges.

What part has Robert Mugabe played since

independence?
During his 30-year rule, Mugabe became more dictatorial and more isolated even
from ZANU-PF. His position within a ring of close confidantes made it difficult
for him to fully appreciate the extent of the economic crisis. Furthermore, the
power, wealth and position of the political élite depended on the patronage of
Mugabe, so few of them were willing to challenge him. In addition to this, a cult
of personality had been established that made it difficult for him to reverse his
earlier policies and be seen to be wrong. This restricted the ability of his regime
to implement ‘sensible’ policies to solve the economic problems.
52 Robert Mugabe reviews troops on parade during the 28th anniversary celebrations of
Zimbabwe’s independence in 2008
 3 The formation of and challenges to Zimbabwe

It is possible to argue that Mugabe was determined to hold on to power at

all costs. Proof of this may lie in the political and economic crises Zimbabwe
still faces in the 21st century. Mugabe may be determined to socially engineer
Zimbabwe to become a peasant republic. On the other hand, he may simply
be rewarding his followers with land, or buying political support. An extreme
view is that he has little choice in the matter and that he is a figurehead for a
ZANU-PF élite so embroiled in corruption that they cannot let go of power. Some
historians, such as Guy Arnold, believe that the reasons for ongoing support for
Mugabe have their roots in Zimbabwe’s colonial past (see Source B).

Source B
The Zimbabwe crisis at the end of the century raised many questions
that were not addressed in the West. It was, of course, about a
dictatorial ruler using every weapon at his disposal to hold onto
power: these included violence and intimidation of his opponents,
altering the constitution or ignoring it; destroying the independent
judiciary; and seeking popular support by deploying as weapons the
two highly emotive issues of land redistribution and the control of
land by the white farmers. But Mugabe was also using as a weapon
the deep underlying resentments of past colonialism and the
ingrained bitterness resulting from a century of the racial arrogance
and contempt that had been second nature to the majority of the Discussion point 53
white settlers.
How accurate do you think Guy
Arnold, G. 2006. Africa: A Modern History. London, UK. Atlantic Books. Arnold’s assessment of Mugabe’s rule
p. 904. is? Refer to the post-colonial history
of Zimbabwe in your discussion.

Of all the nationalist leaders in this book, Mugabe is the most difficult to
analyse. It is clear that he is intelligent and well-educated, and it is easy to
understand how he formed his political views – not only about the best road
to independence but also about the form of a post-colonial Zimbabwe. He
is clearly both a ruthless and a sophisticated political operator. The manner
in which he eliminated potential rivals and opposition proves the former;
his subtle handling of the white minority at the Lancaster House talks and
in the first decade of his premiership suggests the latter. He clearly was an
accomplished leader in the 1980s, a decade that saw Zimbabwe prosper. His
role in his country’s subsequent problems is far more difficult to establish.

Activity
The role of Mugabe is at the core of this unit. Did he have an elaborate plan to
portray himself as a moderate before embarking on more radical policies? Or were
his actions logical and just all along, intending to redistribute the wealth of the
country to the black majority? Was Mugabe simply a pawn, used as a front to cover
the activities of a clique of ZANU-PF members who used their position to their own
benefit? In this view, Mugabe could not stand down or act against their wishes for
fear of the political consequences. In groups, discuss these views of Mugabe’s role.
 2 Zimbabwe

End of unit activities

1 Draw up a table to summarise the challenges facing Zimbabwe after
independence, how the government tried to deal with them, and what the
results were.
2 http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/zimbabwes-last-white-
ruler-the-man-who-defied-the-world-758891.html
Read the article on this website, written at the time of Ian Smith’s death
in 2007. Explain why the writer argues that Smith was a good role model
for Robert Mugabe. Comment on the view expressed in the concluding
paragraph that ‘in struggling so long to ensure that whites in Zimbabwe
clung on to everything, Smith finally ensured that they lost everything’.
3 Find out what you can about the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
and its leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
4 Joshua Nkomo, the former leader of ZAPU and vice-president under Mugabe,
died in 1999. Work out a list of questions you would like to have asked him
before his death, and compose the answers you think he may have given.
You can start by reading the information about him on this website:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/382848.stm
5 ‘The problems of post-independence Zimbabwe can undoubtedly be
attributed to the legacy of colonial and white supremacist rule.’
Divide the class into two groups. One group should work out an argument to
support the statement above and the other an argument to oppose it.
6 Write two speeches, one criticising and one defending the developments in
54 Zimbabwe since 1980. One should be written from the perspective of a white
farmer who has recently lost his land, the other from a ZANU-PF veteran
who has recently acquired land.
 2 Zimbabwe

End of chapter activities

Paper 1 exam practice
Question
According to Source A below, what was the Soviet government’s attitude
to UDI?
[2 marks]

Skill
Comprehension of a source

Source A
The racialist regime in Southern Rhodesia … constitutes a hotbed
of danger for all other African peoples, including those which
have already freed themselves from colonial oppression. It is
a bayonet pointed at the heart of liberated Africa, a constant
threat to peace on the African continent and a threat to world
peace. The Soviet government, guided by its principled stand
in questions of abolishing colonialism, strongly condemns the 55
new crime against the peoples of Africa and declares that it does
not recognise the racialist regime which has usurped power in
Southern Rhodesia. The Soviet Union fully supports the decisions
adopted by the United Nations Security Council and General
Assembly on the situation in Southern Rhodesia and will carry
them out unswervingly.

Extract from a Soviet government statement referring to UDI.

From Soviet News, No. 5206. 16 November 1965. p. 70.

Examiner’s tips
Comprehension questions are the most straightforward questions you will face
in Paper 1. They simply require you to understand a source and extract two or
three relevant points that relate to the particular question.

As only 2 marks are available for this question, make sure you don’t waste
valuable exam time that should be spent on the higher-scoring questions by
writing a long answer here. Just write a couple of short sentences, giving the
necessary information to show you have understood the source. Try to give one
piece of information for each of the marks available for the question.
 2 Zimbabwe

Common mistakes
When asked to show your comprehension/understanding of a particular source,
make sure you don’t comment on the wrong source! Mistakes like this are made
every year. Remember, every mark is important for your final grade.

Simplified markscheme
For each item of relevant/correct information identified, award 1 mark – up to
a maximum of 2 marks.

Student answer

According to Source A, the Soviet government was against UDI, and

so it ‘strongly condemns’ what it saw as a ‘new crime against the
peoples of Africa’.

Examiner’s comments
The candidate has selected one relevant and explicit piece of information
from the source – this is enough to gain 1 mark. However, as no other reason/
information has been identified, this candidate fails to gain the other mark
56 available for the question.

Activity
Look again at the source and the student answer above. Now try to identify
one other piece of information from the source, and so obtain the other mark
available for this question.

Summary activity
Copy this diagram and, using the information in this chapter, make point form
notes under each heading.

Southern Rhodesia until 1965

• White political control
• Central African Federation
• Land issues
Zimbabwe:
• Nationalist organisations the road to
independence
Zimbabwe 1980 onwards
Rhodesia 1965–79 • 1980 election
• UDI • Authoritarian rule
• ZAPU • Opposition to Mugabe
• ZANU • Violence in Matabeleland
• Guerrilla war • Land issues
• Economic sanctions • Economic decline
• External factors