Deconstructing Community-Based Collaborative Design: Towards More Equitable Participatory Design Engagements
Deconstructing Community-Based Collaborative Design: Towards More Equitable Participatory Design Engagements
Participatory Design (PD) is envisioned as an approach to democratizing innovation in the design process by
shifting the power dynamics between researcher and participant. Recent scholarship in HCI and design has
analyzed the ways collaborative design engagements, such as PD situated in the design workshop can amplify
voices and empower underserved populations. Yet, we argue that PD as instantiated in the design workshop
is very much an affluent and privileged activity that often neglects the challenges associated with envisioning
equitable design solutions among underserved populations. Based on two series of community-based PD
workshops with underserved populations in the U.S., we highlight key areas of tension and considerations for
a more equitable PD approach: historical context of the research environment, community access, perceptions
of materials and activities, and unintentional harm in collecting full accounts of personal narratives. By
reflecting on these tensions as a call-to-action, we hope to deconstruct the privilege of the PD workshop
within HCI and re-center the focus of design on individuals who are historically underserved.
CCS Concepts: • Human-centered computing → Participatory design; • Social and professional
topics → Race and ethnicity; Cultural characteristics
KEYWORDS
Design workshops; community-based participatory design; social action research; design equity
ACM Reference format:
Christina N. Harrington, Sheena Erete, & Anne Marie Piper. 2019. Deconstructing Community-based
Collaborative Design: Towards More Equitable Participatory Design Engagements. In Proceedings of Computer
Supported Collaborative Work, 3, CSCW, Article 216 (November 2019), 25 pages.
https://doi.org/10.1145/3359318
1 INTRODUCTION
Participatory Design (PD) has become a commonly used methodological approach given its
promise of democratizing the design process, most notably stemming from its origin in political
decision-making and Marxist ideals [8, 9]. Recent studies have focused on leveraging participatory
design methods to engage with marginalized and underserved populations [51, 79, 85, 86] given
the association of empowerment and, in some cases, activism that may result from this
engagement. Underserved populations are considered to be those individuals whose voices have
traditionally been marginalized due to their position in society, with much HCI and design
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216:2 Christina N. Harrington, Sheena Erete, & Anne Marie Piper
literature referring to “developing” countries where collaborative design may have the potential to
improve societal conditions and environmental infrastructure [e.g. 8, 12, 21]. We focus our
analysis of underserved populations on those who are marginalized in a developed context such as
the U.S., specifically low-income, older, queer, trans, gender-non-confirming, ethnic, disabled,
and/or racialized populations [35].
Scholars who base their design engagements in Science and Technology Studies position
participatory design methods as a form of social action [2, 25, 34, 79], mirroring similar methods in
the social sciences and humanities such as Community-Based Participatory Research (CBPR) and
Participatory Action Research [97, 98, 103]. Such approaches to design research scholarship have
sought to center and elevate the voices of particular communities by eliciting knowledge sharing
through collaborative research practices while also addressing issues of power and positionality
[13, 26, 38]. Situating the individual as a co-creator and collaborative partner promises to allow
individuals who are directly impacted by a phenomenon or technological intervention to play an
active role in the design process and the ways problems are defined. Given this promise, work
within HCI and CSCW has focused on community-based collaborative design efforts with
underserved communities in various geographic regions, stating the importance of this approach
to addressing societal challenges [2, 32]. Here, we define community as settings where individuals
share a geographic proximity in which they work and live, in addition to sharing access to
resources. As a result of this proximity, these individuals often share similar societal relations,
common environmental challenges, and barriers [14].
Despite the potential of collaborative design engagements to address societal challenges,
current literature has acknowledged the shortcomings of current PD methods [18, 26, 30, 35, 48].
Much of the critique in this area suggests a need to: devise collaborative research agendas [26, 48],
address imaginative freedom among research participants [5], consider political forms and
objectives of collaborative design engagements [33], and define success as it relates to design
activities within marginalized and underserved communities [79]. Beyond this, Irani [52]
challenges implementations of PD, such as the design workshop or other design practices, as their
own form of social structures which emphasize technological creativity, suggesting barriers of
oppression and classist hierarchies to what is considered design thinking [52].
In this paper, we examine the design workshop implemented in community environments as an
instantation of PD methodology and the ways in which it can misalign with the lived experiences
of underserved communities. We define the design workshop as a spatially situated and
temporally bounded coming together of participant groups and researchers to envision new
design futures, which employ particular materials, tools, and goals [64, 83]. We argue that the
design workshop is a socially and culturally constructed practice that brings with it expectations
that may further marginalize and ultimately undermine participation of certain individuals. In
particular, participatory design as manifested through design workshops — in its current praxis —
is a privileged, White, youthful, and upper to middle-class approach to innovation that consists of
activities that implore participants to rely on ideals of imagination, creativity, and novel insight.
Although PD was intentioned as a way to counter power in workplace infastructure and create
balance between the user and the designer [8], we argue that certain methods, such as the design
workshop, or approaches to design thinking (e.g., “blue sky” ideation) have an ethos that can be
exclusionary to communities that have historically faced systemic discrimination. For example,
engaging in design processes that promote “blue-sky” ideas (or ideation without constraints) may
exacerbate inequities by leading to infeasible solutions that ultimately frustrate underserved
individuals. Underserved communities can face a higher prevalence of life-threatening
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Deconstructing Community-Based Collaborative Design 216:3
circumstances (e.g., economic despair, violence, health disparities) and may look to design
involvement as a resource for more pragmatic solutions and action. Additionally, oftentimes the
implementation of PD methods devalues and reduces the lived experiences of those who may not
have undergone higher levels of education or been exposed to “creativity” as defined by scholarly
applications of design thinking. What constitutes a creative or innovative insight is inherently
value laden and can draw further distinctions between participants and researchers as PD may not
acknowledge those realities [36]. Further, the configuration and temporary nature of the design
workshop as it has been conceived [60, 83] can leave participants without an actual resolve to
deeply important issues and may, at worse, be intrusive or harmful to certain communities.
We suggest that such tensions are not due to the lack of imagination or innovation among
these populations. On the contrary, there is a unique level of imagination, creativity, and
speculation that emerges from those who are underserved in the U.S. [101]. Many of these
communities are comprised of some of the most resilient individuals in the U.S. — surviving
histories of racially targeted violence, discriminatory policies, and traumatizing experiences
designed to be a form of social, cultural, and actual genocide. As such, one of the primary tensions
in the application of PD with these communities lies in the fact that oftentimes the historical
context of these realities is not thoroughly understood, nor does it align with the implementation
of PD in HCI or CSCW.
This paper contributes to and extends the existing critical analysis of PD, particularly design
workshops, as a methodological praxis by addressing the following research questions:
What are the unique challenges of using community-based, collaborative design
workshops to engage with communities that are underserved in a developed context?
In what ways does the history of inequity and oppression within these communities shape
their particpation and acceptance of this form of research engagement?
Leveraging nearly two decades of experience conducting community-based design research
with underserved populations in the U.S., we illustrate how the values and experiences of these
individuals can collide with current manefestations of the design workshop. Specifically, we
present two case studies of community-based participatory design workshops with Black and
LatinX participants from underserved communities in a midwest city in the U.S., each of which
focused on critical social issues (i.e., health, civic engagement). Based on these case studies, we
articulate four areas of challenge and tension, experienced when conducting participatory design
workshops: skepticism and reluctance due to complex history of research injustice, gaining access
among presumptions of gatekeeping, adverse sociocultural interpretations of materials and
activities, and risks associated with obtaining full personal narratives. We argue that even with
considerations and adaptations from recent scholarly activity in HCI and design [13, 26, 79, 85],
the design workshop as an implementation of PD carries with it certain privileges, potentially
resulting in unintentional harm to underserved populations.
This paper makes three main contributions to CSCW. First, we provide insight into the impacts
of historical injustices on collaborative design research engagements such as the design workshop,
extending the extensive body of critical analysis surrounding participatory design for
marginalized and underserved populations [5, 79, 85, 89, 104]. Second, this paper pushes forward a
postcolonial analysis of design [54] as a way to examine the various constructs of engagement that
are associated with participatory design and collaborative innovation methods, specifically for
populations that are underserved in a developed context. Third, we draw from our own analysis
and related literature to offer practical recommendations for developing research agendas and
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collaborative design engagements alongside community members that are better attuned to their
values and experiences [26].
2 RELATED LITERATURE
Participatory Design as a method has been examined and critiqued since its inception. Researchers
have begun a long-evolving discourse about the ways in which PD engages and supports
individuals who are marginalized, moving towards more fair and just design [71]. Among this
discourse, researchers in HCI and CSCW have examined PD in both the execution of design
activities as implementation of method and the ways design outcomes are considered. Here, we
review the existing body of literature across HCI and CSCW regarding historically underserved
communities, community-based PD, and PD for underserved communities.
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design as a way to respond to social issues in collaboration with community partners [49].
Situating PD in the context of a particular community frames design engagements according to
local needs, responding to issues that are defined by the individuals of that community.
The design workshop, which may also be situated within particular community, is a particular
site of social practice that aims to embody the ideals of participatory design. The structure of the
design workshop as physical space is often conducive for collaborative design engagements
because it serves as a meeting point for researchers and community residents to share and
conceptualize ideas [60, 64, 83]. Design workshops mitigate the interplay of researcher and
informant to help identify relationship between individuals, materials, and topic area [16, 46],
simultaneously serving as research instrument, field site, and research account [83]. Community
residents are reimagined as co-designers and partners that are positioned as having equal say in
the exploration and brainstorming of a design challenge [34]. We find that even in the absence of
technology, such engagements may evoke activism and advocacy, and enhance community ties.
Prior community-based PD efforts, including instances of the design workshop, have implemented
a form of action research that looks at civic engagement and community safety [2, 31], collectivist
approaches to health inequities [75], and addressing economic disadvantages [24, 31], to name a
few. In each of these instances we see designers create opportunity for community members to
contribute thoughts and ideas towards changing current situations, a major advantage of PD in a
community context [34]. While the objective is to enable communities to contribute to all stages of
research (design, execution, and analysis), challenges may emerge for communities that look at
design and creativity ‘differently’ from those in charge of the research. A primary concern among
HCI researchers is the adaptation of PD and the design workshop to reflect the context in which a
design engagement is situated. Although recent work within HCI and CSCW acknowledges the
need to adjust design methods when working with underserved communities [35], the ways in
which designers can best support communities who historically have not been in positions of
power are nuanced and complicated, often facing unforeseen tensions. There is a need to place a
critical lens on how researchers shape collaborative design engagements with underserved
communities.
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that in order to have a truly just experience for both researcher and community participant, the
design engagement should be defined by both parties from its inception. This analysis of justice
within collaborative design engagements among underserved populations includes both activity
and outcomes, where many HCI scholars argue for a sociocultural perspective that would consider
more than just structure of method [13, 79]. That is, in order to evaluate if a design engagement is
truly participatory, we must examine the contribution of the citizens involved and the
complexities that surround their ability to voice real issues and thus suggest real artifacts as
solutions. Successes and outcomes of PD have also been critiqued as researchers question both
how we define a PD result and how such results should be measured [13]. Existing literature
posits that it is not enough just to be flexible in this operationalization, but to carry an alternative
to concepts of traditional creativity such that design engagements support “imaginative freedom”
among those who see creativity from a different lens [5]. Continued reflexivity among this method
has also considered mutual gain and how well PD serves the goals of the underserved [11, 41].
Despite the breadth of PD work that has engaged underserved populations in the
conceptualization of solutions to societal issues [12, 28, 34, 51, 63, 85, 105], we find that few
instances of this scholarship foreground the tensions that may be present in doing such work,
particularly those that stem from race and ethnicity (see [62] as an exception). Instead, researchers
often analyze methods of PD based on their own definitions of participation and expectations for
material interaction [27, 58, 69, 78, 80]. Although during design engagements they may grapple
with the impact of researcher presence, how PD outcomes are defined by the community, and the
historical context of relationships between researchers and communities, these details are rarely
centered in analysis or final publications. In addition, much of this literature provides little
contextualization or backstory of how the community of interest was engaged in the
conceptualization of participation or material interaction. While scholars like Gautam [43] and
Gaudio [42] acknowledge the potential harm that exists in researchers engaging vulnerable
populations in PD, they do so in reference to design in a developing context, where democratic
participation is severely impacted by an unstable political landscape of the country. Thus, aside
from work in developing contexts (e.g., [17, 51]), the larger literature on PD lacks detailed analyses
and reporting of many of these considerations and adaptations related to engaging underserved
populations.
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these oppressions has a significant impact on social and economic development of populations
that are being considered as underserved in the United States. Similarly, it is important to
acknowledge that those of African descent who have lived in the diaspora for centuries have
vastly different experiences living in “developed” regions and have endured different types of
trauma than Africans that live on the continent. University of Michigan public health expert
Geronimus, for example, found that Black women who live in the U.S. experience social and
emotional anguish that leads to higher mortality and mobility, or “weathering,” as a result of their
daily experiences of living and surviving in a White society [44]. We are not stating that one
experience is more severe than the other, but rather that these experiences are equally important
and deserve to be explored as a contribution to HCI literature.
To examine community-based participatory design in “developed” contexts, it is essential to
understand the systemic barriers that have led to certain populations being underserved in the
U.S., and the ways we must integrate this understanding into design engagements. Inequality in
the U.S. has become stark across dimensions of income, employment, healthcare access, and social
justice [3]. Oftentimes, those who are marginalized and underserved (e.g. lower-income, people of
color) experience lower wages, higher rates of unemployment, lower qualities of healthcare, and
disenfranchisement in a political context, dating back several centuries [3]. The various social ills
that have contributed to these disparities in the U.S. are systemic in nature, having roots in the
infrastructure of the very governing organizations and institutional policies that are meant to
guide fairness and equal opportunity across communities. Understanding the complex history of
inequality in the U.S. means understanding that many of these disparities and gaps in wealth,
wages, employment and access did not occur by happenstance, but were by design as a way to
promote a white, educated, and affluent majority [1]. Gentrification, or the forced class- and race-
based displacement of people, is one manifestation of this systemic inequity (see [19] for an
analysis). Traditionally, underserved communities experience less access to resources, and
heightened power imbalances between individual citizens and local governing organizations or
institutions [1]. This imbalance, in turn, leaves individuals in these communities in a position
where it is harder to obtain wealth or other measures of upward mobility that has been promised
when realizing the “American dream” as compared to those from the dominant population (i.e.
White).
In Chicago, the third largest city in the U.S. and where our work is situated, policies that
support segregation and discrimination have resulted in a lack of employment opportunities
and/or lower paying jobs, resulting in a higher concentration of poverty and lower quality of life
among Black and LatinX communities, particularly those in the historic South and Westside of
Chicago [74, 90, 100]. One reason that Chicago, like most U.S. cities, faces such societal issues is
because of racially-charged laws such as redlining, which intentionally created an unequal city
infrastructure that has direct negative impacts on low-income, people of color. Redlining was a
federal initiative enacted by private industries that systematized unfair mortgage lending practices
by refusing loans to minorities desiring to purchase homes in predominately White
neighborhoods as well as rejecting loans to Whites desiring to move into neighborhoods where
even some minorities live [50, 84]. Forcing segregation in most major cities, redlining practices
determined real estate property values (i.e., valuing property in minority communities as low) and
limited retail stores and other investment opportunities from moving into minority areas. Thus,
homes in minority communities were and continue to be evaluated as worth considerably less
than homes in predominately White communities.
Like other forms of discrimination, redlining has played a critical role in creating economic and
wealth disparities that have lingered for nearly a century, with “3 out of 4 neighborhoods
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‘redlined’ on government maps 80 years ago continuing to struggle economically” [57, 70]. The
process of redlining was instrumental in propelling housing segregation and ensuring wealth
inequity, ultimately dividing the city by race and disproportionately allocating resources to certain
communities and neglecting others. The effect of which is still felt in the dissemination,
availability, and quality of businesses and city resources and services. Though redlining has been
deemed illegal, the resulting race-based housing segregation that still persists has led to systemic
barriers (e.g., inadequate health services, over-policing, underfunded public education) that
contribute to social and economic inequities in minority communities [102].
It is important to understand these historical inequities as they not only inform the ways in
which underserved populations seek to disrupt systemic barriers, but also provide context to
current technological tensions such as cultural dissonance and a digital divide in technology
proficiency and ownership. These tensions inform the ways technology solutions may be
perceived among those who are systematically underserved. Understanding historical inequities
also helps to contextualize the privilege and cultural distancing of many PD methods. As these
disparities have a long-standing history in both the city of Chicago and other urban cities in the
U.S., they inherently shape the ways local residents perceive current resources and conceptualize
future solutions.
4 CASE STUDIES
The following case studies detail our experience in conducting community-based participatory
research through design workshops with historically underserved populations in the U.S. to
address issues of health and civic engagement, respectively. In leveraging design workshops, we
sought to embed design engagements directly into communities that historically experience
inequities and systemic oppression. Integral to the theoretical underpinning of PD [8, 72], these
instances of the design workshop challenged the structure of the designer as domain expert, and
instead centered the community resident as expert based on their lived experiences.
Based on Rosner and Le Dantec [26, 83], the design workshops were intentionally exploratory
in the way activities were structured, adapting to the needs and engagement of community
residents. Each of these studies were designed to engage residents in discussions concerning their
need for technology to address daily challenges that are seen within their communities, health
disparities and civic engagement respectively. Drawing from CBPR and Participatory Action
Research methodology, these examples attempt to focus community residents as an active partner
in defining and structuring research engagements, consequently drawing out complexities of
collaborative design engagement in these communities. Each research study was approved by a
university Institutional Review Board prior to fieldwork and all participants consented to
participation in the design workshops.
Scholarly discourse in feminist and intersectional HCI highlights the importance of reflexivity
of researchers [15, 88]. In that vein, two of the authors are Black American women, both from
lower-income working class backgrounds, now considered middle-class due to education and
employment. Another author is a white American woman from a middle-class socioeconomic
background. We are acutely interested in designing with the underserved because of our first-
hand experiences with inequity and desire to enact change. Yet, our desire to leverage design to
support change is precisely what brought about our critical reflection of PD methods for these
populations. We also acknowledge that our disciplinary backgrounds – design, computing, and
cognitive science– informs our mindset and research approach.
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retired, and 10 reporting finishing high school or having some college education. All participants
identified as earning less than $20,000USD annually putting them at or below the poverty line,
with only seven participants reporting going online once a month and most indicating little
technology proficiency.
Post Workshop Engagement. Following these workshops, researchers felt it necessary to
find a meaningful way to disseminate results to community residents. The research team
developed a one-page synopsis of what took place during the workshops, sentiments that were
expressed throughout, and health-related community resources. The lead researcher has since
begun working with the Resident Service Coordinator and community residents to identify future
research topic areas.
4.1.2 Critical Reflection
History of Research Injustice. Each of the workshops brought about unique participant
engagements with both materials and activities as well as with the research itself. One of the
initial tensions experienced was that of community residents and their acceptance of research staff
and the underlying intent behind the research agenda as it was presented. This tension arose
largely due to the history of the academic institution that we were affiliated with. Community
residents shared that there was a long-standing complicated history of poor research relationships
between the Black community residents and the university hospital. Historically, Black people
faced discriminatory practices in interacting with this university as students undergoing unfair
admissions and housing policies. As community residents who remembered experiencing racial
discrimination from the Northwestern University, several participants indicated that there was a
history of Blacks often “being used in research studies despite not having access to equal medical
treatment as patients or the hospital itself” – P204. Due to this history, many people were skeptical
about engaging with researchers and sharing health information that they perceived as intimate.
As many of the community residents were old enough to have experienced and remember this
complex history, they felt it pertinent to share that these research injustices have left poor
concepts of the university and the work being done there. “You know I’m old enough to remember
when Northwestern would use us for studies but we couldn’t get medical help. I remember. And this
was after Tuskegee, knowing what they did. So, I have right to have my doubts” – P102. This
community resident felt that the historical precedence of mistreatment of Blacks in medical
research studies such as the Tuskegee study (where Black men were deceitfully told they were
being treated for syphilis) [40] laid foundation for communities of color not trusting medical
institutions. There was additional skepticism surrounding survey instruments and intentions of
data, with individuals voicing their disdain for some of the more quantitative demographic
questions about health or income status as they were unsure what the university would do with
this data. “I don’t trust it. I don’t trust what they’re going to do with it [data]. The way these questions
are worded… they come and do these surveys and we never know what they do with it. Never hear
any more about it” – P206. There is difficulty in seeing new research efforts as standalone among
populations that have experienced research injustice – current research efforts are both framed
and interpreted through past actions of other researchers and instances of institutional trauma.
Gaining Access. One of the more commonly known challenges in conducting community-
based design research is that of developing trust and ‘healthy’ relationships between researcher
and community residents [26]. While this is especially challenging for researchers who may not
identify with the communities they are working with, there are still challenges experienced by
researchers who do have similar identity whether in age, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status. Upon
agreeing to participate in these workshops, participants explained that they wanted to support
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research efforts of the lead researcher as a young Black woman pursuing higher education. While
this desire rooted in self-identification with ethnicity did allow the researcher some level of access
to this community, it is also important to note the barriers that countered this access and impacted
engagement in design workshop activities. Of immediate observation among our research was
community residents’ perception that academic researchers, regardless of similarity in race, may
not understand everyday challenges associated with living in their neighborhood due to education
and class, and that their objective in research was self-served and not vested in community
advancement. In attempt to establish rapport with community residents, part of the research team
spent several months volunteering at the community center doing food distribution or attending
community meetings prior to initiating research engagement. During initial visits to the center,
residents would share stories of participating in research studies from other local universities in
which they would experience research abandonment—that is, they experienced a complete lack of
communication from an academic research team following data collection and completion of a
study. Our vested interest in the mission and activities of this center meant that not only were
researchers engaging with the center outside of research objectives, but that research
engagements were structured ethically to work towards collaborative design efforts that were
meaningful to the community and that did not leave residents feeling abandoned. Invisible labor
stemming from ethics and responsibility emerged here: researchers who identified with the Black
community residents of this center did not want to perpetuate negative research experiences that
would harm these individuals in any way, largely due to a feeling of familial relation to the
community as a whole. The research team found it important to not only establish relationships,
but to demonstrate commitments [26] by remaining ‘there’ in order to engage in collaborative
design ethically.
Interactions with Materials and Activities. In planning workshops and design activities, the
research team in collaboration with the Resident Service Coordinator were very intentional in
considering the fluidity of materials such that community residents could easily express their
ideas without the challenges of not being familiar with a particular technology or design
technique. As such, the research team elected to implement activities that were similar in nature
to those which community residents engaged in during recreational programs at the center (i.e.
arts and crafts, gardening, group games). Despite the efforts to envision activities with the
Community Activity Coordinator, there was friction in the reception of materials and activities.
There was a generally positive response to materials provided for the collaging session, in part
because researchers were intentional about including local magazines and ads that represented the
community. During the sessions of brainstorming, however, participants expressed that the
ideation materials provided (markers, colored pencils, sketching paper) were infantilizing and
belittling. Many participants questioned if the research team felt that they were not capable of
expressing their ideas and thoughts at the level of someone who might be formally and
institutionally educated. In one instance, a community resident commented how the activity of
ideation and brainstorming with colored pencils felt like an “elementary school assignment” and did
not make sense to the larger goal of solving community issues. “The crayons, markers and stuff…
it’s like an elementary school activity. For fifth graders or little kids coloring in coloring books. It
might make sense to you but it don’t make sense to us” P201. That is, their sociocultural associations
with certain materials and activities led to an interpretation that their participation and their ideas
were not being taken ‘seriously’ by researchers.
Similar to the misalignment with the sociocultural expectations of materials, we observed
tensions around activity structure, particularly brainstorming. Much of the larger group indicated
that by brainstorming in such an ‘out-of-the-box’ way they were not moving towards solutions
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that would actually be helpful. As resources such as money and access were active constraints to
the ways they could address their health challenges, it was difficult – if not impossible – for
participants to defer judgement during brainstorming and generate ideas without these bounds.
That is, brainstorming ‘blue sky’ ideas is a luxury practice that marginalizes those who have
endured life with systemic disadvantage and resource scarcity. For example, community residents
expressed the need for tools to progress improvements of living environments as a way to support
health within the community, ultimately mocking up a resident petition to be issued to housing
authority committees. Considering a non-technological artifact such as a petition supports the
concept of innovative freedom in the way we think of outcomes from design workshops and
participatory design engagements. Given the history of injustice, our participants were more
concerned with devising solutions that were ‘real’ and sustainable from within the community
rather than relying on researchers or local governance to carryout. Participants commented that in
the past institutional resources have failed to follow-through, despite community requests.
Barriers to Obtaining Narratives. The challenge of disclosing full accounts also emerged
throughout the workshop series. Participants indicated that there were certain things they might
not feel comfortable disclosing (e.g. previous drug use), for either fear of judgment or potential
repercussion from housing management. The primary focus of health conversations held during
this workshop series focused on community health and environmental barriers to health, and
many of the concerns shared were related to the housing facility in which the residents lived in.
Participants expressed that they did not want to complain about their living conditions (i.e. mold
in carpet, issues with a lack of center resources) too much for fear of not being able to renew lease
terms or other forms of negative repercussions. That is, this group initially saw the research team
as aligning with other outside organizational workers (e.g. representatives from Medicare or
Medicaid) or even building management as opposed to the community residents themselves. In
this way, there is a general sense of risk in disclosure of personal narratives, perceptions, or
attitudes felt by community residents that may be tied to power dynamics in ways that have not
been considered. As research staff may have been considered authority in the same ways as those
who help facilitate local and national government services, there was a natural reluctance to
provide full narratives.
There is a potential impact of harm that may exist in community residents engaging in the
design workshop itself when the research site is based in residents’ living environment and
neighborhood facilities. Despite the intended benefit of design workshops being a collaborative
way to uncover individual and community needs, these individuals may have more to lose in
disclosing certain information. Pushing for personal narratives may be harmful not only to
resident relationships with local resources, but also to their perceptions of the ways research staff
disrupt community relations.
The tensions expressed here were only a subset of what was discovered during design
workshop engagement. Many of these tensions are directly associated with the identity of the
community itself and the particular sociomaterial configuration, structure, and implementation of
these particular design workshops. We found that by encouraging community residents to provide
feedback and definition of the design activities and flow of workshop sessions, residents felt
empowered, yet still expressed a need for guidance and instructional leadership. By examining
both the health-related content of discussion and the engagement with the workshop, we were
able to establish a situated understanding of the challenges associated with collaborative design
engagements within this community.
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Similar to the first care study, the final activity engaged community residents in generating
innovative solutions to the civic tech and technology challenges they identified. After merging the
topics, participants ranked the challenges by importance and brainstormed solutions using various
materials, including paper, sticky notes, and markers; participants used the asset-maps that they
created as well. Our community partners tended to end the workshop by giving a brief
presentation on the city’s initiatives around civic tech, taking particular time to describe resources
that were available such as ways to qualify for affordable internet programs and that there are
WIFI hotspot lending programs at local libraries.
Participants. There was a total of 55 participants: 14 at the first design workshop, and 41 at
the second. Our community partners led participant recruitment by sharing information via digital
and print advertisements as well as word of mouth. There were more attendees at the second
workshop due to having multiple community partners that formed a large research team. Of the
55 participants, 37 completed demographic surveys. Among the 37 participants (ages 26-56+), 20
identified as women. Household incomes ranged from less than $10,000 to over $150,000, and the
average was $60-69,000 (9 people declined to answer). Twenty-five participants self-identified as
Black, 3 as white, and 1 as Latino (8 did not respond). Education levels varied with 2 participants
reporting having high school diplomas or equivalent, and 34 reporting some level of college
education We collected 24 hours of audio and video recordings, sticky notes, annotated maps, the
worksheets participants created, photographs of the sessions, and field notes compiled by the
notetakers.
Post Workshop Engagement. After the workshops, there were three main outcomes. First,
we shared the information back to the communities through a flyer, a white paper, and a
presentation that summarizes the results and provides information about resources that can
address community concerns and support the existing community-based efforts regarding
participation in civic tech decision-making. Second, we used our findings to advocate for more
equitable community involvement, connecting community residents (who expressed a desire for
continued participation) with government officials and encouraged them to attend city meetings
that impact government decisions. Lastly, the lead researcher (second author of this paper)
leveraged the research findings to advocate for the creation of an annual grant that supports small,
community-led non-profits to support sustainable solutions to addressing local civic tech concerns
and currently sits on the board of the grant committee.
4.2.2 Critical Reflection
History of Research Injustice. During workshops, there were several instances where residents
shared concerns about the historical injustices that their communities have faced. Many also
expressed how their opinions of technology solutions are unlikely to yield useful results that
would benefit their communities given the history of policies and laws that propagate inequity,
whether intentionally or unintentionally. This was evident in how one resident responded to the
explanation of research objectives and consent prior to the beginning of the first workshop. This
resident, who identified as a LatinX man, shared his concerns about the lack of impact that
researchers have had on their communities in the past, stating that most researchers do not share
their results with the community, much like in the health workshops. When the research team
offered to share the type of information that we provide back to the communities as well as the
academic outcomes (e.g., papers), he asked the team to email him copies of those documents so he
could see them. His skepticism of working with researchers was from his experience of
researchers, typically from large academic institutions, conducting research and abandoning
research sites. Similar sentiments were shared by a Black woman who shared her thoughts about
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Deconstructing Community-Based Collaborative Design 216:15
researchers during the second workshop: “So, my feeling always is, you know I look around the
room and DePaul is present. And for them it’s a research project. That don’t sit good in my heart. And
I’m sorry, because… Like I told you, I’m a lifelong Chicagoan. I’ve seen University of Chicago fucking
did it, DePaul doing it, but this workshop… what do you do with that!? And so, I’m the kind of person
that believes change is only going to come from within the community. The cavalry ain’t coming in to
save us, we gonna have to save ourselves.” This comment is an example of the skepticism and doubt
expressed by the community regarding the researchers’ presence. Her comment exemplifies an
opinion that we encountered in both case studies that the researchers do not care for the long-
term wellbeing of the community and that they need to be self-sufficient and resilient without
help from outsiders given their history.
Gaining Access. At the start of both design workshops, the lead researcher (second author on
this paper) attempted to build rapport with community residents in the typical ways (e.g., greeting
participants prior to getting started, formal introductions with the host organization, power
transfer by explaining that they are the experts and that the team is here to learn from them).
Similar to prior studies [26], participants from both workshops asked questions about the lead
researcher’s background, where they grew up, how long they lived in Chicago, and in what
neighborhood do they reside. Much of this questioning stemmed from typical rapport building
that all researchers may face, where participants attempt to understand the researcher’s level of
commitment to the community. Though this gatekeeping may be typical, the response to the
emotional labor tied to the community’s wellbeing may be a result of being a minority, who has
been granted access to working with these communities. As personal relationships were built in
these communities over time, a sense of obligation was felt by both researcher and community
resident. That is – many community residents began to ask the lead researcher for personal favors
or commitments outside of the research itself. This emotional labor emerged as a range of personal
requests (e.g., expectations that the lead researcher will be available for campus tours, giving talks
at a church, working at an understaffed food pantry) and personal emotional labor (e.g., constantly
questioning the validity and impact of the research beyond academic publications). This also
seemed to extend to the extensive work conducted beyond the workshop to develop and fund
community initiatives to explore civic technology. Such emotional labor results in a desire to
participate in initiatives that can make real immediate change in a system resistant to change, and
a feeling of responsibility to familiar communities.
Interactions with Materials and Activities. Though participants did not openly complain
about the workshop materials (i.e., markers, sticky notes, paper, maps) in this case, there was some
confusion about the basic concepts of design with residents feeling these activities felt foreign or
lacked usefulness despite given instructions. For instance, during the mapping exercise in the
second design workshop, one participant shared that she did not understand the concept of
mapping and there was shared laughter about the notion of using colored sticky notes.
Researchers observed this confusion noting: Susan asks around the table, “What is mapping?” John
seems surprised by her question. There are jokes about pink and coral post-its. Laughter around the
table. The reaction from John, a White male teacher, demonstrates his familiarity with the concept
of mapping, while Susan, a Black small business owner was not only unfamiliar but also found
humor (along with others at the table) about the materials and concept of mapping.
Similarly, due to the nature of the activities, it was challenging to keep some community
residents interested due to the disconnect between what individuals viewed as feasible, sustainable
solutions and the design process – which requires an acceptance of ambiguity and faith that the
process will yield effective solutions. During the instructions and “share out” portions of the
workshop, we observed community residents listening intently but quickly becoming bored and
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engaging in side activities. Similar to the first set of design workshops, there was an evident
disconnect between how researchers envisioned these design engagements and what community
residents felt to be somewhat elementary activities that may not address their serious challenges.
When asked to imagine technical solutions, residents were resistant, stating that they “were not
techie”. These engagements mirror the previous case study in the ways that community residents
thought about solutions to social issues, often with non-technical approaches.
Barriers to Obtaining Narratives. Despite the fact that our workshops were facilitated by
both the research team and community residents, there were several instances where it was clear
that the responses shared were limited in depth and detail of personal narratives. This was evident
in the audio recordings, which captured residents sharing more detailed, personal experiences
while talking one-on-one to each other rather than talking to the entire table. There was strong
hesitation to broadly share personal stories, even amongst a table of other residents and/or the
research team. Much of the hesitation to engage deeply stems from the historical distrust of
research in general that has resulted in trauma to these communities. Our fieldnotes capture a
discussion amongst residents about research surveys as an example of participants’ thoughts on
research:
Susan says she works with [a community survey organization] where they get surveys. She says
[to the table], “Surveys say your side of story or their side of story but not all. Some people don’t
even take surveys. Its neutral and hence everyone is open about data being collected but
interpretation is different.”
John adds that if a survey that is intended for community [but is not owned by the community] is
an experiment and it doesn’t communicate well with many people in research field. Leslie says
there should be well known faces from the community [who engage as the research team so
people can respond] ‘I know Susan. I know Donna.’ but when a stranger knocks your door you
say ‘No.’” Donna adds “It always felt like an attack on my business [when researchers come]. It is
[like they want] to get some stuff (data) and experiment.”
Though Susan was on the survey research team, she still was skeptical about research in
general. This discussion reflects the skepticism of research and how there is a natural hesitation to
become fully invested in a research project by providing data without having an active voice in
the outcomes and dissemination of results. The nature of the discussion also exemplifies the
hesitation of participants to share full personal narratives. In discussing city and neighborhood
conditions, participants were reticent to acknowledge the root of community challenges that may
implicate individuals they know personally. Doing so would have tremendous impact on
interpersonal relationships as well as individual safety. Being mindful of these consequences while
also wanting to capture full narratives is clearly a tension in this design engagement.
informed by grassroots and participatory development [68]. Despite critiques of the abstract
nature of this theory, postcolonialism has been adopted in design to suggest that, at some point,
design and collaborative engagements within design became institutionalized efforts, with these
engagements being defined by those who have access to formal education and training [54, 65].
Applying a postcolonial lens to PD stresses the importance of considering histories of injustice,
uneven economic relations, local knowledge as it pertains to design implementation, and the
difficulties of design across cultures [56], which may occur when positioning academic researchers
in underserved communities that they do not identify with. This suggests that there are inherent
privileges that come with PD that must be attended to and destabilized when design engagements
are situated in communities that are undeserved. Indeed, colonialism is embedded in much of
CSCW and HCI research that happens in the “developed world” although it is rarely accounted for
[55]. Relatedly, O’Leary et al. [62] detail how designers can hide the workings of racism and
demonstrate how, despite community engagement, conventional design practices can be inherently
racialized. These authors suggest HCI recognize practices that make racialization explicit and
decenter the authority of design elitism.
Here, we bring this critical lens to our analysis of design engagements with U.S. based
researchers working with underserved populations in the U.S. Our goal in analyzing these cases is
not to suggest that undertaking such a methodological approach with these communities should
only be seen for community struggles and the challenges researchers face, but that these
engagements require us to hold researchers accountable for the ways in which we insert ourselves
into these communities. We build upon the previous assertations of scholars well-established in
PD methodology [26, 83] and also engage with those looking at equity and social-justice oriented
research practices [18, 19, 21]. Thus, to decolonize research practices associated with the design
workshop, we highlight three key ways researchers can rethink engagement and implement
equitable community-based PD practices with underserved communities.
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getting into the gate. This reflexivity also requires careful consideration of who is or should be
made visible (i.e., recognition) [19, 37, 62] and whether these individuals are even willing or desire
to affiliate with design practices [6].
Such reflexivity can help reframe the ways in which methods or context of design inquiry are
shaped. It is important to acknowledge that researchers bring the history of their discipline and
sometimes an associated institution (e.g., medical, government) with them to the field. Some of
these histories will undoubtedly hold particular traumas for communities that are oppressed. In
our contexts of study, equity may also mean engaging local community leaders or activists that
are familiar with the area of research interest and know more in-depth the history the
communities have with academic and service institutions. Additionally, collecting stories of the
community environment and its residents does not always have to be a part of ‘data collection’ but
can precede research engagements as a way to better understand the setting being entered.
Implementing preparatory activities, such as encouraging community residents to share their
environment or their current ways of doing things may help to build trust and establish an
understanding among researchers of the community they are working with. Such preparation for
design engagements may help contextualize the specific methods that will work best and how
these methods may be interpreted by community residents. Similarly, what researchers do after
the study is equally important and requires careful consideration, an investment of time, and
emotional labor. This work is time intensive and takes a critical examination of researcher
privilege and the social tensions of what academic researchers represent in these communities.
The notion of ‘being there’ before and after a study becomes increasingly important to
understanding local histories, contexts, and relations.
5.2 Encourage Rich and Full Accounts Rather than Stressing Honest Disclosure
Despite our own efforts to shift power in these design workshops, in both case studies we
observed hesitation among community residents regarding the type of information and which
personal stories will be shared with research teams. Histories of research engagements have led to
participants recognizing that the data, information, and stories collected will tell a narrative over
which they are not in complete control. Therefore, many community residents perceive research
engagements within their communities to be more about concepts of “white gaze” (in which Black
and Brown bodies are a spectacle of performance) [106], an often seen savior complex where
individuals are fixated on “saving” the disenfranchised due to guilt of privilege or even ways of
policing in which their personal narratives are not safe from future consequence. As discussed
earlier, the reluctance to open up may stem from the intergenerational trauma caused by academic
and government institutions that have historically caused harm to these communities.
Additionally, the fear of disclosing illegal or stigmatizing information can be felt deeply.
Researchers must acknowledge the (unintentional) harm that may occur simply by their
presence in these research environments. Following the necessity to understand the historical
injustices of research within these communities, it is also important to understand the
sociocultural and political environment of the communities themselves. As a way to address this
nuance, researchers should look to focus more on the fullness of engagement rather than whether
participants are disclosing ‘honest truths.’ Supporting community residents to engage on their
own terms and share narratives that they deem important in a comfortable environment may push
us closer to design engagements where these individuals feel empowered rather than further
marginalized, while also accepting that there are likely some personal details missing.
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has been well-accepted and leveraged among both scholars in academia and design organizations
such as the Design Justice Network [29]. The future of collaborative design engagements that
center community needs must think of design as a catalyst for social change, not simply
technological advancement, particularly in communities situated in societies that are designed
counter to their advancement. Sorting out tensions with commitments to funding agencies may
require seeking funding through alternate sources, such as foundations focused on advocacy and
social justice. Building in ways for researchers to stay in the field after funding ends or without
any funding at all is also critical, particularly given the emotional labor of being there. This may
require reframing the value and academic incentives of pre- and post-study work. Without
reimagining the value proposition of this work and changing the academic culture of publication,
research abandonment seems inevitable.
Community-based design practitioners have begun to implement equity in design to address
issues of health disparities, mass incarceration, poverty, and education by focusing on a
community’s history and culture, and addressing power dynamics (see Equity-Centered
Community Field Guide by Creative Reaction Lab [22]). This method decolonizes research practice
from those who are affluent and privileged and refocuses the community as the authority. Equity
in participatory design dismantles the hierarchies that exist between researcher and participant,
shifting power to coming from the bottom up instead of from the top down. As we continue this
conversation of a more equitable approach to PD, we must consider community history [59],
measures of accountability, and reflexivity. We must define and work towards what it means to
implement equity as a central focus of this process. How do we address barriers of economics and
structural injustices in design and through design? With as much cultural sensitivity that HCI and
CSCW researchers design for, there are still methodological challenges that emerge within
underserved communities because of the structural injustices that exist.
7 CONCLUSION
We present a critical analysis of the unique challenges and tensions that surround community-
based collaborative design engagements with underserved communities within the U.S. The
foundation of PD suggests that it is a democratic mechanism to respond to societal challenges, yet
when implemented in the context of underserved communities there are tensions that prevent the
actualization of this opportunity. We posit that the history of injustice that has led to the
inequities these communities face also impacts such research engagements, leading to skepticism
of research agendas, barriers to acceptance of materials and activities, and challenges in full
disclosure of personal narratives. The underlying premise of systemic oppression may have impact
on the ability to truly collaborate with underserved populations through design, and thus must be
acknowledged in such conversations. Our aim has been to revisit design workshops as a method
and through this deconstruct barriers to equitable engagement and further progress PD towards
innovation and social action similar to the congruency seen in CBPR. Considering the historical
context of research environments, the realization of community access and allyship, and centering
practical existing community resources all stand to push community-based PD forward to a truly
equity-driven research engagement. By reconstructing the way in which this method is framed,
we can support a more equitable process which highlights and reflects the needs and values of
these communities without further marginalizing them.
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216:22 Christina N. Harrington, Sheena Erete, & Anne Marie Piper
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The projects in these case studies were sponsored and funded by NSF grant IIS-1551574 and by
City Tech. We extend a gracious thank you to the community partners that engaged in this
research and allowed us into their lives and to tell their stories. We would also like to thank Enid
Montague and Jessa Dickinson for their feedback on early drafts of this paper.
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PACM on Human-Computer Interaction, Vol. 3, No. CSCW, Article 216. Publication date: November 2019.
216:24 Christina N. Harrington, Sheena Erete, & Anne Marie Piper
PACM on Human-Computer Interaction, Vol. 3, No. CSCW, Article 216. Publication date: November 2019.
Deconstructing Community-Based Collaborative Design 216:25
PACM on Human-Computer Interaction, Vol. 3, No. CSCW, Article 216. Publication date: November 2019.