Chapter one: Early adulthood

1.1.Introduction
Psychology is the scientific study of behavior and mental processes. Developmental psychology is the
subfield that examines the nature and direction of change in the individual over time. Though the term
development has many meanings, it will be used here to refer to systematic changes in behavior over time
those results from interaction between the individual and the internal and external environment. Adult
development is the branch of developmental psychology concerned with change in the individual after
adolescence. It is the newest division within developmental psychology. Adulthood does not begin at any
particular age; it is a period characterized by relative independence, financial and otherwise, from parents
and the acceptance of responsibility for one's actions. There are probably 16-year-olds who meet the
definition and 29-year-olds who do not. In addition, the point at which a given individual becomes an adult
is often ambiguous, since our society lacks formal markers of the end of childhood. However, given these
cautions, a shift toward adult roles and responsibilities usually occurs somewhere between the late teens
and early 20s.
1.2.LIFE-SPAN DEVELOPMENTAL PERSPECTIVE
Life-span development refers to the study of age-related changes in behavior throughout life. In other
words, in contrast to the traditional developmental perspective discussed earlier, life-span developmental
psychologists are interested in studying constancy and change in behavior from conception to death. A
number of theoretical perspectives associated with life-span developmental psychology are critical to our
investigation of adult life. This collection of six beliefs, which constitutes not a theory of development but
a way of thinking about development-a kind of meta theoretical worldview (Reese & Overton, 1 970)-are
discussed below (Baltes, 1987
The six key perspectives on life span development
1. Development is a lifelong process:- Development continues throughout life; new possibilities may emerge
at any age.
2. Development includes both gains and losses:- At all points in the life span, development includes growth
as well as decline.
3. Development is multidimensional, multidirectional, and multi-causal:- Throughout life, age-related
change occurs in many different areas of development (cognitive, physical, and so on). This growth occurs
at different rates and times, goes in different directions, and is caused by multiple factors.
4. Development is plastic:- Development can be modified or changed.
5. Development is embedded in historical, cultural, and social contexts:- Development is affected by the
variables present in the various layers of the environment.

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6. Development is a multidisciplinary field:- Development is best understood by knowledge integrated from
psychology as well as related fields such as neuroscience and sociology.
1.3.Becoming an Adult
For most individuals, becoming an adult involves a lengthy transition period. Recently, the transition from
adolescence to adulthood has been referred to as emerging adulthood, which occurs from approximately
18 to 25 years of age (Arnett, 2006, 2007). Experimentation and exploration characterize the emerging
adult. At this point in their development, many individuals are still exploring which career path they want
to follow, what they want their identity to be, and which lifestyle they want to adopt (for example, single,
cohabiting, or married).
Key Features Jeffrey Arnett (2006) recently concluded that five key features characterize emerging
adulthood:
1. Identity exploration:- especially in love, work, and worldview. Emerging adulthood is the time during
which key changes in identity take place for many individuals (Cote, 2009; Kroger, Martinussen, &
Marcia, 2010).
2. Instability. Frequent changes in living arrangements, relationships, education, and work. Residential
changes peak during early adulthood, a time during which there also is often instability in love, work, and
education.
3. Self-focused. Not self-centered but lacking obligations to others. According to Arnett (2006, p. 10),
emerging adults ―are self-focused in the sense that they have little in the way of social obligations, little in
the way of duties and commitments to others, which leaves them with a great deal of autonomy in running
their own lives.‖
4. Feeling in-between. Many emerging adults don’t consider themselves adolescents or full-fledged adults.
5. The age of possibilities, a time when individuals have an opportunity to transform their lives. Arnett
(2006) describes two ways in which emerging adulthood is the age of possibilities: (1) many emerging
adults are optimistic about their future; and (2) for emerging adults who have experienced difficult times
while growing up, emerging adulthood presents an opportunity to direct their lives in a more positive
direction.
Markers of Becoming an Adult In the United States, the most widely recognized marker of entry into
adulthood is holding a more or less permanent, full-time job, which usually happens when an individual
finishes school—high school for some, college for others, graduate or professional school for still others.
However, other criteria are far from clear. Economic independence is one marker of adult status, but
achieving it is often a long process. College graduates are increasingly returning to live with their parents
as they attempt to establish themselves economically. A longitudinal study found that at age 25 only

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slightly more than half of the participants were fully financially independent of their family of origin
(Cohen & others, 2003). The most dramatic findings in this study, though, involved the extensive
variability in the individual trajectories of adult roles across 10 years from 17 to 27 years of age; many of
the participants moved back and forth between increasing and decreasing economic dependency.
Other studies show us that taking responsibility for oneself is likely an important marker of adult status for
many individuals. In a recent study, both parents and college students agreed that taking responsibility for
one’s actions and developing emotional control are important aspects of becoming an adult (Nelson &
others, 2007).
What we have discussed about the markers of adult status mainly characterize individuals in industrialized
societies, especially Americans. Are the criteria for adulthood the same in developing countries as they are
in the United States? In developing countries, marriage is more often a significant marker for entry into
adulthood, and this usually occurs much earlier than the adulthood markers in the United States (Arnett,
2004).
1.4.Physical Development
Throughout childhood and adolescence, the body grows larger and stronger, coordination improves, and
sensory systems gather information more effectively. Once body structures reach maximum capacity and
efficiency, biological aging, or senescence, begins—genetically influenced declines in the functioning of
organs and systems that are universal in all members of our species. Like physical growth, however,
biological aging varies widely across parts of the body, and individual differences are great—variation that
the lifespan perspective helps us understand. A host of contextual factors—including each person’s genetic
makeup, lifestyle, living environment, and historical period—can accelerate or slow age-related declines
(Arking, 2006). As a result, the physical changes of the adult years are, indeed, multidimensional and
multidirectional.
1.4.1. Biological Aging is Under Way in Early Adulthood
Biological aging is the combined result of many causes, some operating at the level of DNA, others at the
level of cells, and still others at the level of tissues, organs, and the whole organism. Hundreds of theories
exist, indicating that our understanding is incomplete.
1.4.2. Aging at the Level of DNA and Body Cells
Current explanations of biological aging at the level of DNA and body cells are of two types:
(1) Those that emphasize the programmed effects of specific genes and
(2) Those that emphasize the cumulative effects of random events that damage genetic and cellular material.
Support for both views exists, and a combination may eventually prove to be correct.

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Genetically programmed aging receives some support from kinship studies indicating that longevity is a
family trait. People whose parents had long lives tend to live longer themselves. And greater similarity
exists in the lifespans of identical than fraternal twins. But the heritability of longevity is low to moderate,
ranging from .15 to .50 for age at death and from .15 to .55 for various measures of current biological age,
such as hand-grip muscle strength, respiratory capacity, and overall physical health (Dutta et al., 2011;
Finkel et al., 2014). Rather than inheriting longevity directly, people probably inherit risk and protective
factors, which influence their chances of dying earlier or later.
One ―genetic programming‖ theory proposes the existence of ―aging genes‖ that control biological
changes, such as deterioration of body cells. The strongest evidence for this view comes from research
showing that human cells allowed to divide in the laboratory have a lifespan of 50 divisions, plus or minus
10 (Hayflick, 1998). With each, a special type of DNA called telomeres—located at the ends of
chromosomes, serving as a ―cap‖ to protect the ends from destruction —shortens. Eventually, so little
remains that the cells no longer duplicate at all. Telomere shortening acts as a brake against somatic
mutations (such as those involved in cancer), which become more likely as cells duplicate. But an increase
in the number of senescent cells (ones with short telomeres) also contributes to age-related disease, loss of
function, and earlier mortality (Epel et al., 2009; Tchkonia et al., 2013).
As the Biology and Environment box on the following page reveals, researchers have begun to identify
health behaviors and psychological states that accelerate telomere shortening—powerful biological
evidence that certain life circumstances compromise longevity. According to an alternative, ―random
events‖ theory, DNA in body cells is gradually damaged through spontaneous or externally caused
mutations. As these accumulate, cell repair and replacement become less efficient, and abnormal cancerous
cells are often produced. Studies confirm an increase in DNA breaks and deletions and damage to other
cellular material with age (Freitas & Magalhães, 2011).
One hypothesized cause of age-related DNA and cellular abnormalities is the release of free radicals—
naturally occurring, highly reactive chemicals that form in the presence of oxygen. When oxygen
molecules break down within the cell, the reaction strips away an electron, creating a free radical. As it
seeks a replacement from its surroundings, it destroys nearby cellular material, increasing the individual’s
vulnerability to disorders of aging, including cardiovascular disease, neurological impairments, cancer,
cataracts, and arthritis (Stohs, 2011).
Genes for longevity, some researchers speculate, might work by defending against free radicals. But to the
contrary, in some species, elevated free-radical activity—as long as it does not reach toxic levels—is
associated with longer life, likely because it serves as a ―stress signal‖ that activates DNA repair systems
within cells (Shokolenko, Wilson, & Alexeyev, 2014). These findings may explain why antioxidant dietary

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supplements, such as vitamins A and E, have consistently failed to reduce the incidence of disease or
extend length of life (Bjelakovic, Nikolova, & Gluud, 2013).
In sum, although free-radical damage increases with age, no clear evidence indicates that it triggers
biological aging. Rather, it may at times contribute to longevity.
1.4.3. Aging at the Level of Tissues and Organs
What consequences might age-related DNA and cellular deterioration have for the structure and
functioning of organs and tissues? Among possibilities with clear support is the cross-linkage theory of
aging. Over time, protein fibers that make up the body’s connective tissue form bonds, or links, with one
another. When these normally separate fibers cross-link, tissue becomes less elastic, leading to many
negative outcomes, including loss of flexibility in the skin and other organs, clouding of the lens of the eye,
clogging of arteries, and kidney damage (Diggs, 2008; Kragstrup, Kjaer, & Mackey, 2011). Like other
aspects of aging, crosslinking can be reduced by external factors, including regular exercise and a healthy
diet.
Biology and Environment
In the not-too-distant future, your annual physical exam may include an assessment of the length of your
telomeres—DNA at the ends of chromosomes— which safeguard the stability of your cells. Telomeres
shorten with each cell duplication; when they drop below a critical length, the cell can no longer divide and
becomes senescent (see Figure.1). Although telomeres shorten with age, the rate at which they do so varies
greatly. An enzyme called telomerase prevents shortening and can even reverse the trend, lengthening
telomeres and protecting the aging cell.
Figure.1 Telomeres at the ends of chromosomes.

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A diagram shows (a) a new cell, with telomeres attached to the ends of chromosomes; and (b) a cell after
numerous duplications, with shortened telomeres that are detached from the ends of chromosomes, and a
label that reads: Shortening telomeres, followed by cell death.
Over the past decade, research examining the influence of life circumstances on telomere length has
exploded. A well-established finding is that chronic illnesses, such as cardiovascular disease and cancer,
hasten telomere shortening in white blood cells, which play a vital role in the immune response (Corbett &
Alda, 2015). Telomere shortening, in turn, predicts more rapid disease progression and earlier death.
Accelerated telomere shortening has been linked to a variety of unhealthy behaviors, including cigarette
smoking, excessive alcohol use, and the physical inactivity and overeating that lead to obesity and to
insulin resistance, which often precedes type 2 diabetes (Epel et al., 2006; Ludlow, Ludlow, & Roth, 2013).
Unfavorable health conditions may alter telomere length as early as the prenatal period, with possible long-
term negative consequences for biological aging. In research on rats, poor maternal nutrition during
pregnancy resulted in low birth weight and development of shorter telomeres in kidney and heart tissue
(Tarry- Adkins et al., 2008). In related human investigations, children and adolescents who had been low-
birth-weight had shorter telomeres in their white blood cells than did their normal-birth-weight agemates
(Raqib et al., 2007; Strohmaier et al., 2015).
Persistent emotional stress:-in childhood, abuse, bullying, or exposure to family violence; in adulthood,
parenting a child with a chronic illness, caring for an older adult with dementia, or experiences of racial
discrimination or violence—is linked to telomere shortness in white blood cells and swabbed cheek cells
(Chae et al., 2014; Drury et al., 2014; Price et al., 2013; Shalev et al., 2013). In other research, maternal
severe emotional stress during pregnancy predicted shortened telomere length in children’s white blood
cells at birth and in follow-ups in early adulthood, even after other possible contributing factors (such as
low birth weight and childhood and adult stress levels) were controlled (Entringer et al., 2011, 2012).
Fortunately, when adults make positive lifestyle changes, telomeres respond accordingly. Healthy eating
behaviors; physical activity that increases fitness; reduced alcohol intake and cigarette smoking; and a
decline in emotional stress are all associated with gains in telomerase activity and longer telomeres (Lin,
Epel, & Blackburn, 2012; Shalev et al., 2013).
Currently, researchers are working on identifying sensitive periods of telomere change—times when
telomeres are most susceptible to modification. Early intervention—for example, enhanced prenatal care
and treatments aimed at reducing childhood obesity and exposure to stressors—may be particularly
powerful. But telomeres are changeable through intervention well into late adulthood (Epel et al., 2009;
Price et al., 2013). As our understanding of predictors and consequences of telomere length expands, it may
become an important index of health and aging throughout life. Gradual failure of the endocrine system,

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which produces and regulates hormones, is yet another route to aging. An obvious example is decreased
estrogen production in women, which culminates in menopause. Because hormones affect many body
functions, disruptions in the endocrine system can have widespread effects on health and survival. For
example, a drop in growth hormone (GH) is associated with loss of muscle and bone mass, addition of
body fat, thinning of the skin, and decline in cardiovascular functioning. Again, diet and physical activity
can limit these aspects of biological aging.
Finally, deterioration in immune system functioning contributes to many conditions of aging, including
increased susceptibility to infectious disease and cancer, changes in blood vessel walls associated with
cardiovascular disease, and chronic inflammation of body tissues, which leads to tissue damage and plays a
role in many diseases. Decreased vigor of the immune response seems to be genetically programmed, but
other aging processes we have considered (such as weakening of the endocrine system) can intensify it
(Alonso-Fernández & De la Fuente, 2011; Franceschi & Campisi, 2014).
1.5.Physical Changes
Describe the physical changes of aging, paying special attention to the cardiovascular and respiratory
systems, motor performance, the immune system, and reproductive capacity.
The physical changes of aging are summarized in Table 1:- During the twenties and thirties, they are so
gradual that most are hardly noticeable.
Table.1 Physical Changes of Aging
Organ or Timing of change Description
System
Sensory
1. Vision From age 30 As the lens stiffens and thickens, ability to focus on close objects
declines. Yellowing of the lens, weakening of muscles controlling the
pupil, and clouding of the vitreous (gelatin-like substance that fills
the eye) reduce light reaching the retina, impairing color
discrimination and night vision. Visual acuity, or fineness of
discrimination, decreases, with a sharp drop between ages 70 and 80.
2. Hearing From age 30 Sensitivity to sound declines, especially at high frequencies but
gradually extending to all frequencies. Change is more than twice as
rapid for men as for women.
3. Taste From age 60 Sensitivity to the four basic tastes—sweet, salty, sour, and bitter—is
reduced as number and distribution of taste buds on the tongue
decline.

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Organ or Timing of change Description
System
4. Smell From age 60 Loss of smell receptors reduces ability to detect and identify odors
5.Touch Gradual Loss of touch receptors reduces sensitivity on the hands, particularly
the fingertips.
Cardiovascu Gradual As the heart muscle becomes more rigid, maximum heart rate
lar decreases, reducing the heart’s ability to meet the body’s oxygen
requirements when stressed by exercise. As artery walls stiffen and
accumulate plaque, blood flow to body cells is reduced.
Respiratory Gradual Under physical exertion, respiratory capacity decreases and breathing
rate increases. Stiffening of connective tissue in the lungs and chest
muscles makes it more difficult for the lungs to expand to full
volume.
Immune Gradual Shrinking of the thymus limits maturation of T cells and disease-
fighting capacity of B cells, impairing the immune response.
Muscular Gradual As nerves stimulating them die, fast-twitch muscle fibers (responsible
for speed and explosive strength) decline in number and size to a
greater extent than slow-twitch fibers (which support endurance).
Tendons and ligaments (which transmit muscle action) stiffen,
reducing speed and flexibility of movement.
Skeletal Begins in the late Cartilage in the joints thins and cracks, leading bone ends beneath it
30s, to erode. New cells continue to be deposited on the outer layer of the
Accelerates in the bones, and mineral content of bone declines. The resulting broader
50s, slows in the but more porous bones weaken the skeleton and make it more
70s vulnerable to fracture. Change is more rapid in women than in men.
Reproductiv In women, Fertility problems (including difficulty conceiving and carrying a
e accelerates after age pregnancy to term) and risk of having a baby with a chromosomal
35; in men, begins disorder increase.
after age 40
Nervous From age 50 Brain weight declines as neurons lose water content and die, mostly
in the cerebral cortex, and as ventricles (spaces) within the brain
enlarge. Development of new synapses and limited generation of new
neurons can, in part, compensate for these declines.

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Organ or Timing of change Description
System
Skin Gradual Epidermis (outer layer) is held less tightly to the dermis (middle
layer); fibers in the dermis and hypodermis (inner layer) thin; fat cells
in the hypodermis decline. As a result, the skin becomes looser, less
elastic, and wrinkled. Change is more rapid in women than in men
Hair From age 35 Grays and thins.
Height From age 50 Loss of bone strength leads to collapse of disks in the spinal column,
leading to a height loss of as much as 2 inches by the 70s and 80s.
Weight Increases to age Weight change reflects a rise in fat and a decline in muscle and bone
50; declines from mineral. Since muscle and bone are heavier than fat, the
age 60 resulting pattern is weight gain followed by loss. Body fat
accumulates on the torso and decreases on the extremities.

1.6.Cognitive Development
The cognitive changes of early adulthood are supported by further development of the prefrontal cortex and
its connections with other brain regions. Pruning of synapses along with growth and myelination of
stimulated neural fibers continue, though at a slower pace than in adolescence. These changes result in
continued fine-tuning of the prefrontal cognitive-control network, which achieves a better balance with the
brain’s emotional/social network as sensation seeking gradually diminishes.
Consequently, planning, reasoning, and decision making improve, supported by major life events of this
period— including attaining higher education, entering a career, and grappling with the demands of
marriage and child rearing. Furthermore, fMRI evidence reveals that as young adults become increasingly
proficient in a chosen field of endeavor, regions of the cerebral cortex specialized for those activities
undergo further experience-dependent brain growth. Besides more efficient functioning, structural changes
occur as greater knowledge and refinement of skills result in more cortical tissue devoted to the task and, at
times, reorganization of brain areas governing the activity (Lenroot & Giedd, 2006).
How does cognition change in early adulthood?
Lifespan theorists have examined this question from three familiar vantage points.
First, they have proposed transformations in the structure of thought—new, qualitatively distinct ways of
thinking that extend the cognitive-developmental changes of adolescence.
Second, adulthood is a time of acquiring advanced knowledge in a particular area, an accomplishment that
has important implications for information processing and creativity.

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Finally, researchers are interested in the extent to which the diverse mental abilities assessed by
intelligence tests remain stable or change during the adult years.
Changes in the Structure of Thought
Explain how thinking changes in early adulthood?
1. Epistemic Cognition
The work of William Perry (1981, 1970/1998) provided the starting point for an expanding research
literature on the development of epistemic cognition. Epistemic means ―of or about knowledge,‖ and
epistemic cognition refers to our reflections on how we arrived at facts, beliefs, and ideas. When mature,
rational thinkers reach conclusions that differ from those of others, they consider the justifiability of their
conclusions. When they cannot justify their approach, they revise it, seeking a more balanced, adequate
route to acquiring knowledge.
Younger students regarded knowledge as made up of separate units (beliefs and propositions), whose truth
could be determined by comparing them to objective standards—standards that exist apart from the
thinking person and his or her situation. As a result, they engaged in dualistic thinking, dividing
information, values, and authority into right and wrong, good and bad, we and they.
Older students, in contrast, had moved toward relativistic thinking, viewing all knowledge as embedded
in a framework of thought. Aware of a diversity of opinions on many topics, they gave up the possibility of
absolute truth in favor of multiple truths, each relative to its context. As a result, their thinking became
more flexible and tolerant.
Eventually, the most mature individual’s progress to commitment within relativistic thinking. Instead of
choosing between opposing views, they try to formulate a more personally satisfying perspective that
synthesizes contradictions. When considering which of two theories studied in a college course is better or
which of several movies most deserves an Oscar, the individual moves beyond the stance that everything is
a matter of opinion and generates rational criteria against which options can be evaluated (Moshman,
2013).
By the end of the college years, some students reach this extension of relativism. Adults who attain it
generally display a more sophisticated approach to learning, in which they actively seek differing
perspectives to deepen their knowledge and understanding and to clarify the basis for their own
perspective.

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2. Pragmatic Thought and Cognitive- Affective Complexity
Gisella Labouvie-Vief’s (1980, 1985) portrait of adult cognition echoes features of Perry’s theory.
Adulthood involves movement from hypothetical to pragmatic thought, a structural advance in which logic
becomes a tool for solving real-world problems.
The need to specialize motivates this change. As adults select one path out of many alternatives, they
become more aware of the constraints of everyday life. And in the course of balancing various roles, they
accept contradictions as part of existence and develop ways of thinking that thrive on imperfection and
compromise.
Labouvie-Vief (2003, 2005, 2015) also points out that young adults’ enhanced reflective capacities alter the
dynamics of their emotional lives: They become more adept at integrating cognition with emotion and, in
doing so, again make sense of discrepancies. Examining the self-descriptions of 10- to 80-year-olds diverse
in SES, Labouvie-Vief found that from adolescence through middle adulthood, people gained in cognitive-
affective complexity—awareness of conflicting positive and negative feelings and coordination of them
into a complex, organized structure that recognizes the uniqueness of individual experiences
Figure 2. Changes in cognitive-affective complexity from adolescence to late adulthood.

Cognitive-affective
complexity promotes greater awareness of one’s own and others’ perspectives and motivations. As
Labouvie-Vief notes, it is valuable in solving many pragmatic problems. Individuals high in cognitive-
affective complexity view events and people in a tolerant, open-minded fashion. And because cognitive-
affective complexity involves accepting and making sense of both positive and negative feelings, it helps
people regulate intense emotion and, therefore, think rationally about real-world dilemmas.

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Expertise and Creativity

What roles do expertise and creativity play in adult thought?

Among young adults, expertise—acquisition of extensive knowledge in a field or endeavor—is supported

by the specialization that begins with selecting a college major or an occupation, since it takes many years
to master any complex domain. Experts’ curiosity, even passion, for their field fuels this sustained learning.
As expertise is attained, it has a profound impact on information processing.

Expertise is necessary for creativity (Weissberg, 2006). Mature creativity requires a unique cognitive
capacity—the ability to formulate new, culturally meaningful problems and to ask significant questions that
has not been posed before (Rostan, 1994). Furthermore, a century of research reveals that creative
productivity typically rises in early adulthood, peaks in the late thirties or early forties, and gradually
declines, though creative individuals near the end of their careers are usually more productive than those
just starting their careers (Simonton, 2012). But exceptions exist. Those who get an early start in creativity
tend to peak and drop off sooner, whereas ―late bloomers‖ reach their full stride at older ages. This
suggests that creativity is more a function of ―career age‖ than of chronological age.

The course of creativity also varies across disciplines and individuals (Simonton & Damian, 2013). For
example, poets, visual artists, and musicians typically show an early rise in creativity, perhaps because they
do not need extensive formal education before they begin to produce. Academic scholars and scientists,
who must earn higher academic degrees and spend years doing research to make worthwhile contributions,
tend to display their achievements later and over a longer time.

Though creativity is rooted in expertise, it also requires other qualities. A vital ingredient is the capacity to
―think intuitively‖ with a reduced filter—to avoid dismissing information that, at first glance, appears
irrelevant. Although this lessened inhibition is a liability in other forms of cognition, it contributes to
creators’ capacity to think ―outside the box‖—to come up with numerous, unusual associations that they
can capitalize on during the creative process (Carson,

Peterson, & Higgins, 2003; Dane et al., 2011).

In personality, creative individuals are tolerant of ambiguity, open to new experiences, persistent and
driven to succeed, capable of deep task involvement, and willing to try again after failure (Zhang &
Sternberg, 2011). Finally, creativity demands time and energy. For women especially, it may be postponed
or disrupted by child rearing, divorce, or an unsupportive partner.

In sum, creativity is multiply determined. When personal and situational factors jointly promote it,
creativity can continue for many decades, well into old age.

1.7. Emotional and Social Development in Early Adulthood

Discuss emotional and social development during emerging adulthood, along with cultural influences and
individual variations?

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The life pursuits and subjective judgments of many contemporary young people indicate that the transition
to adult roles has become so delayed and prolonged that it has spawned a new transitional period extending
from the late teens to the mid- to late twenties, called emerging adulthood.

1.7.1. Identity Development

During the college years, young people refine their approach to constructing an identity. Besides exploring
in breadth (weighing multiple possibilities and making commitments), they increasingly explore in depth—
evaluating existing commitments. For example, if you have not yet selected your major, you may be taking
classes in a broad array of disciplines. Once you commit to a major, you are likely to embark on an in-
depth evaluation of your choice reflecting on your interest, motivation, and performance and on your career
prospects as you take additional classes in that field. Depending on the outcome of your evaluation, either
your commitment to your major strengthens and you integrate it into your sense of self, or you return to a
reconsideration of options as you search for alternative commitments.

Many aspects of the life course that were once socially structured—marriage, parenthood, religious beliefs,
and career paths—are increasingly left to individual decision. As a result, emerging adults are required to
―individualize‖ their identities—a process that requires a sense of self-efficacy, planfulness and purpose,
determination to overcome obstacles, and responsibility for outcomes.

Among young people of diverse ethnicities and SES levels, this set of qualities, termed personal agency, is
positively related to identity exploration followed by certainty of commitments (Luyckx & Robitschek,
2014).

Most emerging adults say that constructing a worldview, or a set of beliefs and values to live by, is
essential for attaining adult status even more important than finishing their education and settling into a
career and marriage.

Erikson’s Theory: Intimacy versus Isolation

According to Erikson, what personality changes take place during early adulthood?

Erikson’s vision has influenced all contemporary theories of adult personality development. His
psychological conflict of early adulthood is intimacy versus isolation, evident in the young person’s
thoughts and feelings about making a long-term commitment to an intimate partner and in close, mutually
gratifying friendships. Building emotionally fulfilling romantic bond is challenging. Intimacy requires that
young people redefine their identity to include both partners’ values and interests. Those in their late teens
through mid-twenties frequently say they don’t feel ready for a lasting romantic tie, mentioning concerns
about career and financial security and emotional readiness, including limits on their freedom.

Research confirms that as Erikson emphasized a secure identity fosters attainment of intimacy. Advanced
identity development strongly predicts involvement in a deep, committed love partnership or readiness to
establish such a partnership. In friendships and work ties, young people who have achieved intimacy are
cooperative, agreeable, communicative, and accepting of differences in background and values (Barry,
Madsen, & DeGrace, 2016). In contrast, those with a sense of isolation hesitate to form close ties because
they fear loss of their own identity, tend to compete rather than cooperate, are not accepting of differences,

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and are easily threatened when others get too close. Erikson believed that successful resolution of intimacy
versus isolation prepares the individual for the middle adulthood stage, which focuses on generativity
caring for the next generation and helping to improve society. But childbearing and child rearing, as well as
contributions to society through work and community service, are under way in the twenties and thirties.
Still, in line with Erikson’s ideas, high friendship or romantic intimacy in early adulthood does predict a
stronger generative orientation (Mackinnon, De Pasquale, & Pratt, 2015).

1.7.2. Close Relationships

To establish an intimate tie, people build an emotional bond that they sustain over time. Although young
adults are especially concerned with romantic love, the need for intimacy can also be satisfied through
other relationships involving mutual commitment—with friends, siblings, and co-workers.

Selecting a Mate

Intimate partners generally meet in places where they are likely to find people of their own age, level of
education, ethnicity, and religion, or they connect through online dating services. People usually select
partners who resemble themselves in other ways attitudes, personality, educational plans, intelligence,
mental health, physical attractiveness, and even height. Romantic partners sometimes have complementary
personality traits—one self-assured and dominant, the other hesitant and submissive. Because this
difference permits each to sustain their preferred style of behavior, it contributes to compatibility (Sadler,
Ethier, & Woody, 2011). But overall, little support exists for the idea that ―opposites attract‖ (Furnham,
2009). Rather, partners who are similar in personality and other attributes tend to be more satisfied with
their relationship and more likely to stay together.

1.7.3. The Components of Love

The scientific study of love goes back only about 20 years, and many still perceive love as unworthy of
scientific investigation. However, that view may be changing (Gelman, 1993 ). A number of studies have
attempted to identify the components of romantic love and their fate over time. These efforts share the view
that love can survive over the years of a marriage, but that "it would be defined differently at different
times" (Troll, 1986, p. 7).

For example, Ainsworth (1 989) maintains that sexual pair bonds involve the operation of three basic
behavioral systems: the attachment, reproductive, and caregiving systems. Thus, marriages are reciprocal
relationships based on emotional, sexual, and familial interdependence. Over the course of the
relationship, sexual attraction, which may have been the most important component in the beginning,
begins to give way to the attachment and caregiving systems. Relationships that depend solely on sexual
attraction tend to be short-lived, whereas those involving the caregiving and attachment components can be
sustained over a long period.

How do we know that we are in love?

A distinction has been made by Elaine (Walster) Hatfield and Ellen Berscheid (Berscheid, 1988; Berscheid
& Walster, 1974; Hatfield, 1988), who distinguish between passionate love-intense emotion, sexual
feelings, complete absorption in the other-and companionate love-warm, trusting affection. They suggest

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that passionate love burns brightly early in a relationship and then fades, while companionate love grows
over time. Sternberg (1988) has expanded on this distinction, breaking companionate love down into two
further components: intimacy- sharing, warmth, and closeness, which essentially amount to friendship and
commitment-the intent to maintain the relationship.

Romantic Love Some friendships evolve into romantic love, which is also called passionate love, or eros.
Romantic love has strong components of sexuality and infatuation, and it often predominates in the early
part of a love relationship(Berscheid, 2010; Regan, 2008).

A complex intermingling of different emotions goes into romantic love—including such emotions as
passion fear, anger, sexual desire, joy, and jealousy (Regan, 2008). Well-known love researcher Ellen
Berscheid (1988) says that sexual desire is the most important ingredient of romantic love. Obviously,
some of these emotions are a source of anguish, which can lead to other issues such as depression.

Love is more than just passion (Berscheid, 2010). Affectionate love, also called companionate love, is the
type of love that occurs when someone desires to have the other person near and has a deep, caring
affection for the person. The early stages of love have more romantic love ingredients—but as love
matures, passion tends to give way to affection.

Consummate Love:- Robert Sternberg’s (2006) triangular theory of love identifies three components—
passion, intimacy, and commitment that shift in emphasis as romantic relationships develop. Passion, the
desire for sexual activity and romance, is the physical- and psychological-arousal component. Intimacy is
the emotional component, consisting of warm, tender communication and caring, self-disclosure, plus a
desire for the partner to reciprocate. Commitment, the cognitive component, leads partners to decide that
they are in love and to maintain that love.

At the beginning of a relationship, passionate love—intense sexual attraction—is strong. Gradually,

passion declines in favor of intimacy and commitment, which form the basis for two additional forms of
love. The first is companionate love warm, trusting affection and valuing of the other (Sprecher & Regan,
1998). The second, and perhaps the most fundamental type of love in any deeply satisfying close
relationship, is compassionate love—concern for the other’s well-being, expressed through caring efforts
to alleviate the other’s distress and promote the other’s growth and flourishing (Berscheid, 2010; Sprecher
& Fehr, 2005).

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 Chapter Two:- Vocational and Family Adjustments in Early Adulthood

2.1.Vocational adjustment during Early Adulthood

Young adults, college-bound or not, face a major life decision: The choice of a suitable work role. Being a
productive worker calls for many of the same qualities as being an active citizen and nurturant family
member—good judgment, responsibility, dedication, and cooperation. What influences young people’s
decisions about careers? What is the transition from school to work like, and what factors make it easy or
difficult?

Selecting a Vocation

In societies with an abundance of career possibilities, occupational choice is a gradual process that begins
long before adolescence and often extends into the mid-twenties. Major theorists view the young person as
moving through several periods of vocational development (Gottfredson, 2005; Super, 1994):

1. The fantasy period: In early and middle childhood, children gain insight into career options by fantasizing
about them (Howard & Walsh, 2010). Their preferences, guided largely by familiarity, glamour, and
excitement, bear little relation to the decisions they will eventually make.

2. The tentative period: Between ages 11 and 16, adolescents think about careers in more complex ways,
at first in terms of their interests, and soon as they become more aware of personal and educational
requirements for different vocations in terms of their abilities and values. ―I like science and the process of
discovery.

3. The realistic period: By the late teens and early twenties, with the economic and practical realities of
adulthood just around the corner, young people start to narrow their options. A first step is often further
exploration—gathering more information about possibilities that blend with their personal characteristics.
In the final phase, crystallization, they focus on a general vocational category and experiment for a time
before settling on a single occupation (Stringer, Kerpelman, & Skorikov, 2011).

Vocational Personality. People are attracted to occupations that complement their personalities. John
Holland (1985, 1997) identified six personality types that affect vocational choice:

1. Investigative person, who enjoys working with ideas, is likely to select a scientific occupation (for
example, anthropologist, physicist, or engineer).
2. Social person, who likes interacting with people, gravitates toward human services (counseling, social
work, or teaching).
3. The realistic person, who prefers real-world problems and working with objects, tends to choose a
mechanical occupation (construction, plumbing, or surveying).
4. The artistic person, who is emotional and high in need for individual expression, looks toward an artistic
field (writing, music, or the visual arts).
5. The conventional person, who likes well-structured tasks and values material possessions and social status,
has traits well-suited to certain business fields (accounting, banking, or quality control).
6. The enterprising person, who is adventurous, persuasive, and a strong leader, is drawn to sales and
supervisory positions or to politics.

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Furthermore, career decisions are made in the context of family influences, financial resources, educational
and job opportunities, and current life circumstances.

Family Influences in vocational choice

Young people’s vocational aspirations correlate strongly with their parents’ jobs. Individuals who grew up
in higher-SES homes are more likely to select high-status, white-collar occupations, such as doctor, lawyer,
scientist, or engineer. In contrast, those with lower-SES backgrounds tend to choose less prestigious, blue-
collar careers—for example, plumber, construction worker, food service employee, or office worker.
Parent–child vocational similarity is partly a function of similarity in personality, intellectual abilities, and
especially educational attainment (Ellis & Bonin, 2003; Schoon & Parsons, 2002). Number of years of
schooling completed is a powerful predictor of occupational status.

The influence of Teachers in vocational choice

Young adults preparing for or engaged in careers that require extensive education often report that teachers
influenced their educational aspirations and career choice. High school students who say that most of their
teachers are caring and accessible, interested in their future, and demand that they work hard feel more
confident about choosing a personally suitable career and succeeding at it.

The influence of Gender Stereotypes on vocational choice

Changes in gender-role attitudes, along with a dramatic rise in numbers of employed mothers who serve as
career-oriented models for their daughters, are common explanations for women’s attraction to
nontraditional careers. But women’s progress in entering and excelling at male dominated professions has
been slow.

Leaving Home

Departure from the parental home is a major step toward assuming adult responsibilities. Parents of young
adults living at home are usually highly committed to helping their children move into adult roles. Many
provide wide-ranging assistance—not just financial support, but material resources, advice,
companionship, and emotional support as well. Still, in homes where parents and young adults live
together, conflict over personal and moral values related to the young person’s future tends to rise
(Rodríguez & López, 2011). But when young adults feel securely attached to parents and well-prepared for
independence, departure from the home is linked to more satisfying parent–child interaction and successful
transition to adult roles (Smetana, Metzger, & Campione-Barr, 2004; Whiteman, McHale, & Crouter,
2010). And regardless of living arrangements, young people doing well typically have close, enjoyable
relationships with their parents, who offer help because they see it as key to their child’s future success
(Fingerman et al., 2012b).

In contrast, leaving home very early because of a lack of parental financial and emotional support is
associated with less successful educational, marriage, and work lives.

Early adulthood is the time whereby many individuals leave their parents’ home for many reasons. These
reasons are due to marriage, career, education, etc. to mention some.

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 2.1.1. Joining of Families in Marriage

Marriage remains a central life goal for young people (Pew Research Center, 2013a). Irrespective of SES
and ethnicity, most unmarried young adults say they want to marry and have children. Marriage is more
than the joining of two individuals. It also requires that two systems the spouses’ families adapt and
overlap to create a new subsystem. Consequently, marriage presents complex challenges.

2.1.2. The Family Life Cycle

For most young people, the life course takes shape within the family life cycle—a series of phases
characterizing the development of most families around the world. In early adulthood, people typically live
on their own, marry, and bear and rear children. In middle age, as their children leave home, their parenting
responsibilities diminish. Late adulthood brings retirement, growing old, and (more often for women) death
of one’s spouse (McGoldrick & Shibusawa, 2012).

Stress tends to be greatest during transitions between phases, as family members redefine and reorganize
their relationships. But wide variations exist in the sequence and timing of family life-cycle phases— high
rates of out-of-wedlock births, delayed marriage and parenthood, divorce, and remarriage, among others.
And some people, voluntarily or involuntarily, do not experience all phases. Still, the family life-cycle
model offers an organized way of thinking about how the family system changes over time and the impact
of each phase on the family unit and its members.

Mate selection: who marries whom and why?

Making and maintaining a mateship is one of the most crucial aspects of adult development (Kelly &
Conley, 1987). Establishing a long-term primary intimate relationship has enormous positive consequences
for the individual, affecting the definition of the self as well as psychological well-being (Erikson, 1 950;
Keith & Schafer, 1991). One's mate becomes the primary component of the social support system
(Newcomb, 1 990), perhaps explaining why married men are repeatedly found to live longer and healthier
lives than their non-married counterparts.

Mate selection is a complex process affected by a number of variables. Feingold (1992) suggests that we
select partners based on a principle of successive hurdles. Let's consider what some of these hurdles or
filters might be.
Propinquity: "The Girl (or Boy) Next Door"
Propinquity means physical proximity or closeness. If you live in Addis Ababa, there may be a perfect
mate for you in Chiro, but you'll probably never meet. You are likely to meet people who live near you,
work in the same office, or sit near you in class. These random contacts determine your circle of
acquaintances. If the circumstances of your life bring you into repeated positive or at least neutral contact
with another person, you will probably gradually come to know and like each other. This is known as the

18
repeated-exposure effect (Zajonc, 1 9 6 8 ) . So, propinquity, which is often a matter of chance, brings us
into contact with a pool of potential mates. One way
to increase the pool, of course, is to increase your exposure to different environments. In addition,
propinquity helps us to overcome the barrier against interaction with strangers (Baron & Byrne, 1991).
Finally, propinquity helps explain why people in our society tend to choose partners from their own social
class, because our place of residence, school, and work environment are correlated with socioeconomic
status (SES).
Attractiveness: "I Know What 1 Like"
Some of the people we become familiar with are more attractive to us than others. At this point, more
active elements of personal preference play a role. Each of us has our own notion of what "good looking"
means. But we may not pursue the most attractive person around as a potential partner. According to the
matching hypothesis, we are likely to select someone whose physical attractiveness is similar to our own
(Kalick & Hamilton, 1986), perhaps to avoid the possibility of rejection (Bernstein, Stephenson, Snyder, &
Wicklund, 1983) or the stress and tension that may result from a mismatched, inequitable relationship
(Keith & Schafer, 1 99 1 ) . Berscheid, Walster, and Bohrnstedt (1973 ) found that dating and marriage
partners were more satisfied with their relationship if they rated themselves as matched.
There is strong evidence that males assign greater weight than females to physical attractiveness as a factor
in mate selection. According to the evolutionary hypothesis, we are genetically predisposed to select a mate
who can reproduce, nurture, and ensure the survival of our offspring. Women place a higher priority on
SES, ambitiousness, character, and intelligence, while males focus on physical attractiveness.
Similarity (Homogamy): "Birds of a Feather"
People tend to marry those similar to themselves in terms of age, physical attractiveness, personality traits,
attitudes, cognitive abilities, education, and social-class background.
One explanation is niche picking, a model of gene-environment interaction in which people seek out and
prefer environments, activities, and relationships compatible with their genetic dispositions (Scarr &
McCartney, 1983). Caspi and Herbener (1990) conclude, homogamy is the norm in marriage. And being
birds of a feather appears to pay off. Spouses who are similar to each other experience greater satisfaction
in their marital relationship.
Reciprocity: "You Scratch My Back and I'll Scratch Yours"
Once the other person is judged to be attractive and to have desirable characteristics, signs that the
attraction is mutual are sought (Aron et aI., 1989). Not only does reciprocity boost self-esteem, it also
reduces the likelihood of rejection: "The most powerful determinant of your attraction to another person is
any indication, in word or deed, that he or she likes you, evaluates you highly, and wants to be with you".

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Complementarity: "Completing the Self"
When a potential partner possesses desirable characteristics and shows evidence of reciprocal attraction,
that individual may be perceived as an opportunity for self-expansion (Aron & Aron, 1986). In other
words, one way to enhance the self is to sychologically incorporate the resources of the other person
through establishing a close relationship (Aron et aI., 1989). So, we may fall in love with those who
possess qualities we lack but value-people who complement us in some way. According to Hartin (1990), a
marital partner is often chosen to meet needs of which neither partner is aware: "A spouse is usually chosen
as the best person available who will play a colluding role in allowing the individual to work on unfinished
developmental tasks, master formerly unconquered anxieties, or represent to the individual the
undeveloped aspects of himself/herself"
The Right Person at the Right Time: "Timing Is Everything"
The final hurdle in mate selection may be whether the person who is able to make all the preceding cuts
shows up at the right time. Temporal readiness refers to the fact that people often marry within a limited
time frame. All things being equal, the person we happen to be dating at the "right time" in terms of our
own developmental and social clocks is likely to be the person we marry.
Family Ties, Transitions, and Challenges

Parenthood/Family development

In the past, having children was, for many adults, a biological given or a compelling social expectation.
Today, in Western industrialized nations, it is a matter of true individual choice. Effective birth control
techniques enable adults to avoid having children in most instances. And changing cultural values allow
people to remain childless with far less fear of social criticism.

Increasing numbers of young adults in industrialized nations are delaying parenthood or not having
children. Consistent with this trend and with the decision of most mothers to divide their energies between
family and work, family size has declined to an all-time low. Nevertheless, the vast majority of married
people continue to embrace parenthood as one of life’s most meaningful experiences.

The family constitutes the second major social domain (the other being friendship). Family relations are a
vital aspect of life. One general orientation that can be used to examine family issues and their significance
for adult development is to take the family itself as the unit of study. The family development perspective
studies the family as a dynamic system of interdependent relationships and examines the way it changes
from the time of its formation until its dissolution (Hill & Mattessich, 1 979). Consistencies in development

20
across families are sought, in order to describe a universal pattern in the developmental life of the family
unit.

1. Family Life Cycle model

According to the family life cycle model, families pass through predictable universal stages in their
development. These stages represent qualitative changes in the composition, structure, and function of the
family during a particular period. Each stage is associated with a set of developmental tasks that must be
accomplished for the family to function effectively and promote further growth. Families in similar stages
are thought to be engaging in similar activities and grappling with similar issues, though of course
individuals and individual families may experience these events differently. Thus, a particular life stage is
thought to tell us something about the role structure of the family and the interrelationships of family
members-their needs, expectations, benefits, and responsibilities.
One especially influential model of family development is that of Duvall (1 977), who depicts the family
life cycle as consisting of eight stages, listed in Table 2.1.
2.1.

2. Family Developmental Tasks

The term developmental task refers to ability or challenges that, if achieved or resolved at the appropriate
point in development, leads to satisfaction in the present stage and lays the foundation for future success. A
family developmental task is "a growth responsibility that arises at a certain stage in the life of a family, the
successful achievement of which leads to present satisfaction, approval, and success with later tasks-
whereas failure leads to unhappiness in the family, disapproval by society, and difficulty with later
developmental tasks" (Duvall, 1977, p. 1 77). As the family moves through the life cycle, its
responsibilities change. The following table 2.2 describes the developmental tasks associated with each of
the stages in Duvall's family life cycle model.

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Forms of Marriage

Living parents’ nest and establishing one’s own independent, more meaningful and responsible life is the
main aspects of marriage. In the early and modern world, marriage has two forms.

Traditional marriages, involving a clear division of roles—husband as head of household responsible for
family economic well‐being, wife as caregiver and homemaker—still exist in Western nations.

Egalitarian marriages, partners relate as equals, sharing power and authority. Both try to balance the time
and energy they devote to their occupations, their children, and their relationship. Most well‐educated,
career‐oriented women expect this form of marriage. And college‐student couples who eventually intend to

22
marry often plan in advance how they will coordinate work and family roles, especially if the woman
intends to enter a male‐dominated career.

Marital Satisfaction

Despite its rocky beginnings, marriage grew to be especially happy. Men tend to report feeling slightly
happier with their marriages than women do (Howard, Galambos, & Krahn, 2010; Kurdek, 2005). In the
past, quality of the marital relationship had a greater impact on women’s psychological well‐being, but
today it predicts mental health similarly for both genders. Women, however, feel particularly dissatisfied
with marriage when the demands of husband, children, housework, and career are overwhelming.

Factors influencing marital satisfaction

The Diversity of Adult Lifestyles

The current array of adult lifestyles dates back to the 1960s, when young people began to question the
conventional wisdom of previous generations and to ask, ―How can I find happiness? What kinds of
commitments should I make to live a full and rewarding life?‖

As the public became more accepting of diverse lifestyles, choices such as staying single, cohabiting,
remaining childless, and divorcing seemed more available.

Singlehood

Singlehood—not living with an intimate partner—has increased in recent years, especially among young
adults. Singlehood can have a variety of meanings. At one extreme are people who choose it deliberately;
at the other those who see themselves as single because of circumstances beyond their control. Singlehood
may be attributed to many reasons. In interview studies of never‐married women, some said they focused

23
on occupational goals instead of marriage. Others reported that they found singlehood preferable to their
disappointing intimate relationships. And still others commented that they just did not meet ―the right
person‖ (Baumbusch, 2004; Lewis, 2000).

The most commonly mentioned advantages of singlehood are freedom and mobility. But singles also
recognize drawbacks— loneliness, the dating grind, limited sexual and social life, reduced sense of
security, and feelings of exclusion from the world of married couples. Single men have more physical and
mental health problems than single women, who more easily come to terms with their lifestyle, in part
because of the greater social support available to women through intimate same‐sex friendships.

Cohabitation

Cohabitation refers to the lifestyle of unmarried couples who have a sexually intimate relationship and who
share a residence. Until the 1960s, cohabitation in Western nations was largely limited to low‐SES adults.
Since then, it has increased in all groups, with an especially dramatic rise among well‐educated,
economically advantaged young people. Today’s young adults are much more likely than those of a
generation ago to form their first conjugal union through cohabitation. For some couples, cohabitation
serves as preparation for marriage—a time to test the relationship and get used to living together. For
others, however, it is an alternative to marriage, offering the rewards of sexual intimacy and
companionship along with the possibility of easy departure if satisfaction declines.

Childlessness

A few people decide early that they do not want to be parents and stick to their plans. Besides marital
satisfaction and freedom from child‐care responsibilities, common reasons for not having children include
the woman’s career and economic security. Consistent with these motives, the voluntarily childless are
usually college‐educated, have prestigious occupations, and are highly committed to their work. In line
with this trend, voluntarily childless adults are just as content with their lives as parents who have warm
relationships with their children. But adults who cannot overcome infertility are likely to be dissatisfied—
some profoundly disappointed others more ambivalent, depending on compensations in other areas of their
lives (Letherby, 2002; Nichols & Pace‐Nichols, 2000). Childlessness seems to interfere with adjustment
and life satisfaction only when it is beyond a person’s control.

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2.4. Hazards of vocational and marital adjustments during early adulthood.

Divorce and Remarriage

Divorce rates have stabilized since the mid‐1980s, partly because of rising age of marriage, which is linked to greater
financial stability and marital satisfaction. In addition, the increase in cohabitation has curtailed divorce: Many
relationships that once would have been marriages now break up before marriage. Most divorces occur within seven
years of marriage, many involve young children. Divorces are also common during the transition to midlife, when
people have adolescent children—a period (as noted earlier) of reduced marital satisfaction. Nearly two‐thirds of
divorced adults remarry. But marital failure is even greater during the first few years of second marriages— 10
percent above that for first marriages.

Factors Related to Divorce

Why do so many marriages fail?

The most obvious reason is a disrupted husband–wife relationship. When one of the two raise concerns, the
other may react with contempt, resentment, defensiveness, and retreat. This demand–withdraw pattern is
found in many partners who split up, with women more often insisting on change and men more often
retreating. Another typical style involves little conflict, but partners increasingly lead separate lives because
they have different expectations of family life and few shared interests, activities, or friends.
Background factors that increase the chances of divorce are younger age at marriage, not attending
religious services, being previously divorced, and having parents who had divorced. For example, couples
who married at younger ages are more likely to report infidelity and jealousy. Low religious involvement
subtracts an influential context for instilling positive marital attitudes and behaviors. Poorly educated,
economically disadvantaged couples who suffer multiple life stresses are especially likely to split up. When
a woman’s workplace status and income exceed her husband’s, the risk of divorce increases—an
association explained by differing gender‐role beliefs between the spouses. In addition to the relationship
factors just described, Individualism—which includes the belief that each person has the right to pursue
self‐expression and personal happiness contributes to the unusually high divorce rate.

Social Issues in parenthood: Health

Partner Abuse
Violence in families is a widespread health and human rights issue, occurring in all cultures and SES
groups. Often one form of domestic violence is linked to others. Partner abuse includes physical, sexual
and psychological. It is expressed in the form of isolating, humiliating, and demeaning. Violent adults also
break their partner’s favorite possessions, punch holes in walls, or throw objects also hold this possession.
Partner abuse in which husbands are perpetrators and wives are physically injured is most likely to be
reported to authorities. But in studies spanning many countries in which people are asked directly, rates of
assault experienced by men and women are similar. Women victims are more often physically injured, but
sex differences in severity of abuse are small.

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