DOCUMENT 1.

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GANDHI’S LETTER
Mohandas Gandhi “Letter to Lord Irwin” (1930)

Written in 1930, just before Gandhi began his famous salt march, this letter communicated Gandhi’s reasons for wanting
to end British rule of India. It invited the British governor of India at the time, Lord Irwin, to allow India to gain its
independence. Of course, the British governor refused. As you read this document, pay close attention to Gandhi’s reasons
for this beliefs. In a way, this is his declaration of independence, and he intends to show how the British have mistreated
the Indian nation.
Dear Friend,
Before embarking on Civil Disobedience and taking the risk I have dreaded to take all these years, I would fain
approach you and find a way out. My personal faith is absolutely dear. I cannot intentionally hurt any thing that lives,
much less fellow-human beings even though they may do the greatest wrong to me and mine. Whilst therefore I hold
5 British rule to be a curse, I do not intend to harm a single Englishman or any legitimate interest he may have in India.
I must not be misunderstood. Though I hold the British rule in India to be a curse, I do not therefore consider
Englishmen in general to be worse than any other people on earth. I have the privilege of claiming many Englishmen
as dearest friends. Indeed much that I have learnt of the evil of British rule is due to the writings of frank and
courageous Englishmen who have not hesitated to tell the unpalatable truth about that rule.
10 And why do I regard the British rule as a curse?
It has impoverished the dumb millions by a system of progressive exploitation and by a ruinously expensive military
and civil administration which the country can never afford.
It has reduced us politically to serfdom. It has sapped the foundations of our culture, and, by the policy of
disarmament, it has degraded us spiritually. Lacking inward strength, we have been reduced by all but universal
15 disarmament to a state bordering on cowardly helplessness.
In common with many of my countrymen, I had hugged the fond hope that the proposed Round Table Conference
might furnish a solution. But when you said plainly that you could not give any assurance that you or the British
Cabinet would pledge yourselves to support a scheme of full Dominion Status, the Round Table Conference could not
possibly furnish the solution for which vocal India is consciously, and the dumb millions unconsciously, thirsting.
20 Needless to say there never was any question of Parliament's verdict being anticipated. Instances are not wanting of
the British Cabinet, in anticipation of Parliamentary verdict, having pledged itself to a particular policy.
The Delhi interview having miscarried, there was no option for Pandit Motilal Nehru and me but to take steps to
carry out the solemn resolution of the Congress arrived at in Calcutta at its Session of 1928.
But the resolution of Independence should cause no alarm if the word "Dominion Status", mentioned in your
25 announcement, has been used in its accepted sense. For, has it not been admitted by responsible British statesmen
that Dominion Status is virtual Independence? What however, I fear, is that there never has been any intention of
granting such Dominion Status to India in the immediate future.
But this is all past history. Since the announcement many events have happened which show unmistakably the trend
of British policy.
30 It seems as clear as day light that responsible British statesmen do not contemplate any alteration in British policy
that might adversely affect Britain's commerce with India or require impartial and close scrutiny of Britain's
transactions with India.
****
Nevertheless if India is to live as a nation, if the slow death by starvation of her people is to stop, some remedy must
35 be found for immediate relief. The proposed conference is certainly not the remedy. It is not a matter of carrying
conviction by argument. The matter resolves itself into one of matching forces. Conviction or no conviction Great
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 Britain would defend her Indian commerce and interest by all the forces at her command. India must consequently
evolve force enough to free herself from that embrace of death. It is common cause that, however disorganised and
for the time being insignificant it may be, the party of violence is gaining ground and making itself felt. Its end is the
same as mine. But I am convinced that it cannot bring the desired relief to the dumb millions. And the conviction is
5 growing deeper and deeper in me that nothing but unadulterated non-violence can check the organised violence of
the British Government. Many think that non-violence is not an active force. It is my purpose to set in motion that
force as well against the organised violence force of the British rule as the unorganised violence force of the growing
party of violence. To sit still would be to give rein to both the forces above mentioned. Having unquestioning and
immovable faith in the efficacy of non-violence as I know it, it would be sinful on my part to wait any longer. This
10 non-violence will be expressed through civil disobedience for the moment confined to the inmates of the Satyagraha
Ashram, but ultimately designed to cover all those who choose to join the movement with its obvious limitations.
I know that in embarking on non-violence, I shall be running what might fairly be termed a mad risk, but the victories
of truth have never been won without risks, often of the gravest character. Conversion of a nation that has
consciously or unconsciously, preyed upon another far more numerous, far more ancient and no less cultured than
15 itself is worth any amount of risk.
I have deliberately used the word conversion, for my ambition is no less than to convert the British people through
non-violence and thus make them see the wrong they have done to India. I do not seek to harm your people. I want
to serve them even as I want to serve my own. I believe that I have always served them. I served them up to 1919
blindly. But when my eyes were opened, and I conceived non-co-operation the object still was to serve them. I
20 employed the same weapon that I have in all humility successfully used against the dearest members of my family.
If I have equal love for your people with mine, it will not long remain hidden. It will be acknowledged by them even
as members of my family acknowledged it after they had tried me for several years. If people join me as I expect they
will, the sufferings they will undergo, unless the British nation sooner retraces its steps, will be enough to melt the
stoniest hearts.
25 The plan through civil disobedience will be to combat such evils as I have sampled out.
If we want to sever the British connection, it is because of such evils. When they are removed the path becomes easy.
Then the way to friendly negotiation will be open. If the British commerce with India is purified of greed, you will
have no difficulty in recognising our independence. I respectfully invite you then to pave the way for an immediate
removal of those evils and thus open a way for a real conference between equals, interested only in promoting the
30 common good of mankind through voluntary fellowship and in arranging terms of mutual help and commerce suited
to both. You have unnecessarily laid stress upon the communal problems that unhappily affect this land. Important
though they undoubtedly are for the consideration of any scheme of government, they have little bearing on the
greater problems which are above communities and which affect them all equally. But if you cannot see your way to
deal with these evils and my letter makes no appeal to your heart, on the 11th day of this month I shall proceed with
35 such co-workers of the Ashram as I can take to disregard the provisions of Salt laws. I regard this tax to be the most
iniquitous of all from the poor man's standpoint. As the Independence Movement is essentially for the poorest in the
land, the beginning will be made with this evil. The wonder is, that we have submitted to the cruel monopoly for so
long. It is, I know, open to you to frustrate my design by arresting me. I hope there will be tens of thousands ready in
a disciplined manner to take up the work after me, and in the act of disobeying the Salt Act lay themselves open to
40 the penalties of a law that should never have disfigured the Statute-book.
I have no desire to cause you unnecessary embarrassment or any at all so far as I can help. If you think that there is
any substance in my letter, and if you will care to discuss matters with me, and if to that end you would like me to
postpone publication of this letter, I shall gladly refrain on receipt of a telegram to that effect soon after this reaches
you. You will however do me the favour not to deflect me from my course unless you can see your way to conform
45 to the substance of this letter.
This letter is not in any way intended as a threat, but is a simple and sacred duty peremptory on a civil resister.
Therefore I am having it specially delivered by a young English friend, who believes in the Indian cause and is a full
believer in non-violence and whom Providence seems to have sent to me as it were for the very purpose.

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 I remain,
Your Sincere friend.
M. K. GANDHI.
Source: Famous Letters of Mahatma Gandhi, Indian Printing Works, Lahore (1947)
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