UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT

SCHOOL OF DISTANCE EDUCATION

M.A.POLITICAL SCIENCE
(I SEMESTER)

CORE COURSE : POL1C02

MODERN INDIAN SOCIAL

AND POLITICAL THOUGHT

(2019 ADMISSION)

190452

1
 MODERN INDIAN SOCIAL
AND POLITICAL THOUGHT

STUDY MATERIAL

Semester I

CORE COURSE : POL1C02

M.A.POLITICAL SCIENCE
(2019 ADMISSION)

UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT
SCHOOL OF DISTANCE EDUCATION
Calicut University- PO, Malappuram,
Kerala, India - 673 635

2
 UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT

SCHOOL OF DISTANCE EDUCATION

STUDY MATERIAL FIRST SEMESTER

M.A.POLITICAL SCIENCE
(2019 ADMISSION)

CORE COURSE : POL1C02

MODERN INDIAN SOCIAL

AND POLITICAL THOUGHT

Prepared by:
DR. NITHYA N.R.
Assistant Professor,
Department of Political Science,
Sree Kerala Varma College, Thrissur.

3
4
Module Title Page No.

I Indian Renaissance
a) Raja Ram Mohan Roy: As a
liberal political thinker Social Reforms
b) Vivekananda Social and political ideas 07-41

II Liberal and Extremist thinkers

a) Gokhale Political Liberalism
b) Tilak Militant Nationalism 42-59

III Gandhi
Contribution to Indian Nationalism,
Techniques of Political Struggle
Satyagraha and Nonviolence,A Critique
of Western civilization (Hind Swaraj),
Ideal state - Views on state,
Trusteeship, Decentralization, Socialism. 60-100

IV Socialist Thinkers
a) M.N. Roy Radical Humanism
b) Lohia - Views on Socialism
c) Jayaprakash Narayanan - Total Revolution
d) E.M.S. Namboodiripad - Application
of Marxism to Indian conditions. 101-131

V Social Justice
a) B.R. Ambedkar Social Democracy,
Ambedkar & Gandhi
b) Sree Narayana Guru Social Reform
Secularism Universalism 132-160

Suggested Readings 161-163

5
 INTRODUCTION

Social and political thought is linked with the interplay of

factors involving society, economy and politics. Political thought
is a generalized term which comprises all thoughts, theories
and values of a person or a group of persons or a community on
state and questions related to the state. The purpose of this in-
troduction is not merely to document the political ideas of those
thinkers who changed the course of India's freedom struggle,
but also to analyse the socio-historical contexts in which these
ideas evolved and also the socio-political changes that these ideas
aimed at. Since the book is about modern Indian political thought,
it's obvious focus is on ideas that critically influenced the articu-
lation of nationalism in India. Even before nationalism emerged
as a dominant ideology, there was a long tradition of political
thought which provided specific perspectives in which several
thinkers interpreted their views and ideas on different aspects.
Two major thinkers, Kautilya (Ancient) and Zia-ud-din-Barani
(Medieval) representing two different periods of Indian socio-
political life put forward their views most systematically and ideo-
logically.

Modern Indian political thought involves three related is-

sues of 'nation' 'nationalism' and 'national identity'. This paper
seeks to provide a contextual study of Indian political thought
which was not exactly derivative of western sources. We can
broadly divide modern Indian thought into two phases. The first
phase was that of what has often been referred to as the phase
of 'Social Reform'. Thinkers of this phase were more concerned
with the internal regeneration of Indian society it was often re-
ferred to as the Indian renaissance. The second phase is the phase
of Indian nationalism. This paper covers the various dominant
trends of thought prevalent in India during the 19th and 20th
century

6
 MODULE I

INDIAN RENAISSANCE

RENAISSANCE
The term 'renaissance' is derived from the French word
meaning 'rebirth'. It is used to describe this phase of European
history because many of the changes experienced between the
14th and 16th centuries were inspired by a revival of the
classical art and intellect of Ancient Greece and Rome. The Re-
naissance also represented a break away from the conformist
society and culture of medieval Europe. Renaissance marked
the end of the feudal period or the dark ages. The period be-
tween 5th and 15th century A. D. is known as the feudal period
or the 'dark ages'. The Middle Ages of European history was a
time characterised by conformism. People who displayed cre-
ativity or diverged (moved away) from established methods of
thinking and behaving, were often punished or outcast from so-
ciety. Until the Renaissance, most Europeans followed the teach-
ings of Catholicism because they had little exposure to any form
of education beyond this. Science was not a well-understood
concept and very little of what the Church taught people about
life was challenged. Those who spoke out against the Church
were accused of heresy and labelled a heretic (someone who
holds unorthodox beliefs). Heretics were often subject to ex-
tremely severe punishments, such as being tortured or burned at
the stake in front of the townspeople. During the Renaissance,
however, things started to change.
The European Renaissance began in Northern Italy in the
14th century. The Tuscan city of Florence is considered the birth-
place of the Renaissance. The most notable changes experi-
enced during the Renaissance were in the fields of art and archi-
tecture, literature, philosophy and science. In was in these disci-
plines that new trends and fresh styles emerged, inspired by
Europe's ancient history. The 14th through to the 16th centuries
7
in Europe were a period of questioning and discovery. People
started to think independently and experiment with new ideas
and concepts. As more and more advancements were made in
the arts and sciences, the Catholic Church began to lose the
overwhelming power and influence it had once held over people's
beliefs about the world. The Renaissance was also a time
during which Europe's classical past was revisited and reinvigo-
rated.
INDIAN RENAISSANCE
The socio intellectual revolution that took place in the
nineteenth century in the fields of philosophy, literature, sci-
ence, politics and social reforms is often known as Indian Re-
naissance. The 19th century is very important period in the his-
tory of India. It was a period during which English educated
Indians were determined to reform Indian culture, society and
religion. Indian Renaissance originated in Bengal during the latter
half of the nineteenth century. The change that took place in the
Indian social scenario is popularly known as the Renaissance.
This period is generally considered as the dawn of a golden era
in the history of India because of the presence of a galaxy of
great men like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Keshab Chandra Sen,
Dayananda Saraswathi, Ramakrishna Paramahamsa and
Vivekananda. They condemned evils and abuses that had crept
into Hinduism. The regality of caste system, sati, child marriage,
unsociability, ideal worship, polytheism etc. they wanted to purge
Hinduism of all these social evils and thus restore its pristine pu-
rity and ancient glory. The movement towards this goal is called,
as "the Indian renaissance" was to prepare the ground for
nationalism. The main objective of Indian Renaissance move-
ment was to face the challenge posed by the importation of western
ideas and values on Indian culture and social outlook. It tried to
modernize Hinduism by discarding the irrational rituals, false
doctrines, and monopolistic priest craft. The movement has uni-
versal rather than sectarian outlook. In India the renaissance
started after the advent of the British Raj. The British rulers
brought about many changes in India. The aim was the emanci-
8
pation of the whole humanity from worldly miseries and
the radical divine transformation of life.
BACKGROUND OF INDIAN SOCIETY
Indian Society in the 19th century was caught in a vicious
web created by religious superstitions and dogmas. All religions
in general and Hinduism in particular had become a com-
pound of magic, animism, and superstitions. The abominable
rites like animal sacrifice and physical torture had replaced the
worship of God. The priests exercised an overwhelming and
unhealthy influence on the mind of people. The faithful lived in
submission, not only to God, the powerful and unseen, but even
to the whims, fancies, and wishes of the priests. The origin of the
caste system can be traced back to the Veda period. The classi-
cal Varna theory of the four fold division has its religious sanction
as it was explicitly maintained in the law of Manu according to
the Varna theory. The society divided n to four classes as
Brahmins Kshatriya Vysya and Sudra below whom also the out
caste and untouchables. This caste division divided the society in
the higher caste and low caste which lead to the domination of
high castes in all spheres of life. High castes became the privi-
leged class in the society and the law is made in favour of the
privileged class the low caste continued to be peasants and be-
came slaves of the caste Hindus. Low castes were the section of
the society who were deprived of the socio political and eco-
nomic rights. They became the victims of heinous customs and
other evil rituals. Social injustice and economic inequality wors-
ened their social life. They were denied of the right to education
and equality of status.
Economically, India was a backward and traditional
economy. Agriculture was the main occupation but it was in a
pitiable condition. Fanners were poor but the landlords were
rich and prosperous. Trade and Commerce had come to almost
a standstill. Indian agriculture during the
18th century was technically backward and stagnant. The
techniques of production had remained stationary for centuries.

9
Even though the Indian villages were largely self-sufficient
and imported little from outside and the means of communica-
tion were backward. The increasing revenue demands of the
state, the oppression of the officials, the greed and rapacity of
the nobles, revenue-farmers, and zamindars, the marches and
counter marches of the rival armies, and the depredations of the
numerous adventurers roaming the land during the first half of the
18th century made the life of the people quite despicable.
Social Conditions were equally depressing. The practice of un-
touchability is often associated with Hinduism and believed to be
found only in India. The most distressing was the position of
women. The birth of a girl was unwelcome, her marriage a
burden and her widowhood inauspicious. Socially, illiteracy
and ignorance were rampant. With religions attaching more im-
portance to external form than to inner reality, religious supersti-
tions, began to pervade all aspects of social life. Infanticide, child
marriage, polygamy, the burning of widows and other social evils,
were all interpreted as religiously valid, and hence there was
no qualm of conscience even in most horrible performances.
Similarly, such social systems as caste, untouchability, seclusion
of women and slavery were all considered as sanctified by the
shastras, and therefore, absolutely valid and estimable. Thus the
eighteenth century was an age of the innumerable village com-
munities over the length and breadth of the land led their self-
contained and more or less secluded life as before. Social rigid-
ity and irrational social practices became conspicuous feature of
the eighteenth century India.
Politically the country had weakened. During the 18th cen-
tury, European powers such as Dutch, French, Portuguese and
the English began to establish their companies in India. Slowly
and gradually, they started meddling with the Indian affairs. The
country broke up into smaller independent states, which were
always at war with each other for their selfish motive. All these
factors made the country weak and provide ground for foreign
forces.

10
CAUSES AND CONCEQUENCES OF INDIAN
RENISSANCE
Indian society underwent many changes after the British
came to India. The British took a keen interest in introducing the
English language in India. Though the British followed a half-
hearted education policy in India, English language and western
ideas also had some positive impact on the society. The spread
of English language and western education helped Indians to adopt
modern, rational, democratic, liberal and patriotic outlook. The
western education helped the emergence of an elite class which
drew attention to national problems. Some progressive Indians
like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar etc.
were the pioneers of western education in India. The old system
of education was only perpetuating superstition and orthodoxy.
English education was treated as the treasures of scientific and
democratic thought of the west. English educated Indians like
Raja Ram Mohan, Vivekananda, Gokhale, Dadabhai Naroji,
Feroz Shah Mehta, Surendra Nath Banerjee etc. who led
the social, religious and political movements in India were all
English educated.
The introduction of the railways, telegraph and postal sys-
tem linked different parts of India and promoted an exchange of
ideas among the people, especially among her leaders. The im-
provement in communications eventually helped to foster a sense
of unity among Indians. The concept of the country as a whole
now took precedence over regional and provincial isolationism.
Books, journals and newspapers circulated widely and were now
easily available to educated Indians all over the country. The
introduction of the railways in particular helped to break down
barriers of religion and caste. People from different religions
and social backgrounds, while travelling in a railway compart-
ment, mingled with one another thereby challenging the age- old
orthodox notions of untouchability, caste- based eating habits
etc. These are the fundamental gains for the development of In-
dian nationalism.

11
 The British administration has had a far reaching conse-
quence on the Indian economic system. During the British rule
the land ceased to be the communal property; it became the
property of the individuals. Ryotwari System was introduced by
Thomas Munro in 1820In Ryotwari System the ownership rights
were handed over to the peasants. British Government collected
taxes directly from the peasants. Thus, in certain parts the land-
lords and in the other tillers became the owners of the land. The
Permanent Settlement benefited the landlords more than the gov-
ernment. Several towns had flourished as centres of trade. Ma-
jor impact of these British policies was the expression of
intense poverty and frequent famines. These again found their
most dire reflections in rural India. The tragedy also found
manifestations in the stagnation and deterioration of agriculture
and the transformation of India into an agricultural colony of Brit-
ain
The English language played an important role in the growth
of nationalism in the country. The English educated Indians, who
led the national movement, developed Indian nationalism and
organised it. Western education facilitated the spread of the con-
cepts of liberty, equality, freedom and nationalism and sowed
the seeds of nationalism. When the British came to India, they
brought new ideas such as liberty, equality, freedom and human
rights from the Renaissance, the Reformation Movement and the
various revolutions that took place in Europe. These ideas ap-
pealed to some sections of our society and led to several reform
movements in different parts of the country. These movements
looked for social unity and strived towards liberty, equality and
fraternity.
Indian reformers of the nineteenth century did a lot to build
a better society. Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra
Vidyasagar, Vivekananda, Mahatma Gandhi, Dr Bhimrao
Ambedkar, Jyotiba Phule, Anne Besant, Mother Teresa, Vinoba
Behave, Sree Narayana Guru etc played crucial role in reform-
ing Indian Society. We will look into the life and works of these

12
extraordinary men and women and will appreciate their efforts in
the making of today's India. Many Religious and social reform
movements arose in Indian society. Brahmo samaj, Arya samaj,
Shuddhi Movement, theosophical society, Sree Rama Krishna
Mission, Prarthana Samaj, SatyashodhakSamaj and JyotibaPhule,
BalshastriJambhekar, Student's Library and Scientific Society,
ParamhansaMandalis, SatyashodhakSamaj, Servants of India
Society, SNDP Movement, VokkaligaSangha, , Self-respect
Movement, Temple Entry Movement, Wahabi/ Walliullah Move-
ment, Faraizi Movement, Ahmadiya Movement, Sir Syed Ahmed
Khan and the Aligarh Movement, Deoband Movement, Akali
movement and SevaSadan are prime among them. These social
reform movements arose among all communities of the Indian
people. They attacked bigotry, superstition and the hold of the
priestly class. They worked for abolition of castes and untouch-
ability, purdah system, sati, child marriage, social inequalities and
illiteracy.
With the growth of nationalism and English education the
educaed persons began to criticise social institutions, caste sys-
tem, and untouchability. The latter half of the 19th century wit-
nessed the rise and growth of Indian Nationalism and from then
onwards an organised national movement started in India. The
year 1885 marks the beginning of a new epoch in Indian history.
In that year All Indian Political Organization was set on foot un-
der the name of the Indian National Congress.
The Indian Press, both English and vernacular, had also
aroused the national consciousness. The introduction of the print-
ing press in India was an event of revolutionary significance. Raja
Ram Mohan Roy was the founder of nationalist press in India.
His 'Sambad Kaumudi' in Bengali published in 1821 and 'Mirat-
UL-Akbar' in Persian published in 1822, were the first publica-
tions with a distinct nationalist and democratic progressive ori-
entation. The emergence of a number of nationalist and vernacu-
lar newspapers also played a very vital role in mobilizing public
opinion and awakening national consciousness. Among them,

13
Amrit Bazar Patrika, The Bengali, The Bombay Chronicle, The
Tribune, The Indian Mirror, The Hindu, The Pioneer, The Ma-
dras Mail, The Maratha, The Keshari etc. had played important
role in exposing the failure of the British Government in provid-
ing welfare measures to the people.
When Indians were developing a sense of inferiority com-
plex being exploited under the colonial rule, the glorious heritage
of India was revived by some western scholars like Max Muller,
William Jones, Charles Wilkins etc. They translated some San-
skrit texts into English and attempted to prove the supremacy of
ancient Indian culture, its heritage and philosophy. Some Indian
scholars like R.G. Bhandarkar, H.P. Shastri etc. also helped in
reviving the past glory of India. All these helped in regenerating a
sense of self confidence and patriotism among the people.
Several movements and events in foreign countries also
helped in awakening national consciousness. The Declaration of
Independence by U.S.A. in 1776, the French Revolution of
1789, the unification of Italy and Germany in 1870, defeat of
Russia by Japan in 1904 etc. inspired the Indians. They became
confident that it would be possible to fight against the mighty
British authority for their right of self-determination. World events
thus, motivated Indians and promoted the rise of nationalism.
Dayanand Saraswati and Vivekananda upheld Indian philoso-
phy and culture. This instilled in Indians a sense of pride and faith
in their own culture. The cultural and ideological struggle taken
up by the socio-religious movements helped to build up national
consciousness.
A major impact of the British rule in India was the beginning
of a new middle class. With the rise of the British commercial
interests, new opportunities opened to a small section of the In-
dian people. In the early decades of the nineteenth century there
began internal movements within Hindu Society against its own
customs and practices. In the light of the changing con-
sciousness among the people, the Government too changed its
policies. It was a coincidence that the British initiated social leg-

14
islation when the Indian reformers created an opinion in their
favour. The revolt of 1857 can be considered as the starting
point of the nationalist movement in India. It was basically a re-
volt of the existing princely states against the East India Com-
pany. Several important measures and legislations were also taken.
The Child Marriage Restraint Act XIX of 1929 (popularly known
as Sarda Act), Hindu Widow's Remarriage Act, 1856 and the
Abolition of Sati Act. The Indian independence movement en-
compasses the efforts to free India from British rule from the
Nineteenth Century until the granting of Independence in 1947.
RAJA RAM MOHAN ROY (1772 -1833)
INTRODUCTION
Raja Ram Mohan Roy was known as 'Father of Modern
India', 'Father of the Bengal Renaissance and 'Father of Indian
Renaissance'.' Raja Ram Mohan Roy was a prominent Indian
social reformer and the founder of the Brahmo Samaj. Raja Ram
Mohan Roy is considered as the pioneer of modern Indian Re-
naissance for the remarkable reforms he brought in the 18th and
19th century India. The title 'Raja' was bestowed upon him
by the Mughal emperor Akbar II, in 1831. Though Roy was
modernist in his approach, he always tried to link modernity with
tradition. He attempted the creative combination of secularism
and spirituality, of Western and Eastern philosophy. He wanted
to present the concept of universal religion by combining the best
features of all leading religions of the world. He was of the opin-
ion that rationality and modernity needed to be introduced in the
field of religion and that "irrational religion" was at the root of
many social evils. This concept of universal religion meant
not merely religious tolerance, but also transcending all the sec-
tarian barriers of separate religion He was the founder of Liberal
tradition in lndian political thought.
EARLY LIFE AND INFLUENCES
The 'Maker of Modern India' Raja Ram Mohan Roy was
born on August 14, 1774 to Ramakanta Roy and Tarini Devi in
Radhanagar village of Hoogly district, Bengal Presidency. Among

15
his efforts, the abolition of the brutal and inhuman Sati Pratha
was the most prominent. His efforts were also instrumental in
eradicating the purdah system and child marriage. Besides Bengali
and Sanskrit, Roy had mastered Arabic, Persian, Hebrew, Greek,
Latin and 17 other leading languages spoken in the world. Roy's
familiarity with such diverse languages exposed him to a va'riety
of cultural, philosophical and religious experiences. He studied
Islam thoroughly. The rationality and the logical consistency of
Arabic literature in general and the mutajjil in particular impressed
Roy greatly. The Sufi poets like Saddi and Haafiz made a deep
impact on Roy's mind. The Quaranic concept of Tauhid or Unity
of God fascinated Roy. Roy also had .studied the teachings of
the Buddha Dhamma. It is said that in the course of his travels he
reached Tibet. There he was pained to see how the principles of
Buddhism were blatantly violated and how idol-worship, which
had no place in the Dhamma of Lord Buddha, had come to be
accepted. Roy admired the Bible as much as he did the Vedanta
and the Quran. Many of his critics thought that two major fea-
tures of Roy's Brahmo Samaj, namely, the opposition to idol-
worship, and the practice of collective prayer were borrowed
from Christianity. He also compiled "The Precepts of Jesus" with
a view to proving how the teachings of Christ could be better
adapted to rational man's use.
BRAHMO SAMAJ
The Brahmo Samaj (1828- The society of God) was the
first attempt by Indians in the nineteenth century to reform Hindu
society. It is a cosmopolitan religious organization based on the
positive sides of all the prevailing religion. Initially, the reform
was named as 'Brahmo Sabha' in 1820 but later in 19th century,
it was renamed as Adi Brahmo Samaj meaning the society of
men believing in the worship of supreme power in spirit form but
opposing the idol worship of the Almighty. The Brahmo Samaj
was essentially a monotheistic reform movement in the Hindu
religion. The Brahmo Samaj was a reflection of the Bengal Re-
naissance and took active participation in social emancipation,

16
which included the abolition of sati, the caste system, child
marriage, dowry and the betterment of the status of women in
society. The core of the Brahmo Samaj was to understand that
all human beings were related at a human level and hence no
discrimination should be practiced, be at the level of caste, reli-
gion or gender. The Bhahmo Samaj propagated the oneness of
God, brotherhood, morality and charity and was against idol
worship, polygamy, caste system, sati, child marriage and other
meaningless rituals. The prominent leader of the Brahmo Samaj
Keshad Chandra Sen, Jagdish Chandra Bose, Prasanta Chandra
Mahalanobis, Satyajit Ray, Rabindranath Tagore, Debendranath
Tagore. The Brahmo Samaj is credited with being one of the
most important reform movements in India which led to the foun-
dation of modern India. Its educational and social reform activi-
ties instilled a new confidence which, in turn, contributed to the
growth of national movement. A number of Brahmo Samajists
were later prominent in the struggle of Independence.
RAJA RAM MOHAN ROY: CONTRIBUTION AND
SOCIAL REFORMS
Raja Ram Mohan Roy was a great social reformer. He
modernized Indian society in many ways. Ram mohan as the
'first modern man' of India realized early that social reform was
the precondition for the regeneration of the people of our coun-
try. Roy believed in, the progressive role of the British rule in
India and sought government held in the matter of social reforms,
especially in the form of socially progressive legislations. Roy's
aim was the creation of a new society based on the principles of
tolerance, sympathy and reason, where the principles of liberty,
equality, and fraternity would be accepted by all, and where man
would be free from the traditional shackles which had enslaved
him for ages. He yearned for a new society which would be
cosmopolitan and modern. Roy's methods of social reform were
multifaceted. He combined all possible means, including even
those which were commonly believed to be incompatible. His
reforms have been discussed below:

17
Abolition of Sati
Sati is described as a Hindu custom in India in which the
widow was burnt to ashes on her dead husband's pyre. Basi-
cally the custom of Sati was believed to be a voluntary Hindu act
in which the woman voluntary decides to end her life with her
husband after his death. But there were many incidences in which
the women were forced to commit Sati, sometimes even dragged
against her wish to the lighted pyre. The Brahmins and other
higher castes in the society encouraged it. Raja Ram Mohan Roy
raised his voice against the Sati system. A few rulers of India
tried to ban this custom. In 1818, Roy wrote his first essay on
sati in which he argued that the woman had an existence inde-
pendent of her husband and hence, she had no reason to end her
life on the demise of her husband. The society had no right over
her life. Right to life of both man and women was equally impor-
tant. Roy found that ignorance of the women about their legiti-
mate rights, their illiteracy, customary denial of the property rights
to the widow and the consequent helplessness, dependence,
misery and humiliation were some of the causes behind this prac-
tice. According to Roy, Sati was nothing short of murder and
was therefore a punishable offence under the law. It was Raja
Ram Mohan Roy's efforts, bore fruits and this practice was
stopped by an Act passed in 1829 during Lord William Bentinck.
Thus, a long prevailing ugly practice of the Hindus was uprooted.
Religious Reforms
Ram Mohan raised his voice against idolatry. In his book
Tuhfat-ul-Muwahhidin' he championed the cause of Monothe-
ism. He criticized idol-worship by the Hindus. He rejected poly-
theism, idol-worship and rituals of different religions. He advo-
cated monotheism or unity among gods. He also advised people
to be guided by the conscience. He inspired men to cultivate
rationality. To all he appealed to observe the principle of unity of
God. Further, he formed 'Atmiya Sabha' in 1815 to carry on
discussions among scholars on religion and philosophy. Through
this, he raised his voice against religious and social malpractices,
Champion of Women Liberty
18
 Raja Ram Mohan Roy was a champion of women's
rights in India. He laid the foundations of the women's libera-
tion movement in this country. He revolted against the subjection
of women and pleaded for the restoration of their rights. Raja
Ram Mohan Roy advocated the liberty of Women. He was de-
termined to give women her proper place in the society. Besides
abolishing Sati, he advocated in favor of widow remarriage. In
1822, Roy wrote a book entitled Brief Remarks Regarding
Modern Enchroachments on the Ancient Right of Females. He
argued that like the sons, daughters have also their right over
parental property. He also influenced the British government to
bring necessary modification in the existing law. He raised voice
against child-marriage and polygamy. He was the advocate of
women education. Brahmo Samaj which he founded paid
special attention to women's education. Thus, he advocated
women's liberty out and out and awakened them.
Opposition to Caste System
The caste system was a very ugly practice prevailing in In-
dian society right from the later Vedic age. Raja Ram Mohan
Roy's strongest objection to the caste system was on the grounds
that it fragmented society into many divisions and subdivisions.
The higher castes like Brahmins and Kshatriyas looked down
upon the Sudras, Chandalas and other aboriginals. Ram Mohan
opposed this ugly system of the Indian society. To him, Caste
divisions destroyed social homogeneity and the integrated tex-
ture of society and weakened itpolitically. To him everybody was
a son or daughter of the God. So, there is no difference among
men. He was in favour of inter caste and inter-racial marriages,
which he thought, could effectively break the barriers of the caste
divisions. There should not exist hatred and animosity among
them. Everybody is equal before God. Thus, ignoring differences
among themselves they should embrace each other ignoring dif-
ferences. Then, the true purpose of God will be materialized. By
advocating this equality among men, Ram Mohan became the
eyesore of many higher caste Indians.

19
 Educational Reforms
Ram Mohan Roy was educated in traditional languages like
Sanskrit and Persian. He came across English much later in life
and learned the language to get better employment with the Brit-
ish. But a voracious reader, he devoured English literature and
journals, extracting as much knowledge as he could. He realised
that while traditional texts like Vedas, Upanishads and Quran
provided him with much reverence for philosophy, his knowl-
edge was lacking in scientific and rational education. He advo-
cated the introduction of an English Education System in the
country teaching scientific subjects like Mathematics, Phys-
ics, Chemistry and even Botany. He paved the way to revolu-
tionizing education system in India by establishing Hindu College
in 1817 along with David Hare which later went on to become
one of the best educational institutions in the country producing
some of the best minds in India. His efforts to combine true to
the roots theological doctrines along with modern rational les-
sons saw him establish the Anglo-Vedic School in 1822 followed
by the Vedanta College in 1826.
Advocate of Western Education
Raja Ram Mohan Roy was a great scholar having sharp
intellect in the Vedas, Upanishads, Quran, Bible and several
other holy scriptures. He very well realized the importance of
English language. He could visualize the need of a scientific, ra-
tional and progressive education for the Indians. During his time,
when controversy was going on between the orientalists and
occident lists, he sided with the latter and advocated in
favour of the introduction of the English system of education. He
liked Physics, Chemistry, Mathematics, Botany, Philosophy. At
the same time he also desired that the Indian Vedic studies and
philosophical systems were to be studied and analyzed properly.
He supported the move of Lord Macaulay and championed the
cause of the English system of education in India. His motto was
to take Indians the path of progress. He established English
school in 1816 and Vedanta College in 1825. He wanted to

20
introduce modem system of education. Of course, he could not
live to see the introduction of English system of education in In-
dia in 1835. However, his efforts and dreams were materialized
into reality even after his death.
Freedom of Press
Raja Ram Mohan Roy was the 'Father of Indian Journal-
ism'. He believed in the freedom of press. He fought for the rights
of vernacular press. He edited a newspaper in Bengali named
'Sampled Kaumudi'. He was also the editor of Mirat- ul-Akbar.
When restrictions were imposed on the publications of newspa-
pers, he reacted sharply and criticized the British authorities
vehemently. In his editorials, he reflected important social, politi-
cal, economic, religious and other problems with which the Indi-
ans were grossly entangled. This brought public consciousness.
His writings were so powerful that people were deeply moved
by this. He could express his view in powerful English.
Champion of Nationalism
Raja Ram Mohan Roy believed in the political freedom of
man. In 1821 he had written to J.S. Buckingham, the editor of
the 'Calcutta Journal' that he believed in the freedom of Euro-
pean and Asiatic countries. He advised Indians to have self-free-
dom in thought and action.
He showed a bright example by condemning the Jury Act
of1826 which had introduced religious discrimination in the law
courts. According to this Act a Hindu or a Mohammedan could
be tried either by a European or a native Christian but not vice
versa. Ram Mohan protested against it. Thus, his nationalism
was blatant He definitely fought for the legitimate rights of the
Indians and championed the cause of Indian nationalism. Fur-
ther, Ram Mohan Roy himself proceeded to London to plead
a case on behalf of Akbar n, the Mughal Emperor. This
reflected his nationalism.
The synthesizer of religion and morality
Raja Ram Mohan Roy was a noble soul. He brought a per-
fect blending between religion and morality. According to him a
21
man must possess virtues like merry, morality, catholicity, for-
giveness and so on. These qualities will purify his soul. Further,
man will be regulated by these qualities. By cultivating these noble
qualities a man can acquire divine knowledge and devote for the
welfare of the society at large. Further his religious catholicity
will further bloom by the cultivation of these qualities. Thus, Raja
Ram Mohan Roy was undoubtedly a synthesizer of religion and
morality which aimed at the welfare of the society at large.
Love for Liberty and Constitutionalism
Liberty and constitutionalism were the two important as-
pects upon which Raja Ram Mohan emphasized. He preferred
a constitutional form of Government for every nation. Despotism
or autocracy, he hated from the core of his heart. He told that a
constitutional government could only give guarantee of Individual
freedom. Thus, he advocated individual liberty and constitution-
alism. This clearly project that Ram Mohan was a champion of
human liberty.
Champion of Internationalism
Raja Ram Mohan Roy was the champion of internation-
alism. He wanted universal religion, synthesis of human culture
and ideas, end of imperialism and peaceful co-existence of na-
tions. Thus, he became the harbinger of a modem age. No In-
dian by that time had seriously thought about it what Ram Mohan
advocated. He really advocated the principle of collaboration of
mankind. Rabindranath Tagore commented that "Ram Mohan
was the only person in his time
…. to realize completely the significance of the modem age.
He knew that the ideal of human civilization does not lie in isola-
tion of independence but in the brotherhood of interdependence
of individuals and nations."
ROY'S POLITICAL LIBERALISM
Liberalism is a political doctrine that takes protecting and
enhancing the freedom of the individual to be the central prob-
lem of politics. Liberalism had emerged as the most valuable
product of renaissance and reformation in Europe. Liberalism in
22
politics is associated with non- authoritarianism, the rule of law,
constitutional government with limited powers, and the guaran-
tee of civil and political liberties. A liberal society is tolerant of
different religious, philosophical, and ethical doctrines and al-
lows individuals to freely form and express their conscientious
convictions and opinions on all matters and live according
to their chosen purposes and life paths. In economic terms,
liberalism is associated with an unplanned economy with free
and competitive markets, as well as private ownership and con-
trol of productive resources.
Raja Rammohan Roy was one of the most outstanding per-
sonalities of the 19th century, as a pioneer of modernity, and a
visionary of Liberal Democracy. It became the dominant ideol-
ogy of the first phase of religious and social reform in' India.
Liberalism, in brief, stands for the value and dignity of the indi-
vidual personality; the central position of Man in the historical
development; and the faith that people are the ultimate source of
all power. Roy advocated liberal principles in all walks of life.
In the religious field Roy stood for tolerance, a non- communal
approach to all problems and secularism. He valued the free-
dom of the individual to follow the dictates of his conscience and
even to defy the commands of the priestly class.
Roy's Views on Liberty and Rights
Liberty was a pivot around which the entire religio-socio-
political thought of Roy revolved. His protest against idolatry, his
agitation against Sati, his demand for modern western education
and his insistence on freedom of press, right of women, and his
demands for "separation for powers" and for the codification of
laws were all expressions of his intense love for liberty. For him,
liberty was a "priceless possession of mankind". He was the first
to deliver the message of political freedom to India. Although
Roy recognised the positive gains India would get from British
rule, he was never in favour of an unending foreign rule in India.
He considered the British connection necessary for India's so-
cial emancipation. Political freedom was bound to follow. His

23
lave for liberty however was not limited to one nation or com-
munity. It was universal. He supported all struggles which aimed
at human freedom. Freedom for him was indivisible. Freedom
was the strongest passion of Roy's mind. He believed equally in
the freedom of body and mind, so also the freedom of
action and thought. He shunned all restrictions imposed by
consideration of race, religion and customs on human freedoms.
Roy was the first to create awareness for civil rights amongst
the Indians. He was grateful to the Britishers because they made
available to Indians all those civil rights which were enjoyed by
the Queen's subjects in England. Though Roy did not specifi-
cally enlist the civil rights, he seems to include in it the following
rights. Right to life and liberty, right to have opinions and free-
dom of expression, Right to property, Right to religion etc. Roy
gave the greatest importance to the right to freedom of opinion
and expression. To him it included the freedom of creativity of
mind and intellect, as well as the freedom of expressing one's
opinions and thoughts through different media. According to Roy,
freedom of expression was equally useful to the rulers and the
ruled. Ignorant people were more likely to revolt against all that
the rulers did, they could turn against authority itself. In contrast
an enlightened public would be opposed only to the abuse of
power by authority and not to the existence of authority itself.
The free press, the Raja argued, had never caused a revolution
in any part of the world. But many examples could be cited where,
in the absence of a free press, since the grievances of the people
remained unrepresented and unredressed, the situation had
become ripe for a violent 'revolutionary' change. A free and
independent press alone could-bring forth the best in the gov-
ernment as well as the people. Roy, however, was not against
the reasonable restrictions on the freedom of press. He even
accepted some additional restrictions on the Indian Press, which
were not imposed on the press in England. Such restrictions, he
believed, might be necessary here as some Indians were likely to
encourage hatred in the minds of the natives towards the British

24
rulers. Roy also justified the restrictions imposed with a view to
check the seditious attempts of creating hostilities with
neighbouring friendly states. He, however, strongly objected to
the restrictions imposed by the bureaucracy in India. These re-
strictions, in his opinion, were arbitrary and uncalled for by the
circumstances in this country.
In the Political field, Roy was a supporter of the imper-
sonal authority of law and opposed all kinds of arbitrary and
despotic power. He was convinced that the existence of consti-
tutional government is the best guarantee of human freedom. He
insisted on the use of constitutional means as when required to
safeguard the rights. He preferred the gradual improvements of
the condition of this country because, to him, such improvements
were more lasting and profound.
In the economic sphere, Roy believed in the sanctity of right
to property. Similarly, he believed that a strong middle class had
an important role to play in socio-political dynamics. He was for
the emancipation of poor peasants who were exposed to the
exploitation of zamindars. He wanted the government to reduce
its demands of landlords. He wanted to preserve the ryotwari
system and rural basis of Indian civilization and also estab-
lish modem scientific industry. He however differed from the
other western liberal thinkers in one important respect, viz. role
of state and sphere of state activities. In his scheme of things, the
state is expected to bring about social reform, in protecting the
rights of the tenants against the landlords etc.
Roy's Liberal Perception on Law, Administration and In-
ternational Co-existence
According to Roy, Law is the "creation of passionless rea-
son". It was the command of the sovereign. Hence, even the
highest officer in the East India Company did not possess the
competence for enacting the laws for India. The king-in-Parlia-
ment alone could have that authority. What is more important is,
before finalising every piece of legislation relating to India should
take into account the views of the economic and intellectual elites

25
in this country. Important contribution of Roy was in the context
of law relates to the codification of law. He argues that the codi-
fication of law was in the interest of both the rulers and ruled and
it should be done on the basis of the principles common and
agreeable to all groups and factions in the society. In the course
of codification, the long-standing customs of this country should
not be overlooked. Of course, only those customs which are
reasonable and conducive to general welfare of the people should
be picked up. Codified law should be simple, clear and exact.
Codification would make the interpretations of laws more im-
personal and its application more uniform. Roy had a clear per-
ception of the distinction between law, custom and morality. He
accepted that evolving customs were an important source of law,
but the two could not be identified. He also made a distinction
between law and morality. Some laws, according to Roy, might
be legally valid, but morally indefensible. Conversely, some prac-
tices might be morally sound but could not be given legal force.
Principles of morality are relative to the social realities and any
law to be effective must take into account these ethical principles
prevalent in a given society.
In his book entitled 'An Exposition of Revenue and
Judicial System in India' Roy presented a profound discussion
on urgent reforms in administrative and judicial matters. He
stressed the point that the administration could not be efficient
and effective unless there were official speaking in the language
of the masses. There should also be several channels of commu-
nication between the administration and the people. Roy's sug-
gestions of reform in the judicial field are more numerous be-
cause for him an efficient, impartial and an independent judiciary
was the supreme guarantee of liberty. Roy believed that the as-
sociation of the natives in the judicial process had to be an es-
sential feature of judicial administration. Other measures advo-
cated by Roy included: constant supervision of the judicial pro-
ceedings by a vigilant public opinion, substitution of English for
Persian as the official language to be used in the courts of law,
appointment of Indian assessors in civil suits, trial by jury, sepa-
26
ration of judicial from executive functions, and the constant con-
sultation of the native interests before the enactment of any law
that concerned them. He also suggested the revival of the age-
old Panchayat system of adjudication. Roy thus urged several -
reforms and. corrections in the Indian Judicial system in keeping
with political liberalism.
Though Roy was a liberal thinker, he did not believe in the
policy of laissez-faire. He could never accept that the sphere of
state activity was limited only to the political field. He had ap-
pealed repeatedly in his writings to the state authorities to under-
take many social, moral and cultural responsibilities which did
not strictly come under the category of 'political'. He wanted the
state to protect the tenants against the landlords, to make ar-
rangements for the useful and liberal education, to eradicate the
ugly practices like Sati and to give equal protection to the lives
of-both males and females, and to make efforts to create a new
social order based on the principles of liberty, equality, fraternity
and social justice.
His ambition was to change the educational system com-
pletely. He was convinced that only a modern, science educa-
tion could instil new awareness and new capabilities in the Indian
people. Without this kind of education, social reform in India
would be very weak and the country would always remain back-
ward. Though Roy himself was a great scholar of Sanskrit, he
always felt that the Sanskrit learning was irrelevant to modern
lndia and hence he strongly opposed it. He appealed to the rul-
ers that instead of perpetuating irrelevant Sanskrit learning, they
should help equip the new generations of Indians with useful
modern scientific knowledge. Roy wanted instruction in useful
modern sciences like chemistry, mathematics, anatomy, natural
philosophy and not load young minds with grammatical com-
plexities, and speculative or imaginary knowledge, Roy's views
and activities were really pioneering in giving a new turn to the
educational system in India. He was the first eminent advocate
of women's education.

27
 Roy was an ardent supporter of international coexistence.
He was perhaps the first thinker of the 18th century who had a
clear vision of internationalism. This vision might have occurred
to him in the course of his search for universal religion. Roy, the
prophet of universalism, argued that all nations of the world must
be placed on an equal footing in order to achieve global unity
and a sense of broad fraternity. It is only then that the contradic-
tion between nationalism and internationalism can be ended. Roy
held that the different tribes and nations were merely the
branches of the same family and hence, there must be
frequent exchange of views and frequent give and take in all
matters among the enlightened nations of the world. This, ac-
cording to Roy, was the only way to make the human race happy
and contented. Moreover, he was a liberal at heart is evident
from the letter he wrote to Buckingham when he heard about the
suppression of the people of Nepal at the hands of Austrians. He
wrote: "I am obliged to conclude that I shall not live to see liberty
universally restored to the nations of Europe and Asiatic na-
tions, and especially those that are European colonies... under
these circumstances I consider the cause of Nepolitans as my
own and their enemies as ours. Enemies to liberty and friends of
despotism have never been and never will be ultimately success-
ful". Historian K.M. Panikar rightly remarked, for whom
"Raja Ram Mohun Roy was the real founder of liberal tradi-
tion in India with his commitment to the principle of equality,
religious freedom, women's right to freedom and establishment
of a casteless society."
RAJA RAM MOHAN ROY- FATHER OF INDIAN
JOURNALISM
The Press is aptly referred to as the fourth pillar of democ-
racy other three pillars are Legislature, Executive and Judiciary.
We consider press as free from bias and prejudice. Press re-
flects the realities of this world as wished by social and political
world. Rammohan was a great champion of the freedom of the
Press. Raja Ram Mohan Roy was described by Jawaharlal Nehru
as a founder of the Indian press. His efforts to liberate the Press
28
were made with the aim of education Indians about the affairs
of the nation in their true perspective. He himself published
newspapers in English, Bengali and Persian for the purpose of
creating mass consciousness as a veritable check against the
British authoritarianism. Besides being a great social reformer
Ram Mohan also made a valuable contribution to Bengali litera-
ture and he is regarded as the father of Bengali prose. He was
the first to realize the value of the newspapers as an instrument
for diffusing intellectual light. He founded the Sambut Kaumudi
(moon of intelligence) in 1821 in Calcutta. Due to the suc-
cess of another rival newspaper named Samachar Chandrika
Roy was forced to close it down in 1822. However it was re-
vived the following year. Roy also started a newspaper in Per-
sian 'Mirut ul Akhbar'(mirror of news)in 1822.
The purpose Raja Ram Mohan Roy had in mind could not
be served properly if there was no freedom of press. He cham-
pioned the cause of press freedom. In 1823, Press Ordinance
was promulgated. It prohibited the publication of newspaper or
periodicals without previous license from the Governor-General-
in-Council. Raja Ram Mohan Roy protested against it and sub-
mitted a memorandum to the Supreme Court arguing in favour
of freedom of press in India. The British East India Company
was against Freedom of press in India. But Raja Ram Mohan
Roy strongly argued against this view. The company had the fear
of public criticism under a free press. Ram Mohan Roy was suc-
cessful in convincing the authority with his strong logic arguing
that in India Freedom of press would not be harmful for the gov-
ernment as people had been loyal to it. Roy pointed out that a
free press acted as a safety valve and did not give any scope for
sudden outburst. Freedom of press was helpful to both the gov-
ernment and the people. A free press acts like a channel of com-
munication between the two and solves many problems. People
come to know about the plans, programmes, policies and inten-
tions of the government through it. People also express their re-
actions and grievances through it thus making the governance

29
more effective. A free press helps disseminate knowledge and
boosts intellectual improvement. It allows creativity: gives liter-
ary, cultural and artistic knowledge and pleasure. The govern-
ment comes to know about the defects of its policies and admin-
istration and gets a scope to remedy those before any crisis arises.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy argued that a free press fails revolution
and does not nourish it. Ram Mohan Roy however, was not in
favour of absolute freedom of press. In stead he wanted reason-
able restrictions on it. He believed that those who try to incite
hatred in the minds of the Indians against the British nation should
be punished. Similarly, an attempt to provoke hostilities with
neighbours and friendly states must be duly penalized.
CONCLUSION
Raja Ram Mohan Roy is hailed as "the Father of Modern
India". He attempted to combine the western and eastern phi-
losophy. His writings and ideas are an example of a synthesis
of ancient Indian ideas with modern Western Political Principles.
According to Roy, another factor responsible for the deteriorat-
ing political and social milieu was the social decadence of the
Indian society. He wanted to build a new Indian society where
principles of tolerance, sympathy, reason, liberty, equality and
fraternity would be honoured. A multi-faceted personality, Roy
carried on a relentless crusade against all kinds of injustices, ex-
ploitative practices and superstitions.
INTRODUCTION
SWAMI VIVEKANANDA (1863 - 1902)
Swami Vivekananda was a Hindu monk, and disciple of
the famous Indian mystic Ramakrishna Paramhamsa.
Vivekananda played a key role in the introduction of Indian yoga
and Vedanta philosophy in the West. He made a strong impres-
sion at the inaugural World Parliament of Religions in Chicago,
1893 - giving a powerful speech on the underlying unity of world
religions. He taught a philosophy of traditional meditation and
also selfless service (karma yoga). He advocated emancipation
for Indian women and an end to the worst excess of the caste
30
system. He is considered an important figurehead of India's grow-
ing self-confidence and later nationalist leaders often said they
were inspired by his teachings and personality. BIOGRAPHI-
CAL SKETCH
Swami Vivekananda was born Narendra Nath Datta on
12th January 1863 in an educated and well-to-do family in
Calcutta. He studied the Western thought which ingrained in him
the quality of critical enquiry and analysis. His inborn spiritual
characteristics and his rational outlook were at tussle. He
turned towards the Brahmo Samaj which rejected idol
worship and formulated the formless worship of God.
His meeting with Swami Ramakrishna in the year 1881 was the
turning point in his life. He accepted Swami Ramakrishna as his
friend, philosopher and guide. In all most all the fields of social
or national life he propounded his unique visions to help the ig-
norant mass of this country. His preaching regarding nationalism,
universal humanism, education, socialism, equality greatly im-
pressed the contemporary leaders and freedom fighters. He was
a Hindu spiritual leader and reformer in India who attempted to
combine Indian spirituality with Western material progress, main-
taining that the two supplemented and complemented one an-
other.
INFLUENCES: The philosophy of Vivekananda is born
out of his strong awareness of the social, religious and economic
conditions of Indian masses. He realized that the orthodoxy, su-
perstitions, loss of faith in spiritual values etc., are the reasons
for at least some of the social evils. The Hindu philosophy,
especially, Vedanta which made him known as a Vedantist
and the Buddhist philosophy made a great impact upon
Vivekananda. Along with these Indian influences, he also car-
ried, on his thought, the influence of Christianity. There were certain
other influences too. For some time he was under the influ-
ence of Brahmo Samaj. It also seems that he was also
influenced by the personality of Dayananda Saraswati. The
Gita was also a source of constant inspiration to Vivekananda.

31
But it must be admitted that the profoundest influence was that
of his master Swami Ramakrisha Paramahamsa. It is right to say
that swami Ramakrishna revealed him the spiritual path,
unravelled and opened his soul, flooded the spiritual con-
sciousness into his soul and removed the ignorance which
obstructed and covered the wave and tide of the
unbounded spirit within Vivekananda. David Hume, Kant, Hegel,
Comte, J.S. Mill, Charles Darwin and became fascinated with
the evolutionism of Herbert Spencer.
SOCIO-RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL IDEAS Vedanta
Religion and Socialism
To him religion is a key note of social and national life. This
religion was the vedic religion. Vivekananda was a world spokes-
person for Vedanta. Swami Vivekananda's vision of Vedanta is
his lasting legacy to contemporary spiritual thought. Swami
Vivekananda's ideas on nation-building in India come down
to us through his concepts of 'Practical Vedanta' and
'Man-Making'. The Vedanta teaches men to have faith in
themselves first. To him, the goal is to manifest this Divinity within
by controlling nature, external and internal. He popularized yoga
as the practical aspect of Vedanta. it elevates religion into
spiritualism and at that stage all faiths, all scriptures, and
idolatry appear to be different faces of the same truth.
Swamiji felt that Indians are essentially bound by religious
ties and only a spiritual elevation of religion could unite them
beyond faiths, caste, community and sub-national and ethnic
identities. Then and only then all Indians will be permeated
by a common bond of nationalism. By the Neo-Vedantism of
Swami Vivekananda is meant the new Vedanta as distin-
guished from the old traditional Vedanta developed by
Shankaracharya.
Swamiji was an ardent supporter of Vedantic socialism. No
doubt, Vivekananda took pride in the country's inheritance from
the past, but he was not an obscurantist revivalist with undis-
criminating admiration for all that had come down from the past.

32
To him, India meant the people and the people meant the
masses. Removal of poverty, eradication of illiteracy, resto-
ration of human dignity, freedom from fear, availability of spiri-
tual and secular knowledge to all, irrespective of their caste and
class and the ending of all monopolies, religious, economic, in-
tellectual, social and cultural - all these formed a part of what he
derived from his practical Vedanta or Vedantic socialism.
Vivekananda's Vedantic socialism centres round his progressive
ideas on education which are more modern than those of
professional educationists who moulded the education of mod-
ern India. From the beginning of his mission, he stressed the im-
portance of universal literacy as an essential condition for mass
uplift and development. Though he laid great stress on the tradi-
tional values of chastity and family life for women, Vivekananda
was totally against their subjection. Vivekananda's Vedantic so-
cialism is also reflected in his endeavour to give India's tradi-
tional religions a new orientation of social service.
Social Reforms
Swami Vivekananda was a great social reformer. As a so-
cial reformer, he preached elimination of all exploitation. He has
done many social activities to change the social problems. He
felt that the three problems are the resistance of our progress:
education, poverty and castism. Swami is considered as the
messiah of downtrodden. Swamiji was the first leader in modern
India to speak for the poor and the downtrodden masses. He
travelled extensively within the country to understand their prob-
lem. He firmly believed that the main cause of Indians' downfall
was the neglect exploitation of the poor.
According to Vivekananda religion is that will be equally
philosophic, equally emotional, equally mystic and equally con-
ductive to action. Religion is a social institution; worship is a so-
cial activity and faith a social force. Swamiji changed the focus
of religion from God to Man on rather, to God in man. His mas-
ter Sri Ramkrishna had taught him that service to man was ser-
vice to God. Swamiji made this principle the basis of his social

33
service programme. He taught that the best form of worship was
to see God in the poor, the downtrodden, the sick and the igno-
rant and to serve them.
He was the first Indian represented India and Hinduism in
the world parliament. Swamiji enhanced Indian prestige in the
world through his speeches at the world parliament of Religion
held in Chicago in 1893 and his subsequent work in America
and England. Swamiji showed the universal relevance and sig-
nificance of Indians ancient philosophy and spiritual culture
in solving many of the problems associated with modern living.
He enabled thousands of people in the west to appreciate Indian
philosophy and culture.
He believed that socio economic change can be brought
about through education. He wanted both moral and secular
education to be imparted to the common man of this country. On
1 May 1897 at Calcutta, Vivekananda founded the Ramakrishna
Mission-the organ for social service. The ideals of the
Ramakrishna Mission are based on Karma Yoga. Swamiji laid
the foundation for harmony amongst religions and also harmony
between religion and science. He always said with his Guru,
Ramakrishna Paramahamsa, that, "religion is not for empty
stomachs."
Swami Vivekananda's birth anniversary, also called Swami
Vivekananda Jayanti, is celebrated on January 12. The day is
also observed as National Youth Day. Vivekananda had a firm
conviction that for the youth, life is larger than livelihood. Their
aim is to break the shackles of the established society to
revolt against whatever breeds inequality, injustice, bondage
of mind and all kinds of backwardness. Vivekananda welcomed
the youth to come forward and join in the struggle for achieving
freedom of all kinds, political, economic and spiritual.
Vivekananda's clamant call to the Indian youth "Awake, arise,
and stop not till the goal is reached" is resounding all through
India, rousing their social consciousness and kindling their damp
spirits. He felt that because the youth had no possession, they

34
could be sincere and dedicated souls. They can sacrifice every-
thing for a noble cause.
Vivekananda on Nationalism
Swami Vivekananda was a true nationalist in heart and spirit.
He believed that there is one all dominating principle manifesting
itself in the life of each nation. He said, "in each nation, as in
music, there is a main note, a central theme, upon which all oth-
ers turn. Each nation has a theme, everything else is secondary
India's theme is religion. Social reform and everything else
are secondary. Vivekananda felt that Indian nationalism had to
be built on the stable foundation of the post historical heritage. In
the past, the creativity of India expressed itself mainly and domi-
nantly in the sphere of religion. Religion in India has been a cre-
ative force of integration and stability. When the political author-
ity had become loose and weak in India, it imparted event to that
a force of rehabilitation. Hence, he declared that the national life
should be organized on the basis of the religions idea. As sup-
porter of this idea, he revived the eternal things of the Vedas and
Upanishads to strengthen nation's growth and faith in its indi-
viduality.
Though growth of Nationalism is attributed to the Western
influence but Swami Vivekananda's nationalism is deeply rooted
in Indian spirituality and morality. He contributed immensely to
the concept of nationalism in colonial India and played a special
role in steering India into the 20th Century. Swami Vivekananda's
nationalism is associated with spiritualism. He linked India's re-
generation to her age-old tradition of spiritual goal. He said, "Each
nation has a destiny to fulfil, each nation has a message to de-
liver, each nation has a mission to accomplish. Therefore we must
have to understand the mission of our own race, the destiny it
has to fulfil, the place it has to occupy in the march of nations, the
role which it has to contribute to the harmony of races". His
nationalism is based on Humanism and Universalism, the two
cardinal features of Indian spiritual culture. He taught people to
get rid first of self inflicted bondages and resultant miseries.

35
Vivekananda was an ardent patriot and he had tremendous love
for the country. He was the embodiment of emotional patriotism.
A nation is composed of individuals. Hence Vivekananda stressed
that noble virtues like manliness, a sense of human dignity and
honour should be cultivated by all individuals. These individual-
istic qualities had to be supplemented with a positive sense of
love for the neighbour. Without deep sense of selfless service it
was mere prattle to talk about national cohesion and fraternity.
To him, the nature of his nationalism is not materialistic but
purely spiritual, which is considered to be the source of all strength
of Indian life. Unlike western nationalism which is secular in na-
ture, Swami Vivekananda's nationalism is based on religion which
is life blood of the Indian people. Deep concern for masses,
freedom and equality through which one expresses self, spiritual
integration of the world on the basis of universal brotherhood
and "Karmyoga" a system of ethics to attain freedom both politi-
cal and spiritual through selfless service make the basis of his
nationalism. He opined, "I am an Indian and every Indian is my
brother." "The ignorant Indian, the poor and destitute Indian, the
Brahmin Indian, the pariah Indian is my brother." "The Indian is
my brother, the Indian is my life, India's gods and goddesses are
my God, India's society is the cradle of my infancy, the pleasure
garden of my youth, the sacred heaven, the Varanasi of my old
age." "The soil of India is my highest heaven; the good of India is
my good."
Vivekananda was a keen student of History. Analyzing the
historical facts available he comes to the conclusion that four
fundamental social forces are ruling society in succession: Knowl-
edge, military power, wealth and physical labour. These forces
are in the hand of four classes, Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya and
Sudra. He point out the importance of each of the varna in social
history and maintained that each will rule one after the other.
After analysing the merits and defects of the three different kinds
of rules Vivekananda prophesied that Sudra rule is bound to
come in the near future: nobody can resist it. At the same time he

36
predicted that during the Sudra rule, there will be spread of gen-
eral education but the number of geniuses on talented people will
be few. History shows that Sudras were condemned in society
in different periods. They were deprived of all opportunities to
receive education. If a Sudra is absorbed in a higher class he will
be lost to his own community and may not feel any urge neces-
sary uplift of his own community.
Swamiji was a great champion of the emancipation of
women. In India there are two great evils. Trampling of the
women, and grinding the poor through the caste restrictions.
Manu, again, has said that God blessed those families women
are happy and well treated. In western countries treat these women
as well as can be desired and hence they are so prosperous, so
learned so free and so energetic. But we have seen the opposite
picture in our country, what is that our country is the weakest
and the most backward of all countries. All nations have attained
greatness by paying proper respect to women. That country and
that nation which do not respect women have never become
great. Their education must be an eye-opener in all matters.
India is a country and Indian is a nation this feeling is na-
tional integration. Vivekananda feel that the main characteristics
of Indian culture are unity among diversity. Race, religion, lan-
guage, Government - all these together make a nation. In India
race difficulties, linguistic difficulties, social difficulties, national
difficulties, all melt away before this unifying power of religion.
Indian mind there is nothing higher than religion, deals that is the
key note of Indian life. Swami Vivekananda's message of na-
tionality and universality is very much relevant in the present day
world. All people without any distinction of caste, religion, race,
gender on nationality. Human society has to wait for centuries
for the advent of a leader of mankind like Swami Vivekananda.
Perception on Society and Social Institutions
Society is a divine institution. Vivekananda's concept of
society, though derived from Vedantik philosophy, seeks to inte-
grate both the spiritualistic and materialistic interpretations of both

37
man and society; it is both individualistic and socialistic. Believ-
ing in the divine nature of man, Vivekananda seeks to establish
a continuum between society, culture and civilization, like the
wick, oil and the flame. This approximates the integral view of
both man and society. "Love, renunciation and unselfishness
are the three great manifestations of spirituality. In India love
and sacrifice to be the basis of society. To him, in the
tradition of Indian philosophy there is an organic relationship
between individual and the society and therefore the good of
either depends upon the other. The aggregate of many individual
is called samashti (the whole), and each individual is called Vyashti
(a part). Human beings are vyashti and society is samashti. It is
an aggregate of numerous individuals whose self sacrifice is re-
quired for its welfare. Collective happiness becomes his own
happiness. Religion is the backbone of this structure. Dharma or
religion is the keynote of the social solidarity.
In Vivekananda's view, "The Western man is born individu-
alistic, while the Hindu is socialistic-entirely socialistic." The Hindu
demands that the individual shall bow down to the needs of so-
ciety, and that those needs shall regulate his personal behaviour.
As a result of these two attitudes, the West has granted free-
dom to society, so that society has grown and become
dynamic, whereas the Hindu society has become cramped in
every way. Life differs in the East and the West, because the
goals are different. He asseverates, "Of the West, the goal is
individual independence, the language money-making educa-
tion, the means politics; of India, the goal is Mukti, the
language the Veda, the means renunciation." In India, the
emphasis on spirituality, reinforced by renunciation, has produced
a type of culture that is different from that in the West.
According to the Indian view, society is not a human
creation, but a divine institution. The Indian Monotheistic Doc-
trine of Creation holds that the universe of souls and matter is a
cosmos, not a chaos, and not only that, it is also an entirely
teleological or a purposive one. Like nature, society, too, is a

38
perfect system. It is a full organic whole, a loving and a living
union. Its basis is religion, its purpose, spiritualism, and its in-
struments scriptural injunctions. He asserts, "It is not a political
organisation, not an economic unit and not a prudential concern
at all." His concept of society is in consonance with the prin-
ciples laid down in the Rig Vedic `Purusa-Sukta', In this Sukta
the whole of society has been conceived as a universal or social
Man. Of Him, society is only a reflex; and the various voca-
tional groups are His different limbs. This social Man, or Purusa,
is pictured there as' thousand- headed, thousand-eyed, and thou-
sand-legged', who spreads over all the earth and rules over
all living creatures. The four types of people are to be found
in every society, though the classification gradually became
crystallized in Hindu society because of some varnas claim-
ing exclusive privilege and superiority over others. It should,
however, be noted here that the varna classification was
made on the basis of the congenial vocational temperaments and
aptitudes of the people, and not to uphold the superiority or the
privileges of some individuals because of their birth and heredity.
To Vivekananda, an ideal form of society is that where the high-
est truth can be held, practised and lived by all.
Social stratification and varna systm Vivekananda is inspired
"by the ideal of social harmony and synthesis embodied in the
theory of Varna (caste) system of ancient India. He says, "Caste
is a very good thing. Caste is the plan we want to follow ...There
is no country in the world without caste. In India, from caste we
reach to the point where there is no caste." To him caste is a
means to help everybody in attaining the status of a true Brah-
min. A Brahmin is he who has killed all selfishness. To be a Brah-
min is to be spiritually enlightened Vivekananda was against the
abolition of the original caste system. He suggested that the
caste in its degenerate state must be abolished. He pointed
out, "From the time of Upanisads down to the present day,
nearly all our great teachers have wanted to break through
the barriers of caste, i.e. caste in its degenerated state, not the

39
original system."He was of the view that the original idea behind
the caste-system has rendered a great service to society. It was
the most glorious social institution. Caste should not go, but
should only be modified accordingly. Vivekananda advo-
cates that the new method is the evolution of the old. He
believes, "Within the old structure is to be found life enough
for the re-building of two hundred thousand new ones.
Vivekananda condemned the old orthodox Brahmanical doc-
trine of adhikaravada.
This doctrine propounds the exclusion of the Sudras
from the benefit of the Vedantic knowledge. Samkara also
adhered to this undemocratic dogma. But Vivekananda very
strongly championed the concept of spiritual equality. He bitterly
criticised the existing social order in India based upon inequality
of privileges. To him, society is a stratified organisation. Man
lives in groups and performs his own function according
to his capacity. To him society is a stratified organisation. Man
lives in groups and performs his own function according to
his capacity. To him society is a stratified organisation. Man
lives in groups and performs his own function according to
his capacity. To him society is a stratified organisation. Man
lives in groups and performs his own function according to
his capacity.
SUMMING UP
Swami Vivekananda is generally approached as a patriot-
monk par excellence. He is simply credited with revealing the
soul of India to the Western world. He is mostly regarded as a
spokesman of Hinduism. The spiritual dimension of his person-
ality seems to have obviously got the better of the social. It looks
as though the "Vivekananda" was drowned under the heavy
weight of the "Swami". A dominant theme of Vivekananda's
speeches was the universality and harmony of the world reli-
gions. Swami Vivekananda created a national consciousness
amongst all Indians. Swamiji interpreted the significance of Indi-
ans ancient culture in the modern world.

40
Review Questions
1. Elaborate the broad contours of the early nationalist re-
sponse in India
2. Define Renaissance and elucidate the causes and impact
of Indian Renaissance.
3. Why is Raja Ram Mohan Roy called the 'father of modern
India'? Evaluate his role as the pioneer of social reforms in
India.
4. Critically examine the salient features of the socio-political
thought of Raja Ram Mohan Roy.
5. Illustrate Swami Vivekananda's ideas about nationalism and
religion.
6. Describe the contribution of Swami Vivekananda to mod-
ern Indian Political thought.

41
 MODULE II

LIBERAL AND EXTREMIST THINKERS

LIBERAL AND EXTREMIST IDEOLOGY IN INDIAN

NATIONAL CONGRESS
The development of modern Indian political thought is closely
linked with the development of the Indian national movement.
The nationalist movement was articulated differently in different
phases of India's freedom struggle. The movement for India's
independence began with the establishment of the Indian Na-
tional Congress in 1885. During the course of the national move-
ment two distinct streams of thought appeared within the Indian
National Congress prior to the emergence of Gandhi as a promi-
nent political figure. In contemporary historiography, the Mod-
erate phase begins with the formation of the Indian National
Congress (INC) in 1885 and continued till the 1907 Surat
Congress when the Extremists appeared on the political scene.
The basic differences between these two groups lay in their per-
ception of anti-British struggle and its articulation in concrete
programmes. While the Moderates opposed the British in a strictly
constitutional way, the Extremists favoured a strategy of direct
action to harm the British economic and political interests in In-
dia.
The liberation movement got a new aspiration and motiva-
tion through it. Previously, movements were organised only at
the local or regional level, now for the first time they got a na-
tional base. Educated middle-class which drew inspiration
from the Western liberal and radical thought led the national
movement. During this period the Congress was dominated by
moderate leaders. Gradually a section emerged which did not
agree with the moderate policies and believed in aggressive ac-
tion. Due to their aggressive posture this group was called the
extremists. Both the groups believed in different political meth-
ods to oppose the British rule. Their differences led to the split in
42
Congress in 1907. Surat Split refers to the splitting of the Indian
National Congress into 'Moderates' and 'Extremists' after a vio-
lent clash at the session. The extremists were led by Bala Gang
adhara Tilak, Lajpat Rai, Bipin Chandra and Aurobindo Ghosh
and the moderates were led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale,
Dadabhai Naoroji, Pherozeshah, M.G. Ranade Mehta and
Surendranath Banerjee. The division into Moderates and Ex-
tremists - a contemporary characterization - has been since, the
most dominant frame for understanding the dynamics of the pre-
Gandhian nationalist movement. For Moderate leaders British
rule was a boon, and they worked to ensure that the British gov-
ernment fulfilled the promises they had held out to their worthy
colonial subjects. Extremist leaders on the other hand saw colo-
nial rule and thus the British presence in the subcontinent as alien,
exploitative and abhorrent, and hoped that a 'resurgence' of in-
digenous nationalism would oust the British from their position of
power.
There were several factors that had contributed to the dis-
illusionment of the Extremists with the Moderates. First, the grow-
ing government atrocities, especially in the wake of the 1905
Bengal partition agitation, clearly revealed the inadequacies
of the constitutional and peaceful means. In fact, the Congress
strategy of persuasion was usually interpreted as a sign of weak-
ness by the British government and its supporters. Hence, there
was a growing pressure for a change of strategy to force the
authority to succumb to the demands of the Indians. Articulating
the feeling of the Extremist section of the Congress, Tilak thus
exhorted that 'political rights will have to be fought for.
MAJOR DIFFERENCE BETWEEN MODERATES AND
EXTREMISTS
The Moderates hailed the British rule as most beneficial in
contrast with what India had confronted before the arrival of the
British. Opposed to the Moderate stance, the Extremists always
considered the British rule as a curse that could never render
justice to the governed in India. Not only did they challenge the

43
British government for its evil design against the Indians, they
also criticised the Moderates for having misled the nationalist
aspirations in a way that was clearly defeating. Second, the dif-
ference between the Moderates and Extremists was based on
their respective approaches to the outcome of the nationalist in-
tervention. While the Moderates stood for the attainment of self-
government through gradual reforms, the Extremists insisted on
complete swaraj. By demanding complete swaraj, Tilak, the most
prominent of the Extremists, exhorted that 'swaraj is my birth-
right' and 'without swaraj there could be no social reform, no
industrial progress, no useful education, no fulfi llment of national
life. Third, the Extremists were not hesitant in championing vio-
lence, if necessary, to advance the cause of the nation while the
Moderates favoured constitutional and peaceful methods as most
appropriate to avoid direct friction with the ruler. In contrast with
these means, the Extremists resorted to boycott and swadeshi
that never evoked support from the Moderates. Fourth, the
Moderates appeared to be happy under the British, presumably
because of their belief that Indians were not capable of selfrule.
The views of the Extremists were, for obvious reasons, diametri-
cally opposite. While articulating his opposition to this idea, Tilak
argued that 'we recognise no teacher in the art of selfgovernment
except self-government itself. Fifth, in the Extremist
conceptualisation of struggle against imperialism, the ideal of
self-sacrifi ce, including the supreme sacrifi ce fi gured promi-
nently, while in the Moderate scheme of political struggle, this
idea appeared to have received no attention. Finally, while the
Moderates drew upon the British variety of liberalism, the Ex-
tremists were inspired by the writings of Bankim Chandra
Chattopadhyay and the teachings of Vivekananda. In view of
their faith in constitutional means of opposition to the British rule,
Moderates preferred the path of conciliation than confrontation,
whereas the Extremists espousing the demand for swaraj plunged
into direct action against the government by resorting to boycott
and strike.

44
 From 1905 to 1907, the struggle between various
trends within the nationalist articulation of freedom struggle
was fought out also at the annual sessions of the Congress, cul-
minating in the Surat split of December 1907. The flash point
was the 1905 Bengal partition that appeared to have enabled
the Extremists to provide a sharp critique of the Moderate
strategies that had miserably failed. The Moderate method of
constitutional agitation, articulated in three Ps-petition, prayer
and protest-remained largely an academic exercise that seemed
to have exhausted potentials with the consolidation of various
groups championing direct action against the British
INRODUCTION
GOPAL KRISHNA GOKHALE (1866 -1915)
Gopal Krishna Gokhale was prominent leader of Indian
Independence Movement. He was one of the political and social
leaders during the Freedom Struggle of India. Gokhale's politi-
cal thought revolves around the socio-political issues. He appre-
ciated and welcomed the British rule in India. He was essentially
a liberal thinker and preferred constitutional methods for attain-
ing the goal of self government. He supported the idea of
strengthening local self government institutions. Gokhale gave
more importance to national unity and considered it as the first
pre-requisite for the growth and development of Indian national-
ism. He also stood for the principle of racial equality and ex-
pressed strong resentment against the policy of racial discrimi-
nation being pursued by the English. He was favoring in estab-
lishing a state based on western ideas. Thus he laid emphasis on
the principles of individual liberty and social equality. BIO-
GRAPHICAL SKETCH
Gopal Krishna Gokhale was born on 9 May 1866 in Kothluk
village of Guhagar taluk in Ratnagiri district of Maharastra in In-
dia. His parents Krishna Rao and Valubai. Gokhale was one of
the founding political leaders during the Indian Freedom
Movement against the British Empire. He regarded as political
Guru of Mahatma Gandhi. His education tremendously influenced

45
the course of his future career. In addition to learning English, he
was exposed to Western political thought. The most profound
influence on Gokhale was exercised by Mahadev Govind
Ranade. Ranade also fully realized the potentialities of Gokhale
and imparted him rigorous training which greatly contributed
to the latter's success as a statesman. He was particularly
impressed by the social and economic ideas of Ranade. He
regarded Mahadev Govinda Ranade as his "Guru". Gokhale also
worked with Ranade in a quarterly Journal, called "Sarvajanik".
The Journal wrote about the public questions of the day in a
frank and fearless manner. Contemporary liberal politicians in
England such as Morley and others also had a considerable in-
fluence on Gokhale's political career. He also made him one of
the Secretaries of the Sarvajanik Sabha of Poona, a prominent
political institution of India. He became a member of Indian
Legislative Council in1902. Gokhale became a member of
the Indian National Congress in 1889. After Congress was split
into two groups- moderates and extremist, he tried his best to
unite them. He was of the view that it will be difficult to achieve
independence without the unity of it. Another notable accom-
plishment of Gokhale was the establishment if the Servants of
India Society at Poona in 1905. The core aim of it was to give
politically educate and training to youth of the country. It taught
the youngsters to dedicate themselves to the service of the coun-
try. Thousands of boys and girls became members of this soci-
ety. It was the first secular organization in that country to devote
itself to the underprivileged, rural and tribal people, emergency
relief work, the increase of literacy, and other social causes.
POLITICAL LIBERALISM OF GOKHALE
Gokhale's political thought revolves more around the socio-
political issues of his times rather than any basic political concept
like that of the state or nation or sovereignty. Liberalism, as is
understood in the western world is essentially about the liberty
of the individual. It is t he core idea and in all spheres of
human activity, social interaction, political institutions,

46
economic activities, culture, religion etc. The liberal ideas of
Gokhale were s lightly different from the British classical liberal-
ism. Gokhale's Faith in the English Conscience
Like most of the liberal Indian thinkers of his time Gokhale
appreciated and welcomed the British rule in India. He had trust
in the English conscience. He supported the British rule for two
reasons. Firstly like all the moderates, Gokhale was convinced
that it was because of British Rule that the process of modern-
ization of the Indian society had set in. Secondly, the British up-
held the concept of equality before the law. They introduced the
principle of representative government and guaranteed freedom
of speech and press. Gokhale was convinced that if British Rule
continued for sometimes, India would be modernized completely.
He also believed that in keeping with their traditions, the British
would fulfill their pledges and bestow on India-self government
once Indians qualified for the same. Gokhale's faith in the British
sense of justice does not imply that he was their blind admirer.
He bitterly criticized the policies of the British government on a
number of issues. He condemned the British for keeping the In-
dians out of high position despite their professions of equal treat-
ment to all. He also opposed the partitioned of Bengal.
Views on Liberalism
Gokhale was essentially a liberal thinker. But his liberalism
was slightly different from the classical liberalism that existed in
the 18th and 19th century. As a liberal Gokhale stood for indi-
vidual liberty and certain basic rights which the people should
enjoy. He felt that individual liberty could be usefully allowed
only when individual behave with a sense of self -restraint. To
him the right of free expression and freedom of the press were
essential to realize the ideal of individual liberty. He therefore,
opposed the Official Secret Bill in 1904. Gokhale also
supported the right to private property and freedom of contract.
In order to maintain individual liberty and essential civil rights, he
proposed the establishment of the representative institution in
the country. Gokhale did not demand universal franchise. For

47
e.g. for the village Panchayat election he wanted that only such
person should be enfranchised who paid a minimum land rev-
enue. Thus Gokhale defended the right to private property, indi-
vidual liberty and freedom of contract which essentially consti-
tuted the core of liberal doctrine. Gokhale also suggested the
principle of special representation for the religious minority. Rec-
ognizing the communal differences between the Hindus and
Muslims, he pleaded for separate representation of the Muslims.
Gokhale's ideas regarding the role of state remarkably differed
from that of classical liberalism. Classical liberalism stands for a
laissez-faire state. But, Gokhale wanted state intervention to regu-
late the economic and social life of the country.
Here Gokhale differed remarkably from J.S. Mill. Gokhale
wanted the Government to intervene in the economic life for the
sake of industrial development and agricultural prosperity. He
wanted the government to intervene not only in the processes of
distribution but also in the process of production. According to
Gokhale the purpose of government was to further the moral
and material interests of the people. In order to realise this pur-
pose the government cannot remain unconcerned towards the
unnatural restrictions in the path of development. According to
Gokhale the government should remove these 'unnatural restric-
tions' and accelerate the pace of development. Thus to Gokhale
the state should not be a 'police; state'-only, but it should em-
bark upon welfare activities and intervene in the economic life of
the country whenever necessary. We can conclude that Gokhale's
liberalism was no doubt inspired by the liberalism of Mill but it
5ignificantly differed from the classical liberalism in two respects.
On the one hand it did not advocate the extreme individualism,
emphasising the negative meaning of liberty and on the other hand
it pleaded for necessary state intervention in the economic and
social life of the country.
Gokhale's Political Programme
Gokhale preferred constitutional methods for attaining the
goal of self government. He argued that the chief merits of con-

48
stitutional method were that it involved a minimum of distur-
bances in the existing arrangement and would help in winning the
support of the freedom loving people of England. Gokhale's con-
stitutional method includes passive resistance, non payment of
taxes etc. avoiding violence, rebellion and abetting of foreign in-
vasion. Gokhale strongly favoured the idea of strengthening lo-
cal self government institutions. He stood for decentralization of
authority. He felt that it was through this gradual decentralization
and by way of forming an Advisory District Council for advising
the District administration that India could progress. By self gov-
ernment he never meant complete independence for India. He
wanted self government only within the limits of the British Em-
pire.
Gokhale gave more importance to national unity and
considered it as the first prerequisite for the growth and devel-
opment of Indian nationalism. He tried to blind the people of
different parts to a single unit by eliminating caste and creed con-
siderations. He was also a strong advocate of Hindu Muslim
unity and asserted that there could not be any future of India
without the cooperation of these two communities. Like Gandhi,
Gokhale also believed in the primacy of means. He insisted on
the spiritualization of politics and wanted to use it as a means for
serving the people. He laid more emphasis on building up of
character andasserted that a nation must deserve liberty before
it puts forward the demand for the same. Gokhale laid emphasis
on the need of raising the moral and social standards of the people
to fully involve them in the national movement.
SUMMING UP
Gokhale was a moderate and liberal political thinker. His
political ideas were largely influenced by the liberal thinker like
Bentham, Mill and Ranade. He was a liberal thinker but differed
from the classical liberal thinkers in certain respects, particu-
larly with their ideas regarding the role of the state and their
insistence on laissez-faire policies. In contrast with the classical
liberal thinkers Gokhale advocated a positive role for the state in

49
developing and modernising society. Gokhale was an ardent so-
cial reformer. He favoured legislation in order to bring about cer-
tain social changes. His attitude towards social reform was es-
sentially humanitarian and liberal. In short, in the field of poli-
tics Gokhale laid the foundations of constitutionalism. In the field
of economics he encouraged the process of capitalist develop-
ment and in the field of social reforms he tried hard to
enhance the dignity of the individual irrespective of his taste,
race, religion, language and class. He suggest that consider-
ing industrial backwardness of India state should regulate
industrial growth and contribute to create industrial em-
ployment. He was thus a modernizer of Indian society in every
sense of the term.
BAL GANGHADHAR TILAK - (1856 - 1920)
INTRODUCTION
The extremist ideology created a leadership trio of Lala
Lajpat Rai, Bal Ganghadhar Tilak and Bipin Chandr Pal, who
altered the nationalist vocabulary by incorporating swadeshi,
boycott and national education. Of the trio, Bal Gangadhar, Tilak,
rooted in Maharashtra, was perhaps the most articulate militant
leader of this phase of freedom struggle. Bal Gangadhar Tilak,
born as Keshav Gangadhar Tilak (23 July 1856-1 August 1920),
was an Indian nationalist, journalist, teacher, social reformer,
lawyer and an independence activist. He was the first
popular leader of the Indian Independence Movement. The Brit-
ish colonial authorities called him "Father of the Indian unrest."
He was also conferred with the honorary title of "Lokmanya",
which literally means "Accepted by the people (as their
leader)". Tilak was one of the first and strongest advocates of
"Swaraj" (self-rule) and a strong radical in Indian consciousness.
His famous quote, "Swaraj is my birthright, and I shall have it!" is
well-remembered in India even today.
A BRIEF LIFE SKETCH OF TILAK
Bal Gangadhar Tilak was born in a middle class family in
the Ratnagiri district of Konkan on the west coast of India on
50
23rd Juy, 1856. The family was noted for its piety, learning and
adherence to ancient traditions and rituals. His father, Gangadhar
Pant was a teacher by profession and a Sanskrit scholar. This
instilled in him a love for Sanskrit and respect for ancient Indian
religion and culture. Believing that the best way to serve the coun-
try was to educate the people, he and his friend Gopal Gancsh
Agarkar decided to-devote their lives to the cause of education.
They started the New English School at Pune in 1876 and started
their career as school teachers. However, Tilak started feeling
that educating young children was not enough and that the eld-
erly people also needed to be exposed to the socio political re-
ality. Hence, in 1881 he started two weeklies, 'Maratha' in En-
glish and 'Kesari' in Marathi. In 1885 they set up the Deccan
Education Society in order to start a college which was later
named after the then Governor of Bombay as the Ferguson Col-
lege. He was the founder member of the All India Home Rule
League (1916-18) with G. S. Khaparde and Muhammad Ali
Jinnah and Annie Besant.
Through his writings in the Kesari, he tried to make the
people conscious of their rights. In his writings, Tilak very often
invoked the tradition and history of Maharashtra. These writings
made him very popular among his people. It however, antago-
nized the government and he was imprisoned because of it on
several occasions. Tilak believed that the world is the field of
God and is real. It is not an illusion or Maya. The individual has
to live and strive in the world; it is here where he has to perform
his duties. The individual will, in this way, attain spiritual freedom
and promote the welfare .of his fellow creatures.
TILAK'S CONCEPT OF NATIONALISM
Nationalism basically refers to a feeling of unity, a sense of
belonging and solidarity within a group of people. Tilak also ac-
cepted the significance of certain objective factors like common
language, habitation on common territory, in promoting and
strengthening the subjective feeling of unity and solidarity. Tilak's
nationalism was also influenced by the western theories of na-

51
tional independence and self determination. In the famous trial
speech of 1908, he quotes with approval of John Stuart Mill's
definition of nationality. In 1919 and 1920 he accepted the
Wilsonian concept of self determination and pleaded for its ap-
plication to India. Hence, Tilak's philosophy of nationalism was
a synthesis of the vedantic ideal of the spirit as supreme freedom
and the western conceptions of Mazzini, Edmund Burke, J.S.
Mill and Woodrow Wilson. Because of his spiritual approach,
Tilak regarded that swarajya was not only a right but dharma.
According to Tilak, a feeling of oneness and solidarity among a
people arising mainly from their common heritage was the vital
force of nationalism. Knowledge of a common heritage and pride
in it fosters psychological unity. It was to arouse this pride among
the people that Tilak referred to Shivaji and Akbar in his speeches.
Besides, he felt that by developing a feeling of common interest,
a common destiny which can be realised by united political ac-
tion, the feeling of nationalism could be strengthened. Culture
and religion had been the' main basis of Tilak's nationalism.
Although the seeds of patriotism in modern Maharashtra
were sown by Chiploonkar, Tilak was the real founder of a vig-
orous and valiant nationalism there. Through the Kesari he spread
for nearly forty years the gospel of natural rights, political liberty
and justice. He taught the people of Maharashtra the value of
organised self help by deciding to serve the plague victims in
Poona during the 1897, Tilak become a leader of the people
who auto matically were drawn to him for humanism. Apart from
his role in serving the victims, he wrote several pieces in Kesari
condemning the arrangement and the steps, the government un-
dertook in combating this deadly disease. The cult of Ganapati
and Shivaji gave to the Maratha people a renewed sense of pa-
triotism, vitalism, and the capacity of political self assertiveness.
He revived the concept of swarajya which was used to
designate the polity of Shivaji. The people of Maharashtra
thoroughly understood the meaning and message of Tilak. Ma-
jority of the Indians regarded Tilak as an invincible hero and as
the antagonist of the British power in India.
52
TILAK ON MILITANT NATIONALISM
Militant nationalism represented a distinct phase in the anti-
colonial struggle. It introduced new methods of political agita-
tion, involved popular symbols for mobilisation and thus tried to
broad base the movement. The militant nationalists' attitude was
entirely different. To them, the alien government was a total evil.
It was the cause of political, economic, cultural and spiritual ruin
of the country. The foreign ruler could never be trusted to vacate
the country that he has gained by conquest. In militant national-
ism, each one of the factors of nationalism named earlier terri-
tory, population, religion; race, etc. acquire an added emotional
emphasis. For example, the territory of a nation is much more
than geographical entity. It is a sacred land. The motherland is
considered as greater than heaven. It is a divinity in physical
form and the embodiment of its philosophy of life and dharma.
The mountains and rivers of the country are also more than physical
objects. The militant nationalists established close relation be-
tween tradition and national consciousness. They appealed to
glory and greatness of the Indians' past. Militant nationalists were
also profoundly influenced by the Bhagavadgita. They drew from
it the legson of duty. The performance of duty was to be selfless
and free from egoism. Personal consideratjons and sentiments
of love, attachment, dislike or hatred must be set aside. Our duty
is to be performed as an offering to God without expecting fruit
or reward in return. In this connection, B.G. Tilak's interpre-
tation of the Gita needs special mention. He derived a
philosophy of 'activism' which essentially implied the carrying out
of one's duty /with devotion instead of abandoning it out of lazi-
ness and sloth.
Tilak believed that religion, which had powerful emotional
appeal, should be harnessed for the dormant spirit of national-
ism. Tilak recognized the tremendous symbolic significance of
historical and religious festivals, flags and slogans in arousing a
spirit of nationalism. Tilak was nationalist par excellence of
Vedanta philosophy and orthodox Hindu rituals and practices.

53
Tilak was accused of being sectarian in multi-religious India. That
he upheld the most reactionary form of Hindu orthodoxy was
evident in his opposition to the 1890 Age of Consent Bill that
sought to raise the age of consummation of marriage of girls from
10 to 12 years. While the moderate spokesman Ranade hailed
the bill for its progressive social role, Tilak found in this legisla-
tion an unwarranted intervention in Hindu social life. Similarly,
his involvement in the cow protection society alienated the Mus-
lims to a large extent from the extremist campaign. Tilak's argu-
ment in favour of law protection drew upon the sacredness of
cow in Hindu belief, completely disregarding the importance of
beef in Muslim diet. Tilak's nationalism had to some extent, a
revivalist orientation. He wanted to bring to the front the mes-
sage of the Vedas and the Gita for providing spiritual energy and
moral enthusiasm to the nation. A revival of the strong and vital
traditions of the old culture of India was essential. He said: 'A
true nationalist desires to build on old foundations. Reform on
utter disrespect for the old does not appeal to him as construc-
tive work. We do not want to anglicize our institutions and so
denationalise them in the name of social and political reforms'.
He pointed out that the Shivaji and the Ganapati festivals had
been encouraged by in because they served to link contempo-
rary events and movements with historical traditions. National-
ism is essentially a psychological and spiritual conception. It is
the modern version of the old deep sentiments of tribal patrio-
tism which we find since prehistoric and ancient times. It is true
that nationalism flourished best when there are objective entities
which create sentiments of unity.
A common language, belief in common descent from an
actual or a mythical race habitation on the same territory and
profession of a common religion are very important objec-
tive factors which generate the feelings of nationalism. There must
be the presence of a psychological unity fostered by the heri-
tage of historical tradition. In spite of racial and linguistic
diversities, this psychological bond of nationalism has been im-

54
portant in India. The overflowing continuity of the steam of
India culture since olden times has contributed to produce
this fundamental psychological unity in India. Besides the sub-
jective experience of this psychological unity, another feature of
nationalism also has been upper most in India namely spiritual
nationalism. In India the spiritual side of nationalism has been
stressed by Bankim Chandra, Vivekananda, Aurobindo Gosh
and Tilak .
PROGRAMMES OF TILAK
Tilak presented the nation with a threefold programme
or techniques for effective practical and political action. The
three principles were boycott, swadshi and national education.
Boycott initially involved the refusal of the people to purchase
British manufactured goods. It was started as a measure de-
signed to bring economic pressure on the British business inter-
ests, both in India and abroad. Boycott gradually moved from
the economic into the political sphere. At the Calcutta Congress
of 1906, Tilak supported the swadeshi resolution and spelled
out the economic foundations of Indian nationalism. The
swadeshi movement quickly became a movement of national
regeneration: swadeshi was a practical application of love of
country. SOCIO, ECONOMIC, RELIGIOUS AND POLITI-
CAL IDEAS OF TILAK
In the economic field, he accepted Dadabhai Naoroji's 'Eco-
nomic Drain Theory' and criticised the British Government for
ruthlessly exploiting the resources of the country. British rule had
impoverished the country. The Britishers' reckless policies
had destroyed the indigenous industries, trade and art. The
alien rulers had allowed a free inflow of European products and
the Indian handicrafts etc. were forced to face unequal competi-
tion with them. But Tilak realized that a foreign government can-
not be expected to accord protection to the indigenous indus-
tries. The twin political programmes of 'Boycott' and 'Swadeshi'
suggested by Tilak were aimed at generating indigenous and in-
dependent economic development.

55
 Swaraj, according to him, was full self-government-politi-
cal, social, economic and spiritual. Thus, Swaraj was something
more than mere home rule. For the realisation of this Swaraj,
Tilak accepted the suitability of the western liberal institutions
and concepts like constitutional government, rule of law, indi-
vidual freedom, dignity of the person. and so on. To Tilak, the
ultimate goal of the national movement was Swaraj. In order to
involve pepple in the movement, he interpreted the goal of Swaraj
in religious terms and insisted that Swaraj is our religious neces-
sity. The religion and the philosophy of Vedanta emphasise equal
spiritual status and destiny of each individual. This is against bond-
age of any kind and Swaraj is therefore, not only a political but
natural and spiritual necessity Tilak held that Swaraj was a moral
and religious necessity for every man and group. For his moral
fulfilment and for the performance of religious duties, man needs
to be free. Without political freedom higher freedom is impos-
sible. Thus Swaraj is our Dharma. To endeavour to attain it is
our Karma- Yoga.
Tilak's role in the Indian National Congress was that of an
agitator. He wanted that the Congress should have its roots in
the life of the people. From 1905 to 1907 and from 1917 to
1920 he played a decisive role in the congress. He taught the
gospel of self reliance and self-help at a time when some of the
other leaders were mainly looking to British sympathy and sup-
port. He introduced extremist national sentiments in the Con-
gress. The Congress so for was mainly middle class organisation.
Tilak attempted to bring it to the Congress the lower middle-
classes and the ordinary masses.
As one of the greatest makers of the Indian Nation, Tilak
has won undying fame. He was not merely an agitator but was a
statesman whose life work is the creation of the foundations of a
strong nation. Tilak was a great politician and an all pervasive
and exalted patriotism was the dominant theme of his life. The
mission of his life was to rouse patriotic self- consciousness among
Indians. But he was not merely the prophet of an aggressive

56
nationalism. He was also a leader who made great efforts to
execute his ideas into concrete action. Hence, Tilak did not re-
main a mere political intellectual but was a practical statesman of
a high order, Tilak is a unique figure in several respects and for
generations his memories will inspire the people of India and
freedom lover all over the world. In political life, Tilak was the
Bhisma of Indian nationalism. He was an intellectual giant, a
statesman and a moral hero.
Tilak was a believer in the Advaita philosophy. He had a
very comprehensive conception of Hinduism in his mind. He said
in a speech of January 3, 1906 thus ; 'The term Sanatan Dharma
shows that our religion is very old, as old as the history of human
race itself. Vedic religion was the religion of the Aryans from a
very early time. Hindu religion as a whole is made up of different
parts correlated to each other as so many sons and daughters of
one great religion. If this idea is kept in view and if we try to unite
the various sections it will be consolidated in a mighty force.
Religion is an element in nationality. The word Dharma means a
tie and comes from the root dhri, to bear or hold 'what is there to
hold together'. To connect the soul with god, and man with man,
dharma means our duties towards God and duties towards man.
Hindu religion as such provides for a moral as well as social tie.
…..' Tilak has given a broad definition of Hindu. According to
him, a Hindu is one who accepts the authoritativeness of Vedas.
A Hindu moulds his conduct according to the injunctions of the
Vedas the smritis and the puranas.
The metaphysical assumptions of Tilak influenced his politi-
cal ideas. According to him, the metaphysics of non-dualism of
the Vedanta implied the political conception of natural right.
Advaita taught him the supremacy of the concept of freedom.
Freedom is the very life of the individual soul which Vedanta
declares to be not separate from God but identical with him.
Freedom, according to Tilak, was a divine attribute. Freedom
may be equated with the autonomous power of creativism.
Without freedom no moral and spiritual life is possible.
57
 Foreign imperialism kills the soul of a nation and hence Tilak
fought against the British empire. Swaraj became the reason and
justification for the entire programme and movement led by Tilak
and other nationalists. He held that the attainment of swaraj would
be great victory for Indian nationalism. He gave to Indian the
mantra:' swaraj is the birth right of Indians. He defined swaraj as
people's rule instead of that of bureaucracy. For pushing his ideal
of swaraj forward he started Home Rule League in 1916 with
the co-operation of Annie Besant. Tilak contemplated federal
type of political structure under swaraj. He referred to the ex-
ample of the American Congress and said that the government
of India should keep it hands similar powers to exercise them
through an impartial council for the correct implementation of his
programme. Tilak urged the method of nonviolent passive resis-
tance'. Thus Tilak's method of action was democratic and con-
stitutional. He had constructed practical objective. The swadeshi
boycotted movement was an attempt at vindicating the rights of
the people to self government and hence it used several tech-
niques of political agitation as mass processions, big public meet-
ings, strikes, picketing etc, which have been followed by later
Indian leaders in their political movements.
ASSESSMENT
Tilak was one of the dominant political figures who gave to
the people of India the first lessons in the consciousness of the
right of swaraj. He enlightened the population of India into a
political recognition of the general will of the nation. He has given
us a theory of nationalism. His theory of nationalism was synthe-
sis of the teachings of both eastern and western thinkers. Tilak
was not merely a nationalist leader with tremendous political acu-
men. He himself represented a new wave of nationalist move-
ment that created an automatic space for it by providing the most
powerful and persuasive critique of moderate philosophy and
articulating his nationalist ideology in language that was meaning-
ful to those it was addressed.

58
Review Questions
1. Define Moderates and Extremists. What are the basic pos-
tulates and difference of their respective ideologies?
2. Evaluate the relative contributions of the Moderates and
Extremists in the Indian national movement.
3. Elucidate Gokhale's contribution to liberal political ideas in
the context of India.
4. Tilak is often called 'the father of Indian unrest' and
'a prince of patriots'. How far do you agree with these
views about Tilak and why?
5. Bring out Tilak's concept of Militant Nationalism
6. Critically examine political and economic ideas of Gokhale.

59
 MODULE III

MOHANDAS KARAMCHAND GANDHI

INTRODUCTION
Gandhism ushered a new era in the history of political thought. It
made the world believe that even the greatest political problems
could be solved only by making personal sacrifices and making
he opponent realise the excesses and mistakes committed by
him. Gandhi is one of the most inspiring figures of our time. He
was the preeminent leader of Indian nationalism in British-ruled
India. Employing non-violent civil disobedience, Gandhi led In-
dia to independence and inspired movements for non-vio-
lence, civil rights and freedom across the world. For Gandhi,
Non violence was the most suitable reply for violence and force.
He wanted to establish an ideal society in which panchayathi raj
based on real democratic principles was to flourish.
BIOGRAPHY AND INFLUENCES
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi is called as "Mahatma" was
born on the 2nd October 1869, at Porbandar in Kathiawad.
After becoming a lawyer, he got an offer from an Indian firm in
South Africa and went there. In South Africa, he started his non-
violent civil disobedience movement in protest of the Asiatic Act
and Transvaal Immigration Act. In 1914, he returned India when
he was 46. He spent the next four years touring all over the
country and studying the Indian situation. As a freedom fighter
and national leader, Gandhiji was peerless. As a politician, he
stood after from his contemporaries. He employed moral means
to attain political ends. Gandhi was a prolific writer. One of
Gandhi's earliest publications, Hind Swaraj, published in Gujarati
in 1909, became "the intellectual blueprint" for India's inde-
pendence movement. Gandhi also wrote several books includ-
ing his autobiography, The Story of My Experiments with Truth.
His most important source of inspiration was Bhagavat gita.
He found solution to every problem from and learned the phi-
60
losophy of self control which he followed throughout his life.
Shrimad Rajchandra, jain poet was influenced Gandhi later he
was his spiritual guru, Rajchandra's adherence to the principles
of satya, ahimsa and dharma later became the fundamental te-
nets of Gandhism. From budhism and Jainism he learned the
philosophy of non violence. Although Gandhi was an Indian
and a staunch nationalist, there was a profound influence of
the West on him. He was very largely influenced by Western
thinkers and writers. Leo Tolstoy by his book ''The Kingdom of
God is within you' John Ruskin-Author of "Unto This Last over-
whelmed him very much. Gandhi had a strong inclination towards
the life and teachings of Jesus Christ. Thoreau's plea for the
supremacy of conscience under all circumstances appealed to
Gandhi so much that he admitted that his technique of
passive resistance found scientific confirmation in the former's
essay on 'Civil Disobedience'. Gandhi was influenced by the
political ideas of Gopal Krishna and considered him as his
s"Political Guru". Gandhi learnt his faith in non-violence from
Jainism. The Bible gave him the sermon not to hurt anybody's
heart. It also taught him to love and to do well to the others. Gita
taught him to render selfless service.
CONTRIBUTION TO INDIAN NATIONALISM
The Indian Freedom Struggle was one of the largest demo-
cratic movements against imperialism and colonialism. The In-
dian Freedom Struggle provides the best examples of national-
ism and patriotism which may be adopted and pursued in order
to root out the undemocratic institutions of colonialism. Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi, popularly known as 'Mahatma Gandhi' or
Bapu was a moral reformist. It is widely accepted that Gandhi
was the back bone of the non-violent struggle for freedom of
India.
First Phrase of Gandhi's Leadership in Indian Freedom
Struggle: 1914 - 1919 Gandhi played a pivotal role in the India's
struggle for freedom. Gandhi's emergence as the undisputed leader
of the Indian National Congress is an interesting story by itself.

61
After twenty years' stay in Africa, Gandhi returned to India in
1914. He decided to guide India's political scenario. Soon after
his arrival, and in pursuance of a promise made to Gopal Krishna
Gokhale, Gandhiji began a years' tour of his Motherland. He
spent next four years (1914-18) in studying the Indian situation
and prepared himself and those who wanted to follow his path
for satyagraha or the application of the soul force based on truth
for the removal of the social and political inequalities from which
then India suffered. But he was not simply an inactive observer
during this period. In 1915, he established, the Satyagraha Ashram
near Ahmedabad where a little group of man who had accepted
his general principles settled.
Gandhi's Local Experiments:
1. Champaran Satyagraha:
Gandhiji's first experience in satyagraha came in 1917 in
Champaran, a district in Bihar. The peasantry on the indigo plan-
tations was excessively oppressed by the European planters. They
were compelled to grow indigo on at least 3\20th of their land
and to sell it at prices fixed by the planters. Having heard of
Gandhi's campaigns in South Africa, several peasants of
Champaran invited him to come and help them. Gandhiji reached
Champaran in 1917 and began to conduct a detailed inquiry into
the conditions of the peasantry. The district officials ordered him
to leave Champaran, but he defied the order and was willing to
face trial and imprisonment. This forced the Government to can-
cel its earlier order and to appoint a committee of inquiry on
which Gandhiji served as a member. It was Gandhi's first at-
tempt of Civil Disobedience and it was successful.
2. Ahmedabad Mill Strike
In 1918, Gandhiji intervened in a dispute between the work-
ers and mill-owners of Ahmedabad. He advised the workers to
go on strike and to demand a 35% increase in wages. He in-
sisted that the workers should not use violence against the mill-
owners during the strike. He undertook a fast unto death to
strengthen the workers resolve to continue the strike. His fast
62
put pressure on the mill-owners who relented on the fourth day
and agreed to give the workers a 35% increase in wages.
3. Kheda Struggle
In Kheda district of Gujrat, the crop failed, and famine con-
ditions threatened. Many cultivators were unable to pay the tax.
He drafted a petition and asked for the suspension of revenue
collection. But the Government rejected the petition. The struggle
was withdrawn when it was learnt that the government had is-
sued instructions that revenue should be recovered only from
those peasants who could afford to pay. The Kheda struggle
was a great step in the awakening of the masses of India to a
sense of their rights and their own ability to get their demands
accepted by the Government. These experiences brought Gandhiji
in close contact with the masses whose interests he actively ex-
posed all his life. In time he became the symbol of poor India,
nationalist India and rebellious India Second Phrase of Gandhi's
Leadership in Indian Freedom Struggle: 1919 - 1930 Agitation
against Rowlatt Act
During the World War I, the Defence of India rules were in
operation which gave arbitrary powers to the Government. When
the war came to an end in 1919, the government again wanted
to arm itself with such powers to suppress the revolutionary
movement in the country. In 1919, the Government passed the
Rowlatt Bills which empowered the government to arrest and
try political leaders by special tribunals set up under this act. It
could arrest any person without giving any reason, search any
place without a warrant and imprison anyone without trial. The
Rowlatt Acts were received with great discontent by every sec-
tion of Indian public opinion. Consequently, the national leaders
started an intense agitation throughout the country against the
act. Mahatma Gandhi founded the Styagraha sabha and declared
6th April
1919 as Satyagraha day, a day of Hartals and protests
against the Rowlatt Bill. It was a unique success. Some incidents
of violence took place in Delhi. The people responded magnifi-

63
cently to Gandhi's call. March and April 1919 witnessed a re-
markable political awakening in India. There were hartals, strikes,
and demonstrations. The entire country was electrified.
Jallianwalla Bagh Tragedy
The Government was determined to suppress the mass agi-
tation. Gandhiji gave a call for a mighty hartal on 6th April 1919.
The people responded with unprecedented enthusiasm. The gov-
ernment decided to meet the popular protest with repression,
particularly in the Punjab. At this time was perpetrated one of
the worst crimes in modern history. A large but unarmed crowd
had gathered on 13 April 1919 at Amritsar in the Jallianwala
Bagh, to protest the arrest of their popular leaders, Dr. Saifuddin
Kitchlew and Dr. Satyapal. General Dyer, the military com-
mander of Amritsar decided to terrorise the people of Amritsar
into complete submission. Jallianwala Bagh was a large open
space which was enclosed on three sides by buildings and had
only one exit. He surrounded the Bagh with his army unit, closed
the exit with his troops, and then ordered his men to shoot into
the trapped crowd with rifles and machine-guns. Thousands were
killed and wounded. After this massacre, martial law was
proclaimed throughout the Punjab and the people were submit-
ted to the most uncivilized atrocities.
Khilafat movement
The Muslims under two brothers Muhammad Ali and
Shaukat Ali, and Maulana Azad, organized a mass movement of
the Indian Muslims known as the Khilafat movement. Gandhiji
decided to extend their support to the Khilafat movement as this
was to him and apportion duty of uniting the Hindu and Muslim.
October 17, 1919 was observed as Khilafat Day when the Hindu
united with Muslims in fasting and observed a hartal on the day.
He canalised the powerful currents which took the shape of united
non-violent non-co-operation movement. The Congress held at
Calcutta in 1920 endorsed Gandhiji's policy subsequently reaf-
firmed by the annual session of the Congress at Nagpur.

64
The Non-Cooperation Movement
Non-cooperation movement was nothing but a declaration
of peaceful; and non-violent war against the atrocities of the British
government which had gone back on its words. The non co-
operation resolution was endorsed in the Nagpur Session of the
Congress held in Dec1920. The programme of "non-violent non-
cooperation" included the boycott of councils, courts and schools,
set up by the British and of all foreign cloth. The Khilafat com-
mittee launched a non- cooperation movement on 31 August,
1920 and Gandhi was the first to join it. The congress met in a
special session in September 1920 at Calcutta (Kolkata) and
agreed to start the Non- cooperation movement. The decision
was further endorsed at its Nagpur session held in December
1920. The leaders of the Khilafat movement also endorsed the
Non-cooperation movement led by Gandhi. The non-coopera-
tion movement was based on perfect non-violence. Gandhi re-
garded it not merely a political programme but also as a religious
movement to clear Indian political life of corruption, terrorism
and the fear of white race. The years 1921 and 1922 were to
witness an unprecedented movement of the Indians. Thousands
of students left schools and colleges and joined national schools
and colleges. Women showed great enthusiasm and freely of-
fered their jewellery. Boycott of foreign cloth were organized all
over the land. Huge bonfires of foreign cloth were organized all
over the land. Khadi soon became the symbol of freedom.
The Chauri-Chaura Incident
The volunteers participating in the Non-cooperation Move-
ment protested against high meat prices in the marketplace. The
demonstrators were beaten back by local police. Several of their
leaders were arrested and put in the lockup at the Chauri Chaura
police station. In response, a protest against the police was called
for 4 February, to be held in the local marketplace. They had
gathered to picket a liquor shop in the market place. On 5 Feb-
ruary, 1922, when a large group of protesters, participating in
the Non-cooperation movement, clashed with police, who

65
opened fire. In retaliation the demonstrators attacked and set
fire to a police station, killing all of its occupants. The incident led
to the deaths of three civilians and 22 or 23 policemen. Chauri
Chaura incident led Gandhi to call off the Non Cooperation
Movement from Bardoli in February 1922. Gandhi was deeply
hurted and called out Satyagraha movement. After this Ma-
hatma Gandhi Was arrested and sentenced 6 years jail. After the
Chauri Chaura incident, Gandhi decided to withdraw the Non-
Cooperation Movement.
Simon Commission
In 1927, the British government appointed the Indian Statu-
tory Commission, known popularly after the name of its chair-
man as the Simon Commission, to go into the question of further
constitutional reform. All the members of the commission were
Englishmen. This announcement was greeted by a chorus of pro-
test from all Indians. What angered them most was the exclusion
of Indians from the Commission and the basic notion behind this
exclusion that the foreigners would discuss and decide upon
India's fitness for self government. The national Congress de-
cided to boycott the Commission. The Muslim League and Hindu
Mahasabha decided to support the Congress decision. On 3
February 1922, the day the Commission reached Bombay, an
all India hartal was organized. Whereever the Commission went,
it was greeted with hartals and black flag demonstrations under
the slogan 'Simon Go Back'. The government used brutal sup-
pression and police attacks to break the popular opposition. Lala
Lajpat Rai succumbed to the injuries which he received in the
police lathi charge at Lahore.
Nehru Report
The British Government justified the exclusion of Indians
from the Commission on the plea that there were vital differ-
ences among the various Indian political parties. They also chal-
lenged them to produce and submit an agreed constitution. All
important Indian leaders and parties tried to meet the challenge
of the Simon Commission by getting together and trying to evolve

66
an alternative scheme of constitutional reforms. Several confer-
ences of leading political workers were held. The end result was
the Nehru Report named after its chief architect, Motilal Nehru,
and finalized in August 1928. Unfortunately, the All Party Con-
vention, held at Calcutta in December 1928, failed to pass the
Report. With few exceptions League leaders rejected the Nehru
proposals. In reaction Mohammad Ali Jinnah drafted his Four-
teen Points in 1929 which became the core demands the Muslim
community put forward as the price of their participating in an
independent united India. Objections were raised by some of
the communal-minded leaders belonging to the Muslim League,
the Hindu Maha Sabha and the Sikh League. Communalism began
to grow steadly after this.
Lahore Congress and Poorna Swaraj
When the Nehru Report came before the annual session of
the Congress in Calcutta in December 1928, the left lashed it out
on the fact that it did not want the complete Independence and
wanted only a dominion status. Independence of India League
Meanwhile in April 1928, the "Independence of India League"
was formed. The Indian National Congress held its annual ses-
sion (The Lahore session) in December 1929. It voted for "purna
swaraj" or complete independence as against a dominion status
for India and passed a resolution fixing the last Sunday of Janu-
ary 1930 - it was coincidentally January 26 - as Independence
Day. The Congress session also announced the launching of a
civil disobedience movement. But it did not draw up a programme
of struggle. That was left to Mahatma Gandhi.
Third Phrase of Gandhi's Leadership in Indian Freedom
Struggle: 1930 - 1947
The Civil Disobedience Movement and Dandi March
The Lahore Congress had left the choice of the methods of
non-violent struggle for Poorna Swaraj to Gandhi. He placed 11
points of administrative reforms before the British government.
His important demands were [a] Salt tax should be abolished,
[b] salaries of the highest grade services should be reduced, [c]
67
Military expenditure should be reduced, and [d] All political pris-
oners should be discharged. The government response to
Gandhi's demands was negative. The Civil Disobedience Move-
ment was started by Gandhi on 12 March 1930 with his famous
Dandi March. Together with 78 chosen followers, Gandhi walked
nearly 375 km from Sabarmati Ashram to Dandi, a village on the
Gujarat sea coast. On 6 April Gandhiji reached Dandi, picked
up a hand full of salt and broke the salt law as a symbol of the
Indian people's refusal to live under British made laws. This
movement was an essential part of Indian Independence
movement and non-violent resistance against tax. The move-
ment spread very quickly all over India. Everywhere in the country
people joined in hartals, demonstrations, and the campaign to
boycott foreign goods and to refuse to pay taxes. A notable fea-
ture of the movement was the wide participation of women. They
marched shoulder to shoulder with men in processions. The
Government tried to crush the movement through ruthless re-
pression, lathi charges and firing on unarmed crowds of men and
women. Over 90000 satyagrahis , including Gandhiji, were im-
prisoned. The Congress was declared illegal. The nationalist press
was gagged through strict censorship of news.
First Round Table Conference
In response to the inadequacy of the Simon Report, the
Labour Government, which had come to power under Ramsay
MacDonald in 1929, decided to hold a series of Round Table
Conferences in London. The British Government summoned the
First Round Table Conference of Indian leaders and spokemen
of the British Government in 1930 in London to discuss the Simon
Commission Report. The first Round Table Conference con-
vened from 12 November 1930 to 19 January 1931. Prior to
the Conference, M. K. Gandhi had initiated the Civil Disobedi-
ence Movement on behalf of the Indian National Congress. Con-
sequently, since many of the Congress' leaders were in jail, Con-
gress did not participate in the first conference and it failed to
achieve its goals.

68
Gandhi-Irwin Pact:
The British Government realized that the Indian National
Congress needed to be part of deciding the future of constitu-
tional government in India. The Government made attempts to
negotiate an agreement with the Congress so that it would attend
the Round Table Conference. Finally, Lord Irwin and Gandhiji
negotiated a settlement in March 1931. The Government agreed
to release those political prisoners who had remained non-vio-
lent and conceded the right to make salt for consumption as also
the right to peaceful picketing of liquor and foreign cloth shops.
The Congress suspended the Civil Disobedience Movement and
agreed to take part in the Second Round Table Conference.
Second Round Table Conference: Gandhiji went to England
in September 1931 to attend the Second Round Table Confer-
ence. The British Government refused to concede the basic na-
tionalist demand for freedom on the basis of the immediate grant
of Dominion Status. The Government prepared to crush the
Congress. Government repression succeeded in the end, helped
as it was by the differences among Indian leaders on communal
and other questions. The Congress officially suspended the
movement in May 1933 and withdrew it in May 1934.
Gandhiji once again withdrew from active politics. The move-
ment had succeeded in further politicizing the people, and in fur-
ther deepening the social roots of the freedom struggle.
The Communal Award: The Government arrested Gandhiji
in January 1932 and unleashed a reign of terror. The communal
problem gripped the nation's attention. In August 1932 Ramsay
Macdonald, the British Prime Minister announced the pro-
posal on minority representation known as the Communal
Award. It recommended to double the existing seats in provin-
cial legislatures, to retain a system of separate electorates for
minorities, to grant weightage to Muslims in provinces where
they were in minority and to recognize depressed class as mi-
nority and make them entitled to the right of separate elector-
ates. A separate province of Sind was created and the interests

69
of minorities were safeguarded. The second Conference and
Communal Award developed into of all things, a confrontation
between Mahatma Gandhi and Ambedkar. The Third Round
Table Conference (17 November 1932 - 24 December 1932)
was not attended by the Indian National Congress and Gandhi.
The recommendations were published in a White Paper in March
1933 and debated in Parliament afterwards. A Joint Select Com-
mittee was formed to analyse the recommendations and formu-
late a new Act for India. The Committee produced a draft Bill in
February 1935 which was enforced as the Government of India
Act of 1935 in July 1935.
The Poona Pact
Gandhiji reacted strongly to the proposal of granting the
right of separate electorate to the depressed classes. He regarded
them as an integral part of the Hindu society. He resorted to a
fast unto death. In an anxiety to save his life the Poona Pact was
signed between Gandhiji and Ambedkar. The main provisions of
the Poona Pact were: 1.It was agreed to allot 148 seats to the
depressed classes in the provincial legislatures as against 71 prom-
ised by the communal award.
2.It was promised that a certain percentage of seats allot-
ted to the general non Muslim electorate would be reserved for
the depressed classes. 3.The principle of joint electorate was
accepted.
Act of 1935
Government of India Act 1935 was passed by British Par-
liament in August 1935. The Provision were the establishment of
an All India Federation at the Centre, consisting of the Provinces
of British India and the Princely States. Division of powers into
three lists viz. Federal, Provincial and Concurrent. The Con-
gress ministries could not change the basically imperialist char-
acter of the British administration in India. But they did try to
improve the condition of the people within the narrow limits of
the powers given to them under the Act of 1935. The Congress
ministries reduced their own salaries. Most of them traveled sec-
70
ond or third class on the railways. They set up new standards of
honesty and public service. They promoted civil liberties, re-
pealed restrictions on the press and radical organizations, per-
mitted trade unions and kisan organizations to function and re-
leased political prisoners including a large number of revolution-
ary terrorists. The Congress governments introduced prohobition
in selected areas, undertook Harijan uplift, and paid grater at-
tention to primary, higher and technical education and public
health. Support was given to khadi and other village industries.
National Movement during the Second World War
The Second World War broke out in September 1939.
The Congress urged the government to declare war aims. The
British authorities issued contradictory statements about the war
aims. The British government involved in the war without con-
sulting the national leaders. The Viceroy assumed emergency
powers under the defence of India rules. Protesting against such
policies of government, the Congress ministries in the prov-
inces resigned in October 1939. The National Congress was
in full sympathy with the victims of fascist aggression. It was
willing to help the forces of democracy in their struggle against
fascism. But, the Congress leaders asked, how was it possible
for an enslaved nation to aid others in their fight for freedom?
They therefore demanded that India must be declared free or at
least effective power put in Indian hands before it could actively
participate in the War. The government reused to accept this
demand and tried to pit the religious minorities and Prices against
the Congress. Therefore, the Congress asked its ministries to
resign.
August Offer: In August 1940 the Viceroy announced an
offer which proposed the expansion of Governor General's Coun-
cil with representation of the Indians and establishing a war advi-
sory council. The Viceroy promised the Muslim League that the
British government would never agree to a constitution or gov-
ernment in India which did not enjoy their support. The Con-
gress was wholly disappointed with the August Offer. Jawahar

71
Lal Nehru said that the whole idea was "dead and doornail". The
Muslim League said that it will not be satisfied with anything short
of partition of India.
Individual Satyagraha: In October 1940, Gandhi gave a
call for a limited satyagraha by a few selected individuals. The
Individual Satyagraha was not to seek independence but to af-
firm the right of speech. It express people's feeling that they were
not interested in the war and that they made no distinction be-
tween Nazism and the double autocracy that ruled India. The
satyagraha was kept limited so as not to embarrass Britain's war
effort by a mass upheaval in India. Vinoba Bhave was the first to
offer satyagraha. By 15 May 1941, more than 25000 satyagrahis
had been jailed.
Cripps mission
Two major changes in world politics occurred in 1941.
Germany attacked Soviet Union and Japan attacked Pearl
Harbour, an American fleet. Japan occupied Rangoon in March
1942. This brought the war to India's doorstep. The Congress
leaders denounced Japanese aggression and once again offered
to cooperate in the defence of India and the Allied cause if Brit-
ain transferred the substance of power to India immediately and
promised complete independence after the war. The British gov-
ernment now desperately wanted the active cooperation of Indi-
ans in the war effort. To secure this cooperation it sent to India in
March 1942 a mission headed by a Cabinet Minister, Sir Stafford
Cripps. Important proposals of Cripps were [a] dominion status
would be granted to India immediately after the war with the
right to secede,[b] immediately after the cessation of hostilities a
constitution making body would be set up, [c] The constitution
so framed after the war would be accepted by the British gov-
ernment on the condition that any Indian province could, if so
desired, remain outside the Indian union, and [d] the actual con-
trol of defence and military operations would be retained by the
British government. The British government refused to accept
the Congress demand for immediate transfer of effective power

72
to Indians. The Indian leaders could not be satisfied with mere
promises for the future. Gandhiji termed the Cripps Mission as a
'post dated cheque on a crashing bank'. The Cripps mission failed
to pacify Indians.
The Quit India Movement
In August 1942, Gandhiji launched the Quit India
Movement also known as India August Movement or Bharat
Chodo Andolan ("Bharat Chhodo Andolan"). A resolution was
passed on 8 August 1942 in Bombay by the All India
Congress Committee, declaring its demand for an imme-
diate end of British rule. The Congress decided to organize
a mass struggle on non-violent lines on the widest possible
scale. Gandhiji?s slogan of 'Do or Die' inspired the nation.
Every man, women and child began dreaming of a free India
Gandhiji becoming more and more militant as Japanese forces
moved towards India. The government's response to the move-
ment was quick. The Congress was banned and most of its
leaders were arrested before they could start mobilizing the
people. The people, however, were unstoppable. There were
hartals and demonstrations all over the country. Many
nationalists were disappointed that the Quit India Movement had
failed. The Congress Party in turn faced severe criticism from
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the leader of the All India Muslim League
and the Communist Party on the failure of the movement. The
importance of the Quit India movement lay in the fact that it dem-
onstrated the depth that nationalist that nationalist feeling had
reached in the country and the capacity for struggle and sacrifice
that the people had developed. It was evident that the British
would no longer find it possible to rule India against the wishes
of the people. The Quit" India movement was the last in the
series of mass movements launched By the Indian National
Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi.
Indian Independence Act and Partition
In the March of 1947 Lord Mountbatten came to India and
recommended a partition of Punjab and Bengal in the face of

73
civil war. Gandhi was very opposed to the idea of partition and
urged Mountbatten to offer Jinnah leadership of a united India
instead of the creation of a separate Muslim state. But this ar-
rangement was not acceptable to many nationalist leaders, in-
cluding Nehru. In July Britain's Parliament passed the Indian In-
dependence Act. According to it August 14 and 15 were set for
partition of India. Thus came into existence two independent
entities- Indian and Pakistan. India finally became independent
in 1947 but Gandhi was unhappy with the settlement because it
divided India into two states - India and Pakistan - the first largely
for Hindus, the second largely for Muslims. Mahatma was com-
pletely shaken by the religious riots preceding India's partition.
Gandhi did his best to pacify the violence between Hindus and
Muslims and his work achieved some success. But in 1948 he
was shot and killed by a fellow Hindu who believed Gandhi was
betraying the Hindus by working for reconciliation. Gandhi was
an all rounder in all fields of human life. Mohandas Gandhi's repu-
tation as the Indian spiritual and political leader who coordinated
and led a successful national struggle for independence against
British imperial rule on the strength of a non-violent movement
survives largely intact.
SOCIO- ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL IDEAS OF
GANDHI
GANDHI'S PERCEPTION ON TRUTH
The word satya (Truth) is derived from Sat which means
'being'. Truth is the most cardinal principle of Gandhism. Ma-
hatma Gandhi was a worshipper of truth. He believed that there
is no good higher than truth. "Truth is God and God is Truth." He
searched for truth throughout his life. He named his auto-biogra-
phy, 'My Experiments with Truth'. ruth has a great deal of
metaphysical, ethical, practical and even emotional signifi-
cance for him. He achieved many successes by following the
path of truth. He did not give up the path of truth even in times of
failures. Gandhi accepts the fundamentality or primacy of the
concept of truth over non-violence, satyagraha, God etc. in his

74
political activism to establish justice he innovates non-violence,
Satyagraha, trusteeship, the important moral ideals. Among
all the moral ideals he takes truth as sovereign. He writes,
'for me truth is the sovereign principle which includes numer-
ous other principles. This truth is not only truthfulness in
word, but truthfulness in thought also, and not only the relative
truth of our conception, but the Absolute Truth, the Eternal
principle, that is God. From this it is obvious that he makes
a distinction between the Absolute truth and relative truths.
Anything that is objectively true or true on the basic of
human experience can be taken as relative truth. What is
empirically true can be considered as relative truth as
different from absolute truth. Absolute truth transcends hu-
man experience. Absolute truth is the sum total of all that is
there in the universe. Here Gandhi seems to attribute an
ontological status to truth. He takes truth in the sense of
ultimate existence or Reality or God.
According to Gandhi, and where there is Truth, there is
also is knowledge which is true. Where there is no Truth, there
also is knowledge which is true. Where there is no Truth, there
can be no true knowledge. He had to bear many sufferings for
truth. Devotion to this Truth is the sole justification for our exist-
ence. All our activities should be centered in Truth. Truth should
be the very breath of our life. According to Gandhi, satyagraha
means "scrupulous regard for truth". He was of the opinion that a
truthful person will not harm his opponents but will make them
friends. He always considered truth as the ideal, and continu-
ously strived for its achievement. He firmly believed that only a
society based on truth can become an ideal society. Truth and
truthful living constitute the guiding principle of Gandhism phi-
losophy.
NON-VIOLENCE
Ahimsa is the central concept of the Gandhian ideals. Non-
violence is the English translation of the word 'Ahimsa'. Ahimsa
means non-injury, non-harm or inoffensiveness. Ahimsa requires

75
the follower to respect all life. Infact, non-violence and truth were
to him two sides of the same coin. A seeker of truth always fol-
lows the path of non-violence. Non-violence means not to harm
any person, not even to one's opponent in any way. Gandhiji
was against the propagation of violence in one's thought, words,
actions and deeds. A follower of non-violence does not torture
others through his words, actions and deeds. He tries to change
the heart of others by bearing sufferings for himself. ) Gandhi
took Truth as the supreme virtue and for him truth without non-
violence is no truth. Hence the realisation of Ahimsa was essen-
tial to realise Satya. He remarked "God is truth and truth is God."
and when you want to find truth as God, the only means is love
and non-violence. Truth is the highest law of our life and Ahimsa
is the highest duty.
Non-violence as stated is an approach of a person with a
developed soul and when put in practice we get Satyagraha.
The movement may be weak but the idea and the reason should
be strong which allows one to be calm and exercise control even
in the most difficult situations. Ahimsa is the active dissatisfaction
from untruthful means that is not replied to by any force, anger or
malice, this behaviour must be presented to all creations of god
and man. Gandhi's ultimate aim of non violence is even to love
the so called enemies. To him 'non violence is the law of our
species as violence is the law of brute'. Gandhi's technique of
non violence was aimed at promoting social change. To Gandhi
Non violence is the soul force or truth force or truth seeking
force'.
Types of non-violence
(i) Non-violence of the Brave:
It is the best form of non-violence. Here non-violence is not
adopted under compulsion. The basis of the non-violence of the
brave is morality and inner strength. Only a brave person can
practise non-violence. This type of non-violence can achieve very
good results.

76
(ii) Non-violence based on Expediency:
It is the non- violence of the weak. It is used as a matter of
expediency or utility. It is the result of weakness and helpless-
ness and not of moral conviction. It is used for the fulfillment of
selfish interests. This form of non-violence can lead to a limited
success only.
(iii) Non-violence of the Coward:
The non-violence of the coward is the worst form of non-
violence Cowardice and non- violence can never really go to-
gether. A coward does not face danger, he runs away from it.
Mahatma Gandhi would prefer violence instead of accepting the
non-violence of the coward. He holds the view that if there is
violence in one's mind it is good to use it openly rather than to
practise non-violence to hide one's impotence. A violent man
can become non-violent one day but there is no hope for a cow-
ard. Gandhism favours non-violence of the brave. It always ad-
vocates the use of non-violence for securing the objectives dic-
tated by Truth. Now the United Nations has decided to cel-
ebrate each year 2nd October (Birthday of Mahatma Gandhi)
as World Non-violence Day. It is a tribute to Mahatma Gandhi's
love for Non-violence. SOCIALISM
Socialism is an economic system of society. It includes so-
cial ownership of the means of production and co-
operative management of society. Mahatma Gandhi
wrote, "Socialism and communism of the West are based on
certain conceptions which are fundamentally different from ours.
One such conception is their belief in the essential selfishness
of human nature. Gandhi was also never in favor of socialism
propounded by Nehru, which emphasized on large-scale pro-
duction. This massive production, Gandhi feared, would lead to
greater exploitation and urbanization. It is this emphasis on de-
centralization that endeared Gandhi to Vinoba Bhave and
Jayaprakash Narayan, and not to industrialists. Gandhi also gave
his own definition to the word socialism. According to Gandhi, it
does not refer to nationalization of the means of production, dis-

77
tribution, exchange, but faith in God, truth, non-violence and
equality. So, in simple terms, Gandhian socialism is based on the
ideas of non- possession and trusteeship. Gandhian socialism
was humanitarian in nature. It cared for the poor and it was a
moral code of personal conduct than an economic ideology. It
did not envisage the expropriation of the rich through violence or
state action.
To Gandhi, "My concept of socialism implies that people
should be self-reliant. That is the only way they can be
prevented from being exploited. I have been trying to
persuade the workers that if the capitalists have their gold
and silver, we have our hands and feet. These too are assets.
A capitalist will never be able to carry on without labour. Let no
one misunderstand that the Sangh is going to serve the purpose
of the capitalists, thereby making the workers slaves. Ma-
hatma Gandhi wrote, "The basis of socialism is economic
equality. There can be no Ramarajyain the present state of iniq-
uitous inequalities in which a few roll in riches and the
masses do not get even enough to eat. Mahatma Gandhi
remarked, "Socialism is a beautiful word and so far as I am aware
in socialism all the members of society are equal none low,
none high.
GANDHI ON STATE
In Gandhi's assessment, the state (Western type) was the
symbol of violence in concentrated form. In order to ensure alle-
giance from the citizens the state (which means its authority) ap-
plies coercion or violent measures mercilessly. Gandhi describes
state as a 'Soulless Machine.', "The state represents violence in a
concentrated and organised form. To Gandhi, "the individual has
a soul but the state is a soulless machine, the stale can never be
weaned away from violence to which it owes its existence" It
can never be weaned away from violence because its basis has
been force." Gandhiji repudiated the state on historical, moral
and philosophical basis. He argued that there was no illustration
in history when the state had supported the case of the poor.

78
State is based on force and its orders are enforced with coercive
power. So it has no moral basis. He gathered experience in South
Africa that more and more power to the state meant more and
more violence or greater amount of coercion. Gandhi wanted
the state to be free from its violent elements and sought to
inculcate fearlessness in the minds of people.
Since Gandhi had no faith on state which is an embodiment
of violence and coercion, he did not support any other branch of
this political organisation. The state curbs the individuality of man
and it creates hindrances in the way of economic progress. How-
ever, Gandhiji did not favour a complete abolition of the State.
He accepted the role of state as an agency for providing security
to the people. In the words of Gandhiji, "The state is not an end
in itself, but a means of enabling people to better their conditions
in every department of life." Gandhiji wanted the state to be a
Service State. State should work for making the life of man bet-
ter. Further, the state is not infallible and omnipotent. People can
oppose the unjust laws and policies of the state. Gandhiji wanted
to limit the functions of the State. Like individualists, Gandhiji
regarded the State as a necessary evil. He wished to assign to it
minimum functions. Like Thoreau, he believed that government
is the best which governs the least. Self-government really means
greater freedom from the control of the State. Undoubtedly, there
are certain functions which cannot be performed without the state.
However, a large number of functions can be performed without
the State. This can be done by the people solely through their
own initiatives and mutual co-operation. To him violence is
the biggest obstacle to the natural development of individual
and social life of the state. Gandhi opposed the increasing power
of the state; because it leads the state as coercive. He said that,
"I look upon on increase in the power of the state with the great-
est fear, because although while apparently doing good by
minimizing exploitation, it does the greatest harm to
mankind by destroying individuality, which lies at the root of
all progress."

79
 Gandhi also viewed sovereignty in the light of morality.
Though, in general view, sovereignty is a political concept,
Gandhi did not admit its dissociation from ethics, morality and
other universal ideals and values. For this reason the general view
of sovereignty was not acceptable to him. Gandhi was an ardent
advocate not of traditional state sovereignty but of popular sov-
ereignty strongly advocated by one of the social contract theo-
reticians. In the scheme of Rousseau's popular sovereignty the
citizens had the opportunity to assemble in open places periodi-
cally and to participate in the variety of functions of state. Gandhi
contemplated the same type of popular sovereignty for India.
The Gandhian theory of state is based not only on the principles
of freedom, non-violence, morality, justice and truth but also on
decentralisation. Gandhi described his ideal state as per his fol-
lowing words, "If national life becomes as perfect as to
become self-regulated, no representation becomes neces-
sary. There is then a state of enlightened anarchy. In such a
state everyone is his own ruler. He rules himself in such a man-
ner that he is never a hindrance to his neighbour. In the ideal
State, therefore, there is no political power because there is no
State. But the ideal is never fully realized in life
GANDHIAN IDEAL SOCIETY OR RAM RAJYA
Ram Raj is an ideal social order based on equality,
liberty and non-violence. It is sometimes described as 'Poorna
Swarajyam',' Dharma Rajyam', sometimes 'Swarajyam'. The
Ram Raj is amoral Political organisation and it resembles Plato's
ideal state and Rousseau's moral public person. Gandhi also
wanted to build up the foundation of his Ram Raj on the univer-
sal principles including justice. An important aspect of Gandhi's
Ram Raj is he has combined politics with ethics and morality.
Gandhi clearly disowned the Machiavellian concept of separa-
tion of politics from morality and religion. He was firmly con-
vinced that only the amalgamation of politics with religion and
morality could provide a perfect social order. Gandhiji's ideal
was a stateless democratic society. This society was to be a

80
federation of self- contained and self-regulated village com-
munities. It was to work on the basis of peoples' voluntary
and peaceful co-operation. Every village was to be a small
republic, having a panchayat with full powers.
Gandhi's ideal State was a non-violent state of enlightened
anarchy where social life would remain self-regulated. In that
State there is no ruler, no subject, no government or no gov-
erned. It is a perfect State consisting of enlightened persons,
self-regulated and self- controlled following the principles of non-
violence. The ideal State of Gandhi was to be governed, by the
principle of manual work. Every individual should take up manual
work for rendering his/her service to the State and wellbeing of
his fellow individuals inside the State.
This will promote his service in the direction of welfare of
the State. The ideal State of Gandhi should consist of villages
which are from units. Each village, a component part of the State,
should be a village consisting of non-violent Satyagrahis. They
would form the life-breath of an ideal State and preserve and
protect non-violence and truth in their entirety throughout the
State. In an ideal State, authority should be decentralized. Gandhi
was against centralization for it leads to absolutism. In decentral-
izing the authority, Gandhi gave scope to individual liberty. The
State should guide the individuals by appealing to their morality.
If State resorts to violence, it will damage the enthusiasm, initia-
tive, courage, creativeness and nonviolent mind of individuals
and as such, the State cannot prosper.
An individual in Gandhian ideal State should be selfless. He
should not accumulate wealth. Accumulation of bread and con-
trolling labour will bring poverty to the State. Thus, in the vil-
lages, means of production should be commonly won. This should
generate love among the people of the locality binding them in
the-common tie of love. Swadeshi should be promoted because
that is the characteristic feature of Gandhian ideal State. Gandhi
envisaged that the principle of non-violence should be the basis
of State. Naturally, a democracy that will emerge out of it, will

81
give vent to the majority of opinion. Here, neither property nor
status or position but manual work should be the qualification of
village republic. It will be a State devoid of corruption and hy-
pocrisy. In a simple statement, democracy will be spiritualized.
To Gandhiji, State is not an end itself; it is rather a means to
the end. It is meant to do greatest good of greatest number of the
people. Neither force nor absolute sovereignty is the basis of
State. Gandhi's ideal of a welfare State is always ready to pro-
mote the condition of its subjects. Gandhiji vehemently opposed
the parliamentary democracy of western type. He criticized the
universal suffrage system of the election held in western coun-
tries. The Parliament is not stable to the change of ministry from
time to time. Further, the Prime Minister is always concerned
about his own interest and the interest of his party members for
retaining his power. So, Gandhi criticized it and as such, western
democracy has no place in Gandhi's welfare State. Following
the doctrine of Gita, Mahatma Gandhi told that the Varna system
should form the basis of the ideal State. As Varna is related to
birth, every Varna should render its labour to the betterment of
the State. That will result in non-possession and economic equality.
This will bring complete social and economic equality. Dharma is
a novel aspect of Gandhi's ideal state. It is not a religion of a
particular sector creed; rather it is moral and ethical code of
conduct which preserves the culture of the nation. Further, it holds
together the social order and brings harmony among the people
uplifting their potentialities. Gandhiji prescribed for a minimum
intervention of police force in the activities of the State. To him,
crime is a disease and it must be cured. Accordingly, appeal to
the conscience of the criminals will change their mind but not the
police atrocity. Out and out, the State should be governed by the
principle of Ahimsa where virtually, there is no place > of coher-
ence.
Gandhiji put emphasis on duty rather than rights. If one be-
comes cautious for his duties, then rights will automatically be
taken due care by the State. Rights are nothing but oppor-

82
tunities for self-realisation. It is the link of one's spiritual unity
with others by serving them. The role of doctors and machines
was to be ignored and traditional method it to be adopted for
curing the diseases. Gandhiji laid emphasis on basic education.
By that he wanted to spread vocational education in the nook
and corner of the country. Gandhi had realized that this will im-
prove small-scale industry, which in turn, will bring a self-suffi-
cient economy for every country.
Thus, Gandhi's concept of ideal State was based on non-
violence and truth. Spiritualized democracy, emphasis on duties,
considering State as a means to an id etc. were some of the
factors which made Gandhi's ideal State distinct. Every village
republic was to have the right to manage all its affairs. It was also
to protect itself from foreign aggression through its own means.
Such a society was to be highly civilized in which every indi-
vidual was to be aware of its needs and necessity of working
with others on the basis of equal labour. Gandhiji named his ideal
society as 'Ram Rajya'. Truth and non-violence were to be the
basis of Ram Rajya. In the Ideal society people were to lead a
happy and peaceful life on the basis of moral and spiritual values.
GANDHIAN PERCEPTION ON DEMOCRACY
Mahatma Gandhi was an ardent believer in the theory and
democracy His belief was based on his own conception of de-
mocracy which was quite different from classical concept of de-
mocracy of the west. His innate love of equality, unflinching sup-
port of individual freedom, and his consistent plea for bring-
ing about a just order through the brotherhood of man that
recognized no barriers of sex, religion, language and culture
testify to his faith in democracy of his conception. Gandhi be-
lieved that a democracy, Which served the welfare of all,
would be marked by Minimum state intervention in social life.
Gandhi was extremely critical of the parliamentary democracy
and he called the British Parliament as a 'sterile women and a
prostitute' in his monumental book 'Hind Swaraj'. Although for
him good government is no substitute for self-government. A true

83
democracy can be set up only when India will achieve Swaraj. A
foreign-ruled state cannot have a democracy. There is a second
aspect of Gandhi's view about democracy. It must be associated
with truth and non-violence. People can never set up a demo-
cratic structure with violent means and untruthful ways. To Gandhi,
'democracy as something that gives the weak the same as the
strong'.
In order to be democratic a state must create a congenial
atmosphere for the proper development of freedom and rights.
He believed that ii freedom is lost the entire individuality is also
lost. Only Swaraj can ensure true democracy and in such a sys-
tem there can exist freedom. The most important elements of
Gandhi's concept of democracy are: participation of men in the
affairs of state, people's right to protest the immoral and anti-
people's acts of government, nonviolence, people's right to choose
their own ways and prevalence of justice and equality. True de-
mocracy cannot be worked by twenty men sitting at the centre.
It has to be worked from below by the people of every village.
He advocated that in democracy the independence must
begin at the bottom. It means that at grass -root level
people must be independent in making their policies and
implementing them without any rigid and strict control from the
above.
Gandhiji knew well that his ideal of stateless village based
of self-government could not be realized in a short time. He there-
fore supported democracy as the best form of government.
However, the central point of his concept of democracy
was Village Panchayat system. Panchayats were to play a spe-
cial role in the Gandhian Society. The members of Panchayats
were to be directly elected by the people. The right to vote was
to be given only to those persons who were performing one or
the other type of physical labour. Panchayats were to have
sufficient powers to run the administration of villages. Above vil-
lage panchayats there were to be district level panchayats whose
members were to be elected indirectly by the members of the

84
village panchayats. Each district panchayat was to manage the
district administration. Above the district administration there was
to be the provincial government whose members were to be
elected by the district panchajyats. Above the provincial gov-
ernments, there was to be a central government. The members
of the central parliament and the supreme executive were to be
elected indirectly by all the provincial assemblies. The functions
of the central government were to be kept limited. He stood
for the improvement of villages and for success of
democracy; democracy should originate from the grass root
level. Gandhi wanted India to evolve a "True Democracy" and
laid six conditions for its realization in India.
1. Satyagraha expressed through Charkha;
2. Growth of Village Industries;
3. Primary education through Handicrafts;
4. Removal of Untouchability; Communal Harmony; and
5. Non -violent Organzation of labour
GANDHI ON DECENTRALIZATION
Decentralization is a concept of power sharing at all levels.
It has various forms and dimensions like political, economic and
administrative due to the pre-condition of centralized power struc-
ture. It is the essential part of the democratic system of govern-
ment. Gandhi's greatest contribution to the social thought of this
century is perhaps his insistence on decentralization of the means
of production. According to Gandhi, men should do their actual
living and working in communities. They permit genuine self-gov-
ernment and the assumption of personal responsibilities, feder-
ated into larger units in such a way that the temptation to abuse
great power should not arise. The larger a democracy grows,
the lesser becomes the rule of the people and the smaller is the
way of individuals and localized groups in dealing with their own
destinies. Political decentralization prevents massive concentra-
tions of political power in the hands of too few; rather, to distrib-
ute it in the hands of many. Gandhian political order takes the
form of a direct, participatory democracy, operating in a tier
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structure from the base of village- level tier upwards through the
district and state levels ultimately to the national and international
levels. Decentralization is one of the fundamental basic principles
in Gandhian political philosophy.
The concept of decentralization occupies paramount im-
portance in Gandhian scheme of rebuilding India from below
upwards. Non-violence was understood to be the basic tenets
of Gandhiji's concept of decentralization. Centralization is a sys-
tem is inconsistent with the non-violent structure of society.
Gandhiji's concept of decentralization was not an isolated con-
cept but the outcome of his religio-ethical, socio-political and
economic concepts and ideas. Village Swaraj was an essential
component of decentralized polity or decentralized governance.
Swaraj is the best form of governance. Every village is a
self sufficient republic or panchayat. The government of the vil-
lage will be the panchayat of five persons annually elected by the
adult villagers both male and female. It is considered as the unit
of local-self government. It is the original custodian of all author-
ity. The panchayat system as viewed by Gandhiji represents a
village community. It is an autonomous Indian political institution
as far as the internal village administration is concerned.
Gandhiji had evolved a three-tier system of Panchayat Raj
linking up the village Panchayat with the Block and District
levels. In Panchayat Raj system envisaged by Gandhiji people's
independence begins from the village level. The individual has
complete freedom to manage his own affairs. The spirit of non-
violence coupled with individual freedom and equality provide
the solid foundation for Gandhiji's concept of decentralization in
the political sphere. He favoured decentralization in the eco-
nomic field as well. Gandhiji's non-violent economy model stood
for production by the masses rather than mass production. He
had dreamt of an ideal economic order based on indigenous
culture and civilization and hence became a trenchant critic of
western civilization, mechanization and industrialization. Economic
decentralization is related to rural economy and cottage indus-

86
tries located in the rural areas. He gave utmost importance to the
freedom of the individual. The individual is nucleus around which
revolve the other institutions. Through the decentralisation of
political power individuals will get full scope to participate in the
affairs of state and they can do it absolutely in non-violent way.
Again, decentralisation is the best means for the realisation of all
democratic rights and freedoms.
'Oceanic circle' describes Gandhi's vision of social organi-
zation. Gandhi believed that for a nonviolent society to achieve a
lasting peace, it must be organized in a decentralized way. In
such an oceanic circle, Gandhiji believed that the individual
will rise to the occasion and will be prepared to sacrifice every-
thing for the cause of his village. Under such a decentralized struc-
ture governing rural India ''the outermost circumference will not
wield power to crush the inner circle but give strength to all within
and derives its own from the centre. GANDHIAN TRUSTEE-
SHIP THEORY
Trusteeship was Gandhiji's peculiar contribution to the tech-
nique of social change. The concept of Trusteeship flows from
the ideals of aparigraha and ahimsa. Gandhi offered Trustee-
ship as an alternative. He called it "the technique of change of
heart." A trustee is one who holds property or wealth in trust for
others who are identified as the beneficiaries. Trusteeship pro-
vides a means of transforming the present capitalist order of so-
ciety into an egalitarian one. It gives no quarter to capitalism, but
gives the present owning class a chance of reforming itself. It is
based on the faith that human nature is never beyond redemp-
tion. It provides a means by which the wealthy people would be
the trustees of trusts that looked after the welfare of the people
in general. The production should cater to the need of the soci-
ety. No personal choice of the rich should guide the production
pattern. Under trusteeship, any rich man can use his extra wealth
for his satisfaction. He also cannot use the wealth for promoting
anti- social activities. The State should guide the rich how to
utilize the wealth for the benefit of the State. The wealth should

87
not be won by any private fellow. It can only be done by the
consent of the people in the society at large. Trusteeship aimed
at reforming the capitalist society. It advocated that rich people
should change themselves and should come forward to use their
property for the betterment of society.
To Gandhi, the State should come forward to regulate the
system. In that case there would be no discrimination. The wealth
or the rich will be appropriated by the State and regulated by the
order of the State. Thus under state-regulated trusteeship, an
individual will not be free to hold or use his wealth for selfish
satisfaction or in disregard of the interests of society. It will be
done in the most peaceful way so that violence will not occur. It
does not recognize any right of private ownership of prop-
erty except so far as it may be permitted by society for its own
welfare. Just as it is proposed to fix a decent minimum living
wage, even so a limit should be fixed for the maximum income
that would be allowed to any person in society. The
difference between such minimum and maximum incomes
should be reasonable and equitable and variable from time to
time so much so that the tendency would be towards obliteration
of the difference. Under the Gandhian economic order the
character of production will be determined by social necessity
and not by personal whim or greed. The theory of trusteeship
makes no distinction between private and non-private property.
It tries to reduce the gap between the rich and poor. It
tries to reduce exploitation. It gives no quarter to capitalism,
but gives the present owning class a chance of reforming
itself. It is based on the faith that human nature is never beyond
redemption. Gandhi's Concept of Trusteeship does not exclude
legislative regulation of the ownership and use of wealth.
Gandhiji always stood for the change of heart. He was firmly of
the opinion that the rich and the powerful should voluntarily sur-
render their wealth for the welfare of people as a matter of their
duty. In the above context, Gandhi's concept of the oceanic circle
appears to be of crucial importance today. Gandhi's trusteeship

88
was based on brotherhood of men marked by co-sharing and
cooperation. Here production was meant for the consumption
of all the members of the society and not only for marketing and
profiteering. Gandhi's trusteeship was based on such alternative
motivation for human labour. Production being a cooperative
venture, every member must contribute his/her might to that end.
GANDHIAN THEORY OF SATYAGRAHA
The concept of satyagraha and its practice in socio-
political front constitute the essence of Gandhi's philosophy.
Satyagraha is a term comprising two words; satya or truth, and
agrah or insistence. Satyagraha is a relentless search for truth
and a determination to teach truth through nonviolent means. It
literally means holding on to truth. Gandhiji sometimes also re-
ferred to it as 'truth force or soul force'. Satyagraha is unique in
its conception as opposed to other resistance movements which
strive to prove wrong or to defeat the opponent. With satyagraha,
Mahatma Gandhi ushered in a new era of civilian resistance on
the political scenario of the world. Gandhi achieved success in
the revolutions he led in South Africa by following the path of
Satyagraha. Satyagraha is more than a political tool of resis-
tance. It is a holistic approach towards life, based on the ideals
of truth and moral courage. 'Satyagraha' was based on the prin-
ciples of non violence, which was the founding principle of
Gandhi's political ideology, that was based on as much as
theological tenets of Jainism, Buddhism, Upanishads and the
Bhagwatgita, as on the political theories of Tolstoy, Ruskin
and Thureau. On a personal front it involves a life committed to
truth, chastity, non-attachment and hard-work. On the political
front, satyagraha involves utilisation of non-violent measures to
curb the opponent, and ideally to convert him rather than to co-
erce him into submission.
Features
Essential principle of Satyagraha is not to obliterate or wound
the adversary, but to convert or win him by love, compassion,
endurance and self-suffering.
89
" It is based on the metaphysical conviction that the oppres-
sor may have power over the body and material assets of a
Satyagrahi, but not greater than his spirit.
" Satyagraha, as a means of social action, is based on a strong
moral substance. Self- suffering is its unique temperament
which differentiates it from all other forms of violent tech-
niques of action.
" In a comparison a single Satyagrahi's self-sacrifice is thou-
sand times more powerful and reasonable than the million
non-Satyagrahi's self-sacrifice in war like killing activities
" Satyagraha abstains from evil activities stimulate and
encourage everyone in peace making through love, com-
passion, benevolence and doing good to others even our
opponents.
" Satyagraha considered as the method for reconstruct-
ing, remoulding, and reshaping human nature through
moralize human activities. It is not possible to compare the
Non- violent non-cooperation with inaction or non-action.
It is a vigorous denunciation of untruth, without violence,
annoyance or hatred.
" The concept of Satyagraha has the wider scope in its appli-
cation in the social movements where there is no hate or
anger and violence.
" The most important characteristics of Satyagraha lies in
making awareness and consciousness among the masses,
educating about the socio-economic and political condition
of the time, preserving the unity apart from diversities among
the masses, converting them as the fearless soldiers, es-
tablish the common platform and strong organization and
then give direction to them to non-violent struggle against
the evils.
" The multi-class or non-class character of Satyagraha move-
ment is distinct from other methods which mainly consist of
the same class.

90
Techniques of Satyagraha a. Non-cooperation
Non-cooperation mainly means the withdrawal of coop-
eration from the party. The purpose behind non-cooperation is
not to extend any cooperation to an unjust authority. All social
relations rest on the cooperation of the parties involved. If the
party which is exploited or suppressed withdraws its support
the relationship between the two will collapse. Gandhi's non-
cooperation movement against the British government consid-
ered many practical measures like surrender of titles, refusal
to attend government sponsored functions, withdrawal of
students from government run educational institutions, boy-
cott of government courts etc. It also includes refusal to join
any government service, not to participate in elections, boycott
of foreign goods, non-payment of taxes etc. Through the non-
cooperation movement Gandhi tried to create courage and fear-
lessness among the people. It may appear that the non-coop-
eration movement is to challenge the legal system of adminis-
tration. But Gandhi's purpose was to make people con-
scious of their moral responsibility to fight against injustice. At
the Calcutta session of the Congress in September 1920,
Gandhi convinced other leaders of the need to start a non-
cooperation movement in support of Khilafat as well as for
swaraj (self rule).
b. Civil Disobedience:
Civil disobedience is another practical method of
satyagraha. It means the breach of the unjust law or the
statutory enactment of the government. Gandhi took this
idea of civil disobedience from David Thoreau, the American
naturalist. Gandhi made extensive application of civil disobe-
dience in course of India's freedom struggle. When there is
a conflict between the legal duty and moral responsibility
Gandhi prefers the primacy of the moral. In case of a revolution
or rebellion there may be disobedience of the law, but that is not
civil disobedience. The basic motive behind civil disobedience is
a well-defined moral principle and its method is non-violent.

91
It can be practiced with great caution to avoid any outbreak
of violence or lawlessness. Further civil disobedience may be
offensive or defensive. Offensive disobedience includes disre-
gard for the statutory enactment of the state and so to say
a non-violent revolt against the administration. But defensive
civil resistance or disobedience includes peaceful demonstra-
tions, public meetings, rallies, publishing views, ventilating the
unjust policies of the government, mobilizing public opinion etc.
c. Hijrat
Hijrat is an urdu word which literary means to migrate. Ac-
cording to Gandhi, hijrat is a protest against the dictator in order
to expel him out of the nation. One of the main reasons for the
people to resort to Hijrat is when they feel oppressed either due
to loss of self-respect or honourable living; they attempt to mi-
grate permanently to other places. In simple terms, it is a protest
against the oppressor. Gandhi suggested this measure to the
Harijans mainly due to their oppression, especially by the domi-
nant classes in some places.
d. Fasting:
This was another strong weapon suggested by Gandhi
in his non-violent struggle for freedom. Fasting is considered
as the most effective weapon of Satyagraha to bring a change in
the opponent. In the Gandhian scheme of things it is the purest
form of self-inflicted suffering. But great caution is to be main-
tained in resorting to it. Only on rare occasion one can
resort to it. Without purity of mind, discipline and humility one
should not undertake a fast. It is the last resort of the Satyagrahi.
A person who has transcended anger, selfishness and impa-
tience can go for it only under special circumstance. Fasting
unto death is the self- imposed suffering to bring a moral change
in the mindset of the wrong- doers. The Satyagrahi should never
take a fast as coercion on the opponent. Satyagrahi must be a
man of moral strength and the cause for which he is fighting must
be a serious problem.

92
e. Boycott
Gandhi's yet another tactic came in the form of boycotting
goods. This method was very useful in pressurising the authority.
Boycotting involves persons, goods, clothes, titles, persons.
In the non-cooperation and the civil disobedience both the
movements the nation was called to boycott British goods and
many of the institutions that were British were boycotted. It
caused a breakdown in the law system and administration of the
British and to make everyone aware that the satyagrahis were
not partners in the wrong doings. Gandhi used this technique in
various circumstances almost all of his movements had a faction
of boycotting. Peaceful boycott put pressure and created con-
sciousness among the masses. This method was experimented
with in South Africa before it found roots in India.
f. Strike
It is mainly an instrument that a worker uses against em-
ployer. The colonial rule saw wide subjugation. Gandhi used this
first during the 1918 mill workers strike in Ahmedabad and asked
workers to not work until problem was solved. It was a means
to solve political and economic problems but to be a success the
strike must be non-violent and conviction should be nothing less
than what is needed. Gandhi was not in favor of Marxist prin-
ciple of class war and forceful takeover of the means of produc-
tion from the bourgeoisie. He was of the opinion that a firm or an
industry is like a trust either under the capitalists and the labour.
A strike is meant to end injustice, inefficiency, corruption and
short-sightedness of the capitalists.
Principles or Ideals of Satyagraha
" Nonviolence (ahimsa)
" Truth includes honesty, but goes beyond it to mean living
fully in accord with and in devotion to that which is true
" Non-stealing
" Chastity (brahmacharya) includes sexual chastity, but also
the subordination of other sensual desires to the primary
devotion to truth
93
" Non-possession (not the same as poverty)
" Body-labor or bread-labor
" Control of the palate
" Fearlessness
" Equal respect for all religions
" Economic strategy such as boycotts (swadeshi)
" Swadharma
Qualifications of a Satyagrahi
1. Satyagrahi must have a living faith in God, for He is his only
Rock.
2. Satyagrahi must believe in truth and non-violence as his
creed and therefore have a faith in the inherent goodness of
human nature which he expects to evoke by his truth and
love expressed though his suffering.
3. Satyagrahi must be leading a chaste life and be ready and
willing for the sake of his cause to give up his life and his
possessions.
4. Satyagrahi must be a habitual Khadi-wearer and spinner.
This is essential for India.
5. Satyagrahi must be a teetotaler and be free from the use of
other intoxicants in order that his reason may be always
unclouded and his mind constant.
6. Satyagrahi must carry out with a willing heart all the rules
of discipline as may be laid down from time to time.
7. Satyagrahi should carry out the jail rules unless they are
specially devised to hurt his self-respect.
GANDHI ON WESTERN CIVILIZATION/ HIND
SWARAJ
Gandhi's Hind Swaraj is primarily known for its tren-
chant critique of modern civilization. In Hind Swaraj he also
dwells on the condition of India as it has developed under the
British rule and tutelage. He makes a basic formulation that un-
der the impact of the British rule India is turning into an 'irreli-
gious' country. He hastens to add that he is not thinking of any
94
particular religion, but rather of that Religion which underlies all
religions. We are turning away from God, he adds. He likens
modem civilization to a 'mouse' 'gnawing' our people while ap-
parently soothing them. In chapter XI of Hind Swaraj he argues
that lawyers have contributed more to the degradation of India.
Besides, they have accentuated the Hindu-Muslim dissensions,
helped the British to consolidate their position and have sucked
the blood of the poor of India. In the next chapter he describes
how doctors have failed the Indian society. In his opinion, doc-
tors have been primarily responsible for making the people 'self-
indulgent' and taking less care of their bodies. He concludes his
critique of modern civilization by comparing it to an Upas tree, a
poisonous plant which destroys all life around it. In another chapter
of the Hind Swaraj he examines the English educational system
introduced in India and describes it as 'false education'. For him
the basic aim of education should be to bring our senses under
our control and to help imbibe ethical behaviour in our life. He
attacks the newly emerged elite, a by-product of the Macaulay
system of education, as they have enslaved India.
Gandhi opposed the Western Civilization because, it
had been hedonistic nature in practice, in the sense of self-
centred pleasure, pragmatic in the sense of immediate material
benefit and individualistic in the sense of egocentric in the re-
spect of sovereign individual oriented. Gandhi's views on the nature
of western civilization are expressed in a little booklet he wrote
in 1909, called Hind Swaraj. He was influenced by Edward
Carpenter's Civilization: Its Cause and Cure. Gandhi found no
morality or religion in western civilio zation and both these were
essential elements in the structure of any society Gandhi sup-
ported or promoted. Gandhi criticized the Western civilization
as a purely materialistic civilization that measures its progress in
terms of money. Gandhi believed that despite their material com-
forts and everyday invention of new machinery they are not civi-
lized like the Indians and that economic progress is no guarantee
to moral progress. To him, the champions of western civilization
behaved in actual practice and how wide the gap between what
95
the practiced and preached. European civilization is no doubt
suited for the Europeans, but it will mean ruin for India, if we
endeavour to copy it.
Gandhi even criticized the Parliamentary form of governance
that has its origin in the Western civilization. Gandhi never as-
pired for a Parliamentary democracy but Swaraj, wherein there
is a scope for self-regulation and the state, though not withers
away, it would govern the least. For Gandhi, fundamentals
must not change. Gandhi is also in favour of technology
although he is generally known as a vehement critic of modern
technology. An individual's primary place in society can never be
replaced by any other component of any type of system and
order. Hind Swaraj presents the broad contours of an
alternative society - a new civilizational framework in a rudi-
mentary form. In the chapter dealing with 'true civilization' he
defines it as that 'mode of conduct which points out to man the
path of duty'. He further adds that moral behaviour is nothing but
to attain 'mastery over one's mind'.
GANDHIAN SWARAJ
The term 'Swaraj' initially was used by Dadabhai Naoroji
and Balgangadhar Tilak in political scenario for attaining the na-
tional Independence. The idea of 'Swaraj' or self-rule is one of
the philosophical principles of Gandhian teachings, which stimu-
late man in conquering complete individuality and also reorgani-
zation of the society. Gandhi holds that self-rule or
'Swaraj' was nothing but self-determination of the individual
while taking decisions without depending upon others. Gandhi
used this term Swaraj with a definite meaning and significance.
By Real Swaraj Gandhi meant the 'welfare and happiness of the
masses'. He wrote Swaraj as "a scared word, a Vedic word,
meaning self-rule and self-restraint, and not freedom from all
restraint which independence often means. It is a fact that his
Swaraj is meant for self- government. This idea is based on the
spiritual thinking that anything authentic and real can come only
from within. Gandhi used the term swaraj both at the individual

96
and national levels. The individual swaraj means rule over one's
self. Control over one's lust is the main condition for individual
swaraj. In national level Gandhi meant that national self-rule in
the fields of social, political, economic and moral. Gandhi thought
that by educating the masses it will be possible to accomplish
self-rule, he says, "swaraj is to be attained by educating the masses
to a sense of their capacity to regulate and control authority."
According to Gandhi economic swaraj means self-sufficient in-
dividual, village and national economic freedom and also that
means decentralized economic power to all. By his teachings of
swaraj he wanted to eradicate the sect of haves and have nots
and try to establish economy based on self-reliance. That's why
Gandhi preached khadi, spinning wheel and trusteeship for
self-depended economic power. Gram Swaraj or village self-
rule is an essential thought in Gandhi's thinking.
SARVODAYA
The two terms in Sarvodaya are Sarva (all) and Uday, (ris-
ing). The literal translation of Sarvodaya would then be the 'ris-
ing of all'. The term was first coined by Mohandas Gandhi as the
title of his 1908 translation of John Ruskin's tract on political
economy, "Unto This Last", and Gandhi came to use the term for
the ideal of his own political philosophy. Mahatma Gandhi was
a humanist and radical revivalist who fought not only against
the colonialism and imperialism, but also against the supersti-
tious practices, religious hatred and casteism in India. Principles
of the Sarvodaya
" There is no centralized authority, and there is political and
economic atmosphere in the villages.
" Politics will not be the instrument of power but an agency of
service and Rajnity will yield place to Loknity.
" All people will be imbued with the spirit of love, fraternity,
truth, non-violence and self- sacrifices. Society will func-
tion on the basis on the non-violence.
" There will be no party system and majority rule and society
will be free from the evil of the tyranny of the majority.
97
" The sarvodaya society is socialist in the true sense of the
term. All calling will be the same moral, social and eco-
nomical values. The individual personality has the fullest
scope for development.
" The sarvodaya society is based on equality and liberty. There
is no room in it for unwholesome some competition, exploi-
tation and class-hatred.
" Sarvodaya stands for the progress of the all. All individual
should do individual labour and follow the ideal of non pos-
session. Then it will be possible to realize the goal of: from
each according to his work and to each according to his
needs.
" There will be no private property, the instrument of exploi-
tation and the source of social distinctions and hatred. Simi-
larly, the profit motive will disappear, rent and interest to
will go.
" The Sarvodaya Movement is based on Truth, Non-vio-
lence and Self-denial.
" The Sarvodaya Movement makes a sincere and bold at-
tempt to create the necessary atmosphere to bring together
such individuals with an unwavering faith in the Welfare of
All
" The gain to the individual would be small. The development
of each quality depends upon every other. If all the qualities
are improved a little, then the individual would gain more.
RELEVANCE OF GANDHI
Gandhiji not only gave India its freedom but also gave the
world and us a new thought on nonviolence and sustainable liv-
ing. His teachings and experiments are more valid today than
ever before Barack Obama, the present US President, sees
Mahatma Gandhi as an inspiration and has a portrait of the apostle
of peace in his office. He commented, "In my life, I have always
looked to Mahatma Gandhi as an inspiration, because he em-
bodies the kind of transformational change that can be made
when ordinary people come together to do extraordinary things."
98
he fundamental precepts of Gandhism are more relevant today
when caste, class and religious differences are so pronounced.
Gandhism can never be outdated no matter what people may
say and believe. In this world torn by violence and corruption,
Gandhi's philosophy is the only hope that keeps the human race
going. He is best known as the matchless political leader who
evolved the new technique of "satyagraha". His fight against
untouchability and the notions of superiority and inferiority by
birth are also fairly well known. For India, his greatest service
was, perhaps, the emancipation of Indian women.
Philosophy of non violence has great relevancy it contem-
porary 21st century. In India most of the conflict and extremist
revolutions already selected & some are going to settle by non
violence and peaceful means. Peace process in extremist move-
ment, settlement of interstate conflict, Water dispute. The central
concepts of Gandhi's philosophy is 'Satyagraha'. It is itself a whole
philosophy of non violence. A Satygraha campaign is under-
taken only after all other peaceful means have proven
ineffective. For extent of some period it was known as Gandhi's
method of Satyagraha have no any relevancy but with the
passing of time he proved how it was important of protection of
life, Liberty and property . Even know also all those strate-
gies are highly relevant in India. Still people of India
frequently fallowing those methods for the fulfilment of demands.
His political ideal based on ethical and spiritual grounds rising
democratic values. At present, we see that politics is routed
deceit and dishonesty and is bound to create greater deceit
and greater dishonesty. Gandhian economy still relevant to our
time. He was not against machinery as such. He was afraid that
use of machinery on large scale would result in technological
unemployment. He extend Ruskin's concepts of the equality of
wages to all kinds of labour and equal distribution. The mad race
in industrialization and urbanization has resulted in pollution of
environment and Gandhi abundant of luxurious life. The concept
of Decentralization occupies paramount importance in

99
Gandhian Philosophy. Gandhi wanted political power to be dis-
tributed among the villages in India. He preferred the term 'swaraj'
to describe what he called true democracy. Gandhian Democ-
racy is still relevant in India. It is clear from the 73rd and
74thconstitutional amendments of Indian constitution that is
related only with rural administration of India. One significant
provision of this amendments is decentralization of power
upto the rural level. It has already been implemented in India
in 1992. Gandhi promoted an educational curriculum called 'Ba-
sic Education'. He much emphasis on mother tongue should be
the medium of education, women education.
CONCLUSION
To conclude, Gandhian philosophy is not only simultaneously
political, moral and religious, it is also traditional and modern
simple and complex. Gandhi is universally known as the most
renowned theorist, philosopher and also the practitioner of
truth, love, non- violence, tolerance freedom and peace. He
was a leader of his people, unsupported by any authority. He
was very much concerned with the nature, poor deprived and
the downtrodden and he has intender to alter the evil, political,
social, and economic system of the people. His mission was to
reconstruct India from below upwards a decentralized socio-
political and economic order with India's myriad villages as its
base.
Review Questions
1. Illustrate the contribution and role of Gandhi in India's free-
dom struggle
2. Examine the value of non-violence (ahimsa) and satyagraha
as the key features of the Gandhian thought and action.
3. How did Gandhi conceptualise swaraj? Explain in detail.
4. Write a critical essay on the basic precepts of the Gandhian
political thought.
5. Examine the relevance of Gandhian thought in contempo-
rary times.

100
 MODULE IV

SOCIALIST THINKERS

Socialism is a political and economic theory of social orga-

nization which advocates that the means of production, distri-
bution, and exchange should be owned or regulated by the
community as a whole. It emerged as a response to the tremen-
dous exploitation of the working class by the capitalist class which
in turn was assisted by the industrial revolution and the rise of
liberalism. The idea was differently interpreted, depending upon
the conditions and social and political thought which is unique to
that country. Communism and socialism are economic and po-
litical structures that promote equality and seek to eliminate
social classes. Communist thought in India has its origins in
the writings of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and their follow-
ers. Communist thought in India is an interesting account of the
development of the Marxian thought and philosophy as it grew
in the Indian conditions. The socialist thought in India was deeply
influenced by the activities of anti-colonial struggle, British liber-
alism and Gandhian thought. So we find different ideas about
socialism-which are unique to Indian context and drastically dif-
fer from European socialism - being emerging in India. Starting
from Jayaprakash Narayan, was further developed by Dr. Ram
Manohar Lohia. Communist thought in India was guided inspired
by M.N. Roy and EMS.
NTRODUCTION
MANVENDRA NATH ROY (1893-1954)
M. N. Roy was a renowned international thinker and ac-
tivist. He began his career as a nationalist revolutionary, later he
was attracted towards Socialism and Marxism. He joined the
Communist party of India. The original undivided Communist
party of India He became an international figure in the Marxist
world and finally developed his own philosophy of New Hu-

101
manism or Radical Humanism, criticising the Marxian ideology.
Unlike some other Indian thinkers of twentieth century, Roy has
made a clear distinction between philosophy and religion in his
thought. The radical or new humanism of M. N. Roy is the
reflection of Marxist revolution against capitalism.
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Manvendranath Roy was born in 1887 in Arbalia village of
24 Parganas district (near Kolkata) of West Bengal. His original
name was Narendranath Bhattacharya. During his College days
he started actively participating in the secret revolutionary activi-
ties. During his life time he changed his name several times to
avoid prosecution. He was closely related to revolutionaries in
Bengal like Prakashchandra Dey, Jatin Mukharjee. He visited
Germany, Japan, China, USA, Mexico and USSR. In 1915 he
was sent by Indian revolutionaries to Germany as their repre-
sentative. Roy was a founder of the Communist Parties in both
Mexico and India and was a delegate to congresses of the Com-
munist International. He was expected to talk to the German
officials and seek help for the Indian freedom movement.
Dhangopal Mukherjee, gave him the new name - "Manvendranath
Roy." While in USA he came under the influence of Lala Lajpat
Rai. He was attracted towards the socialist ideology. He studied
the socialist ideas and was attracted towards Marxism. Later he
went to Mexico, participated in the Communist movement in
that country, exchanged his ideas with other Marxist thinkers in
Mexico and became a thorough Marxist. From 1936 to 1954
he gradually distanced himself from Communism and developed
his own ideology. He was a member of the Congress party till
1940. In 1940 after his defeat in the election for the Congress
President he left the Congress party. He established the Radical
Democratic Party. Roy actively participated in international
politics. He wrote elaborately on national and international prob-
lems.
POLITICAL IDEAS
He passed through three phases of development of his ideas

102
- Nationalism (up to 1915), Marxism (1915-1946), and Radi-
cal Humanism (1946 -1954).
M.N. ROY'S CONCEPT OF MARXISM
Roy's baptism as Marxist began in Mexico in 191 7 where,
along with Bosodin, he accepted Marxism as a philosophy for
excellence. 1-Ic accepted all the major tenets of Marxism and,
sought to interpret the Indian situation along Marxist lives. M.N.
Roy held that revolution is concerned with the ultimate
things, and that the first necessity of revolutionary is a philosophy
and his first choice of philosophy was Marxism up to the
early 1940s. He reformulated the Marxian philosophy in such a
way that it appears as a philosophy of freedom. Roy was in-
spired by Marx's original humanism and by his social goal. He
considered Marx as essentially a humanist and lover of human
freedom. Like Marx, Roy regarded the physical being of man in
constant relationship with nature, wherein man plays an active
role. He was also inspired by Marx's basic doctrine "existence
determines consciousness". He agreed with Marx that biological
urge for self-preservation was the moving force. Again, Marx's
socialism "as the kingdom freedom" where human reason will
overcome the irrational forces, which now tyrannies he life of
man and as a rational being man will control his destiny was also
his ideal. Roy does not identify Marxism with communism Marx-
ism is a philosophy while communism is a political practice. Roy
believed in socialisation of the process of production. When labour
is performed collectively, its product must be collectively owned.
Private property must cease to be an economic necessity be-
fore it can be abolished. Roy rejects the dictatorship of the
proletariat is necessary to achieve communism.
M.N. Roy's Criticism on Marxism
To Roy, "I have never been an orthodox Marxist. My atti-
tude to Marxism was critical from the very beginning". Roy dif-
fered from Marxism in several points. Though Roy criticized
Marxist philosophy and sociology of historical materialism,
he never commented on the technicalities of Marxian econom-

103
ics. He did not comment on issues such as Marxian theories of
accumulation of capital, capitalist reproduction and the possible
contradiction in the labor theory of value, the price production
theory and the like. Roy was all praise for Marx as a person, the
former through his philosophio cal and sociological writings indi-
cated a clear breakaway from Marxist antecedents and affilia-
tions. In essence, Roy considers Marx as a humanist and a lover
of freedom. As far as the teachings of Marx are concerned, Roy
either rejected them or made significant modifications.
Roy pointed out that the very principle of Marx's dialectical
materialism was absurd. To Roy, the methodology of dialec-
tics could be applicable to the realm of ideology, not
materialism. Therefore, the dialectical materialism of Marx was
only in name, it was essentially an idealistic system. Thus, Roy is
critical of Marx's rejection of autonomy to the human being. Marx
though glorified class struggle, did not lay emphasis on the em-
pirical individual. Though the movement through thesis and anti-
thesis appears to be a logical arguo mentation, according to Roy,
it is ridiculous to state that matter and forces of production move
dialectically. He strongly believed that the dialectic materialism is
materialistic only in name and dialectics being the cornerstone; it
is essentially idealistic in nature. It is for this reason Roy believed
that Marx rejected the scientific naturalism and also humanist
materialism of Feuerbach and his followers.
Roy strongly believed that the Marxian interpretation of his-
tory is defective because it allowed no role to mental activity in
the social process. History can never be interpreted solely with
reference to materialistic objectivism. The intelo ligence of
human beings and their cumulative actions are very powerful
social forces. Further, consciousness is regarded as being pos-
terior to reality. Roy criticized the economic interpretation of his-
tory as envisaged by Marx. To Roy, Marx made a false distinc-
tion between primitive man's intelligent effort to earn a livelihood
and biological struggle for existence. Marx had wrongly held that
the origin of society and subsequent human development were

104
economically motivated. Physical urge and economic motive both
were different to Roy. Roy criticized that Marx entirely ignored
the entire process of becoming the man, before he entered into
social relations. Thus, economic determinism does not neces-
sarily follow as a logical corollary from the philosophy of
materialism. Thus, it becomes clear that there is no necessary
and inevitable connection between philosophical materialism and
the economic interpretation of history. The ethical foundations of
Marxism are relativistic and dogmatic owing to an untenable psy-
chological basis. Marx believed that in the struggle with nature,
man changes his own nature. In other words, Marx contends
that human nature is not stable. It is this belief of Marx that made
Roy opines that the psychological foundao tions of Marxism are
weak. In opposition to Marxism, Roy states that human nature is
stable and permanent and the basis for this proposition is
the rights and duties. The subordination of humans to the
factors of production is a neutralization of his autonomy and cre-
ativity. Moral consciousness is not a product of economic forces.
Roy further stated that it is humanist ethics that exalts the sover-
eignty of man and believes in axiological hierarchy of freedom
and justice. Marx rejected the liberal concept of individualism
owing to the influence of Hegelian thesis of moral positivism over
him. Marx neglected the value of individual autonomy and proved
himself to be disloyal to his humanist Feuerbachian antecedents.
Roy opined that this rejection of liberal and utilitarian concept of
individual by Marx betrayed his earlier humanism.
Roy criticized the concept of sociology of class struggle.
Though there are a number of social classes and despite the pres-
ence of tension among these classes, they are all operating in a
cohesive manner. Marx proved to be a complete failure with his
prediction that the middle class would disappear. In fact, the
expansion of economic process also leads to the increase in the
number of the middle class. Roy believed in the concept of
voluntaristic romanticism in revolutions. Revolutions are collec-
tive representations of emotions heightened to a pitch. In fact, a

105
revolution denotes an effort by humans to make a better world.
So, revolutionary romanticism is against the concept of dialectic
determinism.
ROY ON RADICAL HUMANISM/NEW HUMANISM
Humanism is derived from the Latin word Humanus, mean-
ing a system of thought concerned with human affairs in general.
Humanism is an attitude which attaches primary importance to
Man and his faculties, affairs and aspirations. The essence of
Humanism is the importance placed on human being, the indi-
vidual as the centre of all aspirations of human activities. Radical
humanism is the major contribution of M. N. Roy towards politi-
cal thought. Roy's ideas about Radical or New Humanism were
inspired by the writing of Friedrich Engles, a German industrialist
who co-authored the Communist Manifesto along with Karl
Marx. In the later years of his life, Roy became an exponent of
"New Humanism". Roy called this "new philosophy of revolu-
tion", which he developed in the later part of his life, "new hu-
manism" or "radicalism". The essence of the philosophy of new
humanism is contained in Roy's "Theses on the principles of Radi-
cal Democracy" or the "Twenty-two Theses of Radical Human-
ism". Roy further elaborated this philosophy in his New Human-
ism - A Manifesto, first published in 1947. He distinguished this
from other humanist philosophy and termed it radical. Though
Roy is influenced n his approach by the scientific materialism of
Hobbes, Ethics of Spinoza and Secular politics as propounded
by Locke, he reconciled all these to propound a rational idea of
freedom wit11 the concept of necessity. The central purpose of
Roy's Radical Humanism is to co- ordinate the philosophy of
nature with social philosophy and ethics in a monistic system. "It
is for this reason that Roy claims it as humanist s well as
materialist, naturalist as well as nationalist, creativist as well as
determinist".
New Humanism, as presented in the Twenty- Two Theses,
has both a critical and a constructive aspect. The critical aspect
consists of describing the inadequacies of communism (including

106
the economic interpretation of history), and of formal parliamen-
tary democracy. The constructive aspect, on the other hand,
consists of giving highest value to the freedom of individuals,
presenting a humanist interpretation of history, and outlining a
picture of radical or organized democracy along with the way
for achieving the ideal of radical democracy. According to
Roy, the central idea of the Twenty-Two Theses is that "political
philosophy must start from the basic idea that the individual is
prior to society, and freedom can be enjoyed only by individu-
als". Quest for freedom and search for truth, according to Roy,
constitute the basic urge of human progress. The purpose of all-
rational human endeavor, individual as well as collective, is at-
tainment of freedom in ever increasing measure. The amount
of freedom available to the individuals is the measure of social
progress.
Radicalism consists of all positive elements of Marxism freed
from its fallacies and clarified in the light of greater scientific knowl-
edge. Roys humanist intellectual work is greatly influenced by
philosophical radicals like Hutcheson, Shaftesbury and Bentham,
who had a critical approach to the contempoo rary political,
social and economic situations. These philosophical radicals
advocated an individualistic approach towards moral problems.
It was the reaction against the contemporary socio-cultural cri-
sis. The manifesto of Radical Humanism laid down that, "the ideal
of Radical Democracy will be attained through the collective ef-
forts of spiritually free men and women united in a political parry
with the determination of creating a new order of freedom. The
members of the party will guides, friends and philosophers of the
people rather than as there would be rulers consistent with the
goal of freedom; Political practice of the party will be rational
and ethical.
Features of Radical/New Humanism
Roy's idea revolves around Man. "It is the man who cre-
ates society, state and other illustrations and values for his own
welfare. Man has the power to change them for its greater wel-

107
fare and convenience. His belief lies in "Man as the measure of
everything". As a radical humanist, his philosophical approach is
individualistic. The individual could not be subordinated either to
a nation or to a class. The individual should not lose his identity in
the collective ego of such notions. Man's being and becoming,
his emotions, will and ideas determine his life style. He has two
basic traits, one, reason and the other, the urge for freedom. The
reason in man echoes the harmony of the universe. This urge for
freedom leads him to a search for knowledge. I-le considers
freedom to be of supreme value. While rationality provides dy-
namism to a man, the urge for freedom gives him direction. Roy's
conception of human nature becomes the basis of society and
state. He attributes their origin to the act of man for promoting
his freedom and material satisfaction.
Roy presents a communal pattern of social growth. Groups
of human beings settled down in particular localities for the culti-
vation and the organisation of society, Each group riinrks out an
area as its collective domain. The ownership is common because
land is cultivated by the labour of the entire community. The fruits
of collective labour belong to all collectively. This does not last
long. With the origin of private property, there arises the neces-
sity of same authority to govern the new relations; this gives birth
to the stale. Roy defined state as 'The political organisation of
society. The evolution of the state is not only historical, but also
natural. For him, the state must exist and discharge its limited
functions. The basic feature of the radical democracy is that the
people must have the ways and means to exercise sovereign
power effectively. Power would be so distributed that maxi-
mum power would be vested in local democracy and minimum
at the apex along with other equally important and autonomous
social institutions reduces the functions of the state to the mini-
mum.
He laid more emphasis to Education in Radical democracy.
As a radical humanist, Roy came to believe that a revolution
should be brought about not through class struggle or armed

108
violence, but through education. Roy emphasised the concept of
moral man. To him, politics cannot be separated from ethics.
Roy traces morality to rationality in man. Reason is the only sanc-
tion for morality, without moral men, there can be no moral
society. Roy advocates humanist politics. This will lead to puri-
fication and rationalisation of politics. To him, politics can be
practiced without power. "Party politics has given rise to power
politics". To him any party government, at best, is for the people,
but it is never of the people and by the people. In a country like
India, he laments about the evils of party politics that exist, where
ignorant conservative people are exploited in the elections. Thus,
he preferred the abolition of the party system which will enable
politics to operate without an incentive of power. In the absence
of that corrupting agency, morality in political practice would be
possible.
Roy advocated for 'Revolution by Consent of the
people' to resist tyranny and oppression in a non violent
means. Roy further has conceived humanism as cosmopolitan
humanism because it denies the existence of autonomous Na-
tional States. Roy does not agree with the pattern of Western
Democracy. He feels that the Western Democracy is equally
disappointing. According to Roy, the character of the party should
be judged on the basis of the records of the government.
ROY'S PERCEPTION ON RADICAL DEMOCRACY
Roy suggests a radical democracy instead of political lib-
eral democracy. Radical democracy is a kind of democracy that
has been set on the basis of philosophical orientation. According
to Roy, such an organisation of society can unfolds ample op-
portunity for man, it will replace the executive power of the state
under the control of free individuals. Radical democracy should
not be survived on the basis of the will of periodical elections.
He further contends that government for the people can never
be fully a government of the people and by the people. Democ-
racy will be placed above parties. A radical democracy will be a
kind of democracy which objective is to stimulate conscious

109
and integrated effort amongst the people, which ensures
freedom of the individuals, the spirit of free thinking, and the will
of the individuals. Side by side it will resist external forces which
would be detrimental to the progress of the state. Thus, a new
Renaissance, based on rationalism, individualism and cosmopoli-
tan Humanism is essential for democracy to be realised and ca-
pable of defending itself. Radical democracy can be attained
through collective efforts of spiritually free men and women. As
it has been accomplished by creating a new order of freedom of
spiritually free men and women, it will function as the guides,
friends and philosophers of the people rather than as dictator
rulers. Their political practice will be rational with a coherent
amalgamation of both reason and morality. To Roy, "Spiritually
free individuals at the helm of affairs will smash all chains of sla-
very and usher of freedom of all".
Principles of Radical democracy
" Man is the archetype of society; co-operative social rela-
tionships contribute to develop individual potentialities.
" Quest for freedom and search for truth constitute the basic
urge of human progress.
" The purpose of all rational human endeavour, individual
as well as collective, is attainment of freedom in ever
increasing measure.
" Rising out of the background of the law-governed physical
nature, the human being is essentially rational.
" The economic interpretation of history is reduced from
a wrong interpretation of materialism.
" Ideation is a philosophical process resulting from the aware-
ness of environments
" For creating a new world of freedom, revolution must
go beyond an economic reorganisation of society
" Communism or socialism may be the conceivable means
for the attainment of the goal of freedom.
" The state being the political organisation of society, its

110
 withering away under Communism is a utopia which has
been exploded by experience.
" State ownership and planned economy do not by them-
selves end exploitation of labour; nor do they necessarily
lead to an equal distribution of wealth.
" The defects of formal parliamentary democracy have also
been exposed in experience.
" The ideal of radical democracy will be attained through
the collective efforts of spiritually free men united in the
determination of creating a world of freedom.
CONCLUSION
M.N. Roy quite often regarded as one of the founders of
communist 'movement in India, was one of those early Marxists
who attempted a radical understanding of the issue of social trans-
formation of Indian civilization as separate from the framework
of nationalism. M'N' Roy had been considered as one of the
most learned of Modern Indian writer on politics and philoso-
phy. He was a nationalist, Marxist and above all a human-
istic philosopher. His philosophy of Radical humanism is con-
sidered as the most important contribution, which could provide
for a strong basis to Indian democracy. The core of the Radical
Humanism of Roy lies in laying greatest emphasis on the person-
ality of the individual as a human being. As a believer of free-
thinking irrespective of himself, his Radical Humanism is
the outcome of his critical attitude towards Marxism. New
Humanism is pledged to the ideal of a commono wealth and
fraternity of free man. He pleads for a spiritual community or a
cosmopolitan humanism.
INTRODUCTION
RAM MANOHAR LOHIA (1910 - 1967)
Ram Manohar Lohia occupied a unique place in the evolu-
tion of the socialist thought in India. He was the first socialist
thinker in India who refused to accept the Russian or western
model of Socialism for India. His dynamic and uninhibited ap-
proach to various problems distinguished him from other politi-
111
cal leaders. Lohia showed great originality in his enunciation of
socialism. Lohia rejected both capitalism and communism as
unsuitable to the socio- economic climate of Indian and other
South -Asian countries. He wanted to free the individual from
ignorance, backwardness and all kinds of superstitions and preju-
dices. Lohia championed "the principle of equal irrelevance of
capitalism and communism in respect of the creation of a new
human civilization." This 'new civilization' is called by Lohia
'socialism.' He was a champion offreedom and equality.
EARLY LIFE AND INFLUENCES
Dr. Rammanohar Lohia was born in 1910 at Akbarpur in
U.P. His family was deeply involved in freedom struggle. His
father Hiralal was not only a nationalist but also a social reformer.
Because of his family background Lohia became a great nation-
alist but also a social reformer. He was greatly influenced by
leaders like Tilak, Gandhi, and Subhas Bose. Lohia wanted to
make a synthesis between Marxism and Gandhian ideas. As a
student of philosophy, he developed rationality and was able to
critically analyze the issues pertaining to society. For his higher
studies he went to Berlin. This was a new turn in his life. His
return from Germany to India coincided with the Indian National
Congress launching a fierce struggle against Britishers. Lohia also
joined the Congress Party. Around 1934, Lohia who had firm
ideas about socialism joined the Congress Socialist Party, which
was working within the ambits of the parent party. He was one
of the founders of the Congress Socialist Party and the editor of
its chief organ 'Congress Socialist'.
LOHIA ON SOCIALISM AND NEW SOCIALISM
Lohia was a socialist who firmly believed that socialism, if it
were to lead the people to progress and prosperity must be based
on the Indian conditions. He envisioned socialism as a 'new
civilisation.' Lohia wanted to give firm foundation to the theory
of socialism by chalking out a programme of action for the
realization of the final goal. His socialistic ideology devel-

112
oped in the Company of Acharya Narender Dev, Achyut
Patwardhan, Jai Prakash Narayan, Ashok Mehta and others.
He did pioneering work in the advancement of new policy hav-
ing link with the socio-economic development of the people of
our sub-continent. Lohia emphasized the philosophy of his so-
cialism in two 'big' words i.e. 'equality and prosperity'. Lohia felt
that the interests of communism and conservatism are against
socialism.
Lohia's ideas and perceptions on socialism was highly prag-
matic. So. It had a distinction from the dogmatic and doctri-
naires socialism expounded by the European socialists. Lohia
was of the opinion that European socialism lacked a world out-
look. Lohia pleaded that Gandhism alone could provide the
proper base for socialism in India. Lohia cited his original thesis
of Socialism, while presiding over the Panchamarhi Conference
of Socialists in May 1952. The basic postulates of the new so-
cialist theory were stated thus:
1. Both Capitalism and Communism are based upon central-
ized power which is incapable of bringing about a radical
transformation in society.
2. Both capitalism and communism believe in the same method
of production. The only difference between them is that in
capitalism some individuals or groups make profit and in
communism even though there is no individual profit sys-
tem, a centralized power, class or party, monopolises the
benefits. Society does not in reality enjoy economic, politi-
cal and individual freedom.
3 . If we look at communist countries and the so-called free
democratic states and analyse the actual conditions of the
people, there it is quite clear that both are incapable of ush-
ering in social transformation, people's freedom and people's
culture. Therefore, both have to be eschewed.
4. Socialism does not believe in restricted capitalism or mixed
economy. It does not believe that this would ever pave the
way for socialism.
113
5. The political and economic objectives of socialism are to
establish a free and decentralized society by eliminating capi-
talism and centralized political and economic influence from
society.
Lohia socialism stands for socialization of the means of pro-
duction. To Lohia, socialism stands for equality and prosperity.
Lohia further tells in his Wheel of History that human history is
characterized by a tussle between crystallized castes and loosely
cohesive classes. The orthodox and organized socialism was,
therefore, "a dead doctrine and dying organization", for Lohia.
Lohia had made a plea for 'New Socialism'. He contributed in
recommending a twin- approach to the creation of new society -
economic development coupled with a systematic effort to change
those social institutions, which are antithetical to modernity. Lohia
outlined a six-point plan for this New Socialism.
1. Maximum attainable equality, towards which nationlization
of economy may be one necessary step;
2. A decent standard of living throughout the world, and not
increasing standard of living within national frontiers;
3. A world parliament and government "elected on some kind
of adult franchise with beginning, towards a world govern-
ment and world army;
4. Collective and individual practice of civil disobedience so
that the unarmed and helpless little man may acquire the
habit to resist tyranny and exploitation civilly;
5. Four-pillar state
6. Evolution of a technology, which would be consistent with
these aims and processes
'SAPTA KRANTI' OR SEVEN REVOLUTIONS IN
LOHIA'S SOCIALISM
Equality was central point of the Lohia's concept of
socialism. In his own words, "Socialism is a doctrine of equal-
ity. Unless, we are careful it may deteriorate into a doctrine of
inequality. Lohia's concept of equality was unique. According to

114
him equality did not mean identity of treatment or identity of re-
ward. He maintained that if there was no equality among the
individuals and also among the nations, justice, human dignity,
morality, brotherhood, freedom and universal welfare could not
flourish in society. Lohia recommended 'seven-fold', revolution
to fight against inequality and injustice.
1. Revolting for equality between man and woman
According to Lohia, of all injustices plaguing the earth, those
arising out of the inequality between man and women was per-
haps the bedrock. Inequality between man and woman had so
become part of human habit and nature that it seeped into
everything else. Woman's participation in collective life was
exceedingly limited. He wants his woman to be bright, intelligent,
handsome and the rest in short, a very living person. So long as
this grievous clash resided in the mind of man, a woman would
not be allowed to acquire equal status in society. Giving her equal
opportunity would not solve the problem of inequality between
the sexes.
2. The abolition of inequalities based on colour
The colour of the skin was no criterion of beauty or any
other type of superiority. The tyranny of colour was among the
great oppressions of the world which was built upon error ac-
cording to Lohia. The fair-skinned people of Europe had domi-
nated the world for three hundred years.11
They had possessed power and prosperity which the
coloured people had not. The higher castes in India were gen-
erally a little fairer than the backward. Hence, the fair colour had
captured people's imagination. An aesthetic revolution in the evalu-
ation of beauty and its relations to the colour of the skin would
blow the air of freedom and inner peace over all the world al-
most as much as political or economic revolution.
3. Elimination of inequalities of birth and caste
Lohia's approach to caste was revolutionary. He looked
at the problems of socialism and democracy in terms of the
abolition of castes as the most serious disease of Indian society.
115
According to Lohia, caste was the biggest fact of Indian life.
Those who condemned it were also victims of it. He supported
Inter-caste marriages, were held only between groups within the
high caste. Lohia held caste as the largest single cause for sub-
mission to foreign invasions. It was only when the bonds of
caste had gone loose that India could defend and could not
be subjugated. It was necessary for the abolition of the caste
system that the political leadership should come from among the
'Sudras', it should be broadminded, truly national and respected
by all sections of the society. To Lohia, caste was ossified class,
and class was mobile caste. Lohia pleaded for continued aware-
ness to check the poison of casteism. Therefore, "not equal op-
portunity, but preferential opportunity can pull down the walls of
these narrow coteries
4. National freedom or ending of foreign influence
According to Lohia, "people's freedom has perhaps always
been the grand passion of man. To overrun countries, to con-
quer people, to rule over them or at least to take tribute has been
pastime of powerful armies in recorded history." National free-
dom was on the way to become man's irremovable property.
The talk there was of national freedom in the political sense.
People would not be allowed to exercise direct rule over an-
other. Lohia felt that the world shall not be equal or peaceful
unless all imperialisms were hunted out of their darkest lairs
5. Economic equality through increase in production
It was the revolution of the poor against rich, the little man
against the big. In under developed countries the inequality ex-
isted in fabulous magnitude. Adequate scope for employment,
reasonable wages, adequate leisure and other economic rights
must be created in a society. Control over economic organiza-
tion and its conscious directions in the interests of commonwealth
were a basic requirement. The world had come to realize it and
a procedural non-violent revolution was interpenetrating in the
social and economic life of every country.

116
6. Protecting the privacy of individual life from all collec-
tive encroachments
The individual had been steadily losing his sovereignty to
organization. That is not to say that his importance or welfare
had necessarily gone down. They had in fact been going up,
more so in those areas where his sovereignty had been suffering.
The individual's welfare and happiness, education and health,
also his leisure and much of his life and thought were subject to
planning of various kinds. This planning was rigorous in lands of
communism, but a growing element of organizational compul-
sion was present everywhere. As such "rights of privacy and
freedom must be recognized in all those spheres, which are not
directly connected with property.
7. Limitation on armaments.
Weapons are always hated by good and virtuous persons.
The discovery of thermo-nuclear fission has given a new charac-
ter to weapons. Now they can only destroy and could no longer
bring victory or cause defeat. Lohia had found civil disobedi-
ence as the weapon to fight against injustice and inequality. If
even one-tenth of a people could become habitual and individual
civil-resisters against native tyranny, they could be reason-
ably expected to act as a good deterrent against foreign
invasion.
The Four-Pillar State and Socialism
"The four-pillar state", was one of the important features of
the Lohia's socialism. In order to achieve true socialism Lohia
evolved the concept of four-pillar state. Four-pillar state was an
arrangement when a constitution was framed on the basis of the
four-pillar state, the village, the district, the province and the cen-
tre, being four pillars of equal majesty and dignity. The four-pillar
state was both a legislative and an executive arrangement. It was
a way of life and to all spheres of human activity, for instance,
production, ownership, administration, planning, education and
the like. The four pillar state provided a structure and a way. The
community of a state was to be so organized and sovereign power
117
so diffused that each little community in it lived the way of life
that it chose.
The state, therefore, was to be organized in such a manner
that it could allow the widest opportunity for popular participa-
tion, "Sovereign power must not reside alone in centre and fed-
erating units. It must be broken up and diffused over smallest
region where a group of men and women live." The idea of such
a state however, did not represent the idea of a self sufficient
village but of the 'intelligent and vital village.' In the four-pillar
state the armed forces of the state might be controlled by the
centre, the armed police by the province but all other police might
be brought under district and village control. While industries
like the railways or iron and steel might be controlled by the
Centre, the small unit textile industry of the future might be left to
district and village ownership. While price fixing might be a cen-
tral subject the structure of agriculture and the ratio of capital
and labour in it might be left to the choice of the district and the
village. A substantial part of state revenues should stay with the
village and the district.
Economic decentralization, corresponding to political
and administration decentralization, might be brought about
through maximum utilization of small machines. The four-pillar
state raised above the issues of regionalism and functionalism. It
diffused power also within people's organizations and corpora-
tions. Lohia opined that four-pillar state might indeed appear
fanatic to many in view of the special conditions of the country,
its illiteracy, its fears and superstitions and above all, its castes.
Lohia believed that by giving power to small communities of men,
democracy of the first grade was possible. The four pillar state
ensured effective and intelligent democracy to the common man.
He was not in favour of ownership of property by the state ex-
clusively at the centre as it was disastrous both for bread and
freedom. Part of property must be owned by the village and the
province as much as by the centre and by co-operative.
Planning in Socialism was undertaken with a view to recon-

118
struct the nation's economy and to invigorate the people and not
with a view to appease classes of interests. Complete account-
ability, democratic controls, and publicly known rules of disburse-
ment of all plan and governmental expenditure would remove
corruption and inefficiency on the one hand, and stop the breed-
ing of petty tyrants, sycophants, and flatterers on the other. Plan-
ning shall wherever possible encourage the small units of pro-
duction and trade. Prices would be so regulated as to remove
disparity between those of agriculture and of industry. "In par-
ticular, the great robbery which causes steep fall of agricultural
prices around the harvest and steep rise later will be stopped."
The ideas and programmes of Lohia's Socialism
included democracy in all circumstances. Democracy meant
the inevitable answerability of administration to elected assem-
bly. It also meant recognition and respect of the limited person-
ality of individual, party, government and state - four categories,
which together constituted the agencies of political action. The
external working of a state was determined by the internal working
of its political parties. In the sphere of foreign policy, Lohia ad-
vocated his thesis of building a third camp. This was different
from non-alignment preached by Nehru, which was termed by
Lohia as passive neutrality. Lohia's concept of the Third Camp
did not merely mean 'independence of the two blocs' but a posi-
tive and 'creatively independent' programme of mutual assistance
among the developing countries fighting for freedom, peace and
progress of the oppressed millions in the world. Lohia stressed
the need for a constructive approach to world problems. Lohia
pleaded for the establishment of a world Parliament powerful
enough to enforce peace and economic development. Lohia's
world Parliament was to be elected on the basis of adult fran-
chise. The World Parliament would represent the collective con-
science of mankind. Lohia's World Parliament would confine it-
self to matters of war and peace, to the relevant aspects of armed
forces and foreign policy and to a minimum of economic sub-

119
jects necessary for the basic health of the world. With the back-
ground of such a World Parliament, national governments, shall
no longer divide tyrannously the human race and democracy shall
for the first time come into free play. His World Government
should take from each country according to its capacity of capi-
tal resources and give to each according to its needs.
Lohia believed that real socialism lay in planning done with
a view to reconstruct the nation's economy and to invigorate the
people and not with a view to please classes of interests. Lohia's
socialism also included economic reconstruction of India. He
wanted to reconstruct the economy of India to remove poverty
which was necessary to establish true Socialism. Lohia's recon-
struction of economy consisted of following items:
(a) Reclamation of waste land
(b) Small unit-technology
(c) Equal distribution of land
(d) Food army
(e) Abolition of land revenue
(f) Emphasis on small and medium schemes of irrigation.
(g) Restrictions of expenditure and consumptions.
Lohia was in favour of small-unit technology to remove
poverty. Lohia's concern for Socialism inspired him to advocate
the smallunit technology which was consistent with the demands
of justice and equality and suited India in view of the peculiarities
of India's problems. Therefore the solution consisted in "decen-
tralized socialism with all its appropriate forms of small ma-
chines, cooperative labour, village government and so forth."
Industrialization by means of the small-unit machine, according
to Lohia, would have several advantages "Villages and towns of
our country have abundant raw material of various kind. Lohia
was of the view that large scale industry such as rail roads could
be nationalized, the small-unit machines could be owned by state
and village government as well as by producers and 'peasants
cooperatives'. To strengthen socialism Lohia wanted reclama-
120
tion of wasteland. To solve the food-problem, Lohia wanted to
break the land monopoly and distribute land to the actual tillers
of the soil. In Lohia's scheme of equitable distribution of land,
"Land will belong to tillers. Lohia also pleaded for the abolition
of land revenue on profitless agriculture and uneconomic hold-
ings. Lohia wanted to have uniform pattern of education that is a
uniform pay-scale for all the teachers and uniform standard of
books for all the students.
CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS
Lohia was a political thinker having his indomitable faith in
indigenous and traditional institutions and ideas of India. Lohia
stood for establishment of a socialist society in India after inde-
pendence. Various ideologies influenced him. He steadfastly car-
ried out the socialist movement in post-independent India. He
thought that democracy and national freedom, together with the·
need for change, should constitute the goals of Indian socialism.
He tried to accommodate and assimilate some of the most im-
portant contributions of Gandhi to the theory and methodology
of socialism. He developed his own frame of reference and ac-
cepted only as much of Gandhism and marxism as fitted into his
framework. It is often said, "Lohia was a Gandhian among revo-
lutionaries and a revolutionary among Gandhians". He was also
a believer in the ideological purity of his thoughts and did not
hesitate to break away from his socialist colleagues like JP and
others when he found them tilting towards Congress for
certain extraneous considerations.
JAYAPRAKASH NARAYANAN (1902-1979) INTRO-
DUCTION
Jayaprakash Narayan was an Indian independence activist
and political leader. Popularly referred to as JP or Lok Nayak
("The People's Hero"), he actively participated in the civil dis-
obedience movement against British rule in India for which he
was imprisoned. Coming from an ordinary family he rose to the
level of Loknayak, by dent of his integrity, ideological purity and

121
a passion for social justice. Jayaprakash Narayan led the Bihar
Movement which was initiated by students in Bihar in 1974 in
protest against the corruption in the government of Bihar. Be-
lieving that the existing socio-economic problems of India could
be solved only within the Marxist-Leninist ideological framework,
JP outlined a comprehensive scheme of radical reforms suppos-
edly to bring about a socialist socio-economic order in the coun-
try. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Jayaprakash Narayan was born on 11 October 1902 in a
village in Saran district of Bihar. He was attracted towards
Gandhiji. His simplicity and plea for non-violence attracted Jaya
Prakash. Tilak also influenced J.P. to a large extent. His interest
in higher studies led him to USA where he stayed til 1929. His
return to India in 1929 coincided with many political develop-
ments in India's struggle for independence. In 1934 Jayaprakash
took the lead and formed the congress socialist party. This would
act as a pressure group on the parent party to take more revolu-
tionary path. From 1948 to 1951, J.P. and Lohia tried to build
up an alternative to congress party. The Praja Socialist Party
was formed. In 1954 he resigned from socialist party and with-
drew from active politics. He became active in Sarvodaya move-
ment. It was in 1973 he became active in politics and led a move-
ment for total revolution.
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL THOUGHT OF
JAYAPRAKASH NARAYAN
J.P.'s thought was influenced by several ideologies. The chief
among them is Marxism. As an intellectual he had clear perspec-
tive about how the post independent India should develop. He
was a sincere believer in socialist economic model. In 1931
Karachi session of congress, Jayaprakash clearly spelt out an
ideological frame work for econimic transformation. The resolu-
tion said, "The state shall own or control key insdustries and
services, mineral resources, railways, waterways, shipping and
other means of public transport. J.P.'s thought was influenced by
several ideologies. The chief among them is Marxism. As an

122
intellectual he had clear perspective about how the post inde-
pendent India should develop. He was a sincere believer in so-
cialist economic model. In 1931 Karachi session of congress.
Jayaprakash clearly spelt out an ideological frame work for
econimic transformation. The resolution said, "The state shall own
or control key insdustries and services, mineral resources, rail-
ways, waterways, shipping and other means of public transport
JAYAPRAKASH NARAYAN ON TOTAL REVOLUTION
OR SAMPOORNA KRANTI
Total Revolution, as a concept, was put forward by
Jayaprakash Narayan (at times referred to as JP) in the wake of
Bihar Movement in Patna on June 5, 1974. Jayaprakash
Narayan's concept of Total Revolution' is one of his most
important contributions to modem Indian political thought.
His reflections on Total Revolution crystallized out of his
experiences during the sarvodaya phase of his life. It
was also a reaction to the contemporary socio-economic
and political situation of the country. As far as the context
of Total Revolution is concerned, J.P. was dissatisfied with
1) the strategy and outcome of the sarvodaya movement
and 2) the policies of the central and state governments in
response to the Naxalite movement. Jayaprakash Narayan
had set up an ashram at Sokhodeora on the land donated
to him by Mr. J.R.D Tata, in 1954. Total Revolution signifies
a radical transformation not merely of our material conditions
but also of the moral character of the individuals. The idea was
implicit in many of Gandhi's writings and speeches. It was at this
ashram that J.P. first came across a few practical problems
associated with the sarvodaya movement. If Sarvodaya was
his aim. Total Revolution was the means to achieve it. Total
Revolution is basic change in all aspects of life. Following Gandhi,
JP recognised the necessity of change in the individual, the indi-
vidual who takes upon himself the task of changing society. "One
of the unstated implications of satyagraha would be", JP says in
his prison Diary, "a self-change, that is to say, those wanting a

123
change must also change themselves before launching any kind
of action". The three major steps of Total Revolution were:
a) The creation and organization of people's power,
b) Total and revolutionary change in all aspects of public
life and c) Development of people's government from the
lower level.
Characteristics of Total Revolution
The major features of Jayaprakash Narayan's concept
of Total Revolution include: First, the concept of Total
Revolution was based on non violence. But later on he
realized the importance of non- violence. He had told
Gandhiji that there was no need of violent social change in
India. He explained that violence always led to further
violence and to control the outbreak of mass violence,
an instrument of organized violence is required. He also
refuted the idea that violent revolutions could lead to 'swift
and sure' result. Jayaprakash Narayan agreed to Tolstoy's
famous remark which showed that at times the revolutionar-
ies tend to exploit people in the name of revolution itself.
The second major feature of J.P.'s concept of Total
Revolution includes his idea that one of the objectives of
the revolution would be to maintain the democratic struc-
ture of the state. In his notes penned down on 23 August,
1975, while still in prison, he remarked, "Total Revolution
has to be peacefully brought about without impairing the
democratic structure of society and affecting the democratic
way of life of the people." He also explained that the
functioning of democracy was not restricted to elections,
legislation planning and administration.
Thirdly, by his total revolution, J.P. meant a transfor-
mation in the internal life of individuals as well as in the
entire social structure. To Fred Bloom, the meaning that
Jayaprakash gave to Total Revolution was very simple: a trans-
formation which makes what is truly human the centre of life.

124
 Fourthly, J.P. believed that the Total Revolution was
a permanent revolution. It would continue always and keep
on changing our personal and social lives. As he put in
1976, "It will always go on and on...this revolution knows
no respite, no halt and certainly not a complete halt."' But
he continued to add that the goals of the Toted Revolu-
tion would keep on changing according to the requirements
of contemporary society.
Fifth, he assigned the role of leadership to the students.
He felt that the students were better equipped to spearhead
the revolution because they were neither swayed by power
politics nor were they burdened by the day to day struggle for
survival.
Lastly, Jayaprakash Narayam also mentioned the differ-
ence between class struggle and Total Revolution. In class
organization, Class Struggle and Social Change, he wrote that
during his association with the Sarvodaya movement, he
admitted the view that class organizations and class struggle
would lead to violence. Sarvodaya prohibited class struggle
or any class organization. Hence, with regard to the content
of Total Revolution, he had mentioned that, at different
periods total revolution might assume different forms depend-
ing on the needs of time and place and on the forces that are
contending for power
Components of Total Revolution
Total Revolution is a combination of seven revolutions. It is
a permanent revolution and is expected to move on towards
higher and higher goals. JP's concept of revolution is very com-
prehensive like that of Gandhi's. It consists of a wide spectrum
of variables. There are seven components of Total Revolution -
social, economic, political, cultural, ideological, intellectual, edu-
cational, and spiritual. JP himself thought that the Cultural Revo-
lution could include educational and ideological. Similarly, social
revolution, according to him, in the Marxian sense can cover
economic and political revolutions and even more than that. He

125
also thinks that each of the seven categories can be further split
up into sub-categories.
In the political sphere the revolution would remove all
vestiges of centralization. In the sphere of political revolution JP
follows Gandhi. In other words, if power was shared among
different echelons of the social structure starting from, say, the
village upward, the danger of centralisation could very well be
avoided. J.P's concept of democracy is logically a theory
of decentralized power and that of a party less administra-
tion. It was this approach to decentralisation of power that led
him to support the panchayati raj system. At the base of the
new political organization will be the local or primary
communities, neither so small that a balanced development
of communal life and culture become difficult, nor so large
that life in them becomes impersonalized. In plea for Recon-
struction of Indian Polity, JP rejected the western model of de-
mocracy on the ground that it did not give full scope to the people
to participate in the management of their affairs and is based on
an atomised view of society, the state being an inorganic sum of
individuals. In its place he pleaded for a model of democracy,
based on an integrated concept of society and providing the full-
est possible scope to the individual to participate in the manage-
ment of his affairs, without the intermediation of political parties.
The economic base of Total Revolution was laid on
"Marx's exploitation free society, Gandhian values of greedless
society and appropriate technology which should come
from best possible scientific research, " . J. P. was against
the strategy of large scale ndustrialization and state capital-
ism, (introduced in the guise of nationalization of indus-
tries). Industrial development should be based on small
scale industries and labor intensive enterprises. In the
economic sphere also J.P. emphasized on economic decen-
tralization and balanced regional development. At the centre
of economic development should be 'man' and hence
every adult or head of a family should be given work and

126
a minimum standard of living should be adopted. This
obviously required moral and spiritual development of
the people.
A social revolution, therefore, is basically an economic revo-
lution in the Marxian formulation. Marx's use of the term was
justified in the European context. In the Indian context, the term
'social' has a distinctive character. Due to caste divisions, a whole
panoply of rituals, hierarchy, modes of inter-caste communi-
cation, sense of pollution, marriage norms and practices,
social distance, and informal rules of behaviour have grown over
thousands of years. The task of Total Revolution in this sense is
iconoclastic. It has to break the caste barriers. And, in order to
do so, Total Revolution must evolve new norms and practices
replacing those based on caste. Inter-caste dining, abolition of
dowry system, archaic marriage rules and regulations - all must
enter the area of Total Revolution. It is in this sense that the so-
cial content of Total Revolution assumes quite an independent
dimension.
Referring to the moral and spiritual revolution J. P. wrote:
"I do not have asceticism in mind. That is for the spiritual
seekers. For the average man, for all of us
....a full material satisfaction is itself a spiritual life.
Craving excess, bad means to gather wealth, these are anti
spiritual." He was a deeply moral person and felt that
people must be taught to turn away from the consumerist
way of life. This leads to the importance of value-based
education. Education must ensure that the members of the
community are well prepared to accept new ideas.
Cultural revolution which includes spiritual - moral, ideo-
logical, intellectual, and educational At a purely personal or group
level, cultural revolution invokes a change in the moral values
held by the individual or the group. In any debate of moral val-
ues, therefore, ends and means must enter. In the cultural
sphere, he advocated a cultural resurgence based on a re
evaluation of existing values including freedom, equality

127
and brotherhood. JP used the term culture in a very compre-
hensive sense. The cultural aspect of Total revolution em-
phasized on a change in our way of living and thinking. His
obvious aim was to bring change that will improve the
quality of life and make "man more human, a minimum
standard of living should be adopted. This obviously
required moral and spiritual development of the people.
Individuals must be taught to rise above the desire of material
satisfaction.
Intellectual revolution: A change in regard to the ends -
means relationship both in the individual and group life is bound
to produce a corresponding change in the belief system, that is,
the ideology of either the individual or the group. A new ideo-
logical revolution, therefore, is bound to ensure if the organic
relationship between ends and means is accepted. As a natural
corollary to this, an intellectual revolution cannot be avoided; for
the entire ends-andmeans approach in the context of Gandhian
thought must give a new outlook to the individual or the group to
view things around them. And this is what JP means by intellec-
tual revolution.
The most important variable in the cultural change is edu-
cation. JP's scheme envisaged a thorough change in the system.
According to JP, education must be a powerful element of social
change and it should be closely linked to national development.
It should be biased in favour of the masses rather than in favour
of the upper classes. It must create a new kind of awareness
among the submerged and weaker sections of our society, so
that they feel fully integrated with the society.
During the period of 1974-79, J.P. laid profound empha-
sis on the transformation of social customs and institu-
tions. In particular he pleaded for the abolition of the caste
system and spoke vehemently against the custom of
dowry offered during marriages. In the cultural sphere, he
advocated a cultural resurgence based on a re evaluation of
existing values including freedom, equality and brother-

128
hood. The cultural aspect of Total revolution emphasized on
a change in our way of living and thinking. His obvious aim
was to bring change that will improve the quality of life and
make "man more human.
J.P. NARAYAN ON SARVODAYA
The word "Sarvodaya" is a Compound Sanskrit word
comprising "Sarva" (all) and "Udaya" (rising) - meaning all round
well being or good of all. This all "includes that the all living be-
ing. The word "sarvodaya" was coined by Gandhiji while he
was in south Africa. The word "Sarvodaya" means the welfare
of all. "Sarvodaya" is a concrete programe of social revolution.
It offers us the picture of a new social order. Sarvodaya was a
conceptual construct JP borrowed from Gandhi to cumulatively
articulate his vision of a decentralised, participatory and egalitar-
ian socio-economic and political order for the country. In the
sense of J.P. Narayan there shall be redistribution of land and no
one shall have more land than three times the economic hold-
ings. "Sarvodaya" is integral revolution or double revolution as
J.P. Narayan called it "Social Revolution" through "Human
Revolution . In 1956 at the conference of the "Asian Social-
ist" J.P. presented "Sarvodaya" as the "True read to socialism.
"sarvodaya" accepts the Universalization of self-government in
which the people should actively participate in cooperative ac-
tion. The political philosophy of "sarvodaya" is a powerful intel-
lectual attempt to build a plan of political and social reconstruc-
tion on the basis of ethical idealism. According to J.R the scheme
of the reconstruction of Indian polity and economy involving
increasing decentralization of power for the realization of "swaraj"
is in live with the ancient Hindu traditions and institutional pat-
terns of self- government. To him the revitalization of the sense
of man's belonging in a community is to be the goal of a "Sarvodaya
Worker".
ESTIMATE
Jayaprakash Narayan popularly referred to as JP or Lok
Nayak . He advocated a program of social transformation which

129
he termed Sampoorna kraanti,' total revolution'. Total Revo-
lution was the ultimate expression of the power of the
people (lok shakti); the common man who would rise up in
revolt against blatant misuse of authority. .P.'s concept of
Total Revolution aimed at the creation of a new man
and a new consciousness through far reaching changes
in the social political and economic life of the country. The
concept of Total Revolution has had both Marxist and Gandhian
origins. It is always expected to be total, touching all aspects of
life. Thus, the conceptual interventions of JP in the realm of In-
dian political thought proved to be more of theoretical value than
practical as 'JP was a dreamer and an idealist to a fault'.
CONCLUSION
Communist thought in India as its roots in the Marxist -
Leninist ideology. The Indian Marxists had never been the or-
thodox followers of Marxism. M N Roy moved, theoretically,
from Marxism to radical humanism; while EMS Nambaodiripad
sought, in practical terms, a modernised developed society in
India, especially in Kerala. As he himself admitted "elements of
Gandhism were by and large inherent in my lifestyle" even after
becoming a Marxist. As a leader, he had a democratic style of
functioning. The political philosophy of EMS is indeed a valu-
able contribution to the growth of social sciences of the contem-
porary society. E. M. S. was the last of India's firebrand Marxist
revolutionaries and theoreticians. As head of the world's first
elected Communist government in his southern home state of
Kerala in the 1950s,
Review Questions
1. Highlight the main features of Radical Humanism as pro-
pounded by M.N. Roy.
2. How far was M N Roy influenced by Marxism? On what
grounds did he differ from Marxism?
3. Trace the indigenous strands in the social and political thought
of Ram Manohar Lohia.

130
4. What is the basis of Lohia's critique of Western ideologies?
Elucidate his notion of 'New Socialism'.
5. Write a critical essay on Jayaprakash Narayan's plan for a
reconstruction of the Indian polity
6. Define the term 'total Revolution' and discus its features and
components

131
 MODULE - V

SOCIAL JUSTICE

Concept of Social Justice

Social justice is a political and philosophical concept which
holds that all people should have equal access to wealth, health,
wellbeing, justice and opportunity. It envisages rights regarding
social, economic and political matters for the all over develop-
ment of a person to live a healthy social life. The term social
justice was first used in 1840 by a Sicilian priest, Luigi Taparelli
d'Azeglio, and given prominence by Antonio Rosmini Serbati in
La Costitutione Civile Secondo la Giustizia Sociale in 1848. It
has also enjoyed a significant audience among theorists since
John Rawls book. A Theory of Justice has used it as a pseud-
onym of distributive justice. Social justice must be achieved by
adopting necessary and reasonable measures. The Concept of
Social Justice is Replete with multifarious connotations. The Idea
of welfare state is that the claims of social Justice must be
treated as cardinal and paramount. Social justice is the spirit
and vision of the Indian Constitution. It is the duty of the state to
secure a social order in which the legal system of the nation pro-
motes justice on the basis of equal opportunity and, in particular,
ensures that opportunities for securing justice are not denied to
any citizen by reason of economic or other disabilities. Ambedkar
and Sree Narayana Guru believed in equality, liberty, and social
justice. Their concept of social justice stands for the liberty, equal-
ity and fraternity of all human beings. Both argued that caste
system was the main hurdle for social justice of the land
INTRODUCTION
BHIMRAO RAMJI AMBEDKAR (1891-1956)
Ambedkar, popularly also recognized as Babasaheb was
a great patriot, social -political thinker, educationist, economist
and administrator, political reformer, parliamentarian, constitu-

132
tionalist of high order and a revivalist for Buddhism in India. He
was also the chief architect of the Indian Constitution.. He was a
true renaissance man, a person who excelled in many different
areas of inquiry. Ambedkar was champion of social justice. His
thought is centrally concerned with issues of freedom, human
equality, democracy and socio-political emancipation. Ambedkar
has often been described as one of the chief architects of the
constitution. He was a revolutionary social reformer who dem-
onstrated great faith in democracy and the moral basis of a soci-
ety. Ambedkar was posthumously awarded the Bharat Ratna,
India's highest civilian award, in 1990. Ambedkar's life was
shaped and influenced by his bitter and degrading personal ex-
periences as untouchables.
LIFE AND INFLUENCES
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was born in the untouchable
Caste in Maharashtra on 14 April, 1891. He suffered all kinds
of social humiliations in childhood as well as in his subse-
quent life on account of the stigma of untouchability. In spite of
all these hurdles, he successfully completed his graduation from
Bombay University and went on to do his Master's and Ph.D.
from Columbia University in U.S.A. He was influenced by the
liberal and radical thought currents in America and Europe,
more particularly with the thought that emerged following the
French Revolution. He formed the Bahishbit Hitkarini Sabha (
Depressed Classes Welfare Association) in1924. He started the
fortnightly journal Bahishkrit Bharat in Marathi and formed two
organisations, Samaj Samata Sangh and Samata Saillik Dal in
1927 to 1-einforce the demand for equality of the depressed
classes. In 1928, the Depressed Classes Education Society,
Bombay was founded. He was appointed as the Chairman of
the Drafting Committee of the Indian Constitution and became
the law minister in the Nehru Cabinet in August 1947.
Arnbedkar was a bitter critic of Gandhi and Gandhism.
His quest of knowing the roots of social evils can be seen in
his writings of "The Untouchables", ''The Shudra, Who were

133
they and how they come to be the fourth varna of Indo- Aryan
society", "Caste in India, its mechanism, genesis and develop-
ment" , "Hindu Social Order: Its essential principles", "Philoso-
phy of Hinduism" and 'Annihilation of Caste". His social ideas
were shaped during his formative years and matured in his later
stages of life but it remained focus on the desire for the uplift of
the down-trodden, which found expression in all his social ideas.
CONTRIBUTION OR SOCIO-POLITICAL IDEAS OF
AMBEDKAR
Arnbedkar made lot of contributions in the spheres of un-
derstanding individual, caste, Hindu Social order, champion of
human rights, problems of Hindu women, Indian minorities, na-
tion and nation building.
" Opposition to Caste System: The caste system is not
just a division of labour, but a hierarchical division of
labourers. According to Ambedkar, the Hindu scheme of
social structure based on the four Varnas or Chaturvarna
breeds inequality and has been the parent of the caste-sys-
tem and untouchability which are merely forms of inequal-
ity. To him, the 'principle of graded inequality' was prevail-
ing in Hindu society - divided the society both vertically and
horizontally. He founded the 'Bahiskrit Hitkarini Sabha' for
the upliftment of the depressed classes. He wanted the public
services to be made responsive to the needs of the weaker
sections. Annihilation of Caste is one of the foremost mono-
graphs published by Ambedkar aimed at explaining the ex-
ploitative nature of caste and calling for its annihilation in
order to secure a social order based on equal status and
dignity for all. Ambedkar was a practical reformer who af-
ter taking stock of the whole situation came to the conclu-
sion that very little could be achieved in the practical field in
the effort of abolition of caste system. He converted to Bud-
dhism and is also credited with providing a spark for the
transformation of hundreds of thousands of Dalits or un-
touchables to Theravada Buddhism. He suggested that 'edu-

134
 cation, organization and agitation' were the key elements
needed for the same.
" Social reform was always the first priority of Dr. Ambedkar.
He whispered that the economic and political issues should
be resolved only after achieving the goal of social justice.
Ambedkar distinguished the institution of untouchability from
that of caste although the former too is stamped by the same
principle of graded inequality as the fatter. Untouchability is
not merely an extreme form of caste degradation but a quali-
tatively different one as the system kept the untouchable
outside the fold and made any social interaction with him
polluting and deplorable.
" Ambedkar dwelt extensively on major religions of the world,
particularly Hinduism, Islam, Christianity and Buddhism.
Ambedkar did not go against Hinduism, but he has heavily
criticized Hindu caste/Varna system. For him, the Hindu
social order is the root cause of various social evils per-
petuated in various forms in the Indian society. Hindu-
ism is responsible for the abominable conditions of the
down-trodden, especially of lower caste and women. The
inequality in Hinduism is a religious doctrine adopted and
conscientiously preached as a sacred dogma. To him, the
depressed class was denied basic right under systematic
oppresion in Hindusm. The triumphant Brahmanism began
its onslaught on both shudra and women in pursuit of the
ideal of servility. He blamed Manu for treating women in
more or less similar way as the shudra.
" He was convinced that for social justice and progress of
the nation it was essential that conditions of women should
be improved a lot. He stood for the economic equality of
women and vehemently pleaded for the spread of women
education. Ambedkar's idea of social justice was based on
our indigenous historical, social and cultural roots. His dream
of a society based on socio- economic justice human dig-
nity and equality. He challenged the existing beliefs and deep

135
 rooted sometimes of the society and changed the society to
be the vehicle of modern values of objectivity and autonomy
of reason in the affairs of men.
" Ambedkar drafted the provisions in the constitution of
India that are guaranteed every citizens the social, eco-
nomic, political and culture rights. Ambedkar's view was
that, the government is answerable to all of society's prob-
lems, to socioeconomic political cultural civic. The essential
sense of the State, as a political community, consists in that
the society and people composing it are master and sover-
eign of their own future. In post-independence India, the
inclusion of 'judicial review' was a necessary device to give
teeth to the individual and group rights guaranteed under
the Constitution. Ambedkar described the provision enabling
the same as the 'heart of the Constitution'. He had a clear
vision of an ideal or just society based on liberty, equality
and fraternity.
" B R Ambedkar has given the constitutional remedies -
milestones of public interest litigations. He wanted to in-
corporate legal safeguards in the Constitution of India and
to bring regulatory reforms to bring equalities and to pave
way for positive discriminations towards depressed classes
including women.
" Ambedkar was a great admirer of Parliamentary system of
Government. According to him, there are three inherent char-
acteristics of the system. Firstly, free and fair elections from
time to time. Secondly, in the form of government no single
individual can presume the authority that he knows every-
thing and that he can make the laws and carry the govern-
ment. The laws are to be made by the representatives of
the people. Finally, the elected representatives, the legisla-
tures and ministers must have the confidence of the people
renewed in themselves at given periodicity.
" Ambedkar favoured the functional theory of the state. The
state was a legal and constitutional system that represented

136
 the principle of equality. He holds the liberal notion of the
state where the state represents the collective will of the
society through law and hence becomes legitimized.
Ambedkar' s idea of a federal state attaches more impor-
tance to institutional means for the solution of human affairs.
" Ambedkar's ideas on justice are closely linked up with his
concept of democracy both as a form of government and a
"mode of associated life". Ambedkar also rejected Gandhi's
Sarvodaya theory of social justice which associated both
religion and the welfare of citizens. Ambedkar is also one of
the proponents of social justice in Modern India. He tried
to achieve social justice and social democracy in terms of
'one man-one value'. His view on social justice was to re-
move man made inequalities of all shape through law, mo-
rality and public conscience.
AMBEDKAR ON SOCIAL DEMOCRACY
The most prevalent form of Government at the present time
is 'Democracy'. In the West, the Greeks claim to have invented
the Democracy. The term 'democracy' has derived from the Greek
term 'demos' and 'kratos', means people and government.
Aristotle, father of Political Science, defined democracy is a form
of government in which supreme power is in the hands of free-
men. This classical definition of democracy found echoes in John
Stuart Mill and Thomas Jefferson. Jefferson preferred that form
of democracy which provided a "government by its citizen in
mass, acting directly and personally, according to rules estab-
lished by the majority. To Walter Bagehot, democracy as "Gov-
ernment by discussion". Abraham Lincoln defined democracy as
a government of the people, by the people, and for the people.
As a liberal thinker, Ambedkar was a hardcore believer in the
value of constitutional democracy having irrevocable elements
of social and economic democracies, in addition to political de-
mocracy. In fact, Ambedkar understood it very well that the
Western pattern of democracy is not applicable to Indian sce-
nario. He strived hard for the establishment of democracy in post-

137
independence India. He expressed his anguish over the last of
the entire past heritage.
Ambedkar viewed democracy as an instrument of bringing
in relation to the change peacefully. Democracy does not merely
mean rule by the majority or government by the representatives
of the people. To him, the Hindu Social System divided the soci-
ety into Varnas and Castes and also denied the existence of lib-
erty, equality and fraternity which are the deepest concern of
democracy. If in democracy liberty does not destroy equality
and equality does not destroy liberty, it is because at the base of
both there is fraternity. Fraternity is, therefore, the root of de-
mocracy. Democracy was lost in Brahminic India. Ambedkar
interpreted the concept of democracy in Indian context. In his
opinion, democracy is not as a fixed dogma, it always changes
its form, it is not always the same in the same country and that it
always undergoes changes in purpose. Ambedkar realized that a
mere distinction between state and society, state and govern-
ment and the state and nation are not enough to serve the pur-
pose. The views of J.S.Mill, Harold.J. Laski and MacIver on
democracy were not appropriate in Indian social system be-
cause it failed to focus on the social relationship between the
people who form a society. Indian society, to Ambedkar, is based
on Castes and everything is organized on the basis of caste. The
Indian society does not consist of individuals; it consists of col-
lection of castes with utter lack of bond of sympathy or co-op-
eration. The existence of the Caste is a standing denial to the
ideals of democracy.10 He viewed "Democracy in this country
is like a summer sapling. Without social unity, the roots of sapling
cannot be strengthened. If social unity is not achieved this sum-
mer sapling of democracy, will be rooted out with gust of sum-
mer wind". He said that there are certain fundamental consider-
ations which go to the roots of democracy and which cannot be
ignored without putting democracy in peril. Ambedkar consid-
ered democracy as a historical movement.
A government for the people is only possible when the atti-

138
tude of each individual is democratic that means each individual
is prepared to treat every other individual as his equal and is
supposed to give him same liberty which he claims for himself.
This democratic attitude of mind is the result of socialisation of
the individual in a democratic society. Democratic society is there-
fore a prerequisite of a democratic government. By "Democ-
racy" Ambedkar meant, "a form and method of government
whereby revolutionary changes in the economic and social life of
the people are brought about without bloodshed". He further
said that "Democracy was a state of policy where, the governing
class failed to capture powers to govern others and where the
majority takes the reign of the instrumentalities of the state". For
Ambedkar, "Democracy is not merely a form of government. It
is primarily a mode of associated living of conjoint communi-
cated experience and to be searched in the social relationship. It
is essentially an attitude of respect and reverence towards fel-
lowmen". He believed democracy means no slavery, no caste,
and no coercion. Democracy is not a gift of nature. It is a habit of
social living and can be acquired by the people themselves for
their emancipation and well being. He was a political realist; there-
fore, he regarded democracy in its practical aspect as the social
organisation of the people in the sense that the people included
all members of society. Thus he remarked, "A democratic soci-
ety must assure a life of leisure and culture to each one of its
citizens". The main concern of his life was to make democracy
safe for the common man and for the good of his country.
He regarded that the democratic principles of life, liberty
and pursuit of happiness were essentials in human life. He sup-
ported the ideas of Constitutional separation of religion and state,
the provision of fundamental rights, and the assignment of im-
portant functions to the Judiciary for strengthening the roots of
democracy in India. For him, the purpose of modern democracy
was to being about the welfare of the people. the perpetual rule
of one class or a political party, the monopoly of the means of
production in a few hands, the curtailment of civil liberties, the

139
blind faith in democratic leaders, the atmosphere of fear and
oppression, the misuse of political authority, the negative use of
political recourses, etc., are some of the vices that can invariably
damage the basic structure of democracy. The fundamental ele-
ments of his concept of democracy were liberty, equality, frater-
nity, natural rights and justice. He believes that these are essen-
tial for complete development of personality and capacities of
every person. He believed that democracy offers every individual
to achieve social equality, economic justice and political justice
guaranteed in the Preamble of the Constitution. Therefore, in the
Constituent Assembly he had stated that mere securing political
democracy is not sufficient. It should be followed by establishing
social democracy and economic equality. His vision was the foun-
dation of social democracy in India. According to Ambedkar,
"We must make our political democracy a social democracy as
well. Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the lease
of it social democracy". Democracy is a mode of associated
living. The roots of democracy are to be searched in social rela-
tionship, in terms of the associated life between the people who
form the society.
Classification of Democracy
Ambedkar focused on three categories of democracy in
India that are (1) Political Democracy (2) Social Democracy
and (3) Economic Democracy. For him, Social and Economic
democracy are the tissues and fiber of a political democracy.
Political Democracy
Ambedkar located the political power in the people think-
ing of that it is the key to all social progress. According to him,
the soul of democracy is the doctrine of, "One man, one vote"
and "one vote, one value". What he means each and every man
to count for one. No man for more than one. It means every
government should be on the anvil both in its daily affairs and
also at the end of a certain period when the voter and electorate
would be given an opportunity to assess the work done by the
government. Democracy is unrealizable without freedom of

140
political discussion. A right to vote gives a man no real part in
controlling government unless he is free to form his own opinions
about his vote, to hear what others have to say about the issues;
and to persuade others to adopt his opinions. He further said
that "Parliamentary system of government is much more than
government by discussion. It is negation to hereditary rule. Who-
soever wants to rule must be elected by the people from time to
time. He must obtain approval of the people. There are two pil-
lars on which the Parliamentary system of government rests and
works. Those are (1) an opposition and (11) free and fair elec-
tions. In this system of government people should know the other
side if there are two sides to a question. Hence a functional op-
position is required. Opposition is the key to a free political life.
No democracy can do without it". While visualizing high political
objects, he said that democracy must in harmony with social
aims. He regarded democracy as both a social way of life and
political method. Ambedkar pointed out that there are four pre-
mises upon which political democracy rests:
(1) The individual is an end in himself.
(2) The individual has cetin inalienable rights which must be guar-
anteed to him by the Constitution.
(3) The individual shall not be required to relinquish any of his
Constitutional rights as a condition precedent to the receipt
of a privilege and.
(4) The state shall not delegate power to private persons to
govern others.
In democracy every party has the right to criticize and cap-
ture political power. The party in power tries to keep the power
in its hands. According to him, the real test of the party system
would come when the governmental power might shift from the
ruling party to some other political party or parties. Understand-
ably, Ambedkar realised that political democracy cannot suc-
ceeded where there is no social and economic democracy be-
cause these are the tissues and fiber of a political democracy.

141
Social Democracy
Ambedkar viewed that social democracy means as a way
of life which recognises liberty, equality and fraternity as prin-
ciple of life. They are not separate, they are union of trinity. De-
mocracy, to him is more than a form of government. It is a form
of the organisation of society. There are two essential condi-
tions, which characterise a democratically constituted society.
First is the absence of stratification of society into four classes.
The second is a social habit on the part of individuals and groups,
which is ready for continuous readjustment of recognition of reci-
procity of interests. He regarded a favorable social setting as a
pre-requisite for the success of democracy: without this
democracy would not last long. The formal framework of
democracy was of no value in itself and would not be appropri-
ate if there was no social democracy. Ambedkar regarded de-
mocracy as a way of life. It involved rational empiricism, empha-
sis on individual, the instrumental nature of the state, voluntarism,
and the law behind the law, nobility of means, discussion and
consent, absence of perpetual rule and basic equality in all hu-
man relations. He outlined that equality is the principle and the
substance of democracy which must be sought through social
revolution. If our society is to be become democratic, the sprit
of democracy should be slowly and peacefully introduced into
our customs and institutions. In searching out the social design of
democracy, he suggested the possibility that equality in one as-
pect, should be extended to other aspects of life, too. Democ-
racy is incompatible and inconsistent with isolation and exclu-
siveness, resulting in the distinction between the privileged and
the unprivileged. He regarded democracy as both a social and a
political method.
To end the social barriers, the inequality of caste system,
Ambedkar stressed the need of making political democracy a
social and economic democracy. For him, political democracy
could not last unless these lay at the base of it. Social democracy
recognized liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles of life.

142
They formed an inseparable trinity in a democratic social struc-
ture. Without equality, liberty would produce the supremacy of
the few over the many. Equality, without liberty, would kill indi-
vidual initiative. Without fraternity, liberty and equality could not
become a natural course of social relationship. If the fact is rec-
ognized that there was complete absence of two things in Indian
society: equality in social and economic life, then political de-
mocracy, the political authority, must strive for removing this con-
tradiction at the earliest moment, or else those who suffer from
inequality will blow up the structure of political democracy.
Economic Democracy
Economic democracy means that the economic needs of
the people are to be satisfied. No person should die in want of
food, clothing and housing, if democracy is to live up to its prin-
ciple of one man, one value. He points out that the principle of
graded inequality has been carried into the economic field. He
viewed that the democratic order must minimize the glaring in-
equalities in society. In democratic society there must be neither
an oppressed class nor an oppressor class. It is the duty of the
state to prevent the monopoly of the means of production in few
hands. To empower both the Dalits and non-Dalits economi-
cally, he proposed that the state should be given political power
for the regulation and control of both key industries and
agriculture; to this end he proposed that economic powers should
be incorporated into the body of the Constitution itself without
abrogating Parliamentary democracy and without leaving its es-
tablishment to the will of democracy.
He was aware of the fact that capitalism makes democracy
meaningless as it cannot protect the individual freedom and rights
from the invasion of others rights. He, therefore, advocated for
establishment of State Socialism to retain Parliamentary democ-
racy and avoided dictatorship to safeguard individual liberty and
to make it sure that the law of the Constitution prevailed to save
both democracy and socialism. In his book, 'States and Minori-
ties', he proposed for the adaptation of an economic political

143
system as a new venture to benefit the poor masses of our soci-
ety. Ambedkar suggested the following proposals:
(a) Insurance shall be a monopoly of the state.
(b) Agriculture shall be a state industry.
(c) Land will belong to the state and shall be let out to villagers
without distinction of caste or creed.
(d) There will be no landlord, no tenant and landless labourer.
(e) Rapid industrialisation of economy under the complete su-
pervision and control of the state should be initiated
To protect the citizen against economic exploitation he pro-
posed to include certain provisions on fundamental rights. He
introduced the Directive Principles of State Policy with the ob-
ject to establish economic democracy in India.
Challenges to Democracy in India
Democracy is understood to be a political instrument and
where this political instrument exits, there is democracy. There
are several factors that pause challenges to the democracy.
" The existence of the Caste system is a standing denial to the
existence of ideals society and to the democracy. Thus, there
is no room for the down-trodden and the outcastes in poli-
tics, industry, commerce, and in education.
" The Caste system accompanied by the principle of 'Graded
Inequality' also put a great threat to democracy. It results
into a separation of society, into a privileged and a subject
class.
" The fixation of occupation in caste system also cuts the very
roots of democracy.
Conditions for successful working of democracy
(1) There must be no glaring inequality in the society. There
must not be an oppressed class.
There must not be a suppressed class. There must not be a
class, which has got all the privileges, and a class, which
has got all the burdens to carry.

144
(2) The existence of an opposition;- The opposition is a condi-
tion precedent for democracy
(3) Equality in law and administration;
(4) Observance of constitutional morality;- violation of Consti-
tutional morality would damage the Constitution and the de-
mocracy as well.
(5) No tyranny of the majority;- The minority must feel always
safe that although the majority is carrying on the Govern-
ment, the minority is not being hurt, or the minority is not
being hit below the belt.
(6) Moral order of society: -Ethics is something separate from
politics. If there is no moral order, democracy will go to
pieces and
(7) Public conscience Public conscience means conscience
which becomes agitated at every wrong or injustice.
Things necessary for maintenance of democracy
" Constitutional methods
" Not to lay liberties at the feet of a great man
" Make a political democracy a social democracy
AMBEDKAR ON STATE SOCIALISM
Ambedkar studied several features of Marxism and favoured
some Marxist principles. He usually subscribed to the material
view of history and agreed to the need for a total change for
bringing in relation to the equality. He also accepted the thought
of public ownership of property. Though, he did not become a
Marxist. The other significant diversity of socialism was Demo-
cratic Socialism. Ambedkar's firm belief in democracy attracted
him to this ideology. He felt that socialism necessity function within
a democratic framework. Democracy and socialism need not be
opposed to each other. Therefore, in 1947, Ambedkar pro-
pounded the thought of 'State socialism'. Even earlier, when fie
recognized the Self-governing Labour Party in 1937, he had
adopted a broadly socialist programme. The name of the party
itself designates that it was to be a party of all depressed classes.

145
Its programme incorporated state management of significant in-
dustries and bringing in relation to the a presently economic sys-
tem. The party wanted to ensure minimum average of livelihood
for agricultural and industrial workers.
State socialism means that the state would implement a so-
cialist programme by controlling the industrial and agricultural
sectors. To him, the state will actively manage both the industry
and the agriculture. This will ensure equitable sharing of wealth
and protect the needy and the poor. Rapid industrial progress
and welfare of all the parts of the civilization will be the respon-
sibility of the state. Though, the democratic organizations such
as the parliament will also remain intact. In 1947, Ambedkar
suggested that the Constitution of India should incorporate the
principle of State Socialism. This thought of State Socialism shows
that Ambedkar was aware of the troubles of poverty and eco-
nomic inequality. So, he attached much importance to the role of
the government. Government, just as to him, has to perform the
role of a welfare agency. It has to ensure rapid progress and
presently sharing of the fruits of that progress.
CONCLUSION
Babasaheb Ambedkar is one of the foremost thinkers of
modern India. Ambedkar was a great social revolutionary. The
social thought of Ambedkar basically revolves around the idea
of understanding the dynamics of caste system in India and wag-
ing a tireless crusade against the curse of untouchability. He em-
phasizes that democracy is a tool in the hand of ordinary people
to further their interests and safeguard human values and dignity.
His vision was not to establish a mere political democracy but
social democracy, what he calls a way of life which recognises
liberty, equality and fraternity as the principle of life. He
endeavoured to rouse self consciousness and self respect among
the Depressed Classes. Resting on Ambedkar's thoughts, the
Indian Constitution guarantees equal rights to all, based on so-
cial justice and human dignity.

146
AMBEDKAR AND GANDHI
Mohandas K. Gandhi and Bhimjirao Ambedkar are among
the major makers of modern India. Their public careers began
early as Gandhi's in South Africa in the mid-1890s and
Ambedkar's in western India in the early 1920s. They
maintained the momentum in their struggles for justice and
equality until the very end of their lives. Gandhi and Ambedkar
offered specific goals for and pathways to the creation of a just
social order in India. They differed over objectives as well as the
methods for achieving their ends. In their long public careers,
both of them addressed a number of crucial social and political
issues. Both Gandhi and Ambedkar represented separate inter-
est groups and to quote Arundhati Roy, "their battle unfolded in
the heart of India's national movement. Both contributed to the
equality, justice, freedom and to the social advancement of the
downtrodden caste, social reforms, upliftment of women, sought
social transformation through democratic and peaceful means.
To Gandhi, freedom was never to be bestowed where as
Ambedkar viewed that bestowing of freedom by the imperial
rulers. Ambedkar mobilized people on the basis of caste and
Gandhi mobilized people on the basis of religion.
However, both had fundamental differences on different
political and social issues. If Gandhi idealized village India,
Ambedkar rejected it for its backwardness, especially the op-
pression of untouchables. Unlike the Mahatma, Ambedkar was
a moderniser with a tolerant eye for the West. Gandhi perceived
depressed classes to be an integral part of Hindu society, whereas
Ambedkar somewhat tried to advance a kind of two-nation
theory-one is the ruling nation of high castes and another is the
subject nation of untouchable classes. To Ambedkar, the Un-
touchables were not a part of the Hindus but "a part apart". While
Ambedkar was in favour of annihilation of caste system as it was
beyond reforms; Gandhi wanted to reform it by changing the
hearts and minds of high Castes. Gandhi did not support the
abolition of caste system or Varnashrma order. Ambedkar stood

147
for the annihilation of caste. He saw untouchability as a funda-
mental result of it, and believed there could be no alleviation, no
uplift, no relief without the abolition of caste. Gandhi was not
simply a devoted Hindu, but also a fervent believer in his idealised
version of "varnashrama dharma". He felt that what he consid-
ered to be the benign aspects of caste-its encouragement of a
certain solidarity-could be maintained while removing hierar-
chy and the evil of untouchability. This was in fact the essence of
his reformism
Gandhi believed in peaceful political struggles like non-co-
operation and civil disobedience and other forms of Satyagrah,
but Ambedkar had developed deep faith in the constitutional
means of change and improvement. Gandhi's vision for future
India was more broad-based as it considered the accommo-
dation of all castes and communities. Ambedkar vision was con-
fined to improvement and empowerment of depressed classes.
Gandhi argued that caste conflict is not the permanent feature of
Indian society. Gandhi and Ambedkar have different opinion with
respect to Gram Swarajya. While Gandhi gave a central place
to village autonomy and self- sufficiency in his vision of future
India, Ambedkar was highly critical of the village as a unit of
local administration. He claimed that the village in India is a den
of localism, communalism and narrow interests. The empower-
ment of village Panchayats would thus lead to erosion of indi-
vidual liberty. Mahatma Gandhi was skeptical of powers given
to the state and advocated more powers to the society itself.
Whereas Ambedkar advocated more powers to the state and
was skeptical of the society. Gandhiji advocated that in our country,
religion could not be separated from politics while Nehru and
Ambedkar differed greatly on the issue and promoted secular-
ism. In 1931, Gandhi and Ambdkar continued to have serious
differences. While the latter wanted reserved seats and separate
electorates for the Untouchables, the former wouldn't hear of it.
Gandhi's reason for opposing separate electorates was his
fear that it would disrupt the Hindu community. He said.

148
separate electorates will create division among Hindus so
much that it will lead to bloodshed. The differences between
Gandhi and Ambedkar still continue to haunt the various
Dalit movements and reformist Hindu organisations. In sum,
there were important, irreconcilable differences between Gandhi
and Ambedkar.
INTRODUCTION
SREE NARAYANA GURU (1856 -1928)
Sri Narayana Guru was a prophet, sage and Hindu saint
and also a social reformer of India. He was born in the family of
Ezhavas, in a period when people from backward communities,
like, the Ezhavas faced much social injustices in the caste-ridden
Kerala society. Gurudevan, as he was fondly known to his fol-
lowers, revolted against casteism and worked on propagating
new values of freedom in spirituality and of social equality, thereby
transforming the Kerala society and as such he is adored as a
prophet. He preached for moral and religious universalism. Sri
Narayana Guru had constructed temples that were open to all,
irrespective of caste and gave prime importance to education as
a tool for enlightenment.
KERALA SOCIETY DURING NINETEENTH AND
TWENTIETH CENTURIES
Kerala had a casteless society at the beginning of its his-
tory. The Aryan settlers foisted the division of the people
into four well-defined castes on Kerala society by subtle
methods. In the traditional Kerala society caste determined the
socio-economic and political status of an individual or group.
The Hindu society of the age was organized on the basis of the
caste system. The 'Chathurvarnya System' which was believed
to have invoked since the 11th century all over the subcontinent
had its impact here also. The Brahmins stood at the top of the
social hierarchy and among them the Namboodiris (the Malayalee
Brahmins) were reckoned as the highest in rank. Next below the
Nairs in social rank were the Thiyyas or the Ezhavas. Then there
were the Kammalas or artisan classes, the Mukkuvas or the
149
fisher-folk and several other castes like the Pulayas, Kuravas,
Parayas etc; but they occupied only a low status in society and
were subjected to all kinds of disabilities. The chief character-
istic of Kerala society during nineteenth century was the deep
social stratification based on the caste system.
The disabilities which the Depressed Classes suffered with
regard to the use of amenities such as wells, roads and temples
or status symbols such as dress and ornaments were generally
more severe in Kerala. The untouchable communities like Pulayas,
Parayas and other similar caste began to suffer from various kinds
of disabilities viz. economic, education, social, occupational,
political and religious. "Unapproachability" and "unseeability" were
also part of untouchability was prevalent in Kerala. The com-
mon people were prohibited from walking through public roads
and drawing water from public wells. The womenfolk of the
Avarnas were forbidden to wear blouse or jacket and com-
pelled to go half dressed. Seeing the state of affairs, Swami
Vivekananda had called Kerala as "Lunatic Asylum".
THE BEGINNING OF SOCIAL RENAISSANCE
Western colonisation stripped the traditional systems
of society and tried to change the whole Socio-cultural
systems. In the nineteenth century, Kerala witnessed a
cultural and ideological struggle against the backward elements
of the traditional culture and the ideological hegemony of
the Brahmanas. Social mobility in Kerala was multi- dimen-
sional. Its main goal was the eradication of all forms of discrimi-
nation and exploitation during the centuries. As a result of the
colonial domination, the spread of education, the
commercialisation of the new agrarian economic order, the
development of transport and communication, the western
concept of private property in land, the modernisation of public
administration etc. brought about social change in the nineteenth
century Kerala. The most important contribution given by the
British government for the social change was in the field of edu-
cation. With the joint effort of the Christian Missionaries and

150
communal organisations, the British government did a praise-
worthy work in providing educational facilities to all commu-
nities in Kerala. The foundation of western education was laid in
Kerala at the beginning of nineteenth century. The Christian Mis-
sionaries did the spade work in the field of education,
and they are considered the pioneers in English education and
female education in Kerala. The activities in education improved
the standard of Uteracy both in the higher and the lower strata of
the society.
The indigenous renaissance movements can be seen in early
days in Kerala society when the cultural and literary reforma-
tions had been developed by the activities of Tuiicattu
Ramanujan Ezhuttacchan and the Bhakti movement. During the
second half of the nineteenth century, as a result of colonial inter-
vention in the society and the continuity of reacting to the
tradition of indigenous thoughts brought with it the tenden-
cies of modem renaissance movement in Kerala. It is not easy
to determine the time of the beginning of this process. But the
powerful modem movement came in to the society only
after the colonial intervention in the state. Though there were
many educated persons who had dexterity in western languages
among the leaders of the Indian renaissance movement, some
of them like, Swaminarayana in Gujarath, Mahima Gosai in
Orissa and Ayya Vaikundar, Sri Narayana Guru and
Chattampi Swami in Kerala had little knowledge in western
ideas and languages. They are considered as the leaders of the
transitional renaissance movement in India. Movements started
by Sri Narayana Guru were transitional and the source of his
ideas was indigenous. Sri Narayana Guru was called transi-
tional leader but most of his disciples and colleagues were
well versed in English and educated in modem institutions.
SOCIO-RELIGIOUS REFORM MOVEMENTS
In the beginning of the nineteenth century synchronising
with the starting of the intellectual awakening, arose social
reformations throughout India. The Brahma Samaj formed in

151
Bengal by Ram Mohan Roy and Arya Samaj in Punjab
by Dayananda Saraswati set in motion a new wave of thought
among the intelligentsia. The Movements in Kerala in the late
nineteenth and the early decades of twentieth century was a by-
product of the great socio-religious awakening witnessed all
over India earlier.
The latter half of the nineteenth century witnessed various
social reform movements in Kerala. The Kerala society awak-
ened from the age long slumber by the activities of various social
reformers and the society started showing the symptom of social
renaissance. The co operation given by the colonial rulers through
as a part of their political hegemony, provided, a new impetus
for the social reform movements n Kerala. The most aspect of
social reform movements in Kerala during the nineteenth century
was the awakening of the lower caste people and their struggle
against the evils of the Hindu society. This period marked an
important turning point n the history of modern Kerala as it paved
the way for the revolutionary changes in the social life of people.
The famous social reformers of Kerala came from both lower
and higher caste background. Their caste perspective was clear
from the nature of the issues they espoused. But well organised
movements were initiated and led by the middle class and the
high castes under the influence of both traditional and western
ideas.
The social condition of Kerala inspired many social reformers
to come forward to fight against this social in equalities and evil
customs existed in Kerala society. Sree Narayana guru was an
important name in this regard. He provided significant contribu-
tions to the social history of Kerala by his commitment to the
social activities. Sree narayana guru was a spiritual leader who
shook the foundations of linguistic caste system prevailed in
Kerala. Ideas and activities liberated the down trodden neglected
masses of low castes from their age old sufferings and ignorance.
He questioned the then existed evil customs and rituals. Thus he
brought about changes in Kerala society to a large extent. He

152
lead the low castes especially the ezhava community towards
progress through education and helped that community to be
self reliant through communal organization.
SREE NARAYANA GURU: EARLY LIFE AND RE-
FORM WORKS
Sree Narayana Guru was born in the year 1856AD at
Chempazhanthi in the suburbs of thiruvananthapuram, the capi-
tal of Kerala. He was born in a poor family and his father 'Madan
Asan' as he title Asan shows, looked upon with respect by the
villagers. His mother's name was Kutti Amma. They belong to
the Vayalvaram family which is still existing near the Manakkal
Bhagavathy Temple. His parents called him 'Nanu' he learned
Tamil, Malayalam and Sanskrit from his father. In 1921, at a
conference of all fraternity he proclaimed a message "Oru Jaati,
Oru Matam Oru Daivam, Manushyanu"- One Caste, One reli-
gion, One God for mankind. Sri Narayana Guru has Given most
attention for the education and spreading knowledge to the
people. Education is the sole tool for the attainment of individual
freedom and self respect.
Subdued for centuries by the Brahmin and the Nayar castes,
regarded as outside the fourfold structure of the caste system,
the Ezhavas, nevertheless, retained a pride even in their position
as the leading caste of the outcastes, and during the nineteenth
century developed a great will to rise above the limitations which
society had laid upon them, a will personified most dynamically
in the teachings of Sri Narayana Guru, who was himself an
Ezhava. Revolution was motivated and catalyzed by a most un-
believable revolutionary, a conventional Shaivite vedantin, an
ascetic and monk who wrote a number of devotional songs in
Tamil, Sanskrit and Malayalam and he was Sri Narayana Guru.
When one discusses about Sri Narayana Guru, one uses
superlatives in order to compare the great saint with a list of
notables. Guru was the famous reformer in Hinduism to come
out to the southern parts of India since the incomparable Adi
Sankara. Narayana Guru was the champion of the rights of lower

153
caste oppressed Hindus in the twentieth century, and was more
flourishing than the better known Dr. Ambedkar and Mahatma
Gandhi. He overturned the social system of entire Kerala, while
following simple means unlike the works of EV Ramaswamy
Naicker in the state of Tamil Nadu. The revolutionary reformer,
whose call for self improvement and self reliance touched deli-
cately the heart of the oppressed class all over the world.
In 1887 Sri Narayana Guru started his own career as
a great religious and social reformer. He was very much
affected by the social inequalities to which the low-castes had
been subjected at that time. Sri Narayana Guru decided to resist
the high caste for he upliftment of the depressed classes. In
those days temples were under the exclusive monopoly of
Brahmins. His first act was the challenge thrown against this
monopoly of Brahmins through founding and consecrating temples
by himself;
The Aruvipuram consecration of Siva was a landmark in
the history of social revolution in Kerala was a great blow to
caste-ridden- Hinduism. This great even happened on a
shivarathriday in 1888. It was very simple and great as well.
Narayana Guru picked up a stone from the river Neyyar and
installed it on a pedestal with silent prayer. Thus the consecra-
tion of
'Sivalinga' completed. A large crowd witnessed this great
historical event in the social and spiritual history of India. The
right to conseration was vested only with Brahmins during that
period. Guru was not a Brahmin and he was not even a 'Sudra'.
He was totally outside of the fourfold 'Varnas' Guru gave a mes-
sage to be engravel on the temple wall. It read Sri Narayana
Guru wrote Atmopadeshakasatakam, an original Vedanta dur-
ing his stay at Aruvipuram. Under the leadership of the Swami
which was registered in June 1903 with twenty four member
from the eleven yogams responsible for the management of the
Aruvipuram Temple. In 1903 the Swami established the
shivagirimutt at Varkala. 1905 Guru introduced certain changes

154
in the marriage ceremony and expressed his desire for the eradi-
cation of customs like 'Thalikettu' Thirandu - Kalyanam', 'animal
sacrifice' and drinking. Guru visited North Malabar in 1906 and
he founded a temple at Trichur.
In 1904, an Ezhava conference was held at Paravur
(Quilon) under Guru's Chairmanship for the uplift of the com-
munity. In this conference the Guru decided to put an end to the
evil practices like 'Thalikettu', Thirandukuli, Pulikudi etc and to
evolve a new code for the conduct of marriages. According
to him the marriage must be simple and the participants
should not exceed ten persons - groom, their parents, one com-
panion each of the girl and the groom, a priest and an impor-
tant man of the locality. The Guru added that the priest is to hand
over the garlands, his heart brimful of the thought of God.
Marriage should be registered in the book kept for that purpose.
The Guru was also concerned with educational and economic
aspects besides the social problems. To the Guru education ap-
propriate to the times was the sine-qua-non of all progress. Not
only men but also women must be educated. The Guru encourged
adult literacy and establishment of libraries in every locality.
Vivekodayam magazine started by the S.N .D. P. Yogam played
an important role for the uplift of the community. Most of the
temples he established have schools attached to them ccording
to the Guru after education, industry is the next important thing
for the uplift of the community.
At Varkala, he established also a weaving school where
pupils got free elementary instruction in weaving. It has helped
man to acquire a means of livelihood. In order to make our eco-
nomic power sufficient through industry and commerce, what is
required is the involvement of the rich. Only moneyed people
can import appropriate machinery and start small scale indus-
tries as well as handicrafts. Industrial progress is an important
thing for social advancement and elevation of economic posi-
tion of the community Guru as a Humanist The guru a unique
'~knin of action' took the role of not only a saint and philoso-

155
pher but also a humanist in his life. An assertion of the Guru
"Man is not for Religion, Religion is for man" is a thorough going
statement of the philosophy of humanism. Like Vivekananda,
the true correlation between Karmayoga and humanism is found
in him. In Atmopadesa Satakam the emphasis is laid on man.
According to him the urge for freedom or salvation enables man
to acquire knowledge and thus he conquers his environment by
knowing. He stated that self- instruction is the best means to
know one self and world. The Guru projected a God who would
stand the test of reason and a religion which served progressive
human and social purpose. The message such as 'One Caste,
One Religion, One God, for Man1 and Whatever be the reli-
gion, it suffices if it makes a better man," propounded by the
Guru reveals himself as a true humanist and internationalist. Even
though he was a rustic saint he boldly envisaged the concept of
'One World' many decades back. This concept emerges only
from a man who is an unstinted believer in humanity. Accord-
ing to the Guru caste was not determined by God. If caste is
necessary, let everyone be a Brahmin. To call oneself a Sudra
is to admit inferiority. The Guru's opinions were unambiguous
and categorical. Both agreed in removing unouchability. At Sivagiri
the Guru trained untouchable boys for priesthood along with
other Hindu Children. As Shri Narayana Guru was a double
pronged drive to reach the goal of love and fellow through
social change. With the historic consecration of the Sivalinga at
Aruvippuram, the thrust began. It was energetically followed up.
One after the other, many more places of worship sprang up.
"Simultaneously the temple sabha started at Aruvippuram be-
came a broad based forum to agitate against social and political
discrimination. Its goal was to usher in the new social order to
make universal the model abode ideal the Guru had announced
at Aruvippuram.
SREE NARAYANA DHARMA PARIPALANA YOGAM
The revolutionary activity of Sri Narayana Gum started an
ideological battle against the caste discriminations in the society

156
and the traditional evil practices prevalent among the Ezhava
community. The attempt of idol installation at Aruvippuram was
his debut in the social activities of Kerala. It was the most impor-
tant proclamation of human equality and had produced results
which eventually changed the face of the socio-religious-eco-
nomic-political life of Kerala. He found the man suggested by
Swami Vivekananda and soon the SNDP was founded on May
1903. The first annual session of the Yoga was held at
Aruvippuram in 1904 under the guidance of Sri Narayana
Guru. The rise of SNDP Yoga dedicated to the cause of communs
and social reform helped to supplement the activities of Sri
Narayana Guru and other social reformers. The basic aim of
SNDP was to popularise the message of Sri Narayana Guru
and bring about the social and spiritual regeneration of the
Ezhavas and other backward communities. Thus the SNDP
movement through its numerous activities proved highly useful in
the struggle for social equality. The movements of the SNDP
Yoga brought about radical- socio-economic changes in the
life of the people particularly that of the Dalits in Kerala. SNDP
played quite decisive and distinctive role in the evolution of
modern Kerala. The Yogam says it works for the welfare of the
disadvantaged sections of the society, but essentially concen-
trates its activities among the Ezhava community, the single larg-
est Hindu community in Kerala forming about a quarter of the
state's population. The SNDP Yogam is now led by Vellappally
Natesan as its general secretary for the past about two decades.
One of the greatest achievements of S.N.D.P. Yogam was the
consolidation of the entire Ezhavas of Kerala who were spread
out in different regions under different names.
SREE NARAYANA GURU ON UNIVERSALISM AND
SECULARISM
Sree Narayana Guru's attitude to religion is worth
elaboration because of his profound scholarship, incisive intel-
lect and independent thinking. He had understood the teachings
of all religions and came to the conclusion that there was no

157
fundamental difference between their basic principles. The
aim of all religions is to attain happiness. The action leading
to Self - happiness should be the gist of all religions. This is the
only religion, according to the Guru
In the concept of religion the Guru tried to reveal the essen-
tial oneness of all religions. According to him, humanity is rooted
in one single religion. The rivers emerging from various moun-
tains, converge into the oneness of the ocean, so all religions
merge into the single, eternal object. Different religions continu-
ously strive for the attainment of this oneness. Thus, what is re-
vealed from these endeavours is the irrefutable evidence that there
is only one religion. he Guru's concept of One Religion is a call
for human dignity which in essence gives every man the re-
sponsibility of preserving the honour and freedom of his
fellow men to live in equality and well-being. According to the
Guru, the aim of all religions is to attain happiness. Life is a sort
of progression from the past to the future. In this process, it be-
comes inevitable for human beings to reckon with the unbridled
sense of freedom on the one side and total dependence on na-
ture on the other, and to harmonize these two extreme poles.
Here comes the necessity in human life of harmonizing the free
will of a person with the will of nature, otherwise known as des-
tiny In this context, religions promise that people can reconcile
their personal freedom with the overall flow of nature which seems
to care for nothing.
Religion prepares us to perceive these two faces as per-
taining to a neutral overall Reality and scheme of life. When the
Guru declares "One Religion for Man", his exhortation is to re-
gain one's universal identity with Self-knowledge. Self-knowl-
edge well-known as atma -vidhyais understanding oneself, as an
individual being in relation to his environment. It is because of
this, Nataraja Guru defines religion as a whole-hearted relation-
ship between man with his fellow men or with some unseen value
- factors. To him, Happiness refers to a supreme human value in
whose light all other motives are only secondary consider-

158
ations or particular instances. Happiness as the aim of man
gives unity to human purpose and brings all religions, faiths or
creeds under its single sway In India religion is called dharma
because it sustains all the traditionally preserved essential values
of lifeo highlight the realization of the essential oneness of all
religions, Narayana Guru organized a Parliament of Reli-
gions at Advaithashramam, Aluva, in 1924. This was the first
'All Religions Meet' organized in Asia.
In the envoi of the poem entitled Anukampa Dasakam, the
Guru pays homage to the truth behind life as the highest human
value applying directly to a spiritual life without any religious col-
oration Accordingly, the Guru wants us to live as one single hu-
man community, whatever be the religion. This is very much the
ideal place for mankind according to India's ancient rishis -
Vasudhaiva Kudumbakam. This is exactly spiritual globalisation,
which Sri Narayana Guru did not named but since this is the era
of globalisation we are honour to honour Sri Narayana Guru as
a first man to bring spiritual globalisation to the earth.
CONCLUSION
Sree Narayana Guru was an embodiment of all virtues, val-
ues and rare qualities seldom found in human race. He was a
saintly contemplative man who could impart wisdom and give
enlightenment to a seeker of truth. His teachings are straight for-
ward and simple, bringing out spiritual, moral and material revo-
lution. Sree Narayana Guru was treasure house of knowledge
and wisdom. His greatness and purity is to be experienced by
swimming through the ocean of knowledge revealed through his
writings, lofty messages and personal life. Guru taught the people:
"Gain strength through organization" and put this into practice.
The message of Sree Narayana Guru was not intended for the
Keralites alone, but to the whole of humanity. He longed to
see human beings united in 'one caste, one religion, one god
for man'. The teachings of the Guru, especially to gain wisdom
through education, are increasingly becoming relevant.

159
Review Questions
1. Evaluate the contributions of Ambedkar as the champion of
the cause of untouchables in the Indian society.
2. Write an essay on the contribution of Ambedkar to modern
India
3. Elaborate on Ambedkar's concept of social democracy
4. Compare and contrast the socio political ideas of Gandhi
and Ambedkar
5. Assess the reason and impact of Kerala renaissance
6. Delineate the contribution of Sri Narayana Guru to Kerala
Renaissance
7. Relevance of Sri Narayana Guru 's teaching to present
Kerala society

160
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