REACTION TO REVOLUTION

The Congress of Vienna: 1814-1815

After Napoleon’s exile in 1814, the

great powers assumed that a new order
would prevail in Europe. Accordingly,
in September 1814, all the states of
Europe assembled in Vienna for a peace
conference. Their task was to remake
the make of Europe and establish some
means of maintaining peace and security
after Napoleon’s attempt to extend
French influence over the entire
continent. Of immediate concern was
the establishment of a balance of power
which would prohibit any of the great
powers from threatening the security of
its neighbors. In addition, domestic
security was to be preserved from the
unsettling new ideologies of nationalism
and liberalism.

Each of the European states sent

representatives to the Congress meeting
in Vienna but the decision-making
power rested with four – Great Britain,
Austria, Russia, and France. Although
Prussia was included as one of the great
powers, its influence was limited. The
inclusion of France in the Congress and
the equilibrium established by the
territorial settlement ensured a longer
period of stability on the continent than
might otherwise have ensued. The
Vienna meeting was chaired by Prince
Metternich (1773-1859), the Austrian
foreign minister: Great Britain was
represented by Viscount Castlereagh,
Prussia by Furst von Hardenberg,
France by Talleyrand, and Russia by
Tsar Alexander I.

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Conservatism

Post-Napoleonic Europe was dominated by the traditions fostered by counter-

revolutionary conservatism. In an attempt to establish stable governments, the great
powers were determined to reinstate legitimate heads of state and the rights of the
aristocracy as much as possible, and therefore the settlement was viewed by liberals as a
return to the old system.

However, the liberal and nationalist movements unleashed by the French

Revolution had terrified the upper classes and demonstrated the instability that could
result from mass movements. As such, the great powers were in agreement: just as
cooperation had won the war against Napoleon, cooperation was now vital in order to
maintain the peace. They recognized that reinstating governments that shared these
values would provide the necessary moral authority to strengthen the territorial balance of
power and thereby lay the foundation for the peace settlement.

The main concern of the victorious allies was to establish a French government
and French boundaries to make sure that France could no longer threaten its neighbors.
First, the Bourbon dynasty headed by Louis XVIII was restored to power in France after
Napoleon’s abdication in 1814. Louis represented a compromise between Royalists and
Republicans. The great powers agreed that he was the best choice for stability in France
and set out to ensure that the territorial settlement would not be punitive. He issued a
constitutional charter, a document that acknowledged the legal equality of French (male)
citizens, reconciliation with the Church, abolition of feudalism, and maintenance of the
Napoleonic Code. The charter did, however, assert that the rule of Louis XVIII was
theoretically absolute and he was granting these powers out of his own beneficence.

The key to containing French power lay in central Europe. The German states, if
returned to the fragmented condition that existed during the days of the Holy Roman
Empire, would be too weak to withstand potential encroachment by stronger neighbors.
However, a united Germany at this stage was considered a threat to the balance of power.
The organization established by Napoleon in the Confederation of the Rhine provided a
compromise as the 300 German states had been reduced to 39. Prussia and Austria would
now be balanced in power to prevent French encroachment from the west or Russian
expansion from the east.

Territorial Settlement

Territorial settlement had begun even before the Congress of Vienna convened when the
first Treaty of Paris was signed on 30 May 1814. This agreement established the French
borders as they had been in 1792. These borders enclosed some minor territorial
acquisitions from the early days of the revolutionary wars. Although there were some
cries for vengeance from areas of Europe which had endured Napoleonic occupation, the
great powers were determined to create a settlement that would not result in an aggrieved
France. It was imperative to the stability of Europe that the French government be
allowed some measure of dignity and international prestige.

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 This generous mood changed after Napoleon’s return from Elba. Now the French
borders were rolled back to those of pre-revolutionary France. In addition, France was
now required to return all art treasures plundered in the Napoleonic Wars and to pay an
indemnity of 700 million francs. France would also be required to pay the cost of
occupation forces stationed in seventeen frontier garrisons on its eastern border for up to
five years to ensure that France maintained its commitment to peace.

In order to contain future French expansion, a buffer zone of strong states was
established on its borders. The Netherlands and Belgium were joined under the
hereditary monarch of the House of Orange. To the southeast, the state of Piedmont-
Sardinia was strengthened with the addition of Genoa, Nice, and Savoy. Both Prussia
and Austria were strengthened in order to provide the balance of power deemed
necessary in the German states. Prussia received territories on the left bank of the Rhine,
and Austria was given control of northern Italy (Lombardy, Tuscany, and Venetia). The
German states were to number 39 including Prussia, Austria, and the kingdoms of
Bavaria, Saxony, and Wurttemberg.

The first territorial crisis the Congress participants faced was over the issues of
Poland and Saxony when the Grand Duchy of Warsaw created by Napoleon collapsed.
Alexander I wanted to recreate the kingdom of Poland and make himself its constitutional
ruler. Prussia was in agreement provided that all of Saxony went to Prussia. The
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proposal, presented by Russia and Prussia to the Congress of Vienna, alarmed both
Metternich and Castlereagh as it suggested Russian westward expansion and a
disproportionate Prussian influence in the German states.

The Polish-Saxon question was debated at length and seemed to have no

acceptable resolution. Finally, Talleyrand used his diplomatic skill to take advantage of
the dissension between the great powers. On 3 January 1815, he convinced Metternich
and Castlereagh to sign a secret treaty with France agreeing to use force, if necessary,
against Russia and Prussia to prevent their enlargement in central Europe. When news of
the secret treaty leaked out, Alexander I agreed to a compromise giving a smaller share of
Poland to Russia and creating “Congress Poland” to be governed by a Russian grand
duke. Prussia agreed to take only two-fifths of Saxony leaving the remainder to the kind
of Saxony. Thus the most contentious territorial issue was settled.

Other territorial issues were resolved

by the Congress without difficulty.
Switzerland was declared independent
and was guaranteed neutrality.
Denmark’s king lost Norway to a new
dynasty in Sweden (Norway retained a
degree of autonomy in internal affairs).
In turn, Finland was confirmed as a
state to be ruled by the Russian tsar.
Great Britain enlarged its colonial
possessions by acquiring the Cape of
Good Hope and Ceylon from Holland
as well as Malta and Heligoland from
France. From this time forward for
many years, Britain would have
undisputed mastery of the seas. Thus,
while a balance of power was in place
on the European continent, no other
major power could offset the naval
power of Britain until the turn of the
century when Germany attempted to
equal British naval strength by
increasing the size of its navy.

The balance of power that the Congress of Vienna established was centered in the
strength of the Hapsburg Empire. In addition to the importance of Austria as a counter-
weight to Prussia in the German Federation, the Hapsburg Empire, with its control of
northern Italy, prevented French expansion in the Italian peninsula. Austria’s presence in
the Balkans also served to thwart Russian designs there. Indeed, many historians credit
the maintenance of the peace settlement to the preservation of the status quo in Germany
and Italy by the conservative Metternich system. By the mid-nineteenth century the
Hapsburg Empire was weakened to the point of being unable to control its possessions.

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The unification of Germany and Italy upset the balance of power which had been
established by the Congress of Vienna.

The wartime coalition that had defeated Napoleon formed the basis for the
Quadruple Alliance, established in November 1815. France was allowed to join in 1818,
creating a pentarchy of Britain, Russia, Prussia, Austria, and France. The major powers
agreed to act in concert against any state that threatened the stability of the European
continent. They agreed to act together to suppress any attempts to overthrow legitimate
rulers or to change any of the borders that were established in 1815.

In September 1815, Tsar Alexander I proposed a “holy alliance” of the great

powers to prevent war and require governments to operate by Christian principles. The
Pope and the Ottoman sultan refused to consider the document. Great Britain considered
the document a bit of “sublime mysticism” and remained opposed to it. Prussia and
Austria agreed to sign the agreement with Russia because Metternich saw in the Holy
Alliance support for his conservative policies. The Holy Alliance was used, ultimately,
as the link between the three conservative empires of the east: Russia, Prussia, and
Austria. However, the real power supporting the status quo came from the Quadruple
Alliance.

Concert of Europe

The Congress of Vienna was the first

serious attempt by the major powers to
establish some system of collective
security. Engineering the territorial
settlement to provide a balance of
power was the first step in maintaining
collective security. The second part of
the process involved an agreement
among the great powers to work
together to thwart revolution and
maintain stability. In this endeavor,
Metternich provided leadership in the
establishment of a collective will. This
collective will would be reinforced by
meetings called over the years in
response to events that threatened to
interfere with the peace and stability of
Europe.

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 The first of these congress meetings was held at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818 to deal
with the issue of occupied France. The French protested the occupation o n the grounds
that Louis XVIII would be more widely accepted in France without the support of a
foreign army. The major powers agreed and withdrew their troops, allowing private
bankers to administer the reparation debt of 700 million francs. France was formally
admitted into the congress system at this point with entry into the Quadruple Alliance
(which then became the Quintuple Alliance).

Shortly after this first congress meeting disbanded, the major powers were called
to meet at Troppau, in 1820 to deal with civil unrest in Spain and Sicily. Bourbon
monarchs had been restored to the thrones of both countries. While constitutions had
been adopted by the two areas in 1812, the Bourbons were ruling as absolute monarchs.
Revolutionary opposition to their behavior arose in secret societies and eventually spread
to the military.

When rebellion broke out in 1820 and forced the kings of both regions to swear
allegiance to the constitutions of 1812, Metternich viewed the events as a threat to the
status quo. He met first with Alexander I to persuade him to support Austria in
condemnation to the revolutionary activity in Spain and Sicily. Metternich then drew up
the Troppau Protocol which called upon the international order to band together against
the disruptive forces of nationalist or liberal revolts. It proposed intervention by the great
powers in the domestic affairs of those countries whose governments were threatened by
revolutionary forces.

This protocol proved to be the beginning of a split between the powers. Great
Britain and France refused to endorse the protocol and formed a liberal bloc. Russia,
Prussia, and Austria emerged as a conservative coalition dedicated to the preservation of
the old established order.

After meeting with the great powers once again in congress at Laibach (the
modern, Ljubljania in Slovenia) and under the authority of the Troppau Protocol, the
Austrians crushed the revolt in Naples in 1821 and restored Ferdinand I as an autocratic
monarch. The following year the great powers met in Verona to discuss the revolts in
Spain and Greece. They authorized French intervention in Spain and 100,000 French
troops were sent there. The revolutionaries were completely subdued and hundreds of
liberals were either put to death or imprisoned. The Bourbon monarchy was restored in
Spain in 1823.

The intervention in domestic affairs sanctioned by the Troppau Protocol and

carried out in Italy and Spain did not have the support of the British. In 1823, under the
new foreign secretary, George Canning, Britain withdrew from the congress system and
from this time forward the three “northern courts” of Russia, Prussia, and Austria would
attempt to maintain the stability of the continent alone.

While the Congress settlement established international stability, it was left to

each individual nation to attempt to maintain order and provide the framework for

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effective government in post-Napoleonic Europe. This entailed keeping the forces of
liberalism and nationalism in check to prevent the disruption of another major revolution.
From 1815 until 1848 the forces of conservatism struggled to maintain the status quo,
while the forces of liberalism and nationalism sought to chart a new Europe free from the
repressive aristocratic regimes. Until 1848 this liberal movement was primarily the work
of the middle classes. It was after the revolutions of 1848 that the masses of working
people became involved in a quest for power.

Age of Metternich

The years 1815 to 1848 are often referred to as the Age of Metternich because they were
dominated by the conservative policies of Austria’s foreign minister. During this period,
reactionary domestic policies such as severe censorship were implemented by each of the
major powers in the hope of perpetuating the status quo. Meanwhile, the forces of
romanticism, liberalism, and nationalism among the middle classes stirred hope that
change was possible. Revolutions in Europe and the colonies in the 1820s, in 1830, and
in 1848 worked against this last desperate attempt of the aristocracy to maintain its
position of power and prestige. While these revolutions were not ultimately successful,
they did herald the beginning of a new age that would radically alter the composition of
nations and the structure of society.

The Hapsburg Empire had emerged

from the Napoleonic wars in a much
stronger position than that held prior to
the struggle. Dominant in the German
federation and possessing control of
territory stretching from northern Italy
into Galicia, it comprised an area
surpassed in size only by Russia.
However, while most of the other great
powers were somewhat homogeneous
in nationality, the Hapsburg Empire
remained a conglomerate of peoples.
This multi-ethnic empire was
composed of about 8 million Germans,
16 million Slavs (Czechs, Slovaks,
Ruthenians or Ukrainians, Poles,
Slovenes, Serbs, and Croats), 5 million
Hungarians, 5 million Italians, 2
million Rumanians, and countless Jews.

Despite such diversity, and in spite

of the existence of secret societies
aspiring to nationalist self
determination, the empire held firm.

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 Some of the credit for this stability
belongs to Metternich’s conservative
policies and some is attributed to the
loyalty given to the Hapsburgs from
Germans and those non-Germans who
considered themselves in the “service” of
the empire.

To preserve order, Metternich

imposed rigid control over the
multinational empire as outlined in the
Carlsbad Decrees. Directed specifically
at university groups and secret societies
that could inflame nationalist sentiment,
these decrees censored both information
and the assembly of radical groups. The
police ministry, created in 1789, was
given charge of censorship in 1801. A
small staff responsible to Metternich and
the police director, Sedlnitzky, controlled
domestic news.

No criticism of government policy or

any of its officials was allowed, nor
could one criticize foreign governments,
especially monarchical rulers. Foreign
news was censored by the state
chancellery and newspaper editors were
required to submit articles a day in
advance of publication in order to
receive approval. Failure to do so could
result in a ban on publication. The
censorship of books was particularly
cumbersome as hundreds of rules
governed the process. The goal was to
print only what might build good citizens
rather than that which might encourage
intellectual development. Similar restrictions on artistic license were placed on music and
the theatre.

In addition to censorship, the state chancellery was responsible for employment,

transit passes, and regulations regarding the Jewish population. This work fell in with the
general supervision of spies and subversives. The number of staff employed to carry out
these police duties numbered less than one thousand and the tactics used were designed
more to intimidate than injure. Hence, throughout the Metternich era there is no evidence
to suggest that the surveillance system in place was more diligent in its work than that of

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any contemporary government. Most people approved of the government’s restrictions
and those academics who wished to read prohibited materials were usually able to
procure them without much difficulty and without fear of reprisals.

The German federation that had emerged from the Congress settlement was a
loosely knit organization of 39 states dominated by its two most powerful members,
Austria and Prussia. The federal diet, or council, was composed of diplomatic
representatives from each of the 39 German states. Although significantly smaller than
the Hapsburg Empire, Prussia and had been enlarged by the Congress in order to deter
France from attempting to establish hegemony once more in central Europe. Thus
important territory along the Rhine as well as a portion of Saxony was now under
Prussian control. The Prussian monarchy agreed with Metternich’s conservative policies
and worked with Metternich through the Federal Diet to implement the Carlsbad Decrees
in 1819.

Although the struggle between

liberal and conservative forces was
most evident in central and western
Europe, Russia was also affected.
Alexander I began his reign as the
most liberal of tsars but gradually
moved to a reactionary position around
1818. Army officers and intellectuals
in Russia reacted to his conservative
stance by developing an opposition
movement founded on liberal ideals.
When Alexander died in 1825, an
attempt to elevate the Grand Duke
Constantine as tsar and thus prevent
Nicholas from getting the throne
resulted in the Decembrist Revolt. The
poorly organized revolt was quickly
crushed by supporters of Nicholas.
However, it was the first inkling of a
revolutionary movement in Russia.
The regime of Nicholas I was brutally
reactionary, characterized by secret
police, censorship, and rigorous
control of the population.

Russia had long held interests

in the Balkans. When an
independence movement broke out in
Greece it was feared Russia would seize control of the Bosporus and Dardanelles Straits
linking the Mediterranean Sea. The Greek revolt against Ottoman rule flared up in 1821.
The rebellion was led by Alexander Ypsilanti, a prominent Greek leader in the Greek

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War of Independence and a man who had served most of his life in the Russian military.
Ypsilanti’s little band of renegades hoped to establish a Greek empire in the Balkan
region but could not garner enough support for a rebellion there. They were disappointed
by the lack of support from Russia and were soundly defeated by the Ottoman Turks.

After Ypsilanti’s defeat, a small

group of Greek nationals determined to
fight for an independent Greek state
rather than attempt to control the
Balkans. This movement marshaled the
support of Britain, France, and Russia
who approved of Greek autonomy.
Nicholas I was not committed to the
Troppau Protocol which condemned
revolution against established
governments, and he viewed Greek
rebellion as a way to remove Ottoman influence form the Balkan region and allow
Russian expansion into the area. In 1828 Nicholas declared war against Turkey (Ottoman
Empire) in support of the Greeks. In the Treaty of Adrianople of 1829, Turkey was
forced to recognize Greek independence, allow Russia to control the area at the mouth of
the Danube River, and to declare the Rumanian province a Russian protectorate. As the
Ottoman Empire weakened, the Eastern Question regarding control of the straits and
hegemony in the eastern Mediterranean would plague the great powers of Europe.

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 The most serious blows to the Metternich system came with a wave of
revolutionary activity that began in France in July 1830. Louis XVIII had died in 1824
and was succeeded by the reactionary Charles X. From 1815 to 1826 France had
prospered. Industry developed and agriculture flourished. However, by 1827 the
international economy was depressed and French goods became more difficult to trade.
Harvest failures in the years 1827 to 1829 compounded the problem as did a crisis in the
wine industry. A large surplus of wine existed but high tariffs made it difficult to trade.
Layoffs in the wine industry contributed to the increasing numbers of unemployed who
roamed the countryside in unruly bands.

Political, economic, and social frustration engulfed France as most of the political
power was held by a fraction of the population who monopolized votes, money, and
power. While there had been some liberal reforms, only 30 percent of the population met
the age requirement of 40 years for election as deputy. Censorship and clerical control of
education were the other two issues which dominated liberal attention.

The July Days

The July Days embroiled France in a revolutionary crisis, with two opposing sides
assaulting the Bourbon government. Bankers, industrialists, and merchants formed a
bourgeois opposition demanding a greater share in the existing Bourbon government,
while Parisian workers, students, and radical intellectuals wanted a republic with
Lafayette as president.

When conflict erupted, the media led the charge. Printworkers led by newspaper
editors such as Adolphe Thiers manned the barricades. Charles X fled to England.
Louis-Philippe, a Bourbon but also a republican soldier in the revolutionary army of
1792, was chosen to replace Charles X. The age requirement for deputy was lowered by
30 years and for the elector to 25 years. The July Revolution lasted only three days but it
struck at the heart of the reactionary Congress settlement, initiated reform, and sparked
civil disturbances elsewhere.

The next uprising occurred in the Netherlands. The Congress settlement had
previously united Catholic Belgians with the Protestant Dutch. The union proved
beneficial to the economy as Dutch trading interests could promote Belgian industry.
However, the Belgians, who had been used to autonomy under Spain and Austria, found
the union politically oppressive. The Dutch king ruled absolutely and was intolerant of
the French language used in parts of Belgium.

Disturbances broke out in Brussels in September and when the king responded
with force of arms the Belgians declared their independence. They then formed a national
assembly and drafted their own constitution. The reaction from both the French and the
British was favorable to change, and in 1831 Belgium was recognized by both France and
England as an independent constitutional monarchy. The Dutch did not recognize
Belgian independence formally until 1839. Because of its strategic coastal location
within striking distance of Great Britain, all of the great powers, except Russia, agreed in

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1839 to guarantee Belgian neutrality. Russia followed suit in 1852. This guarantee,
while confirming the independence of a state forged by revolution, acknowledged the
territorial safeguards implicit in the Congress settlement.

More Uprisings

The other region that spawned serious revolt during this period was Poland, still suffering
its loss of independence at the hands of the major powers. Three partitions had occurred
in the eighteenth century and a fourth partition occurred in 1814-1815 after the
Napoleonic Wars. In November 1830, the Poles living under Russian administration
attempted to gain their independence. Violence broke out in a number of areas and for a
very short time it appeared that the Poles might succeed in shaking off their foreign
masters – the Russian forces were driven out of the territory and Polish independence was
declared. The British and the French gave verbal support but it was hardly enough to
protect the Poles from the ensuing invasion by the Russian army. Congress Poland now
became a part of Russia under the authoritarian control of Tsar Nicholas I. Rebels were
either shot or deported to Siberia. A Polish state would not reappear until after World
War I.

Uprisings occurred also in some Italian and German states. In 1831, liberal
uprisings occurred in Parma, Modena, and the Papal States with the goal of uniting
northern Italy. Austrian troops quickly crushed the revolts, enforcing Metternich’s
commitment to the status quo. Liberal forces continued to grow, however, and in 1832
the revolutionary secret society, Young Italy, was founded by Giuseppe Mazzini. Young
Italy would be instrumental in stirring Italian nationalism later in the century. The
German states were tightly controlled by conservative governments that adhered to the
repressive Carlsbad Decrees. Hence, the unrest in these areas was limited to street
demonstrations which were quickly disbanded, and revolutionary ferment was
suppressed.

The movement toward political change continued to develop, especially among

urban youth. By 1848 new unrest broke out in every major city in Europe. Liberals
questioned the divine rights of royalty and nationalists questioned the authority of foreign
rulers. This pressure for political change grew throughout the 1840s and was increased
by serious economic problems throughout Western Europe.

The agricultural and industrial sectors of the economy were closely linked – poor
harvests meant higher food prices and serious shortages of bread for urban workers.
From 1845 to 1848, agriculture in Europe suffered such hardships that famine swept the
countryside and created an urban depression. In Ireland, potato blight destroyed the crop
on which the Irish peasant depended, and many thousands who survived the famine fled
to North America. In Prussia, peasantry survived on potatoes when the bulk of their
agricultural production failed. As food shortages spread to the cities and urban
populations felt the effects of crop failures, revolution was in the air.’

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 During 1848 only Great Britain and Russia escaped the throes of revolution and,
for a brief time, it appeared that the system established at Vienna was about to be
overturned. The countries that had experienced revolution exhibited four distinct phases
in the drive for change. In each case the upheaval began with a demand by students,
workers, middle class liberals, and nationalists for reform. The established regime was
petitioned to grant a constitution or grant national independence. When reform failed to
materialize, spontaneous fighting broke out. The demands for change were so similar
around the continent that no orchestration of the revolt by revolutionaries was necessary.

As revolutionary activity spread

through the capitals of Europe, the
established regimes relinquished a
measure of control. In some cases, the
rebels actually gained power briefly
although, more commonly, the
established government granted
temporary reforms. Once they had
achieved some success, the
revolutionaries began to fight among themselves and revolutionary solidarity was broken.
The established regime then took advantage of their disunity to re-impose power, usually
by military force. In some areas, brutal repression followed. In each case it

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demonstrated that while discontent was widespread, liberal and nationalist movements
were not yet mature enough to secure and maintain power.

Revolutions of 1848: France

The revolutions of 1848 began in

France. Louis-Philippe had been
unable, or unwilling, to solve France’s
growing social and economic problems.
He had drifted further from any interest
in the plight of the lower classes and
virtually ignored the miseries of the
industrial worker. Apart from
legislation to limit child labor and to
contribute funds to primary schools, his
government ignored the working class.
Nor did his government attempt to
expand the right to vote to the workers, thereby contributing to an electorate of the social
and economic elite.

The February Revolution, as it is

known, resulted from four causes: a demand
for a more democratic system of government,
a protest against the corruption and opulence
of Louis-Philippe’s regime, a resistance by
Catholics to the apparent anticlericalism of
Louis-Philippe, and an increase in the
acceptance of socialist philosophy amongst
the proletariat. Liberal groups held banquets
and demonstrations periodically to publicize
the need for reform.

A banquet with street demonstrations

to follow that was planned by reformers for
22 February 1848, alarmed the government.
Francois Guizot, the prime minister, forbade
the gathering. The populace reacted by
erecting barricades in the streets and staging
a larger demonstration than the planned
banquet. Rioting occurred the next day and
several demonstrators were killed by
soldiers. The government’s inability to
control Paris was soon evident. As casualties
mounted, the revolutionary atmosphere
spread and Louis-Philippe abdicated on 24

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February. He fled the city and eventually reached England to live in exile the rest of his
life.

The Provisional Government headed by Alphonse Lamartine, a poet and

statesman, was established. It was composed primarily of republicans, but included a
number of socialists to appease the workers. Louis Blanc was one of the socialists. He
was in a position to implement a proposal to establish state-funded workshops for the
unemployed. A much watered-down version of his proposal was established in Paris,
primarily to quell the unrest which was growing among large hordes of unemployed
workers.

Elections were held 23 April 1848, to elect the government of the Second
Republic (the First Republic had existed from September 1792 to December 1804). Nine
million voters cast their votes as all adult males were now eligible to select the members
of the National Assembly. The rural voters were conservative and feared the socialist
program which threatened to confiscate the private property so newly acquired by the
peasantry.

As they made up the majority of the voters, the new Constitutional Assembly was
made up of electors who were chiefly monarchists or conservative republicans. They
closed the national workshops which angered the thousands of unemployed in Paris. The
urban radicals protested the closures, and the government proclaimed marshal law as the
propertied classes rose up to prevent a socialist victory. Full-scale class warfare, called
the June Days, raged throughout Paris.

The June Days (24-26 June 1848)

resulted in 10,000 dead and wounded
and another 10,000 deported to
Algeria. The unrest continued
throughout the summer and into the
fall and suggested that conservative
elements still predominated in France.
When the presidential election was
held in December, Louis-Napoleon
Bonaparte (1808-1873), a nephew of
Napoleon I, received five and one half
million of the six million votes cast.
Candidates who ran on a republican
platform were upstaged by Louis-
Napoleon’s promises of order and
stability. Louis-Napoleon would later
subvert the constitution of the Second
Republic by proclaiming himself
Emperor Napoleon III. Once again, a
revolution in France had evolved into
an empire.

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More Revolutions

Elsewhere in Europe, spontaneous revolts occurred as liberals and nationalists attempted

to unseat repressive conservative governments. In Vienna, news of the February
Revolution France prompted workers and students to rise against the government. On 13
March 1848, there was such serious rioting that Metternich fled to England. A 15 March
riot in Berlin prompted the King of Prussia to promise a constitution. Also on 15 March,
provoked by the radical ideas of the revolutionary hero of Hungary, Louis Kossuth,
Hungary declared itself constitutionally separated from the Hapsburg Empire. Emperor
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Ferdinand, believing that the Hapsburg Empire was collapsing around him, granted the
same status to Bohemia. Indeed, it seemed that collapse was imminent. The Austrians
were driven out of the Northern Italian States and Sardinia declared war on Austria.
Revolutionaries throughout Central Europe clamored for liberal governments, national
freedom, and the abolition of serfdom.

As in France, the initial successes of the revolutionaries in central Europe

dissipated by 1849. The movement lost its momentum everywhere as the armies
remained loyal to the rulers and the revolutionaries were unable to maintain solidarity.

Summary

After Napoleon’s defeat at the Battle of the Nations, the major powers were required to
re-order Europe and establish a means of maintaining peace and security. The Congress
of Vienna was convened in 1814. Its task was to remake the map of Europe and arrange
for a system of collective security for providing stability. Chaired by Prince Metternich of
Austria, the congress was conservative in its approach to peace and reflected the
reactionary views of central Europe. The territorial settlement was designed to create a
balance of power and prevent the possibility of any one power from upsetting the balance
as France had done under Napoleon.

The Quadruple Alliance was created to maintain the peace. In 1818 France was
allowed to join, making it a Quintuple Alliance. The major powers agreed to meet
whenever peace was threatened. In 1820 the Quintuple Alliance met to discuss civil
unrest in Spain and Sicily. The resulting Troppau Protocol condoned the intervention of
the major powers in regions where revolutionary forces threatened the stability of the
country.

While the Congress settlement maintained peace for most of the nineteenth
century, it did not take into account the forces of nationalism and liberalism. In 1830 and
1848 these forces threatened to upset the conservative governments in Europe. However,
although the revolutionaries were able to force governments to introduce reforms they
were not organized sufficiently to seize power.

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