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FOURTH EDITION
CULTURE COUNTS
A Concise Introduction to Cultural Anthropology
Serena Nanda
John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York
Richard L. Warms
Texas State University
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Culture Counts: A Concise Introduction © 2018, 2015 Cengage Learning
to Cultural Anthropology, Fourth Edition
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the
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Dedication
To the grandchildren:
Alexander, Adriana,
Charlotte, Kai, and Waverly.
—SN—
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BRIEF CON TEN T S
Chapter 1 Chapter 9
What Is Anthropology Marriage, Family,
and Why Should I Care? and Kinship
Chapter 2 Chapter 10
Culture Counts Sex and Gender
Chapter 3 Chapter 11
Doing Cultural Religion
Anthropology
Chapter 12
Chapter 4 Creative Expression:
Communication Anthropology and the Arts
Chapter 5 Chapter 13
Making Living Power, Conquest,
and a World System
Chapter 6
Economics
Chapter 14
Culture, Change,
Chapter 7 and Globalization
iv
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FE AT URES CON TEN T S
Arctic Cultures and Climate Change 112 Globalization and Food Choice 134
Wealth and Power in the Asante State 168 Do Good Fences Make Good Neighbors? 188
Wealth and Poverty: Global Perspectives 194 The Voices of New Immigrants 216
World Music: The Local Goes Global 297 Religion, Art, and Censorship 318
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DETAILED CON TEN T S
CHAPTER 1
WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY
WHAT
AND WHY SHOULD I CARE? 1
The Nacirema 2
Specialization in Anthropology 7
■ Biological or Physical Anthropology 7
■ Linguistic Anthropology 8
■ Archaeology 10
■ Cultural Anthropology 11
■ Applied Anthropology 13
■ Using Anthropology: Forensic Anthropology 13
■ Everyday Anthropology 15
Anthropology and “Race” 16
Why Study Anthropology 17
■ Some Honest Talk about College
CHAPTER 2
CULTURE COUNTS 27
Feral Children 28
Culture Is Made Up of Learned Behaviors 32
Culture Is the Way Humans Organize the World
and Use Symbols to Give It Meaning 35
■ Using Anthropology: Culturally Specific Diseases—The Case of Lia Lee 36
■ Symbols and Meaning 37
vi
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Detailed Contents vii
CHAPTER 3
DOING CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY 55
Working Among Young Offenders in Brazil 56
A Little History 59
■ Franz Boas and American Anthropology 59
■ From Haddon to Malinowski in England and the Commonwealth 62
Anthropological Techniques 63
■ Ethnographic Data and Cross-Cultural Comparisons 66
Changing Directions and Critical Issues in Ethnography 68
■ Anthropology and Gender 68
■ Postmodernism 69
■ Engaged and Collaborative Ethnography 70
■ Using Anthropology: A Life in Engaged Anthropology 71
■ Studying One’s Own Society 73
Ethical Considerations in Fieldwork 74
■ Anthropology and the Military 76
New Roles for Ethnographers 77
Bringing It Back Home: Anthropologists and Human Rights 79
■ Chapter Summary 81
■ Key Terms 83
CHAPTER 4
COMMUNICAT
ICA ION 84
ICAT
Why Don’t You Speak Good? 85
The Origins and Characteristics of Human Language 86
The Structure of Language 89
■ Using Anthropology: Forensic Linguistics 92
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viii Detailed Contents
CHAPTER 5
MAKING A LIVING 111
Arctic Cultures and Climate Change 112
Human Adaptation, the Environment
and Technology 114
Major Types of Subsistence Strategies 116
■ Foraging 117
■ The Pintupi: A Foraging Society in Australia 118
■ Pastoralism 120
■ The Yarahmadzai: A Nomadic Pastoralist
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Detailed Contents ix
CHAPTER 6
ECONOMICS 138
Ultimate Dictator 139
Economic Behavior 140
Allocating Resources 143
Organizing Labor 146
■ Households and Kin Groups
CHAPTER 7
POLITICAL ORGANIZAT
IZA ION
IZAT 167
Wealth and Power in the Asante State 168
Political Processes 169
Political Organization 170
■ Power and Authority 170
■ Social Control and Conflict Management 171
Types of Political Organization 172
■ Band Societies 174
■ Tribal Societies 175
■ Warfare in Tribal Societies 177
■ Chiefdoms 178
■ State Societies 179
■ The State and Social Stratification 182
The Emergence of the Nation-State 183
■ The Nation-State and Ethnicity 185
■ The Nation-State and Indigenous Peoples 186
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x Detailed Contents
CHAPTER 8
STRAT
A IFICAT
ATIFICA ION: CLASS,
CASTE, RACE, AND ETHNICITY 193
Wealth and Poverty: Global Perspectives 194
Explaining Social Stratification 195
■ Criteria of Stratification: Power, Wealth, and Prestige 196
Class Systems 197
■ The American Class System 198
■ Using Anthropology: Homelessness and Social Activism 202
Caste 203
■ The Caste System in India 203
Changes in the Caste System 204
Race: A Cultural Construct 206
■ Racial Classification in Brazil 207
■ Race and Racial Stratification in the United States 208
Ethnicity and Stratification 212
■ Ethnic Stratification in the United States 212
■ Muslim Immigrants after 9/11 in the United States 213
■ Ethnic Stratification and Latinos in the United States 214
Bringing It Back Home: The Voices of New Immigrants 216
■ Chapter Summary 217
■ Key Terms 218
CHAPTER 9
MARRIAGE, FAMILY,
LY, AND KINSHIP 219
L
A Society Without Marriage: The Na of China 220
Forms and Functions of Marriage 221
Marriage Rules 223
■ Incest Taboos 223
■ Preferential Marriages 224
■ Number of Spouses 225
■ Polygyny 225
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Detailed Contents xi
■ Polyandry 226
■ Choosing a Mate 226
The Exchange of Goods and Rights in Marriage 227
■ Bride Service and Bridewealth 228
■ Dowry 229
Using Anthropology: Domestic Violence and the Cultural Defense 230
Family Structures, Households, and Rules of Residence 231
■ Nuclear Families 231
■ The Changing American Family 231
■ Composite Families 233
■ Extended Families 233
Kinship Systems: Relationships Through Blood and Marriage 234
■ Rules of Descent and the Formation of Descent Groups 235
■ Bilateral Kinship Systems 239
The Classification of Kin 240
■ Principles for the Classification of Kin 240
Bringing It Back Home: Caring for the Elderly 241
■ Chapter Summary 243
■ Key Terms 244
CHAPTER 10
SEX AND GENDER 245
The Hijras: An Alternative Gender in India 246
Sex and Gender as Cultural Constructs 247
Creative Expressions of Gender: Deep Play and Masculine Identity 249
Cultural Variation in Sexual Behavior 251
■ Gender Ideology and Women’s Sexuality 254
Male and Female Rites of Passage 257
■ Female Rites of Passage 258
Power and Prestige: Gender Stratification 259
■ Gender Relations: Complex and Variable 260
■ Using Anthropology: Economic Development for Women 265
Gender Hierarchies in Wealthy Nations 266
Bringing It Back Home: Discrimination Against Trans
People in the United States 268
■ Chapter Summary 269
■ Key Terms 270
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xii Detailed Contents
CHAPTER 11
RELIGION 271
Cargo Cults 272
Characteristics of Religion 273
■ Sacred Narratives 274
■ Symbols and Symbolism 275
■ Supernatural Beings, Powers, States, and Qualities 275
■ Addressing the Supernatural: Rituals 277
■ Religious Practitioners 282
Religion and Change 286
■ Varieties of Religious Prophecy 287
■ Using Anthropology: Religion and Change—The Rastafarians 288
■ Religions, Change, and Social Stratification 290
CHAPTER 12
CREAT
A IVE EXPRESSION: ANTHROPOLOGY
AT
AND THE ARTS 296
World Music: The Local Goes Global 297
The Arts 298
The Functions of Art 299
■ Art and Ritual: Paleolithic Cave Art 301
Art and the Representation of Cultural Themes 302
■ Manga and Anime in Japan 302
Art and Politics 304
■ Using Anthropology: The Multiple Roles of Museums 305
■ Art and Historical Narratives 307
Art and the Expression of Identities 308
■ Body Art and Cultural Identity 308
■ Art and Personal Identity: Fritz Scholder,
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Detailed Contents xiii
CHAPTER 13
POWER, CONQUEST,
UEST
UEST,
AND A WORLD SYSTEM 322
Veterans of Colonial Armies 323
Making the Modern World 325
European Expansion: Motives and Methods 326
■ Pillage 327
■ Forced Labor 328
■ Joint Stock Companies 329
The Era of Colonialism 332
■ Colonization, 1500 to 1800 333
■ Colonizing in the 19th Century 335
■ Making Colonialism Pay 337
■ Using Anthropology: Unpleasant History 341
■ Colonialism and Anthropology 342
Decolonization, Neocolonialism,
and Postcolonialism 344
An Interconnected but Unstable World 346
Bringing It Back Home: The Limits of Tolerance 347
■ Chapter Summary 349
■ Key Terms 350
CHAPTER 14
CULTURE, CHANGE, AND GLOBALIZAT
IZA ION
IZAT 351
The Contradictions of Globalization 352
Development 353
■ Modernization Theory 353
■ Human Needs Approaches 354
■ Structural Adjustment 355
■ Development Anthropology
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xiv Detailed Contents
Urbanization 360
Population Pressure 362
■ Families Adapting to Globalization 362
Environmental Challenges: Pollution 365
■ Global Warming 366
Political Instability 367
■ Using Anthropology: Helping Refugees 368
Migration 370
Bringing It Back Home: America as a Foreign Culture 371
■ Chapter Summary 375
■ Key Terms 376
Glossary 377
References 383
Index 404
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PREFACE
A
NTHROPOLOGY is the study of all people, in all places, and at all times. Students and schol-
ars alike are drawn to anthropology as part of the realization that our lives and experiences
are limited, but human possibilities are virtually endless. We are drawn to anthropology by the
incredible variability of human society and our desire to experience and understand it. We are drawn
by the beauty of other lives and sometimes by the horror as well. We wrote this fourth edition of
Culture Counts to transmit some of our sense of wonder at the endless variety of the world and to show
how anthropologists have come to understand, analyze, and engage with human culture and society.
Culture Counts, fourth edition, is a brief introduction to anthropology written particularly for
students in their first two years of college but is appropriate for other audiences as well. Our goal has
been to write in a clean, crisp, jargon-free style that speaks to readers without speaking down to them.
Each chapter is relatively brief but is packed with ethnographic examples and discussions that keep
readers involved and focused. Although it is written in an extremely accessible style, Culture Counts
sacrifices none of the intellectual rigor or sophistication of our longer work, Cultural Anthropology,
now in its 11th edition.
We have retained the same chapters as the third edition and the internal organization of the
chapters is the same as well. Each chapter begins with clearly stated student learning objectives.
These are followed with an opening ethnographic situation, circumstance, history, or survey designed
to engage the readers’ interest and focus their attention on the central issues of the chapter. These
chapter opening essays raise questions about the anthropological experience, the nature of culture,
and the ways in which anthropologists understand society. Much of what follows in each chapter
indicates the ways in which the themes of the opening stories are illuminated by anthropological
thinking.
Each chapter includes a section called “Using Anthropology,” which provides an example of
the ways in which anthropologists are engaged in applying anthropology to solve practical human
problems. “Using Anthropology” is designed to bring anthropology into the lives of students and to
show them how anthropological knowledge and the work of anthropologists is an active force in the
social, political, and economic lives of people around the world.
At the end of each chapter, a feature entitled “Bringing It Back Home” explores a current
controversy, issue, or debate from an anthropological perspective. Each example is followed by critical
thinking questions entitled “You Decide.” The questions encourage students to apply anthropological
understanding as well as their own life experiences and studies to the issue under discussion. Through
these exercises, students learn to use anthropological ideas to grapple with important issues facing our
own and other cultures. They learn to apply anthropology to the realities of the world.
xv
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xvi Preface
Finally, each chapter concludes with a summary written in question-and-answer form. This helps
students actively review the chapter material and encourages them to think about anthropological
information and part of the solution to problems.
Design is an important feature of Culture Counts. One of our goals is to present students with a
clear, easy-to-follow text that is uncluttered and that highlights the main source of anthropology—
ethnographic data. To address the visual orientation of contemporary students, we have taken
considerable care to choose visually compelling photographs and to include high-quality maps and
charts that provide visual cues for content and help students remember what they have read. Each
image and its accompanying explanatory caption reflects specific passages and themes in the text.
Extended ethnographic examples are accompanied by maps that provide the specific geographical
location of the group under discussion.
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Preface xvii
Anthropological Theory: An Introductory History, now in its sixth edition. Warms and McGee are also the
editors of Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia. Warms, McGee, and James Garber
have also written Sacred Realms: Readings in the Anthropology of Religion, second edition. Collaborative
writing continues to be an exciting intellectual adventure for us, and we believe that the ethnographic
storytelling approach of this book will promote students’ growth as well.
CHAPTER OVERVIEWS
Chapter 1, “What is Anthropology and Why Should I Care?” has substantial updates in the “Biological
Anthropology” section. The “Linguistic Anthropology” section has been updated to include new
technology. The “Using Anthropology: Forensic Anthropology” section has been updated to include
examples of mass murder and genocide. The organization of the section discussing the reasons for
studying anthropology has been improved and new archaeological data about human violence has
been added.
In Chapter 2, “Culture Counts,” has increased coverage of medical anthropology, focusing on the
differentiation of disease and illness. The coverage of the legalization of marijuana has been updated
and the photography program has been expanded and revised.
Chapter 3, “Doing Cultural Anthropology,” has a new opening ethnography about working with
young offenders in Brazil. New information has been added to emphasize the distinction between
cultural and moral relativism and the section on power and voice in anthropology has been rewritten.
An updated and expanded “Using Anthropology” section focuses on Polly Wiessner and her work
with the Enga in Papua New Guinea. The “Bringing It Back Home” section has been updated to
include the Islamic State and Boko Haram.
Chapter 4, “Communication,” has been revised to increase coverage of political speech and of the
“Northern Cities Shift.” The “Bringing It Back Home: English Only” section has been substantially
updated and now includes new coverage of the “three-generation rule.”
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PRUNUS INSITITIA
The yellow plums of the Roman poets, Ovid and Vergil, are probably
the Bullaces or Mirabelles of this species. Indeed, its cultivation was
probably prehistoric, for Heer[67] has illustrated and described
stones of a plum found in the lake-dwellings of Robenhausen which
can be no other than those of Insititia.
The authentic written history of this plum may be said to have
begun with or a little before the Christian Era. The records of the
cultivation and development through the early centuries of the
present chronology and the Middle Ages to our own day may be
found in the herbals, botanies, pomologies, agricultural and general
literature of the past two thousand years.
Prunus insititia now grows wild in nearly all temperate parts of
Europe and western Asia—from the Mediterranean northward into
Norway, Sweden and Russia. The botanists of Europe very generally
agree that its original habitat was in southern and southeastern
Europe and the adjoining parts of Asia, and that elsewhere it is an
escape from cultivation. Hooker[68] says that Prunus insititia grows
in western temperate Himalaya, cultivated and indigenous, from
Gurwhal to Kashmir, the type being that of the “common yellow-
fruited Bullace.” A few botanical writers hold that it is truly wild in
the parts of Europe where now found growing. There are also not a
few botanists who, as has been stated in the discussion of the
Domestica plums, unite the Insititias with the Domesticas, and
others who combine these two with the Spinosa plums in one
species, Prunus communis.[69]
It is possible that the species is occasionally found naturalized in
eastern United States; several botanists so give it.
Wherever the habitat of the Insititia plums may have been,
practically all writers from the Greeks and Romans who first mention
this fruit to those of the present time, connect the cultivated
varieties in one way or another with the old Semite city, Damascus.
It is almost certain that the Syrians or Persians were the first to
cultivate these plums, and that they were unknown in Europe as
domesticated varieties until the Greeks first and the Romans
afterward came in intimate contact with the people of the Orient.
Thus it is often stated in the old pomologies that Alexander the
Great brought these plums from the Orient after his expedition of
conquest and that some centuries later Pompey, returning from his
invasion of the eastern countries, brought plums to the Roman
Empire.
The history of the Insititia plums in America has been given in the
main in the discussion of the Domestica plums, for the varieties of
the two species have never been kept separate by plum-growers, all
being grouped together as European plums. It is probable, however,
that the Damson plums of this species were earlier introduced and
more generally grown than any other of the European plums by the
English settlers of America, as the references to plum-growing
before the Revolution are largely to the Damsons. The reasons for
this early preference for these plums are that they come true to seed
while most varieties of the Domestica do not; and trees and cions
were not readily transportable in colonial times; and, too, the
Damsons have always been favorite plums with the English.
When the first American fruit books were published at the
beginning of the Nineteenth Century the Damsons and Bullaces were
widely grown, for all writers give a relatively large number of
varieties of these plums and speak well of them. Thus McMahon,[70]
in his list of thirty plums gives six that belong here, ending his list
with “Common Damson, etc.,” as if there were still more than those
he enumerates. Prince, in his Pomological Manual, in 1832, gives at
least eighteen sorts that may be referred to Insititia with the
statement that one of them, the Early Damson “appears to have
been brought to this country by the early Dutch settlers, or by the
French who settled here at the time of the revocation of the Edict of
Nantes,” adding, “It is much disseminated throughout this section of
the country.” At the end of the Eighteenth Century Deane’s[71] New
England Farmer or Georgical Dictionary, in a discussion of plums in
general says: “The most common plum in this country is the
Damascene plum, an excellent fruit for preserving, which is said to
have been brought from Damasam, hence the name.”
The hardiness, thriftiness and productiveness of all of the varieties
of this species commend them to those who cannot give the care
required to grow the less easily grown Domesticas, and in America,
as in Europe, these plums are to be found in almost every orchard
and in many communities half-wild, thriving with little or no care.
The fact that they are easily propagated, growing readily from
suckers and coming true to seed is an added reason for their general
distribution.
The Insititia plums do not seem to hybridize freely with other
species—at least there are no recorded offspring of such hybrids,
though Koch believes the Reine Claudes to be a hybrid group
between this species and the Domesticas and there is much
evidence in the fruit to show that the French Damson is part
Domestica. The tree-characters of the Insititia plums are such,
especially as regards vigor, hardiness, productiveness and freedom
from disease, as to seemingly make hybrids with them very
desirable. That this species can be hybridized with Domestica, at
least, is certain from work done at this Station where we have made
a number of crosses between them.
Four groups of plums, the Damsons, Bullaces, Mirabelles and St.
Juliens, in all eighty-six varieties mentioned in The Plums of New
York, may be referred to this species. There are so few real
differences between these divisions, however, that it is hardly
possible, logically, to sub-divide Insititia plums into more than two
groups. But since the groups of plums given above are so often
referred to in pomological works it is necessary to discuss them.
The Damsons.—The description given the species fits this division
of it closely, the differentiating character for the fruit, if any, being
oval fruits, while the Bullaces, most nearly like these, are round. The
origin of the Damsons, as we have seen, was in Syria and near the
ancient city, Damascus, their written history dating back several
centuries before Christ. This plum has escaped from cultivation in
nearly all the temperate parts of Europe and more or less in the
eastern United States, the wild forms often passing under other
names, as the Wild, Wheat, Spilling, Donkey, Ass, Hog and Horse
plums. The true Damsons have a fine spicy taste, which makes them
especially desirable for cooking and preserving, but a very decided
astringency of the skin makes most of the varieties of Damsons
undesirable to eat out of the hand; this astringency largely
disappears with cooking or after a light frost. Nearly all Damsons are
sour, though a few sweet Insititias are placed in this group.
Since the seeds grow readily and the sprouts are very
manageable, the Damsons, with the other Insititias, are much used
as stocks upon which to work other plums, especially the less hardy
and less thrifty Domesticas. Although less used now than formerly
for stocks it is a question if these plums, or some of their near kin,
do not make the best obtainable stocks. There seems to be much
difference in the varieties of Insititia in their capacity to send up
sprouts. The forms which send up the fewest sprouts are much the
best for use as stocks.
Curiously enough, the Damsons are highly esteemed now only by
the Americans and English, being grown much less at present in
Continental Europe than a century or two ago. Late pomological
works and nurserymen’s catalogs from others than the English or
Americans barely mention these plums.
The Bullaces.—It is impossible to distinguish between the tree-
characters of the Damsons and the Bullaces, and pomologists are far
from agreeing as to what differences in the fruit throw a variety into
one group or the other. Some writers call a sour variety of Insititia a
Damson, and a sweet one a Bullace; others make color the
differentiating character, calling the purple plums Damsons and the
light colored ones Bullaces; still others call oval Insititias Damsons
and round ones Bullaces. If a distinction is to be made, shape seems
to be the character upon which it should be based. The name
Bullace applies to the round shape of the fruit, but when first used
or by whom given it is impossible to say. It is commonly used in the
old herbals and pomologies of both England and Continental Europe,
there being many variations of the name, of which bullis and bulloes
are most common with the word bullum in frequent use for the fruit
of the Bullace tree. The varieties of Bullaces are few in number, and
are not largely grown, being known for most part only in fruit
collections, the Damsons serving all the purposes for which the
Bullaces would be worth growing, and to better advantage.
The Mirabelles.—The Mirabelles are round, yellowish or golden,
freestone Insititias, ranging from half an inch to an inch in diameter,
very slightly sub-acid or sweet. The trees do not differ from the type
of the species unless it be in even greater productiveness than the
other groups of Insititia, all of which bear very abundant crops. The
fruits represent the highest quality to be found in the varieties of this
species, approaching the Reine Claudes of Prunus domestica in
richness of flavor. Indeed, the Mirabelles may almost be said to be
diminutive Reine Claudes, resembling them not only in quality but in
color and in shape, and so closely as to lend color to Koch’s[72]
supposition that the Reine Claudes are hybrids between Prunus
domestica and Prunus insititia.
In France the Mirabelles are accorded second if not first place
among plums, being superseded in popularity, if at all, only by the
Reine Claudes. They are used in the fresh state and as prunes, and
are freely made into conserves, preserves, jellies and jams, being
found in the markets in some of these forms the year round. They
are much used for pastry, their size being such that one layer of fruit
suffices and is none too deep for a good pie or tart. The fermented
juice of these plums is somewhat largely used in the making of a
distilled liquor, a sort of plum brandy. The dozen or more varieties of
Mirabelles differ chiefly in size of fruit and in time of maturity. The
range in size is from half an inch to an inch in diameter and in time
of ripening in France from the first of August to the first of October.
The Red Mirabelle frequently referred to in pomological works is
Prunus cerasifera, and the name is wrongly so used, for if not first
applied to the several varieties of Insititia it now by almost universal
usage belongs to these plums. The origin of the word, as now
commonly used, dates back over two centuries, being found in the
pomological treatises of the Seventeenth Century. The assumption is
that Mirabelle is derived from mirable meaning wonderful, and the
name was first so used by the French.
Unfortunately the Mirabelles are hardly known in America. These
plums have so many good qualities of tree and fruit that American
pomology would be greatly enriched if the best Mirabelle varieties
were grown in both home and commercial orchards. They should be
used in cookery much as are the Damsons, which they surpass for
some purposes.
St. Juliens.—The St. Julien that the writer has seen in American
and European nurseries is unmistakably an Insititia. At one time St.
Julien stocks were used almost exclusively in New York nurseries,
and few large plum orchards are free from trees which have through
accident to the cion grown from the stock. Such trees bear fruit so
like the Damson that one is warranted in saying that the two are
identical, and that St. Julien is but a name used for a Damson when
the latter is employed as a stock. The fruit is sweetish with a taste
identical with that of the sweet Damsons.
Plum-growers who have had experience with plums on several
stocks are almost united in the opinion that the St. Julien is the best
of all for the Domesticas, at least. St. Julien stocks were formerly
imported in great numbers from France, where it is still largely
grown for European use. The name seems to have come in use in
France more than a century ago, but why given or to what particular
Insititia applied does not appear. There is, however, a distinct variety
or type of Insititia used by the French in producing stocks, for
French pomologists advise careful selection of mother-plants for the
production of the young trees by suckers or layers, and caution
growers of stocks in no case to use seeds which bring twiggy, spiny
and crooked stocks.[73] St. Julien plums are seemingly nowhere
grown at present for their fruits.
There are several ornamental forms of plums which are given
specific names by European horticulturists, mentioned in the last
paragraph in the discussion of the Domestica plums, which some
writers place, in part at least, with the Insititias. These plums are not
found in America and it is impossible to place them with certainty in
either of the two species upon the contradictory evidence of the
Europeans.
The few herbarium specimens that the writer has seen of this
species from southeastern Europe strongly resemble Prunus spinosa
but Schneider in the above reference describing it from living
specimens says that it differs from the species last named as
follows: “Lower growth, about one-half as high, spreading squarrose
ramification, much less thorniness; leaves more like domestica, when
young hairy on both sides, later above nearly and underneath more
or less glabrous; petiole shorter, not exceeding one cm.; blooms
later, nearly with the leaves, white, about twenty-two mm. in
diameter, borne almost always single in this species; pedicel finely
pilose, in Prunus spinosa almost glabrous; stamens fewer, about
twenty; fruit blue black, stem longer, exceeding twelve mm.”
So far as appears from the few and scant European references to
the species it has no horticultural value.
The writer has seen only herbarium specimens of this plant and
has taken the description given from European texts. According to
Schneider the species has been divided into two varieties by the
Italian botanists. Prunus cocomilia typica having oblong-ovate fruit
and Prunus cocomilia brutia having round fruit. Schneider holds also
that Prunus pseudoarmeniaca Heldr. and Sart.[82] from Epirus and
Thessaly is a variety of Prunus cocomilia differing chiefly in having
more pointed leaves and smaller oblong-roundish red plums. The
same author puts in this species still another plum, a hairy-leaved
form from Thessaly which he calls Prunus cocomilia puberula. He
places here also Prunus ursina Kotschy[83] which differs only in
minor respects from the species, chiefly in having violet-red fruit
though Boissier[84] mentions a yellow-fruited plum which he calls
Prunus ursina flava. The last named plums come from Lebanon and
North Syria.
1. Ehrhart Beitr. Nat. 4:17. 1789. 2. Hooker Brit. Fl. 220. 1830. 3. Koch,
K. Dend. 1:97. 1869. 4. Koch, W. Syn. Deut. und Schw. Fl. 1:727. 1892.
5. Bailey Cornell Sta. Bul. 38:66. 1892. 6. Schneider Handb. Laubh.
1:632. 1892. 7. Schwarz Forst. Bot. 339. 1892. 8. Dippel Handb. Laubh.
1:633. 1893.
P. domestica myrobalan. 9. Linnaeus Sp. Pl. 475. 1753. 10. Seringe DC.
Prodr. 2:538. 1825.
P. myrobalan. 11. Loisleur Nouv. Duham. 5:184. 1812. 12. Koehne
Deut. Dend. 316. 1893.
Tree twenty to thirty feet in height, vigorous; trunk six to twelve inches
in diameter, straight; bark thick, rough, numerous corky elevations
especially on the branches, reddish or cinnamon-brown, peach-like;
branches long, upright-spreading, much forked, brash and often splitting
at the forks; branchlets thick, straight, glaucous and glabrous, at first light
red, growing darker the second year; lenticels few or many, usually small
but conspicuous, light in color.
Winter-buds small and obtuse, free or appressed; leaves borne
abundantly, small or of but medium size, oblong-obovate, point acuminate
or abrupt, prominent, base rounded, firm, thin, membranaceous, margins
finely and closely serrated, sometimes in two series, teeth usually
glandular; upper surface bright green, glabrous, lower surface dull,
whitish, glabrous or slightly pubescent on the veins; veins pronounced;
petioles one-half inch in length, stoutish, tinged with red; glands few or
several, usually globose, greenish; stipules lanceolate, very narrow, one-
half inch long, caducous.
Flowers expanding early, before, with or sometimes after the leaves,
first of the plum blossoms to appear, very abundant, three-quarters of an
inch in diameter; usually three springing from each flower-bud, often in
dense clusters on lateral spurs and lateral buds on one-year-old wood;
calyx-tube green, glabrous, campanulate or obconic; calyx-lobes acute to
obtuse glandular-serrate, erect, glabrous or pubescent; petals white, oval,
entire or crenate, with a short claw or tip; stamens about twenty-five,
shorter than the petals; anthers yellow, sometimes tinged with red; pistils
glabrous, longer than the stamens; pedicels one-half inch long, slender.
Fruit varying greatly in season, from very early to late; large, from one
to two inches in diameter, globular, heart-shaped or often somewhat
conical; cavity deep; apex conspicuously pointed; suture usually
prominent; color varies greatly but usually a bright red or yellow, never
blue or purple, lustrous, with little or no bloom; dots small, numerous,
usually conspicuous; skin thin, tough, astringent; stem one-half inch in
length; flesh red or more often yellow, firm, fibrous, juicy; quality variable,
of distinct flavor, usually good; stone clinging tenaciously or nearly free,
small, rough or lightly pitted, oval to ovate, one edge grooved, the other
ridged.
All that is known of the history and habitat of this species is that it
came from China in 1867 having been sent to the Paris Museum of
Natural History by Eugene Simon, a French consul in China. The
spontaneous form has not as yet been found. The general aspect of
the tree is more that of the peach than the plum and the drupes are
as much like apricots or nectarines as plums but when all characters
are considered the fruit can better be classed with the plums than
with any of the other stone-fruits named.