Visit https://ebookgate.

com to download the full version and

explore more ebooks

Voices of the American West Volume 1 The Indian

interviews of Eli S Ricker 1903 1919 First Edition
Eli Seavey Ricker

_____ Click the link below to download _____

https://ebookgate.com/product/voices-of-the-american-
west-volume-1-the-indian-interviews-of-eli-s-
ricker-1903-1919-first-edition-eli-seavey-ricker/

Explore and download more ebooks at ebookgate.com

Here are some recommended products that might interest you.
You can download now and explore!

This Land is My Land First Edition Eli E. Hertz

https://ebookgate.com/product/this-land-is-my-land-first-edition-eli-
e-hertz/

ebookgate.com

Management of Acute Coronary Syndromes 1st Edition Eli

Gelfand

https://ebookgate.com/product/management-of-acute-coronary-
syndromes-1st-edition-eli-gelfand/

ebookgate.com

Advances in Chromatography Volume 45 Advances in

Chromatography 1st Edition Eli Grushka

https://ebookgate.com/product/advances-in-chromatography-
volume-45-advances-in-chromatography-1st-edition-eli-grushka/

ebookgate.com

Cosmos and Perception in Plato s Timaeus In the Eye of the

Cognitive Storm 1st Edition Mark Eli Kalderon

https://ebookgate.com/product/cosmos-and-perception-in-plato-s-
timaeus-in-the-eye-of-the-cognitive-storm-1st-edition-mark-eli-
kalderon/
ebookgate.com
A History of Victorian Literature Blackwell History of
Literature 1st Edition James Eli Adams

https://ebookgate.com/product/a-history-of-victorian-literature-
blackwell-history-of-literature-1st-edition-james-eli-adams/

ebookgate.com

Native Voices American Indian Identity and Resistance

Richard A. Grounds

https://ebookgate.com/product/native-voices-american-indian-identity-
and-resistance-richard-a-grounds/

ebookgate.com

Synthetic Socialism Plastics and Dictatorship in the

German Democratic Republic 1st Edition Eli Rubin

https://ebookgate.com/product/synthetic-socialism-plastics-and-
dictatorship-in-the-german-democratic-republic-1st-edition-eli-rubin/

ebookgate.com

Attacking Chess The King s Indian Everyman Chess Volume 1

1st Edition David Vigorito

https://ebookgate.com/product/attacking-chess-the-king-s-indian-
everyman-chess-volume-1-1st-edition-david-vigorito/

ebookgate.com

Insurgency Trap Labor Politics in Postsocialist China 1st

Edition Eli Friedman

https://ebookgate.com/product/insurgency-trap-labor-politics-in-
postsocialist-china-1st-edition-eli-friedman/

ebookgate.com
Voices of the American West, Volume 2

The Settler and

Soldier Interviews
of Eli S. Ricker,
1903–1919
edited by richard e. jensen
Voices of the American West, Volume 2
Eli S. Ricker worked for the Office of Indian Affairs in Washington dc when
this portrait was taken in 1916. rg1227.ph:1–4
 Voices of the American West
Volume 2

The Settler and

Soldier Interviews
of Eli S. Ricker, 1903–1919

Edited by
Richard E. Jensen

university of nebraska press

l i n co l n a n d l o n d o n
 © 2005 by the Board of Regents of the University of Nebraska
All rights reserved
Manufactured in the United States of America

All illustrations courtesy of the Nebraska State Historical Society.

Set in Bulmer by Tseng Information Systems, Inc.

Designed by R. W. Boeche.
Printed by Thomson-Shore, Inc.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Ricker, Eli Seavey, 1843–1926.

Voices of the American West, Volume 1 : the Indian interviews of Eli S. Ricker, 1903–1919 /
Eli S. Ricker ; edited and with an introduction by Richard E. Jensen.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn-13: 978-0-8032-3949-4 (hardcover : alk. paper)
isbn-10: 0-8032-3949-1 (hardcover : alk. paper)
1. Indians of North America—Historiography. 2. Indians of North America—Interviews.
3. Pioneers—United States—Interviews. 4. European Americans—Interviews. 5. Indians of
North America—History. 6. Frontier and pioneer life—United States—History. 7. Ricker,
Eli Seavey, 1843–1926—Relations with Indians. I. Jensen, Richard E. II. Title.
e76.8.r53 2005
970.004'97—dc22 2005012016

isbn-13: 978-0-8032-3967-8 [vol. 2]

isbn-10: 0-8032-3967-x [vol. 2]
 Contents

List of Illustrations ix
Introduction xi
Map: The West of Eli S. Ricker xiv

Chapter One: Wounded Knee 1

1. Peter McFarland. Wounded Knee 1
2. Charles W. Allen. Wounded Knee 10
3. Meded Swigert. Wounded Knee 16
4. Guy Vaughn. Wounded Knee 21
5. Francis M. J. Craft. Wounded Knee 22
6. John W. Butler. Wounded Knee 23
7. James R. Walker. Wounded Knee 24
8. George E. Bartlett. Biography, Wounded Knee 27
9. George A. Stannard. Wounded Knee 38
10. Joseph Kocer. Wounded Knee 40
11. W. F. Clark. Wounded Knee 43
12. E. C. Swigert. Wounded Knee 44
13. W. A. Birdsall. Wounded Knee 45
14. Cornelius A. Craven. Wounded Knee 48
15. James White. Wounded Knee 50
16. John H. Dixon. Wounded Knee 51
17. T. L. Williams. Wounded Knee 52
18. W. A. Ballou. Wounded Knee 53
19. Elbert Mead. Wounded Knee 55
20. Eli S. Ricker. Wounded Knee 55
 contents

Chapter Two: Agents and Agencies 63

1. Mr. and Mrs. E. M. Keith.
Wounded Knee, Pine Ridge agents 63
2. Robert O. Pugh.
Pine Ridge agents, Ghost Dance, Sioux Customs 67
3. H. A. Mossman. Pine Ridge agents 74
4. A. F. Johnson. Pine Ridge missions 75
5. William J. Cleveland. Sioux missions 76
6. Edmund Thickstun.
Sioux customs, Indian-white relations 78
7. John R. Brennan. Pine Ridge reservation 81
8. George Stover. Biography, Frank Grouard,
Pine Ridge Reservation, Pine Ridge agents 82
9. John B. Sanborn. Sioux reservation boundaries 88
10. Ollufine Nelson. Yellow Medicine Agency 89
11. Peter B. Nelson. American Horse, Yellow Medicine Agency 93
12. Mabel M. Dawson. Fort Sill Indian School, Geronimo 100

Chapter Three: Little Bighorn 115

1. A. F. Ward. Little Bighorn 115
2. Charles Clifford. Little Bighorn, Yellow Horse’s account 123
3. Edward H. Allison.
Little Bighorn, Lieutenant Harrington’s death, Gall 127
4. Edward S. Godfrey. Little Bighorn 138
5. F. E. Server. Little Bighorn, Frank Grouard,
Lame Deer fight, Crow agencies, Jim Bridger 141
6. Walter Q. Tucker. Little Bighorn 148
7. Archie Smith. Little Bighorn 148

Chapter Four: Beecher Island 150

1. Allison J. Pliley. Beecher Island fight 150
2. John J. Donovan. Beecher Island fight 153
3. Beecher Island Veterans. Beecher Island fight 156

vi
contents

Chapter Five: Lightning Creek Incident 165

1. Eli S. Ricker. Lightning Creek incident 165
2. Hugh Houghton. Lightning Creek incident 169
3. Roy Lemons. Lightning Creek incident 170
4. Isaac Robbins. Lightning Creek incident 172

Chapter Six: Biographical Sketches 174

1. W. R. Jones. Connor, Bissonette, Little Big Man, Crook, Sechler,
Salaway, Little Bat, Pine Ridge Agency, Fort Mitchell, Red Cloud 174
2. L. B. Lessert. Fort Casper, the Bakers, Bridger,
Yellow Medicine Agency, Pine Ridge agents, Beckwourth 179
3. Alexander Baxter. Scouts and interpreters,
agents, Indian leaders, 1868 Fort Laramie treaty 183
4. Harry Dean. Wild Bill Hickok 187
5. John W. Brafford. William F. Drannan 188
6. Marion Spencer. Bridger and Vasquez 188

Chapter Seven: The Old West 190

1. Magloire Mousseau. American Fur Company, Ash Hollow fight,
Fort Casper, Fort Laramie, Kelly, Larimer, and Wakefield, scouts,
traders, officers, and agents 190
2. George W. Colhoff. Galvanized Yankess, treaties and reservations,
the Richards, Frank Grouard, Bridger, Little Bat,
Pine Ridge agents, Red Cloud 210
3. Carter P. Johnson. Cheyenne outbreak, Sidney-Deadwood
stagecoach robberies, Apache Kid 224
4. Baptiste Pourier. Biography, the Richards, Bozeman Trail forts,
Rosebud fight, Slim Buttes fight, Crazy Horse, Sibley Scout 255
5. Richard C. Stirk. Flagpole at Red Cloud Agency,
Slim Buttes fight, Wounded Knee 282
6. Ben Tibbits. Washita fight, Flagpole at Red Cloud Agency,
Wounded Knee 290
7. Heber M. Creel. Cheyenne outbreak 293
8. William L. Judkins. Mackenzie-Dull Knife fight 297
9. David Y. Mears. Sibley Scout, Cheyenne outbreak 300
vii
 contents
10. Jacob A. Augur. Cheyenne outbreak 301
11. A. G. Shaw. Eleventh Ohio Cavalry, Platte Bridge fight,
Rush Creek fight, Horse Creek fight, Custer’s dead,
Spotted Tail, Crazy Horse 302
12. Peter Abraham Deon. American Fur Company, Father DeSmet,
Horse Creek treaty, Red Cloud 310
13. John Russell. The Richards, Kelly, Larimer, and Wakefield,
scouts, traders and officers, Wounded Knee 317
14. Augustus W. Corliss. Biography, Wounded Knee,
officers and Indians 323
15. John C. Whalen. Powder River campaign, Platte Bridge fight,
Wounded Knee 327
16. John W. Irion. Rawhide Creek legend, Masonry and Indians,
Sand Creek 333
17. A. W. Means. Sand Creek 338
18. John M. Comegys. Scouts and officers 338
19. William H. Taylor. Crook’s 1876 campaign 340
20. Mr. and Mrs. William H. Robertson. Grattan fight 341
21. Allison J. Pliley. Prairie Dog Creek fight 342
22. William Holdaway. U.P. Railroad construction 345
23. John Burdick. Custer 346
24. William A. Coffield. Telegraph at Fort Robinson 347
25. James H. Cook. William F. Cody, The Texas Trail 347
26. Donald Brown. Warbonnet fight, Slim Buttes fight 360
27. Winfield S. Ake. Camp Lyon, Paiutes 361
28. Josephus Bingaman. Washita fight 364
29. George A. Leclere. Whitestone Hill fight, Badlands campaign 368
30. Mr. and Mrs. John Farnham. Red Cloud 371
31. Charles J. Brown. Treaties with the Sissetons, Wahpetons,
Medewakantons, and Wapecootahs 371

Appendix A: Forts 375

Notes 379
Bibliography 433
Index 445

viii
contents

Illustrations
following page 210

Figures
1. Peter McFarland’s map of Wounded Knee
2. Charles Allen’s Wounded Knee
3. Rough map of Wounded Knee by Capt. Geo. E. Bartlett
4. Ricker copied Mabel Gould’s sketches of Comanche
and Apache cradles
5. Isaac Robins’s fight on Lightning Creek
6. Carter P. Johnson’s sketch of the barracks at Fort Robinson,
where Dull Knife’s Cheyenne were imprisoned in 1878
7. Eli Ricker’s Beecher Island
8. Richard Stirk’s Wounded Knee

ix
 Introduction

Eli S. Ricker was forty-two years old when he settled in Chadron, Nebraska,
in 1885. His wife and family joined him a year later. For the next two decades
he practiced law, acquired a sizeable ranch, and then in January 1903 he and a
partner began publishing the weekly Chadron Times. Ricker owned the paper
for just over two years. It was during this time that he began interviewing people
who could give him eyewitness accounts of historical events on the Plains.This
was to be the basis of a book on Plains history, which he never wrote.

xi
Voices of the American West, Volume 2
 r.
C
er
av
R. NORTH

Be
ne
w sto DAKOTA
ll o Can
Ye nonba
Ft. Keogh ll R .

MONTANA N.
Fo rk G
rand
R.
North Cheyenne
R.
.

Agency S. Fork Grand

R
rn
Ho

Slim Buttes

.
rR
B ig

Otter Cr.

de
Ft. C. F. Smith w

.
Po
R
ue SOUTH
R.

ng
rn

To
Ho

DAKOTA
ig

B
t le
Lit
C he

.
eR
rry Cr.

ch
r
ou Narcelle’s
BIG HO RN MTS.

F
Ft. Phil Kearny Ranch

Belle
r. Spearfish Dunn’s
Bear Butte
nC

Ranch Big Foot’s

Buffalo

Deep Cr.
Deadwood Ft. Meade
ma

Village
Wo

Lead
Smithville
C o tt
zy

a o
Cr Rapid City n wood
C r . Bad
R.
Ft. Reno BLACK HILLS Rapid C
Newcastle r. Pumpkin Cr.
Hermosa Ca .
Blue Ea
rth Cr. Custer Med. Root Cr. in C Interior White R
r.

Pass Cr
Cottonwood Cr. Eagle’s

B ea r C
WYOMING Nest

R.
ne Wounded Butte
y en

.
r.
h e Knee Cr.
C Allen Red
r. Edgemont Manderson Water Cr.
r.

gC
Cr.
r.

Old W ce Cr.

White Clay Cr.

t n in Martin
n’s C
D e er C

i gh Porcupine
Sa

L
Hat
Wolf Cr.
ge

Butte American
oma
Lan
Cr.

Ft. Fetterman
Chadron White Horse Cr.
Crawford Pine Horse Cr.
Douglas Ridge
.

Red Cloud Buttes

d C Cr

Ch
r. Bed Tick Springs Lusk Ft. Robinson
B oun elle

Independence ro Beaver Cr. ad

Devil’s n
La n H apar

Rock Crow Cr Camp Sheridan

Gate
.

R .
Cr

e Cr.
o L

Swe etwater R. t h o Butte R .) Bordeaux Cr.

e

aw

on rse S Ft. at er
Agate Niobrara R. ( Running W
hid

Ho Laramie
ag

e Cr.

.
wd. Cr
W

Laramie Peak Cottn

Warm Springs Beauvais Sod Agency
Three Mile Ranch Spring
Ft. Mitchell
NEBRASKA
C r.
R.

i l le Scott’s Bluff
Horse Cr.

av
Laramie

S R. No
B lu e

r rt h
ate Chimney Rock Pla
gw Bordeaux’s tte
Chu
W

Court House Rock R.

Trading Post
ate

Mud
r Cr.

Springs Station
Ash Hollow
Ft. Sidney
California Crossing
Alkali
Station

Fort Collins Frenchman’s F

R.

ork
tte

Summit Springs
P la

h
S o ut
COLORADO
Benkleman
Boulder
Beecher Is.
Cle ar Denver
Cr. Cr.
Ch r ee
err
yC Ar ika
r.

The West of Eli S. Ricker

 R.
p le
Mandan Ap
Bismarck
Ft. Abraham
Lincoln
NORTH
ll R. DAKOTA
ba
on
nn
Ca

Ft. Yates N

Grand R.
0 10 20 30 40 50 Miles
so uri R .
M is

SOUTH
DAKOTA
e R. MINNESOTA
yenn Cheyenne River Agency
Che
Ft. Bennett
L an

Ft.
Pierre Ft. Sully
ce

r.
Cr

C
.

ow
Cr
Bad R.
Yellow Medicine C r.

White R. Chamberlain
Sioux Falls
Black Pip e C r.
Pass Cr.

R.
hite
le W

Big Sioux R.
Litt

Rosebud
Ft. Randall Yankton
Spotted Tail
N io b r ater R.) Agency Vermillion
Valentine ara R. ( n ning W
Ru
Niobrara

Long Pine Covington

Mis
Bla

E lk
hor IOWA
ck

sou

n R.
Bird

R.ri
Hill
s

NEBRASKA Fontanelle
Rawhide Cr.
Columbus Blair
North Florence Council Bluffs
Bend
Omaha
Fremont
N. Platte R. R.
t te
Pla

Lowell
Big

Centoria
B

Plu
l ue

m Kearney City
C r. Geneva
R.

Ft. Kearny
Fren Minden Li t t MISSOURI
ch m le B
an’s lu e R
For .
k
er Cr. Republican R.
Massacre Canyon B ea v
St. Joseph

Atwood KANSAS
 1. Wounded Knee

[Peter McFarland’s Interview]

[Tablet 31]
Personal Sketch of Peter McFarland who is (April 20, 1905) 35 years old and
was 21 at W. Knee battle.1 He was teamster for the Indian scouts under Capt.
Taylor. Was at W.K. fight and all through it and in the center of it. He came
back from W.K. & was ambulance driver for Col. Biddle.2 In January, 1896,
he began service in the Pack Train at Camp Carlin, near Cheyenne, Wyo. and
in 1898 went with pack train to Alaska where he was three months and then
shipped from Dyea, Alaska, to Tampa, Florida, via Seattle and St. Louis, and
reached Cuba June 22, 1898, and was there four years, barring one trip back
to the states which lasted three months. Was in the pack train service from the
time he went in January, 1896.
Was first employed by the gov’t. as ambulance driver in 1888.
Shipped from Cuba in 1902 and arrived at Fort Riley, Kansas, May 6, 1902,
and came to Fort Robinson in August, 1904.
April 18, 1905. Wounded Knee
Peter McFarland, Packmaster at Fort Robinson, of Pack Train No. 3, says:
He was a gov’t. employee driving team for the Quartermaster Colonel Hum-
phreys who was in charge of all the teams at Pine Ridge. (He is General Hum-
phreys now.) Humphreys was the Quartermaster at P. Ridge then. McFarland
was assigned to Capt. Chas. W. Taylor, Chief of Scouts, and served under him
and Lieut. Guy Preston.3
McFarland went out from the Agency after Christmas (probably the 27th)
with a four-line team which was in charge of Capt.Taylor, hauling grain, ammu-
nition tents, etc; went with 7th Cavalry. Camped that night at Wounded Knee
where the battle came off. Baptiste Garnier with some of the Indian scouts went
out on the morning of the 28th and captured 2 or 3 of Big Foot’s scouts who

1
 wo u n d e d k n e e
were watching the troops.4 He brought them in and they were kept in McFar-
land’s tent. Baptiste sawon the night of arrival at W.K. some of Big Foot’s scouts
hovering around. Next morning he went out and got behind these scouts and
captured them. He discovered the location of Big Foot’s camp on the Porcu-
pine and on his return he conducted the 7th Cavalry out to the camp and Big
Foot’s band was brought in, arriving about, as it seems to him, as late as 2 or 3
in the afternoon. Tents had been put up by a detachment which had been left
behind in the camp of the 7th at W.K., for the Indians to occupy, but on their
arrival they would not occupy them for they seemed to want to camp near the
dry gulch. They pitched their tepees in an irregular half moon. About 10 or 12
Indians sat up all night manifesting no desire to lie down; they stayed over by
McFarland’s tent where Big Foot was lying therein on Mc’s buffalo overcoat
which I have seen at Fort Robinson. Big Foot was very sick with pneumonia
and had a white cloth tied around his head as though he was in pain. Little Bat
[Baptiste Garnier] was at Mc’s tent also and he sat up all night talking with the
Indians in a low tone; they seemed to be discussing and talking over affairs.
Bat told Mc that as Mc was lying in the tent asleep & was 20 yrs. old, that he
himself stayed up all night to watch, saying that if the Indians had broke out
that they would have killed Mc, & Bat was keeping them engaged in conversa-
tion to keep them quiet. Big Foot and Mc slept together in same tent. Big Foot
was a man of large stature. A close chain guard was placed around the Indians
and it encompassed the scouts. That is, the tent occupied by the scouts and
Bat and Mc was in the enclosure.
Following is a description of McFarland’s map of the W.K. field:5
[Figure 1]
1. House on Hill. There was a small shack on this hill and some hay was
stacked there. Mc and Lt. Preston went up there and got some hay for their
horses. Here were planted the Hotchkiss cannon. He thinks there might have
been 3 or 4 of these. Cannot tell the number.6
2. Is where the hospital was. The wounded were brought and laid around
this wagon. It was not a tent. They were laid on 2 stretchers and on blankets
& anything else at hand. This is what he calls the Red Cross Ambulance, but
it was handled by the military. It has a white flag with a red cross.
(There were some pack mules on the field with the wagon train.)
3.Troops and Transportation.The Transportation was parked in rear of the
troops and close to the hospital wagon. The dots just above the words ‘‘Troops

2
p e t e r m c fa r l a n d
and Transportation’’ mark the ‘‘Kitchen wagons.’’ The dots between the troop
quarters and the ‘‘Officers’’ tents are the First Sergeants’ tents.
4. Officers Tents.
5. Close Chain Guard. On the east side of the ground enclosed by the chain
guard are tents put up by the troops for the Indians to occupy when they came
in, but which they would not use. He says it was understood that there were
319 Indians of all kinds in Big Foot’s band brought in; this is what Bat told him.
About 8 o’clock in the morning four dismounted troops were formed in a
circle within the enclosure formerly made by the chain guard which had now
been taken up. This circle is marked 5 and was an oblong & not a circle.
The night or day before, word was dispatched to the Agency stating that
Big Foot’s band was captured and more troops were wanted to help disarm
them. Four troops came out in the night accompanied by Col. Forsythe. Before
his arrival Capt. Whiteside had been in command of the 4 troops and trans-
portation of the 7th.7 These four troops which came in the night were camped
behind the hill at the north and out of sight of the Indians. About the time the
battle started Mc saw these 4 mounted troops dispersed to the southwest of
the camp up on the high land evidently to prevent the Indians, if they should
break away, from gaining the hills in that direction.
The Indian warriors were ordered to come into the oblong ‘‘circle’’ and to
bring their arms and turn them over. They showed reluctance, looked down-
cast—mad—but finally 60 or 70 or more out of 129 warriors came straggling
in. They were asked to give up their guns, but none had any. Then they re-
turned to their tepees. They all had on ghost shirts, which were covered up
by their blankets.8 All had on the war paint; their faces painted green striped
with yellow many had on their war feathers; some of the ponies were decorated
with feathers in their tails and striped with the paint of battle. After awhile
they began to come back; this time they sat down on the ground. Now 2 or 3
were taken at a time from the main body to the west end of the oblong ‘‘circle,’’
the guns were received there by a soldier who carried them out through the
guard and piled them on the ground 30 or 40 feet away and beside the wagon to
which the team was attached ready to haul them at once to the Agency. Lieut.
Preston was sitting down on the pile of guns when the fight began. The search
produced only 8 or 10 old firelocks [flintlocks].
When the warriors collected the second time Big Foot, assisted by another,
came out into the ‘‘circle’’ and in the center kneeled down and remained there

3
 wo u n d e d k n e e
and in that position until he was killed. Shortly after the search began the medi-
cine man began to chant his war (?) song.The Indians had their arms concealed
under their blankets. When the search began to bring out the good weapons
the medicine man still singing facing the rising sun, his back to the Indians,
waving his arms, he stooped down and with both hands grasped some soil and
threw both arms outwardly scattering the dust. Instantly came an Indian vol-
ley. The fight was on with deadly effect. It was at close quarters and hand to
hand. The Indians used guns, knives and war clubs. The women fired from
the Indian tents. Philip Wells was wounded early in the action. Capt. Wallace
was also killed near the east end of the ‘‘circle.’’ 9 Lieut. Preston, at the begin-
ning of the action, mounted his horse and within an hour was at the Agency
with word of what had happened. (It was safer than staying there.)
(The scouts were Indians and Little Bat was the chief. There were 24 or
about that number. Excepting 4 or 5 of these scouts they all disappeared the
first night that the 7th arrived at W.K. Nothing more was seen of them until
two or three weeks afterwards they returned to the Agency.)
The center of the fight was at the ‘‘circle.’’ One of the Indian scouts was
High Back Bone who was thought to be half crazy. Early in the action he was
seen by a soldier to flourish his revolver and whether it was excitement or a bad
heart which was his incitement is not known, but his actions being seen, his
running around was interpreted to mean that he had turned against the whites,
and when he got down by the officers’ tents a soldier shot him down.10
Where the center of the fight was were 50 or more Indians killed.
After the fight had continued awhile and the smoke rose so the field could
be seen and the soldiers had been formed in line at 6, and some soldiers were
formed in line on the top of the hill by the artillery, the Hotchkiss guns on the
hill fired into an Indian wagon standing at 7. Several Indians were firing on the
soldiers from behind this wagon. The shell sent into it knocked it into pieces
and killed a number of warriors.
During the progress of the fighting an Indian slipped into the tent belong-
ing to the scouts and occupied by Bat and McFarland, and he got Bat’s gun and
shot 2 soldiers. McFarland saw the smoke from Bat’s rifle coming out of the
scouts’ tent at 8. Mc was standing behind his wagon at 9 which had been over-
turned; one of his mules was shot and the others, when the mule fell, cramped
around and tipped the wagon over. When Mc saw what this Indian was doing
(he saw two men fall when the shots were heard from the tent) he ran forward
and notified some soldiers in the line at 6, and as they could not fire from that
4
p e t e r m c fa r l a n d
position without striking the tents of troops nor without hitting some of the
horses, they ran back to the first tent in the officers’ row at 10 and from here
they fired 2 or 3 volleys into the scouts’ tent. An officer with the men who
were firing on this tent told a trooper to go up to the tent and fire it; he said he
would fix it, and he ran up and cut it open whereupon the Indian on the inside
shot him in the breast and killed him instantly. This firing party continued to
shoot into the tent while Mc ran up to the top of the hill where the cannons
were and told the officer in command of the artillery that a Hotchkiss gun was
wanted down on the bottom to shell the tent. One cannon was brought down
and planted at 10 and a few shells were thrown into the tent. Then a soldier
ran up and set the tent on fire and it was quickly burned down, and his [the
Indian’s] clothing took fire and he was burned and bloated up 2 feet high. He
was found to have a bullet hole through his body and it is not known whether
he had been killed by a rifle shot before the cannon was brought into requisi-
tion. Bat’s gun which he had been using was burned ‘‘a little’’ on the stock. It
was his best gun, the Hotchkiss rifle.
Dr. Seward Webb of N.Y. who used to come out on hunting trips gave Bat-
teesse a fine breech-loading arm which Bat called his Hotchkiss rifle.
All the foregoing occurred in about three-quarters of an hour.
The Indians were pushed back into the gulch; some crossed it, others went
up the gulch. Those who crossed fell back one by one going up the rising
ground to the southwest where they made a stand at 11; the mounted cavalry
above their position had before this time disappeared and he does not know
where they went moved around to the west to get out of line of fire and here
they found something to do in pursuing Indians who had escaped by running
out of the gulch at the upper end or head. A lot of Indians were killed by these
mounted men who had one of their number shot through the body. The fight
of the Indians at 11 was kept up till the last one was killed. A Hotchkiss gun was
run out on the flat in front of the Indian tepes and towards the gulch. From here
a searching fire was kept up on the Indians who were lying low in the gulch;
whenever and wherever one was seen to move, as they often did in shooting at
the troops, a shell would be dropped where he was which either killed him or
hunted and chased him out; he would spring right up and march toward the
soldiers singing the death song, and was quickly killed by the watchful soldiers.
A straggling fire was kept up till the middle of the afternoon. This was due
to the fact that the gulch was occupied by Indians who did not show them-
selves, but when a soldier got exposed a concealed Indian would pick him off.
5
 wo u n d e d k n e e
So it was not only extremely hazardous but was almost certain death to advance
towards or along the gulch, and this Hotchkiss gun was kept in action to drive
them out whenever the position of an Indian was discovered or from any sign
suspected. The gun was moved from position to position as was found neces-
sary. A lieutenant with this Hotchkiss was wounded while the gun was doing
its work against the Indians in this protected part of the field.11
Mc says he saw one Indian who was scalped. He was lying in the gulch on
his back.
McFarland went around by the road and got up where the Indians had all
been killed at 11, and there he found a little girl about three years old, had light
hair, she was standing and holding on to her dead mother’s hair. He took the
child and carried it to the Red Cross ambulance and it was received by an at-
tendant. What became of the child afterwards is not known.
Wounded Indians got down to the creek in some manner (supposed to have
crawled down the gulch) and many were found there afterwards both dead and
wounded, some of them frozen.
A rumor got in circulation that a large force of Indians was coming from
among the hostiles at the Agency.12 This was late in the afternoon.Troops began
making breastworks out of the bags of oats in the supply wagons, by carrying
them up and putting them down on the hill north of the flat. This work had
not gone far when there came an order to load up and start for the Agency. The
dead and wounded soldiers and the wounded Indian women and children and
the train and troops moved in and arrived at the Agency about one o’clock next
morning. The Agency was all excitement, nobody being in bed.

Peter McFarland’s Pine Ridge story continued: He says:

About Sept. 1889, Capt. Gilfoyle took an escort from Fort Robinson (Mc-
Farland was with him) and met General Miles at Rushville and took him to
Pine Ridge Agency where Miles remained 2 or 3 days and was having some
kind of a conference with the dissatisfied Indians.13 The party brought back
four Indian chiefs who went with General Miles to Washington.
He further says:
That after he came back fromW. Knee to the Agency on the night of Dec. 29,
arriving about 1 o’clock on the morning of the 30th.
Early on the morning of the 30th the 9th Cavalry came into the Agency,
having left their wagon train abt. 5 miles north of Agency in charge of D troop
under command of Capt. Loud. When the wagon train or transportation was
6
p e t e r m c fa r l a n d
within about 2½ miles of Agency just at break of day, they had an advance
guard out, a party of 2 Indians advanced toward the advance guard & were
mistaken for friendly Indians because they were wearing one wore U.S. Sol-
dier overcoats with yellow cape lining, & when close to the ad. guard he shot
one of the guard dead. The other advance guard then broke for the Agency
and the other two Indians tried to head him off but he escaped from them and
gave the alarm at the Agency. The wagon train then parked for protection till
reinforcements could be brought out. The 9th came right out and dispersed
the Indians and the train came in.14
The smoke down in the valley of the White Clay [Creek] from fires made by
the hostiles the day before was rising lazily, and there was rumor that the Indi-
ans were going to attack the Mission, so the 7th Cavalry was sent out. (They
were setting fires on the 30th.) The troops got into the bottom on the creek
just north of the Mission, and at one time it looked as though the Indians had
them in a pocket; the 9th was sent out to their assistance and they were ex-
tricated. Several were wounded and killed.15 The troops returned to Agency
in the evening abt. 4 or 5 o’clock. The Indians went on down the valley. The
night the troops came in from W.K. and the night of the 30th there was a chain
guard around the Agency and teamsters and all able bodied persons were up
all night and doing duty apprehensive of attack by the Indians.
On January 1, Gen. Brooke with an escort of 9th Cav. and 2nd Infy. went
west & a little north 18 miles to the White River and camped that night. Leaving
these troops there the next morning he went down the River visiting all the
camps till he arrived at the mouth of W.K. where there was the 6th Cav. under
Col. Carr. Between these two camps were, beginning next to Henry’s camp and
following the river was first, as you recollect, Ofleys,Wells and Sanford’s camps
but he does not know their order. and says there may have been more. From
Carr’s camp the general and escort returned up the river. There was a simul-
taneous movement now of all these camps converging toward the Agency.16
It should have been said before that when the general was going down the
river they saw where two troops of the 6th Cav. had had a brush with the Indi-
ans, there being a little breastwork thrown up.
Henry’s camp and Carr’s were on the south side of White river, and the
intervening ones on the north side. Carr’s was in the angle of W. River and
W. Knee creek.
Carr moved his camp up the river toward White Clay and the intermediate
camps took up the march for the same point on the White Clay above the mouth
7
 wo u n d e d k n e e
and just below (or north) of the Mission and all, comprising it was at the time
said, 39 troops and companies, and all went into camp together at that place.
As Genl. Brooke went down the river he left his escort as he successively
reached one camp after another, and took a fresh escort & went on.
He stayed in each camp a day while Little Bat went out over the hills and
looked and watched to see if any Indians were around. One of these camps was
called the Leavenworth camp because it was the camp of M [Troop] of the 5th
Cav. and C Troop of [the] 9th Cav. which had come up from [Fort] Leaven-
worth.This is the campwhere Lieut. Casey who had charge of the Crow scouts,
was killed. (Thinks these scouts had come from up abt. Standing Rock.)17
Casey went out from Leavenworth camp against Bat’s warning not to go out
too far in that direction and up the valley. The hostiles were between Leaven-
worth camp and the Agency and Casey went out from this camp going south or
nearly so and went up the valley, while Bat made a detour to the west through
and over the hills west of White Clay creek. Casey went out with 2 Crow scouts
of his command. As he went up over a hill an Indian scout (a hostile scout) shot
him. His own scouts returned to Leavenworth camp and a detachment was
sent out and his body recovered. He was a man large of stature, raw boned, etc.
McFarland says that the 8th Cav. was out there somewhere but does not
know how they got there unless they were the ones that Big Foot’s band got
away from when they started from Standing Rock [Cheyenne River Reserva-
tion].
When the troops had all concentrated in the single camp north of the Mis-
sion and east of White Clay they were out of rations, and a wagon train of 25
or 30 wagons was sent in to the Agency for supplies with an infantry escort &
McFarland was in the lead. They followed the road from the Mission to the
Agency and on the way passed the hostile Indian camp which was surrounded
by a chain guard & was flying a red flag (ticklish movement). The train had no
trouble. The hostiles remained in their camp a few days and then they moved
over south of the Agency, passing it on the west, moving up White Clay past
Red Cloud’s house going in single file with their ponies and teams on their right
flank and the women and children in rear drawing out like a thread uncoiling
from a spool, and they camped on White Clay just above American Horse’s
camp of friendlies.18
The troops then came right in behind them and were then put into camps
around the Agency. In three weeks more by departures of a few at a time the

8
p e t e r m c fa r l a n d
tepees had all disappeared—the Indians had gone. There were 600 Brulé
Sioux Indians there at [the] Agency—he says the meanest of all the hostiles.
On the first ridge north of the Agency and left of the road to the Mission
stood four Sibley tents serving a secret purpose in the concealment of four
Rodman cannon which were placed there under cover of darkness and trained
on the hostile camp, so that if a break had been made by the Indians these guns
would have opened as a surprise on the enemy.19
Two Strikes was a leader of the hostiles. Also Jack Red Cloud.20
Returning to Wounded Knee. Both McFarland and [W. F.] Clark say:
That a man named Campbell got his lower jaw shot off and afterwards was
furnished with a silver jaw. He was loquacious to a degree but it is not said
whether this change in his anatomical mechanism ever effected a cure of his
habit of much speaking.
The wounded soldiers when brought in from W.K. in army wagons over
frozen ground suffered terribly from the jolting and their groans were terrible
and heartrending.
A light haired recruit for [the] 7th Cav. went up to W.K. with McFarland to
join his command; he got a bullet through his head just below the ears. He was
brought in with the wounded and dead and it was thought he was dead and
was left out all night in the wagon in the cold night. Next morning when they
were removing the bodies it was noticed that this young man moved. He was
taken into the hospital, his wound was bandaged, in two days he was strolling
about the Agency and he finally recovered (see Book 4, page 17, 62 recruits for
7th Cavalry).21
Capt. Mills of the 2d Infantry was sent out with his company north of the
Agency to occupy the ridge with his company. He and his Co. had come up
from Omaha with Gen. Brooke. He was well along in years. He marched his
company to the foot of the ridge by the little creek & left them there till he went
up on the hill himself to see if there were Indians before exposing his men.
Nothing was done and he was at length recalled. This was on the afternoon of
the 29th after the Indians had been firing and burning. He occupied his tent
that night and in the morning was found sitting in his chair dead.22
Jack Red Cloud was a bad Indian during these disturbances. After the
trouble had subsided he was seen in the post-office by [W. F.] Clark and McFar-
land with streakings of ghost painting and with ghost raiment adorning his
muscular frame.

9
 wo u n d e d k n e e
Red Cloud was out in the hostile camp some time and on his return he
stated that the hostiles obliged him to go, but it was believed that he went of
his own accord.23 The only reasonable supposition is that Red Cloud’s native
sympathies were with the hostiles—they could not well and naturally be placed
elsewhere; but from his visits to the eastern section of the United States he had
acquired visual knowledge of the strength of the white people, and he was too
shrewd wise not to know that the power of the government was irresistable.
On a former occasion he had expatiated to his people upon the grandeur of the
white men’s possessions and the vast number of their population, and because
he was yielding to a sensible discretion there is good reason to say that his in-
fluence had to some extent declined among the younger and rasher members
of his tribe.
When a Big Foot squaw was dying in the hospital she told another person
that there was a plan for the Indians to carry secret arms on their persons and
to simulate friendship for the whites, and at a concerted moment to begin a
massacre of the white soldiers and people when they did not suspect danger.
A lady school teacher on the Reservation who understood the Sioux language
overheard this and reported it (Miss Emma ? Steckel; write her).24 An order
was issued by Gen. Brooke requiring all persons to carry arms all the time as
stated in [W. F.] Clark’s foregoing statement.
The first troops at the Agency were the 2d Infy. from Omaha and Co. C. of
the 8th Infy. and 4 troops of 9th Cavalry. These troops all disembarked from
trains at Rushville.

[Tablet 41]

Scalping of Indians

Indians were scalped at Wounded Knee. Peter McFarland told me of one lying
in the draw scalped. He also said that he scalped one. Somebody was trying
to get a scalp from an Indian without success, not knowing how to do it; and
he volunteered to take it off, which he did with a jerk after he had made the
circular incision.

[Charles W. Allen’s Interview]

Charles Wesley Allen came west in 1871, and worked at Fort Lara-
mie, Pine Ridge, and at Valentine, Nebraska, where he first learned
the newspaper business. In 1885 he and two partners moved to Cha-

10
charles w. allen
dron and published the Chadron Democrat. Allen left the paper
in 1891 to take up ranching south of Martin, South Dakota. In
the 1930s he prepared a manuscript about this period of his life.
Nearly one-third of it was devoted to his eyewitness description of
the Wounded Knee massacre and events surrounding it.25

[Tablet C]

Wounded Knee Statement of Charles W. Allen

Chas. W. Allen of Merriman Neb. Dec. 23, 1903, says: He reported from Pine
Ridge Agency for the New York Herald during the Indian troubles 1890.There
were three New York Herald correspondents on the ground at Pine Ridge
Agency during the war, viz; Chas. W. Allen, Alf. Berkholder and J. W. Jones.
The latter remained only abt. 2 weeks & left. Allen remained until within
2 weeks of the time of the departure of the soldiers and Berkholder stayed till
last minute.26
A man named Miller who had a paper down at Blair or Mo. Valley was there
only 3 or 4 days in the early part of the matter & did not show Berkholder who
was the reporter in charge, that he had any authority from James Gordon Ben-
net who signed all the telegrams authorizing reporters to act for the Herald.27
He finally left without writing anything for Bennett. Jones was there 2 wks. &
left day before W. Knee Massacre. Write K. Managury [?] Editor New York
Herald & ask for copy of all the correspondence from the War Correspondents
at Pine Ridge Agency & W. Knee including Red Cloud’s speech to the hos-
tiles. Red Cloud had influence with the hostiles.
Charley Allen was the only N.Y. Herald reporter who was at W. Knee; Berk-
holder did not go out that trip.
The only papers represented on the ground of W. Knee were the Herald,
Omaha Bee and Lincoln State Journal. Cressy represented the Bee & Kelly the
State Journal. Journal’s account was a fair general one; but the Bee & the Her-
ald were the only ones that were full & perfect in detail. The Bee correspon-
dent was a sensational writer & the bulk of stuff he sent in was exaggerated;
but his a/c of the W. Knee fight is good, as he and Charley worked together
in preparing their dispatches. He and Charley paid a messenger $75 to carry
their dispatches & letters to their papers to Gordon P.O.28
Reinhart, the Photographer in Omaha has all the pictures ever taken &
a fine collection. He made a national reputation.29 Charley Allen says that at
W. Knee the soldiers’ tents were at the foot of the hill on which the monument
11
 wo u n d e d k n e e
stands.30 That south of these was the council which was surrounded by the sol-
diers. He thinks the cordon of soldiers was open one side—probably on one
side—the side next the tents of soldiers south of the council where the pole
stood was a row of Indian tents. Officers were searching these tents for arms
and Charley Allen was with them when the firing began. It was from here that
Charley ambled off on hands & knees, going west and finally up the hills to
save himself. He says several times soldiers essayed to shoot him & he heard
officers say to them that he was a white-man, and soldiers afterwards told him
that they came near shooting him.
The soldiers that surrounded the council were between the army tents on
the north at the foot of the hill and the Indian tents on the south. Charley Allen
says about 20 of the Indians had been disarmed and their guns were stacked
at one side with a guard over them (I should think from the way he pointed in
his description that these were stacked on the west of the council circle; at any
rate he pointed and said ‘‘they were stacked off to one side’’). He says the Indi-
ans had guns concealed under their blankets and cartridge boxes shoved down
their trowsers. He is the best authority for the reason that he was there with the
business mission for the Herald to know the facts & was actually present wit-
nessing the search for the purpose of reporting the facts. Besides, he is a calm
man not inclined to fiction, fancy or sensation but his characteristic methods
are careful, accurate and truthful. It is manifestly true that only a part of the
Indians were disarmed, and the smaller part at that. It was thus possible for
the Indians to have the chance to kill as many soldiers as were killed. This can
be the only reasonable solution. Charley says he heard a shot and then as he
expresses it ‘‘it went like pop corn.’’
I asked him the question how it started, and his answer indicated that he
did not know definitely, but said what I have stated, and spoke as though it is
the common agreement that a ‘‘crazy’’ or excited ghost-dancing young Indian
discharged his piece at the guard over the guns, and then the shooting began
in deadly earnest and became general.31
Here is where coolness and discipline should have been displayed to avert
the tragedy. If these had been present no doubt a more humane result could
have been recorded. Instead of allowing the act of this one Indian to become
a pretext for starting the fire which led to loss of many lives on both sides, the
transgressor should have been seized and put under guard till all the Indians
had been disarmed. Charley Allen & Berkholder went out with the first de-

12
charles w. allen
tachment of 7th Cavalry which went to intercept Big Foot’s band, and after
they had been met matters dragged along without any occurrences & these
two men were out there with only a camping outfit and tent; so they returned
to the Agency. When the rest of the 7th was sent up to W. Knee Charley went
along but Berkholder stayed behind, and so Charley was the only authorized
reporter who witnessed the W. Knee fight. But when he and Burkholder got
together at the agency they prepared the report in conjunction.32

[Tablet 11]
Following is Charley Allen’s Map of Wounded Knee [Figure 2]
Ask Allen how long the battle lasted.
" Abt. cannon
" " commands of officers
" " calls to Inds. to sit up

Wounded Knee (Continued)

Allen, S.D. Wednesday, Aug. 21, ’07.
Charles W. Allen says: He was at the battle of W.K. and was on the field
during the fighting.
He was present at the council. He saw Big Foot brought out of his tent and
placed close to the circle. The Indians were stubborn and opposed to surren-
dering their arms. Big Foot talked to them feebly but without much influence.
The medicine man harangued them. He was a fine orator, if there ever was one.
(As Mr. Allen could not understand what he said, and has given me what he was
told that he said, I will not put it down.) He says that the medicine man gathered
up some dust and swirled it [in] the air to illustrate as he was told. Getting tired
of the council which to him resembled a ward caucus, he went over to where the
soldiers were disarming the Indians. Little Bat was here and John Shangrau.
The soldiers had got about two thirds the way around. In front of one tent a
woman was lying on the ground. A soldier engaged in the search said: Roll that
woman over; maybe there is a gun under her. Another turned her over expos-
ing a gun handsomely concealed. In another place a girl was found covering up
some kind of firearms in like manner. The soldiers were searching the bags of
knives and forks and taking all the murderous weapons. The wagons that the
squaws had partly or wholly loaded were unloaded and examined for arms.
He saw the little children in numbers playing about the tents like little chil-

13
 wo u n d e d k n e e
dren around a country schoolhouse. Two hours afterwards he saw the same
children lying dead or wounded where they had been cavorting in mirth just
a little while before.
While this search was going on he heard a shot. In a moment came the
popping of soldiers’ guns, and men, women and children began to fall. The
Indians broke to get away. He says the officers could have had no expectation
of battle, or the dispositions of the soldiery would have been different.
Big Foot was killed in this manner: Some of the Indians feigned that they
were dead; Big Foot did so as one of that number, or he laid down because he
was unable to sit up; at any rate, he was lying on his back. He raised up. (Was
it when the call was made to the Indians, as Paddy Starr says, to raise up and
be saved? Others have said that calls were made to the Indians.) 33 Big Foot
raised up; as he did so a soldier who was standing among other soldiers and
one officer, leveled his gun at the chief and shot him in the back and he fell
back dead. Big Foot’s daughter was standing by the Big Foot tent; she saw this
dastardly deed and ran towards her father; as she did so, a lieutenant snatched
a gun from the hands of a soldier and shot her in the back. She fell dead on the
spot and her spirit kept company with that of her sire. This officer was Lieu-
tenant Reynolds. My informant stood with this group of officers and soldiers
and saw these things done. These facts are absolute and certain. (In writing,
the name of the officer is to be suppressed. My pledge was given never to let it
be known who it was that gave me the name of this officer. It was on this con-
dition that he gave it. There is no mistake as to who it was. My informant rode
by his side to the Agency after the butchery and heard him addressed by name
many times. My informant is an acquaintance of 22 years and thoroughly trust-
worthy. Lieutenant Reynolds was the man.)34
Lieutenant Garlington was on Cemetery Hill with a troop. He was wounded
in the elbow.35
He [Allen] says the bright sun was shining in Big Foot’s face and he thinks
he rose up on that account.
He says the council was not assembled until 8 or 9 o’clock a.m. The fight-
ing began about 11 a.m. The main fighting was done in half or three-quarters
of an hour, but the excitement lasted two hours. The troops and train did not
leave the field for the Agency until about 3 o’clock p.m. It was after one o’clock
at night when they arrived at the Agency.
Says no cannon was fired into the tent where the Indian was shooting from;
but a soldier went up and cut a slit in the tent and the Indian shot him in the
14
charles w. allen
breast. Then the cry came to burn the tent. It was set on fire. The Indian was
scorched brown and the stock of Little Bat’s gun was burned.
Lieut. Garlington had his troop on Cemetery hill. He was wounded in the
elbow. He was left there with a guard and his troop was sent west along the
road and up the hill to head off and beat up the Indians. The troop of gray
horses was the farthest west and on the road up the ridge to the west; this was
commanded by Capt. Jackson, and was stationed out there to ward off Indian
reinforcements & to pick up straggling Indians.
The military took all the wounded, red and white into the Agency when
they went in; but when the party went out a few days later—the party Dr. East-
man and George E. Bartlett were with—this party found a few, as stated by
Dr. Eastman—a few who had been missed.36
Charley Allen says the squawmen taught the first lessons of civilization to
their wives—taught them to make tables and get their meals off the ground—
taught them to make garden and raise vegetables, taught them to dress like
white women.
Squawmen filled an honorable place—did a necessary service—they
learned the Indian languages and were indispensable to the military, to the civil
power—to the government in every way—as interpreters, guides, trusted as-
sistants and helpers.
(Read the letter of Reno in the back part of Tonda. Charley Allen says what
he affirms of squawmen is untrue.)37
Charley Allen says it was not possible for white men of any character to be
with the Indians against Reno. White men cannot live among the Indians in
time of war with the whites, though they be squawmen. If white men at such
time fight on the side of the Indians against the whites and attract attention by
their bravery and prowess, they arouse the jealousy and enmity of the Indians,
of those especially who are ambitious for honors. Again, their lives would be
unsafe from other cause. The squaws mourning for their dead, killed by white
men, would in obedience to the law of their race which is the law of Israel—
‘‘an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth’’—would have killed them. A squaw
seeing a white man, for instance lying asleep, having lost a relative at the hands
of a white man would bury an axe or a war club in the sleeper’s head. This
would appease the spirits which were calling out from the ground for her dead
to be avenged with the blood of a white man.
Appleton, chief clerk and acting agent at Red Cloud furnished atonement
with his life for a white man who killed an Indian.38 This was the law of Indian
15
 wo u n d e d k n e e
society and government. When any person says that white men were fighting
in the ranks of the Indians against the whites it is pure fabrication.
At Wounded Knee C. W. Allen heard no commands of officers at the open-
ing of the fight. He thinks the affair was an accident of war, very deplorable, yet
an accident. The officers were free from the influence of liquor in the morn-
ing. During the night before, there had been some conviviality. Allen was with
Major Whiteside, Captain Wallace and other officers that night; they were not
intoxicated, but felt well.
Allen says there were soldiers drawn up as Philip Wells avers; but there were
also a cordon of soldiers thrown around the council, and it was impossible for
these soldiers to shoot without killing one another.
Suppose (I say) that it was an accident. Why should the soldiers have fired
when no shots had been poured into them? Was there no authority and no
discipline among officers and soldiers? Could they not wait till the recalcitrant
Indian or Indians who forcibly refused to deliver their guns were overcome
and restrained? It is said Indians in the council arose when the first shot oc-
curred. Was it not natural that they should do so without intention to fight?
The action of the troops was overhasty, premature, and more like a mob than
trained soldiery.
[Meded Swigert’s Interview]
Meded Swigert was an eyewitness to the Wounded Knee massacre.
Charles Allen met him and said he was a ‘‘hotel man’’ from Gordon,
who came to Pine Ridge simply to satisfy his curiosity.39

[Box 19]
M. Swigert who lives 15 miles southeast of Gordon and has a son in busi-
ness in G. [Gordon, Nebraska] was on the battle ground at the outbreak and is
the man who on foot outran Jim Asay to a log house for protection. Asay was
in a light wagon with a barrel of whiskey.40 See Swigert. He has a telephone.

[Tablet 14]
M. Swigert’s Map March 31, 1905 41
M. Swigert of Gordon says: Miller was correspondent of the Neb.
State Journal.42
He says: That the 7th Cav. went up from the Agency before the battle on
Monday, and he followed them up.

16
m e d e d sw i g e rt
He says the only troops in the battle were the 7th Cav. & no Infy.
After breakfast the Cav. got ready and went up over Cemetery hill and
headed down toward the trader’s house and came around up to the east of
the tepees. (See map.) The two leading companies were dismounted and four
horses were held by one trooper. Col. Forsythe ordered the Indians to come
to council, and Little Bat interpreted to the haranguer who cried ‘‘Come to
Council! Come to Council!’’
The Indians came out of the tepees bringing the little boys with them and
they sat down on the ground. Col. F. ordered a chain guard thrown around,
in an oblong hollow square abt. 60 x 100 feet, the soldiers standing 4 to 6 ft.
apart. Col. Forsythe observing that Indian boys were in the council asked why
they were there. And Chief Big Foot said those boys had proved themselves
brave and they had a right there by that reason. That when an Indian boy had
proved his bravery he was recognized of right as a warrior. Forsythe then said
if they want them in the Council let them stay. The Colonel then told them that
the Great Father had sent him there to take their arms and ammunition and
that the G.F. would pay them what they were worth; that they should go back
to their homes at Standing Rock; that he would send a wagon train with them
to help them back and a company of soldiers to guard them and see them safe
home; that the Indians at Pine Ridge were excited and that there were some bad
Indians among them, and that if these were to go there it would make trouble.
The Indians cried out in one acclaim ‘‘Lille Washta, lille washta’’ (Very good;
very good!).
Then Col. F. said to let ten (Indians) go from this end of the council & ten
from the other end go to their tepees and get their guns & ammunition. At first
they hesitated, then went strolling off leisurely or slowly as though they were
disinclined to do as told. They were gone to the tepees abt. ½ an hour and
seemed to be moving around uneasily. When they returned (the first 20) When
some had returned more went out, and abt. an hour was consumed before all
had come back, and it was declared by them that they had brought all they had.
They turned over a lot of old, worthless guns numbering about 60; these were
piled in 2 piles, one pile in front of Big Foot’s tepee at the east end of the coun-
cil or square, and the other pile near the west end, as parties had been sent out
from each end and they returned where they had respectively gone out. These
piles were under guard of soldiers. Col. Forsythe now said to them, ‘‘When
you passed under examination as prisoners yesterday you had 160 good guns,

17
 wo u n d e d k n e e
and you have brought only 60 old, worthless guns that were not counted.’’ The
Indians, it must be remembered, were now standing up; they did not sit down
on their return as is usual in council. He then said, ‘‘You must go and get those
guns & fetch them in, for we know they are here inside our guard line, and we
must have them. And I will have the men search the tents and the grounds till
we find them.’’ The Indians stood there talking and declaring that these were
all, Little Bat interpreting what was said, the Indians remaining in their places,
showing no disposition to go as directed or to give up their arms.
Six soldiers were now sent to search the tepees. They returned in abt. ½ an
hour bringing two guns and stated that these were all they could find & that
they found 2 Indians with the guns. While they were talking one of the guards
called out, ‘‘This Indian right here has a Winchester; the wind blew his blanket
up against it & I saw it;’’ another guard said this Indian [had] a six shooter and
a belt of cartridges on him; then another guard cried out, ‘‘They are all armed!’’
‘‘Search them!’’ said the Colonel, directing the searching party to search the
Indians. Then 2 or 3 seized the Indian with the Winchester and took it from
him; then the medicine man threw off his blanket and revealed that he was
painted blue, being naked except leggings, and breech clout & a head dress,
and covered with yellow spots [the] size of ½ dollar (silver). He began to jump
and dance backward and forward before the Indians and sing a war chant; he
stooped down to the ground and took up a handful of dirt and made two signal
motions—opened 2 fingers and threw up a part of the dirt, then made 2 steps
sideways and threw up the balance over the heads of the Indians.43 Little Bat the
chief interpreter cried out in a loud voice, ‘‘Look out, they are going to shoot!’’
Just then the whole band of Indians threw their blankets in the air and opened
fire. The troops were taken by surprise. The men holding the horses turned
them loose. The civilians (11 in number) fled to shelter. Teamsters sought pro-
tection behind their wagons and any other objects. The horses tied on either
side of camp [by] ropes instinctively lowered their heads and held them down
crowding close together; the women and the little girls poured over the bank
into the gulch where they had dug a ditch the night before abt. 18 inches wide
& deep and abt. 80 or 100 ft. long, in which they laid down for protection.
(After the chain guard had been placed these men were ordered to load their
pieces which they did.) Everything was in instant panic on the field. The chain
guard returned the fire. Opposite lines poured relentless shots into comrades
as well as into Indians. The soldiers, as well as Indians were under double fire.
Many fell by the hands of their own men.
18
m e d e d sw i g e rt
Mr. Swigert ran down to the trading house distant 175 paces and took shel-
ter and remained about an hour.44 A soldier also came (also Asay and 2 or 3
others with him) behind this house. The bugle sounded the order to fall back
into line. Then followed several volleys of small arms. The Hotchkiss guns
were fired at this time. (There were 3 or 4 of these, but one became disabled at
the outset.) When the firing had about ceased all behind the house went back
to the field. When the soldiers fell back under orders & formed the line of bat-
tle the troops came into view of the trench on the north side and at the bottom
of the gulch under the bank, and the killing and wounding of the women &
girls here now took place. As soon as the fire was directed on these they began
to move about and it was discovered that they were women and the firing on
them was stopped. The Indians fled in all directions, mostly to the south and
west, and were pursued and shot down. Some were killed half a mile from the
central field. The dead lay thickest on the council ground, soldiers and Indians
together, in places 3 deep. Big Foot who was sick and during the council was
sitting in front of his tent was killed there. An Indian sprang into the scouts’
tent, where there were a lot of guns and ammunition and from this place he shot
several of the soldiers; when the firing from this place was noticed a return fire
was directed to this spot. A Hotchkiss threw a shell into the tent, which set the
tent and the ammunition on fire, and the Indian was killed and burned. After
the firing had ceased on the field two Indians were in a little depression up the
gulch abt. 300 yards from the field, and they were concealed by big grass and
from here they kept up a fire on any soldiers in sight. A soldier was detailed to
go up the gulch to tell these to stop firing and to come in as prisoners, and that
they would be protected. They refused to surrender saying that their friends
were all dead and that they were ready to die too. A cannon was then trained
on them. One shell was all that was needed to stop shots from there. At this
moment a team appeared in sight hurrying as fast as they could going up out of
the gulch. The officer asked the gunner what they were. He looked through a
glass and said they were Indians, and the officer said, ‘‘Can’t you stop them?’’
The gun was trained on the wagon; there were five in the party—2 men being
on the ground whipping and urging the horses; the shell exploded with ter-
rible effect, tearing horses, wagon and Indians in pieces. An eye witness says
the sight was as if a pile of rags had been thrown into the air. All were killed
except a small baby which General and Mrs. Colby afterwards adopted. This
child was in this wagon. Mr. Swigert says ask the mother of Frank Goings at
the agency whether this is the baby that the Colbys took.45
19
 wo u n d e d k n e e
He says that the soldiers did not bury the Indian dead. A party of citizens
went out from the Agency and buried these.
He says he saw a woman running west with a pappoose on her back. A shot
killed her. The child was old enough to sit up but could not walk. He told one
of the Indian scouts to go and get this child and take it to the squaws near the
hospital. The scout tore open the mother’s dress and pressed the infant down
to the mother’s breast, when it went to nursing.
An Indian man & woman mounted on horseback were escaping along the
road toward the Agency. These were torn into fragments by a shell. There must
have been 30 or 40 Indians who got away and saved their lives. An Indian boy
and girl in the early part of the action, caught two of the horses which were
turned loose by the soldiers who were holding them when the firing began,
and rode to the hostile camp and told the hostiles to turn back, as those at the
creek had been disarmed and killed. There were a number of women who were
uninjured and these with the wounded women were taken to the Agency. The
wounded women and men were taken to the Episcopal Church at the Agency.
Mr. Swigert thinks that under the orders that Col. Forsythe had there was
no escape from the fight as the Indians would not give up their arms. Forsythe
was obliged by orders to disarm the Indians and the Indians would not be dis-
armed. It was like an irresistible force meeting an immovable object.
Afterwards, within a few weeks, a convoy of wagons and soldiers took the
surviving Indians back to Standing Rock.
He says that in the old and unused building in N.E. cor. are piled the old
arms and remnants which were gathered up after the battle.
About the 3d or 4th of Jan., 1891, word was bro’t to the Agency that the Indi-
ans had burned the large log school house at the Mission and several houses
belonging to friendly Indians. The report was that the people at the Mission
were standing the Indians off. The 7th Cav. was sent out to the Mission. The
Comdg. officer sent back for reinforcements. The 9th was then sent out. These
were colored soldiers. The Indians drew off down the White Clay.46
This affair on the W.K. was hushed up; there was anxiety to keep a part of
the truth from the public; this was evident from the uneasiness manifested by
some in authority; officers had at least one conference with the civilians asking
what they knew and warning them not to say too much. This was probably to
shield Forsythe who had been put under arrest.47
Mr. Swigert says there were eleven civilians at the battle namely; James
F. Asay, Charles Cressy, Miller, Charley Allen, Dick Stirk, J. H.
20
g u y vau g h n
[Thomas H.] Tibbles, Jack Newman, M. Swigert, Joe Brown Jr., Father Craft
the priest who was afterwards wounded, and Philip Wells.
(April 23, 1908. Mrs. Keith told me about Tibbles’ coming out to W.K. but
I think he had gone back to the Agency when the fighting occurred. I think
Mr. Swigert was mistaken as to him.)48
Write to J. H. Tibbles and ask for anything he can furnish abt. W.K.
The Indians relied on the medicine man’s incantations and pretensions.
When the fight began and they saw their friends falling around them they were
cruelly disenchanted and fled for escape. They were truculent in disappoint-
ment. This was shown by the maddened hatred of the wounded Indian who
asked to be moved and placed by the side of the misleader, and who when this
was done viciously plunged his knife into his dead body three or four times.
(Apr. 23, 1908. This incident is partly confirmed by some other person
whom I do not recall.) It turns out to be Guy Vaughn.49

[Guy Vaughn’s Interview]

[Tablet 14]
Guy Vaughn of Chadron says: That he was present at the battle of Wounded
Knee as a courier with Capt. Wallace when his command left the Agency to go
to W.K.The 7th Cavalry all went out from the Agency at the same time and were
most of two days in reaching W.K. They went into camp that night, the 28th as
near as he can recollect, and next morning 29th, after breakfast the command
formed in line and moved forward from the camp which was on the opposite
side of W.K. creek from where the fight took place, and advanced to the creek
facing the Indian camp and crossed the creek and formed in the shape of a let-
ter V.
The Medicine man threw dirt in the air and yelled and the braves threw off
their blankets and began firing. The soldiers threw themselves on the ground.
Thinks no order was given by any officer to fire. The firing at once became
general. The positions of the soldiers were changed several times.
As Guy recollects Capt.Wallacewas wounded in the left shoulderand pretty
high up. Does not think the wound would have killed him, at any rate not im-
mediately, and so he thinks he was first struck with the war club. When he saw
him the Captain was lying on his face. Saw Big Foot first after he was killed; he
was lying flat on his back, his arms spread out, and a bullet hole through the
middle of his body. Several dead bodies were lying close by him.
Guy saw a wounded squaw crawl on her hands and knees some ten yards
21
 wo u n d e d k n e e
with a butcher knife in her teeth and plunge the knife into his [a soldier’s]
breast. She was found after the battle was over clutching the knife in her hand,
lying beside the dead soldier with a bullet hole through her head, showing
that someone had given her this as a recompense for the vengeance she had
wreaked on the dying soldier who had tried to evade her blow.
(Guy belonged to the Nebraska National Guard and left W.K. with a dis-
patch from Capt.Taylor, chief of scouts. Delivered the message at Rushville, re-
mained 12 hours at R. and then went by rail to Long Pine and went to drumming
up the company to which he belonged which rendezvoused at Long Pine.)

[Francis M. J. Craft’s Letter]

Father Francis M. J. Craft, S.J., a longtime missionary to the

Lakotas, accompanied Forsyth’s command to Wounded Knee on the
evening of December 28. He said he went there ‘‘to see if I could be of
any service . . . by going among the Indians and reassuring them.’’
During the mêlée he received a serious stab wound that pierced his
right lung.50

[Box 2]
St. Matthew’s Rectory
East Stroudsburg, Pa.
Jan. 16th 1907
Dear Mr. Ricker,
Your kind favor of Dec. 22d received. I regret very much that I have not the
time to write up for you the matters you mention, as they should be carefully
prepared, if mentioned at all. I can only say that any reports as to soldiers or
officers being in any way to blame for the battle of Wounded Knee Creek, or
that they hunted down & killed Indian women & children are entirely false.
The women & children were killed—most of them at the beginning of the
battle—by the fire of the Indians themselves, when they fired, without provo-
cation, upon the troops, beyond whom the women & children were standing.
All the women & children who were saved, were saved by soldiers, at the risk,
& in many cases, at the cost of their own lives.
The enclosed copy of a sketch [not found] is not quite correct. I have seen
it before, & learn that it was sketched from a description, (& not by an eye-
witness) & probably refers to the death of either Private Kelly, or Private Mc-
Cue of the 7th Cavalry. [Here appears a long paragraph on the derivation of

22
john w. butler
his name.] I regret very much that I have not the time to aid you as you request,
but it would take more time than I can possibly spare.
With kindest wishes, I am, very sincerely yours,
Francis Craft.

[ John W. Butler’s Interview]

[Tablet 16]
John W. Butler of Agate says he was at W. Knee as a packer in charge of the
pack train. He says that the Indians were got into a circle, as others state, to be
disarmed. Col. Forsythe came to him the night before & told him to be ready
next morning at 6 a. m. with the pack train to start for the Agency, and he got
ready as ordered. Butler was not a soldier then but had been employed by the
Q.M. at Fort Robinson as a civilian packer.
The Indians were ordered to come & turn in their guns but as only one or 2
were bro’t Forsythe ordered Capt. Wallace by saying, ‘‘Capt. Wallace, select a
detail and go and search those tepees, & see whether they have any firearms
and steel pointed arrows and if they have any take them; if they haven’t any
we will proceed on into the Agency.’’ (Wallace was the ranking Captain on
the ground.) Wallace told Butler to come with him, remarking to him that he
did not want to take any of those white soldiers as they would fool with the
squaws etc. Wallace was accompanied by Lieut. Smith of D Troop to which
Capt. Wallace belonged, and Lieut. Preston of 9th Cav. who was in charge of
the scouts.51 These 4 went to a tent & searched it & found a lot of new guns
& passed them out to soldiers & then went to next tent. It was at the first tent
that Butler passed out a new war club to Wallace who said he would keep it &
hang it in his office. He put it under his arm. Butler & Smith went into the tent
and found guns & handed them out. They were carrying them out to num-
ber them & put them into a pile. They were each numbering them & laying
the guns down between these 2 officers. Wallace got Butler’s knife to mark a
gun for Butler. He told Butler he could have [?] it. He handed the knife back
& stooped down to lay the gun on the ground, and while in the act an Indian
in the circle jerked the war club from under Capt. Wallace’s arm & struck him
in the head & he fell dead. Lieut. Smith instantly shot the Indian who fell by
Wallace; their feet lay between the legs of each other.
[Shorthand next six pages]

23
 wo u n d e d k n e e

[ James R. Walker’s Interview]

Dr. Walker received his medical degree at Northwestern Univer-

sity in 1873. He practiced medicine at Leech Lake, Colville, and
the Carlisle Indian School before coming to Pine Ridge in 1896. In
1902 anthropologist Clark Wissler visited the reservation and en-
couraged Walker to carry out investigations into Lakota culture.
Even the most conservative Lakotas came to trust Walker, which
enabled him to gather a massive amount of data on native religion
and beliefs. Walker retired in 1914.52

[Tablet 17]
Interview with Dr. J. R. Walker, Agency Physician, Pine Ridge, November 21,
1906.
Dr. Walker has been at this Agency in official capacity eleven years.
He it was who wrote the article on Wounded Knee published in Apple-
ton’s Book-Lovers Magazine in 1906, and which was sold through Rex
Beach. This was the statement of Dewey Horn Cloud (now Beard) in his own
words as near as could be.53
Upon the subject of Wounded Knee the doctor states:
That Beard told him that Big Foot’s mission was peaceable; he was coming
to the Agency for a peaceable object; that he encountered the soldiers drawn
up in battle array, but he approached them in careless order as he had been
moving across the country, without hostile attitude on his part, and showed all
possible intention to be friendly. The commanding officer took Big Foot into
a conveyance and moved off with him, followed by the troops, and these were
followed by the Indians themselves. Thus they all came to Wounded Knee; the
soldiers went into camp; Big Foot was put into a tent; and the Indians went
into their own camp untrammeled by orders from the military.
The critical question is on the beginning of the action—the spark from
which the flame arose. The father of the Horn Clouds was a doubting Thomas
in the matter of the new Messiah worship. When affairs were drawing to a head
in the search for arms, Horn Cloud tauntingly told the medicine man that now
was the time to test and prove the efficacy of his new gospel.
The medicine man has been accused by the whites of throwing up dirt into
the air and waving a blanket or some emblem as a signal for action. This was
only the ordinary procedure through which he went in the ghost dance. It hap-

24
ja m e s r . wa l k e r
pened at this moment that the searching party came to two certain young men
who had Winchester rifles for which they had paid good prices, and they were
not willing to give them up, though their disposition was peaceable and they
would have surrendered their ammunition without resistance.
An officer ordered a noncommissioned officer and a private to disarm the
two young men. They advanced toward these, and one of them dropped his
piece nearly to the position of guard against infantry, when the two soldiers re-
treated as though they anticipated that he would shoot if farther pressed. The
Indian laughed at their evident fear. Just then Beard heard a shot and he looked
around. A moment later he heard two shots and saw the two Indians fall. This
was the beginning of bloodshed, and from now on it flowed continuously till
the madness for blood and murder had nothing more to feed on left nothing
but dead and dying.
It should be said that the conviviality among the officers the night before
was well known by enough responsible persons to leave no doubt on this point.
(Mr. R. C. Stirk has told me that this pleasure was carried to a pretty high
pitch, and that the line officers were going from tent to tent congratulating Col.
Forsythe on his capture of the Indians.)
Dr. Walker is of the opinion that intoxicants had undue effect in producing
the result of the disarmament.
Black Fox and Yellow Turtle were the two young men who opened the battle
of W.K. See Dr. Walker’s article published in Appleton’s under the name of
Rex Beach.
In 1897 the authorities began getting the Indians to take the names of their
fathers.
My Map of Field of Wounded Knee 54
(This is not Dr. Walker’s narrative. One of the Indian police told it to me.
The policemen are paid $20 a month. They are distributed over the Reserva-
tion. They come into the Agency from their homes on detail, as it were, and
stay at the Agency on duty about three weeks and then return home and con-
tinue on duty there. They keep eight here at the Agency on duty.)
Dr. J. R. Walker says that Chas. W. Allen told him that Big Foot came out of
his tent and sat down in front of it. When the firing began Big Foot’s daugh-
ter ran towards him and he was shot just before she reached him; she gave an
outcry and stooped over him. An officer seized a gun in the hands of a soldier
and shot her and she fell over on her father.

25
 wo u n d e d k n e e
Dr. Walker speaks of the cannon being trained on a wagonful of Indians es-
caping in a southeast direction and fired into them and all and everything were
killed and demolished.
A woman and two children escaped down the ravine and got into W.K.
Creek and were followed by soldiers and shot in the creek. Dr. Walker says he
has heard from other sources of this incident of the killing of these in this man-
ner. Antoine Herman, an intelligent half-breed who helped bury the dead, told
Dr.W. that these bodies were found in the creek. Antoine Herman lives in Kyle.
Dr. Walker says that Red Cloud was not a chief but a head warrior. Mr.
Samuel Deon has told me the same thing. Dr. Walker adds that Red Cloud was
cruel. Once he and some other Indians held up a train or engine on the U.P.
R.R. and fed the fireman into the fire box.
Another story of this character is, that the Doctor mentions, that at another
time Red Cloud and some of his friends tied a railroad employee to a telegraph
pole and shot his body full of arrows. These acts are not unlike what American
Horse related to me about his shooting stealthily some Indians that he crept
up on.55

Dr.Walker’s management of Ghost Dancing at Leech Lake where he was Agent

in 1890.
When the Messiah delusion gained some progress at Leech Lake some of
the Doctor’s Indians brought the matter to his knowledge, and he invited them
into his office and talked the subject over with them in a deliberative manner.
They told him that the Messiah was to come and destroy the white people and
to restore the earth to the Indians as it once was with all its benefits; that their
dead would be restored to them, and a new era of the ancient happiness which
blessed their fathers would descend upon them. They particularly stated that
their Messiah taught them to do no wrong.
Their confidence was very strong that they were to see a period of great re-
joicing long delayed. Dr. Walker told them that if what they had told him was
true, the Great Spirit was behind it all, and if he was planning this good for
them it would come to pass and be right; but if they were mistaken in these
pleasing anticipations—if these truly good things had not been planned for
them by the Great Spirit, they would fail to realize them and all their dancing
and rejoicing would come to naught, and they would know whether they were
in error. They made known to him their purpose to do no harm nor wrong and
that their Messiah had taught them these principles.
26
g e o rg e e . ba rt l e t t
He admonished them that they must cleave to this determin[ation] if they
would obey the Messiah whose interposition they desired, and so long as they
did this their dancing and worship would be all right and not be opposed, and
he advised them to continue it. In less than a year it had died out and some of
the Indians spoke of it in jest.
Agent McLaughlin did nothing against the dancing till the government
called his attention to the subject, then directed [blank].

[Tablet 25]
Dr. J. R. Walker says: That on the 4th July, 1903, Red Cloud formally ab-
dicated his Chieftancy in favor of his son Jack at a celebration of the Indians.
Dr. Walker took down the speech, and he has read it to me. It is a fine piece of
eloquence. The doctor will publish it and then I may get it.

[George E. Bartlett’s Interview]

As far as is known, Ricker’s first interview was with George Bart-

lett on November 30, 1903. It is the only time Ricker wrote all of his
questions and the answers he received. A week later Bartlett gave
Ricker a biographical sketch.

[Tablet 45]
Sketch of Capt. George E. Bartlett. Was born Aug. 25, 1858, at New Haven,
Conn., and came with his parents to Sioux City, Iowa; and a year later he went
up to the Yankton Agency and were employed in a trading store continuously
from that time up to 1876.
A party of 14 outfitted at Yankton for the Black Hills, among them were
Milloy, an old California miner and Charley Green, who afterwards [was] killed
on Centennial prairie (near Whitewood) by the Indians when he was hunting
some hobbled horses, and Alex. Sands, Frank Munson, and Irving Smith &
several French Canadians whose names the Captain cannot recall. Capt. Bart-
lett joined this party and went into the Black Hills in the month of August &
went into Two-Bit Gulch and located claims and in November the Captain
came out of the Hills & returned to Yankton & remained there that winter. The
whites were driven out by the government because this was before the treaty.56
On Feb. 24, 1877, with another party he left Yankton driving one of Charlie
Marshall’s teams to take the party to the Hills, and they arrived in March. The
trip was for awhile very pleasant and when they reached the Cheyenne river a
terrible blizzard was encountered & they were snowed in there several days.
27
 wo u n d e d k n e e
They arrived at Rapid City & weather was fine. There were a blockhouse
just west of where the flouring mill now is, 2 or 3 cabins, and John R. Bren-
nan had a little log house there and he afterward kept the American House.
Noah Newbanks had a log store. ‘‘Red-headed’’ Johnson had a log livery stable.
Frenchy had a stone shack for a saloon. The blockhouse was in the middle of
the street & had a well inside of it. In a few days the captain went up to Spring
Valley ranch where he worked for Garvey & Adler a year in making the ranch
improvements. This place was 14 miles above Rapid City. Here some compli-
cations arose between the two partners over a woman who was cooking at the
ranch; Garvey became infatuated with the woman and tried to drive Adler off
the place and Adler killed him. Garvey ran toward Adler with a hammer and
the latter ran into the house and took a Sharp’s rifle and shot Garvey. Adler
was tried and acquitted.
When the pony express was established from Fort Pierre to Rapid City he
was employed by the mail contractor Harvey Horton to carry the mail, and
he carried it from Cheyenne river to Deadman creek between Rapid City &
Fort Pierre. He rode all winter a distance of 30 miles, leaving Cheyenne river
at sundown and returning and arriving at sunrise next morning, making a
night ride of 60 miles. He got off the road one night in a blizzard and got into
the head of Bull creek and crawled into a hollow Cottonwood stump and re-
mained there three days and 2 nights. He had one jack rabbit to eat while lost.
His horse browsed around. He found his way out the evening of the third
day. Following this service he was in 1879 appointed deputy U.S. Marshal for
Dakota by John B. Marshal, U.S. Marshal for Dakota Territory. He held the
office continuous under different marshals 14 years. Captain Bartlett traveled
anywhere as deputy U.S. Marshal, for in those times a marshal went anywhere
and did not pass over his papers to other marshals as is now done. He had his
house at Pine Ridge and Deadwood. He went on to Pine Ridge Reservation
along on White river—went down from the Hills to prospect. He went with a
party, but found nothing.
In 1883 (?) he started a trader’s store at Wounded Knee where he estab-
lished a post-office in an Indian camp, for W.K. was nothing but an Indian
camp then. While at W.K. he established a Nebraska horse ranch in the north-
ern part of Cherry Co. close to the reservation line. He held them for quite a
while on the reservation till the govt. officers began to make a fuss abt. it, then
he moved them over the line & hired a man to take charge of them.
He was a trader at W.K. nine years and until 1892.57
28
Random documents with unrelated
content Scribd suggests to you:
A concurrent custom is the transformation noted above of Rent for
Land into Capital value or selling Price.
Such capitalizations operate as mortgages upon future
Production; and as the capitalizations increase, that kind of
mortgage burden grows in Economic weight. If Production continues
advancing, the consequent increase of Wealth as a whole easily
bears the burden, which rests then upon the naturally increasing
Rent allocation rather than upon Wages. But in consequence of such
capitalizations, Rent tends to become a football for Land speculation.
This results in excessive capitalizations of Rent, which tend in turn to
lower the Margin of Production, the Economic frontier, abnormally.
As a consequence, Rent exactions in the form of speculative Land
Prices rise above capitalizations of Rent at normal levels.
Exemplifications of such Economic phenomena may be observed
in any community where at any time speculative Prices for Land
have figured. In such circumstances, so long as Wealth is sufficiently
increased by Labor—whether from improvement in Labor-power or
from progressive advantages in Land opportunities,—increasing Rent
is offset by increasing Wealth, and Economic prosperity abounds. But
when increase in Wealth-production lags behind Rent, prosperity is
checked and a “slump” in Land-values, Economically perilous,
follows.
Other causes of Economic depression than “slumps” in
speculative Land-values there doubtless are. They spring from such
superficial maladjustments in the processes of Trade as are
connected with defective banking, fluctuations in the values of
corporate stocks and variations in Money standards from lack of
effective stabilization. Even as to business depressions apparently so
produced it is, however, exceedingly difficult if not impossible to
declare with certainty that the leading part is not played by
speculative Land values. For in our neo-feudalistic era, Land values
are intricately confused with Wealth values in corporation stocks and
bonds. To the extent that Land values and Wealth values are thus
mingled, it is quite impossible to account for many Economic
upheavals without more distinctive inventories of property in Trade
and more accurate Economic classifications than in business circles
or among advanced students of Economics have as yet been
reached.
Before passing to the next subdivision of Distribution, it may not
be a diversion to direct attention to the most remarkable distortion
of technical Economic terms that has yet harassed Economic thought
with confusion. This is the attempt of some Economists to identify
Rent with Wages, by ascribing extraordinary compensation for
extraordinary human service to “rent of ability.” As a subclassification
of Wages there could hardly be any objection to this assignment
except its tendency to mix Rent for Land with Wages for Labor in the
minds of students. As a fundamental classification, however, its
absurdity is manifest. Can anybody “rent” his ability, however great
it may be, without putting it at work? Could the ablest physician, for
instance, get a fee unless he offered to work with his ability? Could
the most brilliant author command royalties unless he wrote books?
Of course not. It is only as one works or promises to work that he is
compensated for any degree of ability. Although Landownership may
command compensation in Rent for such special opportunities as the
Land offers to Labor, regardless of whether it is utilized or not, Man
cannot rent his ability without obligating himself to use his ability;
and the man who obligates himself, though he may call his
compensation “rent” if that pleases either his vanity or his love for
confused thinking, gets for his ability no rent whatever. What he gets
is Wages for making his ability serviceable as a Labor unit. Nor is
such compensation any the less Wages or any the more Rent, if it be
(as with lawyers) a retainer for pledging future service which in the
end has not been required of him. Compensation for work, or for a
contract to work, is Wages whether the contract be in consequence
of the worker’s ability or regardless of it. All compensation for
service units, from lowest grades of ability to highest, is in Economic
terminology and analysis, not Rent for Land but Wages for Labor.
The bricklayer, contrasting his Wages with the Wages of an
apprentice, might call his larger income “rent of ability,” if that
flattered him; but his doing so, though it might enhance Economic
confusion, would not alter the Economic relationship of Wages for
Labor and Rent for Land. If Economic thinking is to be done with
definite terminology instead of word-juggling, all compensation for
human service must be expressed by a technical term different from
the technical term for premiums for varying grades of Natural
Resources. The accepted technical terms are Wages for Human
service and Rent for Natural Resource advantages. Though “rent of
ability” be picturesque in dramatics, it is farcical in Economics.
The importance to Economic study of assigning every item of
Economic phenomena, Distributive as well as Productive, to its
appropriate Economic category—Labor or Land in Production and
Wages or Rent in Distribution—cannot be lightly ignored nor
carelessly trifled with. Nor can it be too strongly emphasized.
Without such assignments Economic phenomena are like printers’
“pi”; so assigned, they may be studied with precision.

III. Trade
The Distribution of Wealth, as well as its Production, is effected
through Trade. As in the Productive Process from the very beginning
of Labor specialization up to the point of delivery to ultimate
consumers, so in the process of Distribution, Trade is the continuous
and the culminating agency. It determines the kind of Wealth and
the quantity that each factor in Production shall receive.
We have seen that Labor as a whole, a social unit, produces
Wealth from Land and that this activity and this result are governed
by natural Economic law—by natural relations of Economic effect to
Economic cause. We have seen also that a correlative natural law, a
correlative connection of effect to cause, constantly allocates one
portion of the total Product to the Labor factor and another portion
to the Land factor. We may readily see, moreover, that those two
primary allocations subdivide into almost infinitesimal and extremely
confusing secondary categories, comprising every variety of Labor,
every variety of Land, every variety of Wealth, every variety of
Economic desire. It is to satisfy those desires out of that continuous
flow of Wealth that the infinitude of processes indicated in the next
preceding Lesson enter into the comprehensive Productive Process
which includes delivery to ultimate consumers, and that an infinitude
of corresponding processes enter into Distribution.
Many of those processes overlap, playing now a part in
Production and now in Distribution. Some of them are natural, some
are customary, some are legalistic. But all are subject to the
cooperation or to the obstruction of natural law as manifestly as is
the navigation of a sailing vessel on the ocean. In so far as the
customary or the legalistic do not conform to natural Economic law,
natural penalizations inevitably result; in so far as they do conform
to natural Economic law, the results are socially as well as
individually beneficial. As with gravitation in the physical universe, so
with its correspondent force in the Economic domain.
Not only, then, are the minute details of Labor specialization
merged in Productive wholes and delivered in their completeness to
ultimate consumers by means of Trade, as we learned in the next
preceding Lesson, but, also by means of Trade, the two great
divisions of Wealth (Wages and Rent) are assigned respectively to
Labor interests and to Land interests in proportions determined by
comparisons of Value.
Individual deliveries, in contrast with Distribution into the two
basic categories, Wages and Rent, consist in the delivery of Wealth
to individuals in proportion to the effective demands of each. Their
demands are limitless, for when satisfied with quantity they naturally
demand quality. But there is a limit to all effective demands. The
limitation on the one hand is the producer’s ability to produce, and
on the other the consumer’s ability to obtain in Trade. Ability to
produce depends in high degree at any time upon the general
productive knowledge of the time. Ability to obtain depends upon
the Economic power in Trade of the individual seeking to gratify his
wants. If he is isolated from all the rest of mankind, he is outside the
Economic circle and can obtain only what he himself directly
produces. If he is one of an absolutely free community, he can
obtain what others are willing to give him in Trade for the service he
renders directly or indirectly to them. If Production be arbitrarily
obstructed, whether by impediments to Natural Resources or to
Trade, his ability to obtain Wealth is not so much according to what
he produces or to the service of any other kind that he renders, but
according to his command over the sources of Production and the
channels of Trade whereby he may levy tribute or escape it.
As human services naturally tend to exchange at par for equally
desirable human services, so do different forms of Wealth, each
product of human service, tend to exchange at par for equally
desirable forms of Wealth; and as Wealth in the Rent category and
Wealth in the Wages category are alike service-products of Labor
applied to Land, exchanges of every kind of Wealth tend to be
effected on the basis of equality in the expenditure of Labor for their
Production.
Let it now be carefully observed and faithfully remembered in
this connection, that however various the kind and the amount of
Wealth that individuals receive, each variety is but a subdivision of
Wealth as a whole, and is therefore either Wages or Rent, those
being the two primary divisions of Wealth in Distribution. A “captain
of industry” may get a large share of Wealth for his service while a
skilled laborer gets a small share for his; but each will take his share
from Wages, not from Rent. On the other hand, the owner of a rich
mining opportunity may get a large share of Wealth and the owner
of a small area of farming land or a village building-lot may get a
small share; but each will in that respect get Rent, not Wages. To
the extent, however, that the “captain of industry” derives any part
of his income from Natural-Resource privileges, that part is Rent;
and to the extent that the mine owner or the farm owner or the
village lot owner derives any part of his from his service, that part is
Wages.
 Thus the factor in Production technically termed Land is
represented in Distribution by the Wealth element technically termed
Rent; whereas the factor in Production technically termed Labor is
represented in Distribution by the Wealth element technically termed
Wages.

IV. Money
All allocations of Wealth, from the two primary ones—Wages and
Rent—to the least of all that are secondary to either of those two,
are made through Trade, and in the course of Trade are measured
by comparisons of Value, which is the universal regulator of Trade.
And as in Production so in Distribution, for Value measurements
Money is the more or less stable yardstick and Money terms the
spokesmen.
Would we know the Value of Wealth in any of its distributive
allotments, we must look for it in terms of Money. Would we know
the Value of any of the various kinds and degrees of Labor that have
produced it, Money terms offer us the only language we can use or
understand. Would we know the Value of any of the various kinds
and degrees of Land from which and upon which such Wealth has
been produced by Labor—whether identified by the term Rent as in
Economics or by such colloquial or business terms as “groundrent,”
or “selling price,”—Money is our sole interpreter, defective though it
be. Would we place any or all of this information on record, we must
do so in terms of Money.
What, then, is Money—this prestidigitateur of both Production
and Distribution? Is it coin? Is it a promise to pay? Is it a fiat of
Value? Is it a magic signal?
Before considering whether or not it is coin, let us think of how
slightly coin is used in Trade. Before suggesting promises to pay, let
us reflect upon the variability and questionability of promises. Before
falling back upon “fiat,” let us know somewhat of the wisdom and
responsibility behind the “fiat.”
If we probe deep, as in these Lessons we have tried to do, shall
we not find that the only level of Value is the Labor level?
Not Labor time. That varies in Value with individuals. But Labor
service or product. And do not the market prices of stable Labor
products come as near to the Value level as may be necessary for all
the purposes of Trade relations?
An absolute level of Value is doubtless as far beyond the
possibilities as an absolute sea level. But as we adopt a “mean level”
of the sea, why not a “mean level” of Value? And why not express
the relations of this level in terms of Money properly stabilized?
The most conspicuous method yet suggested for realizing such a
Value level takes the specific form of a proposal to determine Money
standards by frequent comparisons with the Price level of simple
types of Wealth. Resting nominally upon the Value in Trade of such
staples, this method rests fundamentally upon the Economic fact
that Labor, as the continuous producer of all Wealth, is the real
source and regulator at all times of all Values in the channels of
Trade, and that Money is the measuring rod and its terms the
language.
To go farther into this Economic field would necessitate a surface
survey of Economic intricacies, and these pages aim only at
clarifying fundamentals. Having returned from the Basic Facts, upon
which all Economic details rest, to the Money surface with which it
began, our common-sense primer for advanced students is at the
end of its task.
 SEVENTH LESSON
REVIEW
THE science of Economics, having now been traced from its surface
to its three Basic Facts and back to the surface, let us, for the
purpose of bringing the whole subject compactly within its narrowest
limits, retrace our steps briskly but thoughtfully by way of review.
Economic accomplishments are measured by Money standards
and expressed in Money terms. Resting on the surface, those
standards and terms spread over the whole Economic area.
Beneath that surface we first find Trade, for which Money is the
medium or the means of expressing relative values and adjusting
balances. Trade consists essentially in interchanges of commodities,
inclusive of natural resources and of human service. It is not an
arbitrary custom or set of customs, but a phenomenon of natural law
through which artificial objects are produced to completion and final
delivery. But Trade, though lying beneath the Money surface of
Economics, is not a basic fact of that science.
Only by piercing through the Trade surface as well as the Money
surface, can the bottom level of the Basic Facts of Economics be
reached. Those facts consist of distinct categories which
comprehend in generalized forms the myriads of miscellaneous facts
with which the Science of Economics is concerned.
Of those categories or Basic Facts there are in number neither
more nor less than three—Man, Natural Resources, Artificial Objects.
All Artificial Objects are produced by Man from and upon Natural
Resources. The technical term for the activities of Man in that
connection is Labor; for Natural Resources, Land; and for Artificial
Objects, Wealth. In technical Economic terms, therefore, all Wealth
is produced from and upon Land by Labor.
Many colloquial and business subdivisions of those three
categories may be useful provided they be not mixed in their
meanings.
One of those subdivisions is Capital, which, in its technical
meaning, is distinctively a part of Wealth produced by Labor from
and upon Land. It is, however, often used loosely to include Land,
the technical term for Natural Resources. Even slaves, and by
Economic as well as by private business classification, have been
placed in the subcategory called Capital, a form of Wealth; and this
notwithstanding that as units of the human factor, slaves belong in
the Labor category of Economics. Although such loose distinctions
may be of use in private business accountings, they are intolerable
in the science of Economics, which, like every other science,
demands precision in the differentiation of terms.
The application of Man’s powers of body and mind to Natural
Resources for the production of Artificial Objects—of Labor to Land
for the production of Wealth—is the Productive Process in
Economics. It involves such subcategories as business enterprise,
professional service, invention, hired-man work—in a word, every
grade of useful activity. These subcategories are developed by
industrial specialization, or, in technical Economic terms, Division of
Labor, which necessitates another subcategory. This is Trade.
Without Trade, products of Labor specialization would remain
forever useless; but through Trade the most minute and incomplete
of those products is brought to its useful place in the aggregate of
Wealth—ploughshares to ploughframes, for instance, or ore to the
steel of the factory, or wallpaper to the interior of the house.
The Productive Process though intricate through specialization
and Trade, is readily observable by generalization into the three
major categories, Labor and Land and Wealth. In observing that
Process care must be taken to distinguish delivery from Distribution.
Delivery is part of the Productive Process. No Wealth is completely
produced until it has been delivered to ultimate consumers. But
Distribution has to do with Wealth apportionment.
In apportionment, or Distribution, there are two major
categories, Wages and Rent, corresponding respectively to the two
Production categories, Labor and Land. A minor Distributive
category, corresponding to the minor category in Production called
Capital, is distinguished as Interest. This term identifies the earnings
of Capital. Inasmuch, however, as Capital is part of Labor-produced
Wealth, Interest must be a subdivision of Labor-earned Wages.
The Wages category in Distribution comprises, fundamentally, all
that part of Labor-produced Wealth which is not allocated by natural
Economic law to Rent for permission to use Land. This allocation is
determined by the greater desirability of some Natural-Resource
locations (Land) over the most desirable that may be had for the
taking—of those at the “Margin of Production” as it is technically
called, the “margin of cultivation” as it was called when agricultural
areas alone were thought of as Land, at the Economic frontier as it
may be most significantly described.
All assignments of Wealth in Distribution being determined by
comparisons of desirability of service (Value measured in terms of
Money), we find ourselves at the close of our brief review back at
the Money surface of Economics where we began our delving
expedition down to the Basic Facts.
As a result of that expedition we know, if we think with clarity
and fidelity, that Economics is the science, not of making Money, but
of Producing and Distributing Artificial Objects from and upon
Natural Resources by Man. The usefulness of our expedition depends
upon our grasp of and fidelity to the generalization of all Economic
facts into those Basic Facts which are respectively distinguished in
Economic terminology as Land, Labor and Wealth.
Questions for Self-Examination
I

1.—Name the three Basic Facts of Economics as described in

the foregoing pages.
2.—Define them as there defined.
3.—In your judgment are there any others? If so, name and
define them.

II

1.—What is Money as defined in the foregoing pages?

2.—How would you define it?

III

1.—What is Trade as defined in the foregoing pages?

2.—How would you define it?

IV

1.—What are the Basic Facts of Economics as in this book

explained?
2.—Comment upon that explanation, and give your own.

V
1.—Describe the Productive Process as explained in the
foregoing pages.
2.—Describe it as in your judgment it ought to be described.

VI

1.—Describe the Distributive Process as explained in the

foregoing pages.
2.—Describe it as you think it ought to be described.

VII

1.—Review the Primer briefly but considerately throughout.

For their advice, their suggestions, their criticism and their assistance in
other respects, the author hereby extends grateful acknowledgments to
George A. Briggs, Harry Gunnison Brown, Andrew P. Canning, Stoughton
Cooley, Lewis Jerome Johnson, Alice Thacher Post, Frederick W. Roman,
Mary Van Kleeck, and John Z. White.

It is gratifying to make record also of the financial aid contributed to the

publication of this Primer through a generous personal bequest to the
author from the late Mrs. Mary E. Garst Smith of North Brookfield,
Mass., with an expression of her hope for its use on lines with which this
work is in accord.
 Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made
consistent when a predominant preference was found in the
original book; otherwise they were not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; unbalanced
quotation marks were remedied when the change was
obvious, and otherwise left unbalanced.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BASIC FACTS
OF ECONOMICS ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.

copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in
these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it
in the United States without permission and without paying
copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of
Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything
for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is
very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as
creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research.
Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given
away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with
eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject
to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
 PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free

distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or
any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and

Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree
to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be
bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund
from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in
paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be

used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people
who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a
few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic
works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.
See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with
Project Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the
collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the
individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the
United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law
in the United States and you are located in the United States, we do
not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing,
performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the
work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of
course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg™
mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely
sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name associated
with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this
agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached
full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it without charge
with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also
govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most
countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the
United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the
terms of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying,
performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this
work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes
no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in
any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other

immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must
appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™
work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears,
or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is
accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
 This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away
or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License
included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you
are not located in the United States, you will have to check the
laws of the country where you are located before using this
eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived

from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a
notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright
holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the
United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must
comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through
1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted

with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted
with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning
of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project

Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a
part of this work or any other work associated with Project
Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this

electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1
with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form,
including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you
provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work
in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in
the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or
expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or
a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original
“Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must
include the full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in
paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,

performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing

access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive
from the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the
method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The
fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark,
but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty
payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on
which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your
periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked
as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information
 about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation.”

• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who

notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt
that s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project
Gutenberg™ License. You must require such a user to return or
destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
Project Gutenberg™ works.

• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of

any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in
the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90
days of receipt of the work.

• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™

electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend

considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe
and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating
the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may
be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to,
incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a
copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or
damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer
codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for

the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3,
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the
Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim
all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR
NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR
BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH
1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK
OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL
NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT,
CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF
YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you

discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving
it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by
sending a written explanation to the person you received the work
from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must
return the medium with your written explanation. The person or
entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide
a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work
electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to
give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in
lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may
demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the
problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED,
INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF
MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied

warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted
by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation,

the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation,
anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with
the production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the
following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or
any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission

of Project Gutenberg™
Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.
It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and
donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the

assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a
secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help,
see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project

Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,

Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to

the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without
widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can
be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the
widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many
small donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to
maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating

charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and
keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in
locations where we have not received written confirmation of
compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of
compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where

we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no
prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in
such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make

any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of
other ways including checks, online payments and credit card
donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About

Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,

including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how
to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
Welcome to our website – the ideal destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. With a mission to inspire endlessly, we offer a
vast collection of books, ranging from classic literary works to
specialized publications, self-development books, and children's
literature. Each book is a new journey of discovery, expanding
knowledge and enriching the soul of the reade

Our website is not just a platform for buying books, but a bridge
connecting readers to the timeless values of culture and wisdom. With
an elegant, user-friendly interface and an intelligent search system,
we are committed to providing a quick and convenient shopping
experience. Additionally, our special promotions and home delivery
services ensure that you save time and fully enjoy the joy of reading.

Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and

personal growth!

ebookgate.com