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ARCHAOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA

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/So5
m 7
HISTORY
OF
MEWAR
By the same Author
i, Maharana Kumbha
2. Veer Bhumi Chittor
3. Etihasika Sodh Sangrah
All in Hindi

In Press
Later Mewar
HISTORY OF MEWAR
[From earliest times to 75I A.D.

C7324 Lad Oe,

RAM VALLABH SOMANI

30th March, 976

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 PREFACE
‘My aimin writing this work is to present a sincere study of
the history of Mewar from the earliest times to this date. Having
born at Bagor and brought pypr“at Gangapur inMewar, I hadan
(९ innate desire to payoff the debt of my motherland in form of
such a work. ‘Though historians of eminence like Col, Tod,
Shyamaldas and G.H, Ojha had already written histories of this
tract, but with the availability of a mass of new material, brought
to light during last few years, necessity was being felt to make a
fresh attempt on the subject. Similarly the excavations at Bagor,
Gilund, and Ahar and archaeological survey of the river Banas and
its tributaries also encouraged me to write this chronological
account, For the sake of convenience I have divided the book into
two parts. In this first volume I have tried to trace out the chronolo-
gical details from the earliest times to Maharana Jagatingh I, In
the second part I propose to give a complete account ofthe re
maining period with appendices on source material etc,
Thave made an carnest attempt for including sulficient new
material in this book, For consulting personal collections, I have
‘made several trips to Udaipur, Sitamau, Jodhpur, Bikaner, Ahma
dabad, Delhi etc. Important historical sites of Mewar like Chittor,
Kumbhalgarh, Mandalgarh, Haldighati, Ranakpur Rikhab-
deva Ahar, Nagari, Bagor, Delawara, Nathdwara, Kankroli,
Charbhuja etc. have been visited by me more than once. I thus
hope that this work will help enlighten the interest inthe study of
the history of this tract.
Thave received considerable help from several friends and
sevior scholars to whom I think it my duty to offer grateful thanks,
Twill fail in my duty if Ido not offer my most sincre gratitude to
the Maharana Sahib of Udaipur who not only took keen interest
in my work, but also made it possible to be published by granting
liberal financial assistance.

R.V. Somani
Maha Shivratri 28-2-76
 CONTENTS,
Chapter I
(a) Physical Featurs
(b) Pre and Proto History
Chapter Ut
(a) Guhadatta, the Progenitor of the Guhilot Families
(b) Early Guhilots
(०) Pratihars and Mewar
(१) Struggle for Existence
(०)
(0). Pre-Medieval Mewar
(g) Sultan Alauddin and Mewar
Chapter Ht
(a) Consolidation of Power 05
(09) Mabarana Kumbha वश
(©) Maharana Raimal 446
(१) Maharana Sanga 54
(c) Successors ofSanga. 77
Chapter 7
(9) Maharana Udaisingh 93
(०) Maharana Pratap 29
(०). Maharana Amarsingh I 248
(7) Maharana Kasnasingh 260
(९) Mahasana Jagatsingh T 264
(6) Maharana Rajsingh 272
(g) Maharana Jaisingh 298
(0). Maharana Amarsingh-IT
(i) Maharana Sangramsingh I 328
Chapter V
(a) Maharana Jagatsingh IL ry 335
Index 353
Errata
ABBREVIATIONS
—Archacological Survey Reports of India
. —Bhavanagar Inscriptions
D,H.N.I.—Dynastic History of Northern India by H,C, Ray,
. I.—Epigtaphia Indica,
Firishtah—Tarikh-i-Firishtah (Trans. by Briggs).
LA.—Indian Antiquary,
LA.R.—Indian Archacology—A Review.
J.H.Q.—Indian Historical Quarterly,
Ojha—Udaipur Rajya Ka Itihas by G.H, Ojha,
‘Tod—Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan by Col. James Tod,
SHRI EKLINGJI
 कक्काक-7

(a) Physical Features

Mewar, the heroic land of Guhilot-chivalary is situated between
23°40! and 25°-28" north latitude and 78%- and 75°49! east
longitude.
At present, the entire erstwhile state of Mewar is covered
by the three districts namely, Bhilwara, Chittor and Udaipur
of the Rajasthan state, ‘The rivers Som and Mahi and the ranges
of Aravali hills form its natural boundary in south and west res-
pectively. It is surrounded by the district Ajmer and the sub-division
Shahpura in north; the districts Bundi and Kotah, the sub-division
Pratabgarh of Rajasthan and the district Mandsaut of Madhya
Pradesh in east; the district ‘Tonk in north-east, che districts Dungar=
pur and Banswara in south, Idar of Gujarat state in southwest and
the districts Pali and Sirohi in west,
Origin of the word Mewar
Itis hard to trace the origin. the word “Mewar”, But it is
believed that it was derived from Mews or Meda tribe', who had
settled here for a pretty long time. ‘The Sanskrit scholars preferred
tocall tas Medapat, ‘The earliest known references about its use
are available of I0th century A.D. ‘The Diamma Parikkha (MS) of
Hatisena, composed? at Chittor in VE l0/4 (087 AD), the Hathundi
inscription? of ५, 8. 068 (906 AD) of Bala Prashad and. Fonmu

Brine
author p the
2. Rajputana Gazetteer (Mewar p.5/Maburana Kumbha by
xaEbina
मेबाड tarenkebs
sg(Ms)
शिस्विल्नपुर Pro धक्कड
ot Matas Bawaडूले । apr)
E.L. Xp. 20 verse ।ois,Prabandha Chintamani of Sanskrit, the word Mewar

Prakt ised ofwe find

Sid literature, useof Re
Meanpatthe “arcu Mevac. ats we». समरतीहेण
"fenrarieé S8owencn
Fave Rel eer chat” (Viidha-Titha-Kealpa 9. व Te दैपई TH बंदबाद
 3
Sami-Chariu completed in Dhar (MP) in VE 076 (I0I9 AD), are
the concrete examples about the use of thisnomenclature with its
far andwide publicity and prevalence. IL transpires from the above
thatitsuse was universally adopted during the J0th Century A.D,
‘Thus it can be conjectured that this word might have heen in vouge
sauch earlier.
Our information about the exact name of the country, before
the word Mewar came in use, is meagre. It is evident from the
numismatic evidence that the area around Madhyamika Nagri was
called Shibi Janapada auring® first century BC. In the third century
A.D, it was also known us “Malwa-State™”. In ancient geographical
accounts Mewar has been enumerated separately from Chittor
‘Therefore, it seems that the area comprising of the western hill-tracts
only was known as Mewar during pre-medieval times and eventually
on the extension of the power of the Guhilots, the entire present
tract came within its fold,
‘ill tracts
The land of Mewar looks like a rectangular in shape. 'T
state is almost surrounded by the ranges af the Aravali hills,
‘embracing the wildest ridges and elevated plateau, ‘Ihe description
of these hills is as under ;—
The North Western hills
‘The ranges of Aravallicills, coming from Ajmer Mera-
wara, enter into the state near Pratapapur and Chhatrapur of
4. eget लाइदेस च Rare बित्तजड मासव [Jammu-Sami-Charlu-IX-9.)
5. Ifthe passage warft मेद मांडब्य occuring in Brihata 300॥॥॥6 (XIV-2) is taken
into account, we can trace the origin of this word in th century A.D.
6, ASI.
मज््ममिकायVol. शिविVI segue
p.t97), ouend was used on the coinsofShibis, (An. Rep.
7. “पषमचंदरदशनमिय मालवगणविषयमबतारबित्वा” Nandast-insciption of KE, 282
Q25.A.D.) EL. XXVIT p. 260,
8. In Jammu Sami-Charlu of 4\th century A.D. Chittor isenumerated bidrated:
from
Malwa Mewar.”
(Ep. Car {9Illn' p.Kannada
।34), as inscription
it formed te of part ‘Balagambe.
ofthe siate isofmentioned
the ia
Parmars
fof Malwa, The Kumbhalgarh inscrlotion of VE ISI? 0460 AD) mentions
the four है (४००० orgsoat at waite ye Chitrakuta, Aghe
fowar and Vagada ( 8 . . erses
beginning, Mewar was used for a limited area. This also Bere5 4 - 5 ) . proves thatday
fa the
BA, Tho detalled information of these hills. was made available t ५५७i
Madan Singh Jhala, and Ram Nath Dhabhai of Udaipur,
 3
‘Tehsil Badnor. These ranges penetrate into the siorth-western
direction of the state. The afforestation is less scanty and
the ranges are mostly barren, having less chances of natural
‘water resources, The important ranges of this side are’ those
of Bairat, Dudeshwar, Kamalighat ete, The area is mostly popu
lated by the Mers and Rawats,
Jaraga-hills
‘These ranges derive their name ftom their highest
known as Jarnya, which is 826: MSL. Stretching fompeak
north-west direction, these spread from Diver, like a palm theof
the hand, in the south and south-west direction towards Rupae
Nagar and Kumbhalgarh, ‘The western side of these Jaraga
anges isfairly high. There are some very important
aand passes (00, ‘Two valleys, between Charbhuja and valleys
are locally known as Sheva‘Nala and Borat, while the Amet, passe
termed as Nal are of Jilawara and Khera. During the
medie-
val times, these passes served as most strategic points, Kumb-
halgarh fortis the most important stronghold, having a height
of 3568 R MSL. Mohi, Goyundlah and Diver were the impor=
tant entrance—out-posts of these hills, :
Ranakpur and Gogundah hills
‘The ranges of Ranakapur and Gogundah start from the
Jain temple of Ranakapur and go upto Gogundah (2776 ॥
MSL). The important ranges of this side are those of Rana
Kakar, Mal, Gular, etc. which were among the hill-retreats of
Maharana Pratap, ‘The important passes of this side are those
of Selimata and Sumer. ‘The town Gogundah reniained ime
portant strategic place, as it is connected by TshWwal and Bhutala
vanges on one side and Rupanagar ranges on the other side,
Similarly, the Bhomat ranges start from here. Therefore,
during medieval times, it was treated asa very impstiant place,
It is also connected by Mohi (Near Kankroli), an outpost of
the western hills of Mewar.
Bhomat hills
From Gogundah, two parallel hill-ranges move towards
the southern side, which aneet at Sarawan. One range goes
through Oguna, Kamalnath (2638 ftMSL), Kolyari and
Manpur, while the other range moves towards the west of the
river Wakal, via Panarva, There is an open plain situated
between these two ranges. These ranges are mostly covered
by amass of rugged hills, scrub forests, rocks and ravines.
‘That was why, Maharana Pratap and Amar Singh-I preferred
to stay here, during the time of their trouble. The hills of
Kamalnath, Marawada, Phulawari etc, were among the im-
portant hillsretreats of Maharana Pratap. Debari, Mohi and
Chirawa were the important entrance-outposts of these hills,
Girawa hills
‘The word “Girawa” is derived from the word “Giriwat”
These Girawa ranges practically encircle Udaipur and its
adjoining area, The ranges of Bhutala, Ishwal, Ghaser etc,
are also included in outer Girawa-hills. Udaipur is encircled
by thehillsof Chirawa, Debari, Sagadar, Kamaloda, Man-
dirawala, Cheja-Ghati, Santu, Adinda, Ubeshwar-Mahadeo,
Pipaliya, Alsigarh, Pai-Kotada, Batol, Tidi, Jawarmala etc,
Chirawa and Mohi were the entrance-outposts of ‘these
Mangara hills
‘The hilly tract situated in the south of the Girawa ranges
is termed as Mangara. ‘The important ranges ofthis side are
those of Dingari, Andhari, Ujali, Shisa, Nathara, Semari, Kal-
yanapur, Kherawara etc, ‘The town Chawand, situated among
these ranges, remained the capital of Maharana Pratap and
‘Amar Singh-I for some years, Strategically, it is also very
important, as it remained mostly inaccessible to the invading
‘Mughal forces.
Dhariyawada hills
‘The Eastern part of Jaisamand is locally known as Mewal.
‘The ranges of this side are not very high. The south-eastern
part ofthestate, contiguous to Pratapgarh state, is covered by
a dense forest, known as Sitamata, The towns Unthala,
Bhindar and Bansi were the important entrance- outposts of
this area.
 0
‘The Uparamal region of the state consists of several ranges.
‘The hill-ranges coming from Hadoti, enter into the state near
and penetrate into the south-west direction of the
state via Menal, Mandalgarh, Joganiamata, Begun, Bijepur,
Bassi, Chittor, Sukhanand, Charabhuja and Bhaisarodgarh.
‘These ranges are also not very high and afforestation is less
scanty, Mandalgarh and Chittor, two important strongholds,
are situated in this region,
Besides these ranges, there are several isolated hillocks.
Among these, the ranges of Bharak, Chanwaleshwar, Harniya~
Mahadeo, Banera, Mangrop, Sandamata ete, are worth
quoting.
Plains
‘The central tract of the state is full of fertile plains, which are
watered by the river Banas and its tributaries. ‘These are compara~
tively open and well cultivated, having no forest. The soil is generally
black and light-loom, suitable for the crops of cotton, maize,
sugarcan*, wheat, barley ete, Its classification can be done into the
Chahi (irvigated), Talabi, Nahari (irrigated by the canals), Mal,
Kheda, Berani (unitrigated), Banjar etc, Two crops of Kharif and
Rabi are generally taken, The average height of these plains is about
600 ft. MSL. Before few years, deers, sambhars etc. were numerous,
but these are gradually exterminated,
Rivers
‘The rivers and rivulets are many, but the followings deserve
special mention,
4. Banas and its tributaries
Banas is the most important river of Mewar. It takes its
origin from the western hilletracts near Jaraga. ‘The slope of
the central tract ofthis state being towards north-east direc«
tion, Banas and all its tributaries, almost flow in that direction,
‘The rivers Kothari, Khari, Manasi and Chandrabhaga take
their origin from the western hills. Berach starts from the
Girawa ranges and its tributaries, namely Wagan, Kadmal
Gambhiri etc. rise from the Dhariyawad and Chhoti-Sadari
 hills, These rivers played an important role in shaping the
history of this country. The earliest prehistoric colonies were
developed on their banks.
2% Sabarmati and its tributaries
‘The river Sabaramati starts from Sarawan hills in Bhomat-
area and enters in Gujarat state. Among its tributaries, Wakal
is an important river, It takes its origin from the hills near
Gogundah and flows towards south. However, from Oguna and
‘Manpura, its direction is changed and it moves towards Kotara
and falls in the river Sabarmati in Idar state.
8. Som and its tributaries
‘The river Som rises from the .village Som in Mewar. It
flows in south-east direction and enters the Dungarpur area,
where itfalls in the river Mahi. Among its tributaries, Jakham.
is very important, which starts from the hills near Chh
Sadari and after flowing near Dhariyawad, falls in the river
Som.
‘The river Chambal flows only a few miles in Mewar and
the Rana Pratapsagar Dam is constructed on its Chuliya fall
‘near Bhaisarodgarh in Mewar.
Dams and tanks
‘The physical features of the country also offered a good number
of suitable sites for the construction of embaakments for storage
of water like Jaya-Samudra, Raja-Samudra, Udai-Sagar, Pichola,
Fateh-Sagar, Gambhiri Dam, Meja Dam, Rana Pratap-Sagar Dam.
ete. A good number of tanks were also excavated in this country.
Nearly all the villages have got one or more tanks reserved for
irrigation purposes. The Nandasa Yupa inscription of year 282
(225 AD) mentions of a? big tank. ‘This shows that the irrigation
by these taks was quite popular in this country from the catliest
times, which helped a lot in its economic development.
Forests
Te seems that most of the hilly tract was covered by. forests.
‘The central fertile plains were also having natural growth ofthe trees
9. छत, Vol. XXVI
p,252.
 7
and Aranyakas did exist there, during carly periods.!® But at present
hilly acts are only covered by the forests, which fall under the
category of dry deciduus forests. Tis coverisfairly dense during the
monsoon months, comprising of annual as well as perennial species.
‘The ecological study of the plant-vegetation of the hilly tracts of
this area has 700 been fully done so far.
Natural calam’
‘The country has to depend upon the rains for its agricultural
and other allied occupations. A drought is generally seen alter
every three or four years and the famine is the biggest nat
calamity. Some times floodsdic to heavy rains, cause great des-
truction in the state. Among other calamities, plebestine, cholera,
small-pox etc, are reported to have occured occassionally.
Area
‘The dimension of the stite varied from time to time. During
the reigns of Maharana Kumbha and Sanga, when the power of the
state was at its zenith, its boundaries alnost touched the adjoining
territories of the states of Malwa, Gujarat and Delhi. Subsequently,
alienation of the terriroty started and state had to fice a great shock
the during the Maratha incursions, when the fertile area of Nimuch
Morvan Jawad etc, was sequestered in order (o liquidate their
‘exhorbitant demands. The uncontrolled civil strifes and family feuds
in the royal house, resulted in the loss of Gedawara, a very fertile
area of the state, Thus the dimensions of the state were considera~
bly reduced and the total area remained was only 4000 sq. miles.
‘Ancient routes
‘Although there is litle information available about the ancient
trade-routes that existed during the ancient period, but the use of
the following routes can not be denied.
I) An Ancient trade route from Gujarat to Delhi passed
through Rikhabdeva, Ahar, Eklingji, Delwara or Gogun
dah, Mohi, Bhilwara etc. in Mewar.
2) Frum Ahmedabad to Chittor, an alternate route passed
through Vagada and Mandsaur.
“To The weeof the wordetc,Arani, Araniya ete. for ७३ villages, Aronya Vasini-Devl,
अत mightWahadeva for goddesses and gods worshipped there, prove that
forests have existed in remote past in central plains also.
 3) An ancient route from Pushkar and Ajmer to Dashpur and
Avanti in Malwa, passed through Hurda, Rayala, Mandal,
Bhilwara and Chittor in Mewar.
4) Leading from central India, a route passing through Gag-
ron of Khichiwara and Mandalyarh of Mewar culminated
‘at Chittor. This route from Gagron to Chittor, was ofien
used by the Sultans of Malwa, who launched their
offensive expeditions on the Guhilots, either via Rampura
or Mandalgarh,
5) From Mandor to Chittor, via Pali in Marwar aud
‘Madaria Kosithal or Bagor etc. in Mewar, a trade route
existed.
6) From Udaipur to Chittor, via Karera and Kapasin, a route
existed.
Influence of physical features in shaping history
‘The history of Mewar is greatly influenced by its physical
features. Surrounded by the hills embracing the wildest ridges and
dlevated plateau, it virtually became a physically created stronghold.
‘Therefore, it enjoyed freedom for a pretty long time and its rulers,
managed (० resist even the imperial powers, for a_number of years,
‘The hilly tracts also helped them to adopt guerilla-warfare during
the invasions of therulers of Malwa and Gujarat and the Mughal
Emperors. They took shelter in these hilly tracts and fought with
the enemy. Due to such natural conditions, the Maratha leaders
Sindia and Holkar'* had covetous eyes on this country and also
devised a plan to divide it among themselves, in order to fight with
the British-troops. However, it could not materialise. In this way
the physical features helped a lot in shaping the history of Mewar.
Reference in ancient literature
Few names of the mountains, rivers and ancient cities of
Mewar, have also been found recorded in ancient literature, It
seems that the nomenclature of these mountain ranges varied from
Anpbortive
Ti, ‘Gevised plan toIngle MewarAD,between
dividein 803 the Sindhia and Holkar was
by Ambaji but it could not materialise, due
{fo the timely action ofSingh
theenvoys of Mewar
and namelyDasRawat
Krishna Sardar Singh
Pancholi.
Sangramr-VinodppShaktawat
‘Ghundawat,p. 694/¥i '734-35) ,
लिंक It
 9
time to time, In earliest times, these ranges were known asa part of
Pariyatra group. In Puranic texts.2? the important rivers like Cham:
bal, Banas, Kali-Sindhu, Kshipra, Chandan (Sabarmati), Mahi et.
are described to have theic origin from these ranges, Subsequently
it was also called Vindhya-giti In epigraphic and literary records
of medieval times, we have got a number of references calling these
mountain ranges! as a part of Vindhyagiri, For example, the
Kumbhalgarh inscription of V.E, 627, (460 A.D,), Ranakpur
‘Stavana compoted in V.E. 499 (442 A.D,) and many other works
name, ‘The massive grand edifice of the goddess
Vindhya-Vasini-Deol at Eklingji reminds us of the existence of
the use
of the word Vindhya-giri for mountain ranges in Mewar, Eventually,
these ranges are called Adawala cr Aravali, The hilly plateau of
north-eastern Mewar is called Uparamal, ‘The earlien reference of
this word is available in the Dhod inscription” of V.E, 226 (68
A.D,), The south-western hilly tract is called Chhapan. The ear-
Tiest known reference of this word is also available in the copper
plate grant of Amritapal' of V.E, 242 (85 A,D.), Mutha Nainasi,
a historian of eminence, referred Kanthal, Antari Kherad, Borat,
Giriwat, Mewal, Magara, Chhapan, Uparamal, Syalapatti® ete,
the local names of the then existing regions of Mewau
Banas and Chambal rivers are described at considerable length
in ancient literature, A very interesting reference of the river Banas
is available in Nasika-cave temple inscription of Ist. century B.C, of
‘Ushavadatta,’, who is described to have taken bath at some holy
placesituated on the bank of this river. The river Chambal hat
been immortalised by Kalidasa in his famous work Megha-Dutam,
42, THQ. XXVII p. 220,
43, ‘The Kumbhalgarh inscription of VE. I5I7 (I460 A.D.) conpur tai thens
name
of thehills as Vindhya-giri, (Verses 29 nnd 30). The Ranak चलStavan a
composed in ४.8, 499 (I442 A.D.) has the similar reference विध्या गिरि
evade fg fg नवत्ानाद | राणगपुरि fice areata चतुसमुख sree”. Theancient
name of Bijoliya was Vindya-Pallis तौमि eat eae eed fr विष्यपतल्यागू
Medapat Desh Tirtha Mala (MS).
\4,Voroda (Hindi) शा No. pps I-6, edited by R.C. Agrawal.
5, Ojha Niband Sangraha Vol. ॥7 9, 209,
6. Nainas! ki Khyat, (Old Rajasthani
कर. EI, VUIT 9, 82.
 (b) Pre and Proto History
Recent explorations? and excavations carried in Mewa. prove
the existence of palaeolithic culture there. However, more extensive
study of artefacts in stratified condition isstill needed, It js a fact
that prehistoric period is sufficiently longer, which is to be inter
preted mainly from the evidence preserved in rocks, moraines, river
terraces, lithic tools and ceramic remains, Mewar seems to have been
occupied by man, atleast for a hundered thousand years and history
and cultural sequences of this period can only be traced by exploring
and excavating its ancient sites, ‘Therefore, no detailed account of
this period can be perpared. However, on the basis of the material
known s0 far, the pre and proto history of Mewar may be divided
as under? :—
(J) The Early Stone Age,
(2) The Middle Stone Age,
(3) The Mesolithic or Late Stone /७१५
(4) The Chatcolithie Age,
(6) The Iron Age,
Early Stone Age
In 953-54 A.D. the beds of the? rivers Gambhiri and Berach
near Chittorgarh, the two streams near Singoli,the pebble conglomes
rate bed of the river Chambal and the slopes near the village Sonita
were explored, as a result of which the choppers, hand-axes. cleavers
and flakes were discovered. $.R, Rao discovered more sites in that
district, From Sonita,** nineteen tools were found in the conglome=
rate bed of the river Chambal consisting of three choppers, four
cleavers, cight scrapers, one ovate and remaining three of indeter+
minate shapes. The flakes are of Clactonian technique, In this
way both Sohan choppers and Madras flakes were found together,
Similarly the artefacts of both these industries were found from
|. V.N, Mishra—The Pre and 8: itory of Mewar, published in "Mewar
through the Ages’ pp:
2, Ibidpp.I!
3, LAR, 953:54 p,37.
3A. ibid \956-57 pp. 5-7,
 क्र
Bhaisarodgarh and Badoli. The rivers Bamanit and Ruparel and
Nallas of Dhoda, Bhichore and Parasoli have also yielded a consi
derable number of palaeoliths, including hand-axes, choppers and
scrapers, Thus, Mewar seemes to have been a meeting®-place of
the Sohan Industry of Punjab and Handaxes Industry of Madras,
Dr. VN. Mishra explored? the valleys of the river Banas and its
affluents—Kothari, Khari, Wagan, Berach, Kadmali aud Gambhisi
and few important palacolithic sites namely-Hamirgrah, Sarupganj
Mandapia, Bigod, Jahazpur etc. (al! in district Bhilwara) were
noticed, He pursued his researches and made asystematic study
of the stone age culture ofthe Berach basin, A perusal of his
exploration reveals that these valleys represent the Acheulian?
culture, Inthe Berach basin, the artefacts wete collected from
these villages—(I) Darauli (2) Karanpur (3) Dhimara (4) Sarjana
(5) Vallabhnagar (6) Gadariawas (7) Tukerawa (8) Dhanet and
(9) Nagari, but Dhanet and Nagari have yielded a good number of
implement
Shri Vijaykumar of the department of Archaeology and
Museums, Jaipur’’ has also collected 23 palaecliths from Nagari
(District Chittor), consisting of 42 flakes, L5 cores, 30 hand-axes, 2I
leavers and 4 scrappers.
The artefacts from the Gambhiri Industry were found in
the Nalla flowing into the river Gambhiri near Chittor, Similarly,
Rathanjana', an important site near Nimbahera sitwated on
Gambhiri, yielded a large number of han‘-axes, cleavers and
choppers. From Wagan® Industry, the palaeoliths were collected
from the villages—(I) Hajiakheri, (2) Bhutia, (8) Beawar and
(4) Champatheri, In these villages the rivergravel is very rich in
tools, Here the material of three different cultures was found
together, ‘The artefacts from Kadmali were collected from the area
4, p.45/i963-64
LAR 954-55p. p,29,58/955-56 ps 68 plates LAXIVB and LXXV/I957-58
5, I.A.R. 986-57 p. 6/Mottimer Wheeler-Barly India and Pakistan 9.42,
6, rbid 958-59 9. 42/I959-60 9. 39/96!-62 9. 38/I962-63 p, 8/968-64 9.
7. V.N.Mithea—Pre
than (Poona 960) 9.and
22.Proto History of the Berach Batin South Ri
48. Researchee—Vol. IIL-IV pp, 6-62.
8, LAR, 954-55 9. 58,
9, V.N. Mishra opete p. 48)
2
around Nimbahera, The palacolitihe site of Sigoh near Nimbahera,
is also situated on the bank of Kadmalit®,
‘The implements collected from these river-valleys are made of
quarizite, The palacoliths collected from Dhanet, Nagari and
Gambbiti are of fine bluish grey and pinkish quartzite,
‘A comparative study of these artefacts reveals that the three
industries of Berach, Gambhiri and Wagan have more or less equal
percentage of various types of palacoliths and thus form & homo-
geneous! group, But Kadmali Industry did not yield Levallois flakes
‘and also there is a difference in the percentage of other types of tools.
‘The tools used by the early man!? have served as all-purpose
tools. ‘They served as knives and were used to cut up a beast, serap
a bone, dig up the pigments or shape a stick, ‘The early man, who
used these implements, was passing his time by hunting the animale
etc, Intense cold climate might have driven him to the caves
and rockshelters, ‘The hillfort of Chittor, probably, sheltered some
of the earliest stone age communities
Siwana valley near Mandsaur was! explored by A.P. Khatri,
Wakanker and J.C, Joshi. Simifarly Chambal valley near Ramnpura
was explored by Waneright and Wakankar. ‘These sites, contiguous
to Mewar, have also yielded numerous artelucts of considerable
value,
Middle Stone Age
Middle palacvlithic tools-scrappers, points, choppers, borers
ete, were first collected by Rao, while conducting the exploraiion
of the beds of che rivers Gambhiri, Berach, Nallas of Dhod and!
Parasvli. V.N. Mi hra also collected these palacolithic tools in the
valleys of the Banas and its tributaries in the ditricts of Bhilwara
and Chittor. Further work of Sankalia, Mishra, Sunderrajan, Sen
Gupta, M.D. Khare ete. breught to light several sites having Middle
Stone Age tools, in the districts of Chitior and Udaipur,’* But
30, LAR. I954-85 9.58.
Il. V. Ny Mishra—op. eft. pp. 67-68,
22. Magorie and QH.B Quenell-Bveryday life in, Prehist ‘Times (London
999) 9: 39 म beleMan in the Primitive World (Londor Bl,
38, A.P, Khatti—The Prehistoric Malwa
Bizuryan Malwa (Thea) Ghaprer dis(ne)
Thesis) Chapter
Cute M/C,I /J.G. Jeu
Joshi—Pre-
¥4, TAR 954-55 p, 50/997-36 p, 68/956-57 pp.5-7.
45, Abid '958-89 9. 42/I979-50 p. 39.
(6. (id I95I-82 9. 30/933-64 pp. 29-20,
 43
more tools could not be collected. The main reason of this seems
to be the unavailability of requisite raw material like fine grained
chert, jasper, chalcedony etc” V.N. Mishra conducted a systematic
study of Middle Stone Age implements collected from the valleys of
the rivers Wagan and Kadmali, In Wagan these too
above, were collected from the villages~(!) Haja Kheri,
(3) Bhutia and (4) Champa Kheri, with the tools of the Barly Stone
Age, few {com stratified gravels while others from loose" gravels. In
other parts of the country also,” very few tools were unearthed in
stratified condition, From Newasa, on Godawari, these tools were
found in stratified condition with the fossils af BorVomadieus,®
De Terra and Teilhard, who studied the tools of this age, found
from the scratches af Narmada near Narasinghpurjobserved that these
tools belong to the third aggradutional phase (minor) of the rivers,
A study of the available lithic material, found from the Berach
basin, shows that typologically there was no break between the Karly
and® Middle Stone Ages. ‘Tine hand-axes and cleavers, which were
made of quartzite in Barly Stone Age, continued to be made in chert
in the Middle Stone Age, though their size was comparatively
reduced, Similar inference is noticed from the evidence collected
from the rivers Luni and Betawa,
Late Stone Ag
‘The Post-Pleistocene and Post**-Palacolithic hunting and ga
thering economy was characterized by the small sized artefacts, The
microliths are known as mesolithic phase in prehistory, ‘The oldest
microlithic industry in India is said to be of equal antiquity with the
‘western mesolithic culture and was probably derived from that and
occupied an intermediate position between Palaeolithic and Neolithic
as in Europe.
I, VAN. Mishea—op. elt, p. 73.
'8. ibid.
49, B, Subbarao—The Personality of India pp, 65-65,
20, HD. Sankalia—From History to Prehistory at Newasa (954-55) p.67 fn,
ai, LAR. 63-64 9. 29.
22, De Terra and Peterson T.T.—Studies on the Ice Age in India and 8०लंह-
ted Human Cultures 9. $20.
28, Ancient Tadia No, $ pp. 36-37/No. 9, p. 64/D.H, Gordon—The Microlithic
Tecan Ete
Fredrick i riaStoce Agsaad
Adan ValeFleutovene
20000 Chronology 02020
Gujarat (aeunet
(P0008)
{350.
 Mt
$.R, Rao was the first to collect in 954-55 microliths from the
river banks at Bhichor, Haripura, Singholi etc, in district Chittor.
These included blades, burins, points, lunates. trapezes etc, The
material used compriseh of agate, quartz, jasper, chalcedony etc. The
microliths made™ ofchert, jasper, chalcedony, agate and comprising
of blades, points, side and end scrappers, fluted cores and crested
ridge-flakes were collected from Kurias, Deoti and Mangrop (all in
Uistrict Bhilwara) and Ballukhera in district Chittor, More microlithic
sites were discovered in the vallages BariBedla, Bichri, Garua,Dabok
Mander, Kanpur, Bijana, Mordai and Intali(all in district Udaipur)
and Bari Achaner-and Beawar in district Chittor.* Fluted cores,
blades, points and lunates of chert, chalcedony and agates were also
‘obtained from Tara, Barmani and Kalikunja near Bhaisarodgarh
ia'district Chittor.2?
Bagor
Bagor is situated on the bank of the river Kothari in district
Bhilwara, The excavation was carried out here by the Deccan
Gollege, Poona and the Deptt. of Archaeology of Rajasthan, This
sice is very important and like Tilawara in Barmer, it has yielded
‘valuable inaterial ranging from Late Stone Age to Iron Age, The
microliths are mostly collected from* surface and therefore our
knowledge of the technology of microlith-makers was so far limited,
३७ no jdea of theie stratifications was known from Mewar before the
excavation of Bagor, This problem has now been solved, It was
at the lowest level of Bagor (BG I) that the richest collection of
rnicroliths was noticed, In the phase I, the technology was entirely
based on stone tools and people did not know the use of pottery. It
seems that hunting and food-collection were the important means
of teir livelihood, ‘They were living on the stone-paved floors
and buried their dead within their settlements,** This culture existed
in circa 4500 B.C.
2, TARR, 954-55 p, 58/955-56 pp, 68-69/956-57 9, 8,
28, LAR. 957-58 9.43.
36... ibid956-579.
2, id,
28, LAR, 954-55 p, 8/955-56 pp, 68-69/956-57 p. 8.
28." De, V.N. Mishe papera's
published in the Eastern Sie
XXIV No. $ pp. 287 to 280,
Anthropologistcams
—Val.
 75
Chalcolithic Age
No evidence of the existence of the Neolithic Age has as yet
been found in Rajasthan. The Late Stone Age scems to have
continued here for a long time and transformed into the chalcolitnic
period. By and by, there began the use ofpottery alongwith the
microliths, as in other chalcolithic sites of Malwa.® The excava:
tion at Bagor proves that this site was uninterruptedly occupied for
along time, From the phase II hand-made wares of comparatively
poor quality were found together with microliths, the percentage
of which, although slightly declining from phase I, is stillquite
significant.3*
Ahar Cultare
‘The excavation at Ahar was first undertaken by R. 0, Agrawal.
Is results being encouraging, extensive survey of Banas valley was
carried out by the Archaeological Survey of India and more then
40 sites were discovered, which yielded Painted Black and Red
Potteries. An excavation was also carried out at Gilund by the
Govt, of India, Further, one more excavation was carried out at
Ahar in I96I-62 A.D, under the supervision of H. D, Sankalia,
‘The excavations at Ahar have yielded valuable information
about itsceramic industry. The Black and Red Wares! are very
istinctive, having beautiful decorations with many designs. The
microliths found from this site were comparatively less in quantity
than from other chalcolithi tes. This site has also yielded several
flat copper celts and fragments. Similarly copper fragments were
also found from Gilund. Both Abar and Gilund are situated near
the copper producing area and therefore early chalcolithic man might
have also unearthed this metal from there. It is also proved from the
metal working furnaces that were used in® Ahar. The probable date
of this culture can be placed between 900 8, 0. to 7200 8. 0.
‘The excavations at Ahar have also yielded valuable information
about thelife of its early settlers, The Abharians were living
in houses having mudwalls with sloping roofs, Bamboos were

30. ‘The important chalcolithic sitesof Malwa are Kayatha, Awara, Mahethe
war, Navadatoli, Eran, Ujjain, Nagada etc.
SL. The Bastern Anthropologist Vol. XXIV No. 3 pp. 258-259,
32... V.N, Mishra op.eit. pp. I48-49/T.A,R, 954-55 pp. I4-5,
83, HD, Sankalia—The Excavations at Ahar 9. 8.
34. V.N. Mishra op. cif. 9५ 80.
used to support the roofs, Large size Ghulhas were also found which
seem to have been taken in use by some big families!, Agriculture
was known and wheat, barley, milo etc, were commonly eaten there,
‘The non-vegetarian meal must also have been popular which is. pro-
ved from the bones of swamp deer," fish etc, The Aharians kept
buffaloes, sheep, goats, pigs, asses and dogs., Thus they seem to have
Jaid stress on increasing the cattle wealth,
Material from other sites"? was collected in sifu. The names
of these sites are Darauli, Fachar, Rupawali, Balathal, Kheri, Tora
wat, Sirdi, Jawara, Gadariawas, Bansi, Champakheri, Gilund, Miroll,
Chhatrikheda, Pahuna, Marmi, Uncha, Jasama, Kodu-Kota ete, All
these sites have also yielded potteries mainly divisible into three
groups (!) Red Wares, (2) Grey Wares and (3) Painted Black and
Red Wares, Pottery-sherds found from Balathal and Gadariawas re-
present the major wares of this culture, It is interesting to note that
‘Tan Ware sherds, having painted decoration, which were not found
at Ahar, but are known from other Harappan sites, were found (rom
Balathal, Bansi and Champakeri, ‘These sites have also yielded a
good number of pottery sherds, Most of these sites are situated in the
districts of Udaipur and Chittor and a few in the district Bhilwara,
‘This proves that this culture disappears in custern Mewar,
From Chosala (District Ajmer), which is contiguous to Mewar, Black
‘and Red Wares are found with Painted Grey Wares, But from
Mewar, except few sherds from Gilund, no Painted Grey Wares are
so far known,
‘The Black and Red Wares with paintings are also found from
‘Manoti* (near Chambal Dam), Avara® (District. Mandsaur) K:
tha (District Ujjain), Gran, Maheshwar"—Navadatoli etc. of
Madhya Pradesh, In the words of V..N, Mishra “A comparison
95. HD, Sankalia op. eit. pp. 26-290.
36. tbid.
87, V.N. Mishra op.‘cit 9. I49 fig. 42/L-A.R, 956-579,8.
38, T.A.R, 959-609.25:
89, HV. Trivedi’s papet~The Excavations at Awara (published in theJournal
of M.P.Itihas Parishad)
40, LLA.R. 967—60 p. 27/Wakankar—The Kayatha Excavation Number of the
Vikrama (University of Ujjain).
श्र lia —Excavations at Maheshwar—Navadatoli/H, D.Sankalin—
 W
‘ofchalcolithie cultures of Bagor and Ahar provides interesting com
clusions, The Aharians were full fledged farmers and had a knows
ledge of matallography. ‘They were colonising a new territory. At
Bagor, on the other hand, an essentially hunting and food gathering
people were adopting through a cultural contact a good producing
economy on small scale and some other material traits of a food
producing culture”,
The discovery of iron brought a‘drastic change. In the words
of V.N. Mishra “The iron age settlement at Ahar seems to have
come into existence several centuries after the end of previous settle:
ment. At Bagor on the other hand the chalcolithic culture gave way
to the iron using! man”,

42. Mewar Through the Ages pp. I-6.

43, Ttook necesary help (rom Shri Devendra Handa in draftingt his chaptee.
 (०) Early History
Epic-Period
It is bard to reconstruct the chronological history ofearly
Mewar for want of authentic-material, Before Aryan-settlement, it
was wholly occupied by? ab-original-tribes like Bhils, Minas etc.
Eventually, the Aryans settled down here, Pushkar and Abu, both
contiguous to Mewar, have been mentioned as important religious
centres of the early Aryans, Therefore, it can be said that this
country was also known to them in the remote past, The Dharma:
sutra of Bodhayana (circa 630 B.C.) yields a definite® information
about it. It mentions the Parjyatra mountain as the southern boun-
dary of Aryavrata, The Ramayan, Mahabharat and Puranas have
specific references about this mountain, with the river Banas flowing?
from it, Therefore, we can definitely say that the Aryans had settled*
down here before circa 600 B.C.
The Mahabharat has also several references of Madhyamika-
Nagari, *Inthe great battle of Mahabharat, a king Shrutayudha,*
ruling in the country, situated on the bank of the river Banas, espo-
used the cause of the Kauravas, No details ol this king are known,
According to traditions, Bhim Pundava visited Chittor and construc-
ted acitadel there. Bhimagori tank, situated in this fort is also
attributed to him, The {Pradyotas of Avanti, seem to have occu-
pied some part of this country, during the 6th century B.C, The
Sisunaga, kings of Magadha, who occupied the kingdom of Avanti,
might have annexed some® part of Mewar also,
Mauryan Empire
There is no direct evidence to prove that the Mauryas had
actually occupied Mewar. A controversy still exists about it, among
the scholars, Their main arguments are as under :—
2, G.C, Raichaudhary—HistoryofMewar p.7/D. C, Sirear—fhe Gubilas
of Kishkindha pp. 38-39.
3, LH.Q. XVII p. 222.
4, G.G, Raichaudhary op, elf. p.7.
3६ The
Vol. Gotua
St pp stone inscriptionwe furniahes
98-I99)but ७० hardlytheconnect
name ofa
hin kingwithSarvatat(.t.
Shrateyuahe,
8 D.G, Sircar op. elt. p. 39,
 a9
Adris Banerji belives that the Mauryas? could not -occupy
Mewar. In support of his claim he says that the main trait of the
Mauryan culture was N.B.P,, which was not yet found from Mewar,
Besides, the rock edict was incised at Bairat, which according to him,
was a boundry-area and as such the occupation of the Mauryas in
Rajasthan, beyond Bairat requires further evidence, Quite contrary
to the above, 0.0, Raichaudhary believes that Mewar was occupied
by them, as itis situated between Bairat and Ujjain,
The arguments produced by Adris Banerji are untenable, We
can hardly deny the existence of the Mauryan rule bythe non
availability of the N.B.P., The existence of the minor rock edicts is
also not the evidence, These edicts seem to have been erected
‘at important commercial places or religious sites and we can hardly
judge the boundaries of the state by these as at Rupnath, a similar
‘edict was incised, which was situated in the centre of the empire
of Asoka, However, the local traditions associate Samprati®4 the
great grandson of Ashoka, with the various sites in Mewar. If these
traditions are believed, we can say that the Mauryas had occupied
Mewar and on the disruption of their empire, the Sungas captured
Sunga Rulers
We have got no definite evidence whether Pushyamitra Sunga
was having his sway over any part of Rajasthan, Two seals bearing®
the legerd Palitase (2nd or 3rd century B.C.) and Vikitam-Visha(ya)
(2nd century B.C.) were found from Ahar. But further details about
them are not known, D.C, Sircar, on the basis of the Barli Inscrip-
tion, preserved in t' ¢ Ajmer Museum, suggests that the northen area
‘ofRajasthan formed part of the dominion of the Sungas. Butsuch
inference can hardly be adduced from the above inscription. It is

7. Adris Banerji—History of Mewar—(Journal of the Oriental Institute of

‘Baroda Vol. XII No. 4).
8 0. 0. Raichaudary -op. lf. ps It,
88. आदो सम्प्रतिराज की्तनमघों तागहदेशाचितं। (Medapatadesh Tirtha-Mala MS of
प58 century A.D.)V.A, Smith—-Barly History of India (924) 9, 202/D,C.
Sircar op. cit. p. 40.
9, HED, Sankalia—op. cit. pp. I3-I4.
I0, 0. 0, Sircar—op. clr. p. 40.
still controversial! about its date, ‘This inscription also refers to
Madhyamika Nagari which proves that it was an important town,
Several silver and punch marked coins, assignable to 3rd or 2nd
‘century BO were also found from there. Patanjali, who was present
in the reign of Pushyamitra Sunga, also refers to Madhyamika Nagari,
which can be identified with the town of the same name situated
near Chittor.
Greck Invasions
Patanjali, the grammarian, says! that during his living memory
Saketa, and Madhyamika Nagari were besieged by the Greeks, But
hhe does not mention the name of the invader, ‘The scholars are also
not unanimous about the identification of this invader, K.P, Ja
basing his argument on the inscription of Kharawel and
description of Yuga Purana, says that the Greck king who launched
an expedition over India was Demetrius, Numerous objections!
were raised against this identification, A. K. Narayan doubted the
historicity of thisinvasion by saying that the! quotations of Patane
Jali were simply school examples, having little historic truth and in
cease an invasion took place, it was of Menander and not of Demet«
‘rus, as the latter's penetration beyond Sauvira country into India
requires further evidence, It is beyond doubt that Patanjali, who
referred to this invasion was contemporary of Pushyamitra Sunga,
Therefore, the Greek kings, who could penetrate into India, were
either Demetrius or Menander, as they were ruling at that time,
The Ayodhya inscription of Dhanna deval* supplies very valu-
able information, According to it, Pushyamitra Sunga performed
two horse sacrifices. The dates of these sacrifices are not exactly
known, but it seems that the first was performed immediately afer
his usurping power, in order to establish his suzerainty, in 84 8, 0,
Il, LA. LYIIL p, 229/Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society 930
pp. ० मे, 000 Bharva-Pracht-Lipl-Mola
(Ajmer) ६, 2-8/ Journal
of940.Bihareieaich Society Vol. XXVIII pp. 34-30/D, 0, Bircar-op.el
2, अरुण यह बबतः eet । अरुण यह ae साध्यमिकाय 3-2-2],
8, Bats XX p. 79,
Mi Navayan—The
6 0 Ralehauihary=Poien
Indo Greeks 9. fatory, of Greeks
82/Tara—The Anstentin Bacteria
Todi, an 9
dia
छ 435-54,
IS. A. K, Narayan op. elt. 9. 82.
I6. BAL. XX p. 57/G.H, Ojha-Nagari-Pracharini-Patrika Vol. दा, No. 4, p, 20)
 a
and the second seems to have been performed immediately alter the
departure of the Greeks from India. A groupt" of scholars also
believes that these two performances were occasioned after the two
different Greek invasions of Demetrius and Menander.
‘The Yavan conflict referred to in Malavikagnimitram evidently
took place in the Jater part of Pushyamitra’s reign, when his grand-
ton Vasumitra was quite grown up to command the forces, against
the Greeks, As stated in it, the battle took place on the right bank*
of the river Sindhu, which may be identified with Kali Sindhu, a
tributary of the Chambal,flowing in the northern Malwa and eastern
Rajasthan, ‘Vasumitra succeeded in defeating them. ‘The invaders
seem to have taken the route via Mandor, Madhyamika, Dashpur
and after crossing the river Chambal gone towards Mathura. The
Jocal rulers of Madhyamika and Dashpur, also measured sword
against them. It is corroborated from the inscription found at
‘Anwaleshwar® near Pratabgarh (District Chittor) which has a
specific reference to protecting of the border of north against some
‘enemies by Kolin son of Pona, who in order to commemorate thisri
event, erected a Kirlistambha there.
‘Therefore, keeping all these points inview, we can safely con-
ude that Menander invaded Madhyamika ८६०५ about circa 50
B. C, which is also proved from the commentary of Jainendra-
Vyakarana®®,
Settlement of Shibis in Mewar (2nd century B.C,
Due to the repeated Greek inroads, Shibis moved from
the middle
the Punjab and succeeded to occupy eastern Mewar in having
of the second century B.C. A good number of coins the
legend :'Majha-mikaya-ShibiJanopadasa’'?* were found from Madhya.
mika Nagari which proves the existence of their republicwhilethere.
the
Their coins beat the symbol of amountain on reverte,
symbol of a tree appears on obverse, No detailed achieveme nts
7. ४, हे. Ghosh—Early History of India p. ॥57.
I8, Malavikognimitram Act 5.
कुलिनेत dlr gia”? This Anvaleshwar inscription was
49, Wa उत्तर रखितेन सा Jou,
covered by J.C, who edited it in Varado Vol XIII. Tale
seedited it in Voruda Vol. XLV.
20. seraeateitargcig--(Abhayanandi's commentary on Jalrendra Vyakerana),
ai, Ao Rep. A.SI. Vol, VE p, I97/BMS Parmar—Researcher Vol, XII-XIIL
 22
of this tribe are known, It seems that these Shibis issued their
coins on the exodus of the Greeks from Madhyamika Nagari.
Gosundi Stone Inscription
The Gosundi stone inscription®, roughly assignable to the
middle of the first century B,C, mentions of the performance of
Ashwa medhayajnaby a king Sarvatata of Gajayana branch (belong:
ing to Kanva family) which proves that he was an independant ruler
of considerable impor'ance and had measured sword against some
formidable enemy, whose account is unknown tous. ‘The Greek
invasions resulted into the exodus of various tribes including
Malawas from Punjab, which greatly affected the history of the
south-eastern Rajasthan, but nothing can be said with certainty
about the adversaries of Sarvatata, However, for the study® of
revival of Bhagawat-cult, this inscription is very important.
inning of New Era by the Malawa
In 57B.G.,the Malawas started a new era,which is now known
as Vikrama Era, According to its earlier dates recorded in the ins-
criptions, it seems that it was started in order to commemorate?
the settlement of their republic, ‘The tribe of Kshudrakas, which
was living with them in the Punjab and with whom their confederate
military arragements existed", now finally assimilated into them,
‘Thus this era was started to commemorate this event, Perhaps it
has got no relation with any great victory. According to the
numismatic evidence, the Malawas were living in Mewar, Nagar,
ete, The Saka Kshatrapas were also extending their sway over this
area and therefore, struggle between them was imminent,
Battle between the Malawas and the Kshatrapas
‘Among the carliest Kshatrapa rulers, Nabapan came in
conflict with the Malawas, He sent his son-in-law Ushavadatta!?
22, 0. 0. Sircar op lt, . 43,
29: “a सर्वतातेन seat” 8.7, Vol. XXII p, 99/0.0, Sitcarop.elt. p. 4I/From:
‘Sambhar, «sealof this period bearing
thename
24. -RG. Agtawal—Rajasihan-Bharatt IV No, 4, pp. Sarvatatawat also known,
UA-Tor
IXNo.details
4 yee Author's paper~Malava-Samvat published in Verada Vol.
25, भालव्ण रिप्त्या याते J.P. Fleet—Corpus Inscriptions Indicarum Vol, त]903/
reenter कालज्ाताय (bid p. 454) reremeremrt प्रशस्ते कृत संशिते (8, T.
XII 9: 920)
ws, EHO its 280,
7, E. ‘Vol. VIII 9. 78.
 23°
against them, who were fighting against Uttana Bhadrakai, When
faced by the Kshatrapa army, the Malawas ran away, After suc-
ceasfully espousing the cause of Uttam Bhadrokas, Ushavadatta took a
ceremonial bath at Pushkar and made? a pious donation of several
cows, He alto visited a holy place on the river Banas "4 (Pethaps
Matrikundiya near Chittor) and went to Dashpur®, In this way
the Malawas were defeated and were compelled to owe theit
allegiance to the Kshatrapas,
‘The Kshatrapas suffered a great settoack at the hands of Sata-
vahans, But Mahakshatrapa Rudradama soon retrieved the terri+
tory by defeating the Andhras, According to is Junagarh inscription
of the year 72 (50 A,D.), he successfully conquered several couni
tries and was having his sway over Maru, Yaudheya republic,
Avanti" etc, which were contiguous to Mewar. Therefore, a
conjecture can be hazarded that Mewar was also forming part of
his state, But soon the Malawas succeeded in re-establishing their
sovereignty,
Nandusa Inscriptions (225 A.D.)
‘The Nandasa Yupa-pillar inscriptions of the K.B, 282(226 AD),
(Situated near my home town Gangapur, District Bhilwara) yield
a valuable information" about the existence of the Malawa
republic there. These Malawas measured sword with their
adversaries, the Saka Mahakshatrapas of Avanti, ‘The names of
their chiefs, mentioned in (0०१०० Yupa-inscriptions, are Jayavardhan,
Bhriguvardhan, Jayasom, Nandisom and Bhattisom, who were of
Sogisclan, Mahasenapati Nandisom performed a Shashtiratra
Yajna at Nandasa (District Bhilwara) in order to commemorate some
‘event, which might be none else, than their victory over the Maha
28, Journal of the Oriental Institute of Barca Vol. X pp, I62~I88,
29, a क्षदरातस्य क्षतरपश्य नहुपान।य ara दीनीक पुत्रणउदावदातेन Fite सहुलदेगत eT
आर्णातायां सुवर्णदान तीष॑करेण देवताध्यो...? [8 7. धागा p78)
288 कक
There i. wcontrovery
ith aah
sbout theBanas, rivet Bu.anne
the western
refered above,Somescholars
there are more’ chan to Wavtty ie wid seke
looking to Ushavadat's isi to
30. nage stele शोरपारगे 9 चतुशालावसधप्रतिश्य-प्रदेत ("Old p. 78]
झ. bidVIE p. 42/L, A, VIE p. 257.
82. gunsireatianreran विषयमवतारबिल्वा,..” bid XXVIC p, १50, A. जया
9.53
33, LH.Q. XXIX No. I 99. 80-82/D.C, Sircar op, cit, 9. 42f. 9.
 24
Kehatrapas of Ujjain, A few inscriptions referring to performance of
sacrifices were also found from Eastern Rajasthan. D.C, Sircar
believes that the Malawas also gave a crushing’ defeat to the
Kehatrapas at Baranala (Jaipur) in 927 A. D, and also performed
the sacrifices there, At Badava (Kotah) in 238 A, D,,S¢ the
Maukhari chiefs defeated some enemies and performed similar
sacrifices there, In this way, the Malawas succeeded to cast off the
yoke of suzerainty of the Mahakshatrapas,
‘The Nandasa inscription of 225 A.D, referred to above, is
composed in good sanskrit, highly influenced by poetic imagination,
Generally, the inscriptions of this period were composed in Prakrit
or mixed dialects, but the use of such scholarly language proves the
advancement of the Malawas in Sanskrit language" and literature,
There Malawas seem to have continued to rule Mewar, Hadoti and
northen Malwa till they were finally subjugated by the Guptas,
‘The Gupta Rulers
In the beginning of the fourth century A, D,, the imperial
Guptas rose to power. A reminiscence of Samudra Gupta's exploits"”
‘and his victorious engagements is preserved in the Allahabad inscrip-
tion, He defected the Malawas and extracted tribute from them,
He was succeeded by his son Chandra Gupta IT, who annexed Avanti
by defeating the Kshatrapa rulers. He appointed his son Govind
Gupta at Ujjain. From this time the area around Mandsaur was
ruled by the local rulers, who according to D.C, Sircar belonged to
the tribe of the Malawas, According to the epigraphic sources,
the names ofthe kings of this family are Jayavarma, Simhavarma,
Narvarma (404-47 A, D.), Vishwavarma (.23 A. D.), Bandhuvarma
(436 A. D,), Rudravarma etc,, who ruled as the feudatories of the
imperial Guptas,

D.G. Sirear—op. cit. ७. 42006 suggests that the fra

Baranala dated 284 (227 A. 0.) algo belonged ५७
‘Malawas, as their names also end i
+ Nandasa,
35, B, I. Vol. XXLV p, LI8.
36, IbidXXIII p.52,
SGA, The intcription of K. B, 262 (225 AD) is engraved with great care and the
same text छ incised borizentally and vertically on the same Yupa pillar.
87, J.B. Fleet—op. elt. pp. | 40 7.
38, D.C,Sitcar—op, elt.9.42
 5
The inscription found at Madhyamika Nagari® of M.E. 48]
(424 A.D.) mentions that a temple of Vishnu was constructed by
Satyashura, Shrigandha, ete. But we do not exactly know whether
they belonged to some royal family. At the same time, a fragment
ofa Yupa-pillar inscription of 4th or 5th century A.D., discovered
from Madhyamika Nagari, having the account of the performance of
the Vajpeya yajna there, is a broken piece and does not contain the
name of aking in it, Therefore, we donot exactly know about
the rulers of that time,#°* There is no direct evidence also, to prove
whether the Guptas occupied Mewar. But the Chhoti Sadaritt
inscription of M.E. 847 (490 AD.) and the fragmentary inscriptionst2
of Chittor of Oth century A-D., prove that the arca around Madhya
mika Nagari formed a part of the state of Dashpur. ‘Therefore,
the conjecture can be hazarded that the local rulers of Dashpur,
who were the feudatories of the imperial Guptas, also had their
sway, at least over the south-western Mewar. ee
Afier Kumargupta, his son Skandgupla sueceeded to the
throne, ‘The internal dissensions and the invasions from outside
resulted in the disintegration of the empire, ‘The Bhitari stone ins-
cription' also reveals that Skandgupta inflicted a crushing defeat on
the Pushyamilras. In this contest, he was reduced to great strait and
even had to spend nights on bare carth, The Mandsaur‘* inscription
of M.E, 524 (407 A.D.) mentions that Prabhakar, whose antece-
dents are not known, undertook an arduous military campaign
against the enemies of the Guptas. However, the’area around Dash-
pur was subsequently captured by an another dynasty named
*Vardhan’.

390 अगवास्महापुर्पपादाभ्यां sre:—fier सत्यश्रेण career भावृषिरिभिष्यंतीर्वरैस्लंय

‘The Nagari inscription of M. E. 48] (424°A.D.), edited in Varada Vol. V
by ६.0. Agrawal/Annual report on the workwag af the Rajputana-Museum
"Ajmer I9T5-I6 9-8
40. Seu ait वाजपेये यूपों sem पु पो”” (Nagar inscription of 4th or Sth century
AD)
400. Gupta-period.
At istrictBut Bhilwara),
this har not 20therefar been
is a deciphered,
rockecut inscription of the
4, ELL. XXX pp. I20-I32.
42. Ibid XXXIV pp. 53-58.
43. JAF, Flect—op. elt. pp. 82 to 54
44, BAI. XVIT p, '4/An, Rep, A.8.L. 922-23 p. 87.
26
Chhoti Sadari Inscription (490 A.D.)
‘The Chhoti Sadari inscription‘ of M.E. 847(490 A.D.) contains
the names of the kings Punyasom, Rajyavardhan, Rastravardhan
Yasogupta, and Maharaja Gauri of Manaayani Gotra, Of these,
Maharaja Gauri constructed a temple of the mother-goddess there.
‘The second inscription of this family was found at Mandsaur having,
fan account of the excavation of a tank for religious purposes. ‘The
latter inscription also contains the name of Adityavardhan as his
overlord, who is also described to have vanquished some enemies,
whose details are not given. Tt seems thet the Vakatakal® ruler
Prithvi Sena IT (470-490 A.D.) might have contested with himn, as he
has been mentioned in the Balaghat-plates to have defeated the ruler
of Malwa. Attempts have been made to connect Adityavardhan‘”
with Dravyavardhan mentioned in Brikat Samhita and the latter
has been regarded as the father of Yasovardhan of Mandsaur inserip-
tion of M.E. 589 (582 A.D.). ‘These rulers were very powerful
and successfully measured sword against the Huns.
Hun-Invasions
‘The Huns proved a great enemy of the Gupta Empire. The Eran
stone, inscription of Gupta Era 9] (60 A.D.) mentions the death
off? Goparaj, the valiant general of Bhanugupta, who fell fighting with
the Huns and of his wife ascending the pyre. Another inscription®®
incised on a boar image of the first reignal year of Hun king Toraman,
mentions Dhanyavishnu as his vassal, whose brother Matrivishna
remained a subordinate chief of Budhagupta. ‘This shows that
‘Toraman swept this region about 60-5I2 A.D. His son Mihirakul
succeeded him, who also ruled over a vast territory. The Gwalior
8. को महाराज afc | ate ufoppseendings dias:प्रसादशभृदरिशन: (दर्त
कतमयम देब्या: प्रासादापिता EL XXX pp. [24-I26/An, Rep. on the जातक हा.
the Rajputana Museum Ajmer 930 p. 2.
458 pp.freer(20-80)
fegeendst wat get दशादिक emt: ating (ET. 2066
46: Badly
अल Frakash—Aspects
बढ ० of Todian History
कु and Civilization मल
p. 96/052.Q.
47, हैpsi अर Statesin Tdology Vol. po, 8-SMLH.Q. XXXII
40.iS Menton
TE, Fiet—op, eltकी90.7० 50-50, XV p. 22h
30: iidpp50-00,
 श्र
inscription of 30 year of his reign, refers to the construction of a
Sun temple there. These Huns were also having their sway over
Mewar. Traditionally, it is believed that-a good number? of villages
having their names-as: Hunaganva, Hunawas-etc. were populated by
them, Some villages of eastern Mewar are believed to have formed a
part of the Hui-Mandal, ‘This proves that the Huns also penetrated
into Mewar and captured a vast territory there,
Governors of Yasovardhana
‘The Mandsaur inseription!® mentions Yasovardhan’s victory
over Mihirakul “whose head had never previously been brought into
humility (0 obeisance to any other, except the God Siva”, This shows
hat he emerged successful in the wars waged with the Huns and thus
ousted them from the central and western India,
Recently, two fragmentary inscriptions! have been found from
Ghiuior, which mention the name of a Rajasthaniya (Governor). who
was the grandson of Varaha and son of Vishnudatta, According
to Dr. Dashrath Sharma“, Varaha was having two sons, namely
Vishnudatta and Ravikirti, Vishnudatta’s son was appointed asa
Governor of Madhyamika Nagati and Daspur first, who subsequently
seems to have been replaced by Abhayadatta,'* the son of Ravikirti.
In this way, it can be said that both of them were the Rajasthaniyas
(Governors) of Yasovardhan,
Tt seems that after Yasovardhana, his successors could not
maintain his big kingdom and disruption started. The western
Malwa was occupied by the Kalachuries as is evident from Abbona
plates of Sankargana** of Kalachuri Era 347, (696 A.D.), which

जा (bid pp. I6I-I64.

52, For this information I am obliged to Shri: Balawant’ Singh’ Mehta of
Udaipur.
53. J.P Bleet op. ett. pp. L50-I84,
te दशपुर॑ मध्यमां च गुणात्वित: ।creerAteE-l. XXXIV pp. 53-58.
55, Researcher Vol, V-VI pp. 7-
55A. The Vere ।9 of Mandsau iption of MB, $89 (532 AD) mentions that
Abhayadatta was gov the territory falling between Vindhya and
Pariyaira ranges aid [विध्यक्य--पारियात्रस्याई: । असिधोरत्तराल--
राजस्थानीय ayer]. But this seems to be an exaggeration,
56. 0.0, Sircar op. olf. 9. 48/lluelipenkash op. eit. 9. 95.
 28:
was issued from Uj
Bhogavardhan vishaye, now in Andhra state. These Kalachuries
were temoved by, the Maitraka ruler Siladitya-I Dharmaditya
(005-609 AD), who occupied Ujjain, as is evident from Manjushri-
Mulakalpa. His younger brother also issued the Virdi™” plates from
Ujjain in Gupta Era 207 (66-67 A.D.),
Soon after, the northern Malwa and south-eastern Mewar wit-
nessed a series of political changes.
Later Mauryas
‘The Maurya kings ruled over the south-western Rajasthan
and northern Malwa, from the beginning of the 7th Century A.D.,
for about 20 years. ‘The earliest kings ofthis local dynasty in Mewar
was Chitrangada Mori, who is said to have constructed the present
fort of Chittor on the old ruins, together with Chitrangada!™ tank.
‘The Chitrakuta Prabandh narrates that Rajat Shambharish, who
according to Dashrath Sharma‘! was a Chauhan ruler, invaded
Chittor and defeated its Maurya king, but later on re-inslated
him there. The identification of Shambharish with the Chauhan
ruler requires further evidence, as the penetration of the carly
Chauhans into Mewar is not known from any authentic sourees.
‘Two inscriptions of the year 770 (3 4.0.) from Chittor,
ofa king Man, are known so far. One was found from Mansarovar
tank and®? other from the Shankarghatta. The Mansarovar inscrip-
tion of the year 770 (73 A.D.) published by Tod, the stone slab of
which is now untraceable, contains the name of four kings namely,
Maheshwar, Bhim, Bhoj and Man. Maheshwar has been described in
panegyric style as a mighty prince, “during whose sway the name of
the foe was never heard.” Bhim followed him. He is described as a
ruler of Avanti, in Malwa. By insertion of the words “whose abode is

{bid (Buda Prakash op. eit. p. 95

8S Sce—Author's paper “Man Mori” published in the Journal of the Rajaa=
than institute of Historical
tasnse of Hi Research Vol.fal. I T Nov.
Nov. pp.39and and VeVarada
i invijay—Kumar Pal-Charitra-Sangraha(S.J.G.S.) p. 47.
journal 00000.
of the 00:/0%6Institute
Oriental Pratandhe Sonprata
Baroda Vel.
(SIG)
X pp.
Syn
32-35,
ड्छ्श्ड्ड
cap. ts.
Rojesthan Bharod Vol. IX pp. 3७3.
 29
Avanti’? the writer has clarified that he was also the ruler of Malwa,
Bhoj was his descendant, Perhaps he moved from Malwa and
settled at Chittor due to the pressure of the Rastrakutas of Indragarh't
(District Mandsaur), Man succeeded him, whose detailed account is
given in verses IM, 6 and I7 of the Mansarovar inscription. He was
a very important ruler. ‘The Shankarghatta inscription of the year
770 (8 A.D.) yields the valuable information that he belonged
to the Grifiapati caste and his full name was Manabhang. The Sun
temple (Kalika Mataji temple) of Chittor, famous for its architectural
details, a step well situated in ¢ront ofjtand the Mansarovar tank
are attributed to him, Samaraicicha Kaka contains! an interesting
reference of his invasion over Vasantagarh also,
‘What relations existed between the Mauryas of Chittor and the
other Mauryan principalities of Hadoti and “Mathura, we do not
exactly know. It was the time when the Mauryas succeeded to
re-establish themselves in a vast territory. The Guhila Dhanika
in his Dhod inscription of the year 70(044A.D.) mentions Dhavallapa
(Perhaps Maurya) as his overlord, who was enjoying the imperial
tilles like Paramabhattaraka!” Maharajadhiraja Parameshwara, ‘The
Kansawa® (Kotah) inscription of M.E. 795 (738 A.D.) describes
Dhavallapa-Maurya, as his overlord. According to the Mathura
inscription of 7th or 8th century A.D., the Maurya Karkaraj burnt
the city of Kanauj, Yasovarma, whose details of exploits are pre-
served in Gauda-Vaho, flourished between 729-53 A.D. According
to the Jain sources, he also belonged to the Mauryan dynasty, ‘This
proves that the Mauryas had succeeded to occupy a vast territory.
‘The progress of the Mauryas of Chittor was checked by the
‘Arab invasion, the detailed account of which is given in the next
chapter. Our information about the descendants of Man Mori
is meagre, One inscription” of the year 8] (754 A.D.) was found
64. BL. XXXII9.3. oe
8.85. Journal
Rojasthanor Bharati Vol, YX iti
eneaasthan No. 2 pp. 90-8. tical Rosch Vol LA pA,
७7: परम were महाराजाधिराज परमेश्वर श्रीध)बलप्प देव प्रबध (2) मान राज्ये। गुद्धित
पृत्राणां श्री x (a) निकक्यो. (8.0 XX 9. I28).
LA. XIX ७५ 37
EITod. Xxxlt
Lp, है:p,
30
from Chitior having the name of a King Kukudeshwar, but we
cannot exactly determine his relations with Man Mori.
Haribbadra Suri
Haribhadra Suri, the famous Jain Philosopher, flourished in 8th
century A.D, at Chittor, He was well versed in the Brahmanic
licerature and accepted Jainism under the influence of Jain nun
YakiniMahattara, In the colophone of Diurlakiyana, ke lias clearly
mentioned Ghitior™ as aname of the place, where he completed
his said. work. His another work Samaraiaheka Kaka is very linnous
for its style, ‘Thus during the 8th A.D,, Chitior became a centre of
art and learning and a good number of Jain monks visited this place
to study the Jain philosophy etc. Among these, Virasena was very
famous, who came from Deccan and remained for a couple of years
there to pursue his studies on Jainology’®,

Jn gatha I23 the word sfarse qe is specifically mentioned (Dhurtokhyana

82,Muni Jinvijaya—Puratana-Prabandha-Sangarha (S.J.G.S.)
2 ions Bllacharya
under witn ७४३‘Visenn
great. pursed
scholar
 (क्राकना

(a) Guhadatta, the Progenitor of the

Guhilot- families
Mewar, richly endowed by nature, witnessed enormous prospe-
rity. Itsfertile plains and important commercial centres remained a
standing temptation ta the hoards of the hungry invaders, who
came to devastate its fields and batten on its wealth, Fortunately,
it remained under the suzerainty of the brave Guhilots, who with the
spirit of constancy and enduring courage, resisted by displaying
gallantry, prowess and personal courage. Col. Tod, therefore,
rightly observed! that the Hindu tribe yielded uaanimous suffrage to
the princes of Mewar, as the first ofthe thirty-six ruling clans of the
Rajputs. The progenitor of this family was Guhadatia,
Origin of the Guhilots
D.R, Bhandharkar’s theory? that the Gubilots are originally
‘Nagar-Brahmans was accepted generally by the majority of the scho-
ars, ‘This theory seems to have been propounced by Vedasharma,
who in his Chittor inscription® of V.E,33] (24 A.D.) and
Achleshwar temple inscription of V.B. 842 (285 A.D,,) mentioned
that Bappa-Rawal changed his priestly splendour for regal lustre,
‘This conception of the Brahman origin of the Guhilots was already
in existence during the time of Maharana Kumbha, G.H, Ojha
refuted this theory* by calling Vedasharma’s interpretations as
erroneous, as the latter based his theory on Atpur? inscription
I, Tod Ip, [73.
Journal of the Benga Asitie Society Vol. ए (905): I67-I0,
74-77.
4. 80704 9704, XVI pp. उक्ष-वा,
56. BT XIV p, 28.
Ojha I pp. 66-84.
7. आतर्दपुरविनिरणतविश्रकुलनंदनों महोदेव: |
जयति श्री ager: प्रभवः औगुहितबंगस्य (T- A. XXXIX 9. 880)
 32
of V.E. 084 (977 A.D.), where the word Mahideva is used for Guha-
datta, which can also be translated as a king as well as Brahman,
Another theory propounded by a group of scholars, who
bi ing on the Chatasu inscription of Baladitya believed that the Gu-
ts are the Brahna-Kshatras, D.C. Sircar, G.C. Raichaudhary and
D.R. Bhandharkar have given its interpretation, as that ofafamily
springing from the parents, one of whom was a Brahman and the
other Kshatriya, But this interpretation does not seem to be correct.
In Verse 7 of the Chatasw-inscription, Bharttripatta Guhilot® iscom>
pared with Ram, by naming both of them as Brahma-Kshatras. D.R,
Bhandharkar, while editing the above inscription, transpired that
Ram, referred to in the above passage, is obviously used for Paras
ram, But in VishnuPuran, the members! of Paurava-dynasty are also
described as Brahma-Kshalras. Therefore, the word Ram, referred to
above, can be taken for Lord Ramchandra, from whom the
families cf Gubilots claim their inheritance. In this way the argue
‘ments ofthese learned scholars about the origin of the word Bralima-
Kshatra can hardly be agreed to.
Some earlier references mentioned below speak of the Guhilots
‘as pure Kshatriyas,
l, The Udaipur Museum inscription of V.E. 089(026 A.D.)
found from Nagada, has a reference of the ruler"? of solarrace,
(Surya-Vamsa-Samulpanna). Te is the earliest epigraphic evidence,
supporting the traditional acceunt of the Guhilots. ‘The Nadlai
inscription"? of V.E. 567 (I500 A.D.) also has a similar reference,
2. The Nagpur Museum inscription of I3th century A.D.,
belonging to the Guhilots family migrated from Ghittor, mentions of
the Guhilots'8 as Kshatriyas, Similarly the Shringi-Rishi inscription
of V.E. 485 (l428 A.D.) also speaks" of Kheta as Kshatriya.
BG,Gunllavol
O.Ralehwudhary
Raking pe—Hisory 38 EOEeL.of Mewar p. 28-24/D. 0. Sircar—The
MAT pee
9. Spend sforereeeat ामतुल्यो Fewrea: st (शौ)यद्योमतृ aah...” BT
30.
TH Ojha't
दागीpp.79-80.
Orie Aiorieat Society Vol. X_p.25.
78/22/0022 7Volt No. Po
V2. ओ सूर्यबंशीय महाशाजाधिराज श्री fir(शि)लादित्यवंशे थी गृहदस गाउल (B. T. 7. M4)
Tet क्षज्ञिपवंशमंडनमणि (B.T. XXIIT pp. 284-237).
 38
‘These serve as an important evidence on the basis of which
the theory of Brahman-origin, propounded by Veda Sharma, can
easily be questioned, as his drafts of the inscriptions of V.E. 83]
(श4 3.0.) of Chittor and V.E. 342 (285 A.D.) of Achaleshwar,
are full of historical mistakes.
Date of Guhadatta
Due to recent discoveries of numerous inscriptions, copper
plates and coins of early Guhilots from Vagada, Dhod (Jahazpur)
and Nagar (Touk), it becomes all the more necessary to reconsider
the probable date of Guhadatta, the progenitor of the family.
G.H. Ojha assigned his date as V.E. 623 (560 A.D.),"* basing on the
genealogy given in the Atpur inscription of V.E. 034 (977 A.D.),
wherein Siladitya, whose Samoli inscription of the year 703
(646 A.D.) was known, has been described as a great grandson of
Guhila. In this way the date has been ascertained by diminishing
80 years for four generations from the year V-E. 703 (646 A.D.).
But this date does not seem to be conclusive and some correction:
seem to be necessary, on the grounds mentioned below :—
, The early Guhilot inscription of the year 74 (684 A.D.)
found from Nagar (Tonk) was not discussed by Ojha. A series
of names of the kings of Bharteriyatta branch of Guhilots is given in
it. On comparing these names, with the similar names recorded in
the Chatsu inscription, the probable date of Bharttripatta, the founder
of this branch, falls much nearer to the date of Guhila as assigned
by Ojha.
2. The inscription of the year 70 (644 A.D.) found from
Dhod"* (Tehsil Jahazpur) contains the name of Guhila Dhanika. He
5. For the details,see the following papers
oftheauthor.
9 Guhadatn, the progenitor of the Guilt families (Published in
iy Gulecateki
[4007 Fuh!” (Pobished in Rajasthan AnashilnVol.No. T,
Gallo of Vasada
sy giataten, fey (Published in the “Journal ofRajasthan Histori-
ix) East Shoah Songrahby the authorpp.7-4.
46, Ojha Tp 98.
7, The Bharat Keumad! tp. 273-76.
IB, DG, Sear op cit 9-33 FBT. Vol. XXXV pp, 00-0//ए. XX p. 23.
3h
seems to be adescendant of theGubilots of Nagar branch. This
proves that the Guhilots, upto that time, extended their several
branches.
8. Recently, numerous inscriptions and copper plates! of 7th
and 8th centuries A.D, have been found of the Guhilots of Kishkin-
dbapur (Kalyanpur-District Udaipur). These do not contain any
ilar name recorded in the early inscriptions of Mewar,
4, Even on a close examination of genealogies of the families
of Nagar, Vagada and Mewar, we do not find any common name
in them.% This clearly indicates that their separation had taken
place several years before the 7th century.
‘Therefore, keeping all these points in view, we can not assign
the date of Guhadatta, later than the first quarter of 6th century A.D.
Location of his state
The antecedents of Guhadatta can not be traced out for want
of authentic material. In bardic chronicles, certain stories have been
fabricated, where-in he has been described as a posthumous child
of Siladitya,% the Maitraka king of Vallabhi. But the Maitraka
rulers were in no way connected with the legendary solar race to
which Lord Ram belonged, Similarly, asthese princes continued
to rule at Vallabhi, upto the last quarter of
8th century A.D., their
supposed movement towards Idar in Sth century A.D., after the
destruction of their kingdom, requires further evidence. On the other
hand, all the epigraphic and literary sources® of Mewar unanimous-
ly speak of the migration of Guhadatta from Anandpur (Vadanagar
in Gujrat), ‘This proves that he came from the side of Gujrat and
फ.. D.G, Sircar op.ett. pp. गा,
20. Only
Send the name"Ba ofineBharttripatta
Dur occursofthein year
pat the records
7 of allAD.)
(67280 the theee
he is
‘mentioned as Samanta. (नाराज भेतिexe | fencer ence: fate
शामन्‍्त भ्ूबडुसकाशात्‌... Apparently, he is diferent from Bharttripatia of
Nagar
ofFespect,Vik. branchy
I034 whoAD.)
677 flourished
the in circa
name of 564 A.D. . Inis referred
Bharuripaita the Atpurto inscription
with great
Tt meatons dat Snktikumar obaingd the glory of Bharti
(epee: simranEAsSOGKIX pl). Therefor, he ems
fohave beena great warrar.
शा. ,"TodVol. pp. 73-I80/B.4. 9. 4.
22, Ojha Ip, 74/I.A, XXXIX 9. 86/B.I. p. 75,
 . 35
first established his power in Idar area, whence subsequently exten
ded his sway over Vagada, Bhomat and Mewar.
A hoard of more than 2000 coins? was found near Agra in 809
A.D., and a single coin was also discovered from Narwar, bearing
the legends “Shri Gukila”” and “Gukilepati” respectively. Roshanlal
Samar of Udaipur has also collected nine copper coins of Guhila,
‘On the basis of these pieces of numismatic evidence, it may be करन
gued that Guhila might have either migrated from the side of Uttar
pradesh ar subsequently moved towards Mathura, after establishing
himself in Mewar. But we ean not overlouk the probability that the
coins found from Agra and Narwar might have belonged to the
Nagar branch of the Guhilots and do not pertain to Guhadatta, the
progenitor of the Gubilot families.
The Gubilots are sub-divided into twentyfour branches or
ramifications, Out of these, Ahada, Mangaliya, Sisodiya, Chandravat,
Hl, Pipara etc, are important, ‘The Chittor inscription of V.E.
98] (24 A.D,)2 describes the Guhilots to have extended their
irnumerable branches. This mention also corroborates the fact.

को. क्र. Rep. ASA. Vol. TV p, 95/Ojha T p. 96 f.n.

2%. JN.S.I. Vol. XX pt. U pp.26-27.
25 ne गृहिलबंशमपास्णाबद्‌ (8.7. p. 74)
(b) Early Guhilots
Our information about the early Gubilot rulers of Mewar fs
meagre, Medieval inscriptions, though numerous, do not throw
much light on this period. ‘The Atpur inscription of V.E. 034 (077
A.D.)! and the Kadmal plates of V. E, I40 (083 A.D,)® simply
enumerate the names of the early rulers, According to these, Guhila
was succeeded by Bhoja, who constructed a tank at Eklingji*, ‘The
Achaleshwar temple inscription of V.E.842 (285 A.D.) describes
him as a worshiper of Vishnu. After him, Mahendra and Nagaditya
ascended the throne one after the other. According to the bardic
traditions, Nagaditya lost his life in an encounter with the Bhilst
who were very powerful at that time,
Harshavardhan and Mewar
‘The rulers of Mewar had to face the danger of the imperial
power of Harshavardhan (60-647 A.D,), the ruler of Kannauj,
Although there is no direct evidence to prove that he had chastised
the rulers of Mewar, but he did launch offensive expeditions on north
western Gujrat and wrested Vallabhi-Nagati by defeating its ruler
Maitraka king Dharasena II Baladitya, who in his distress requested
him for peace and had to take shelter with the Gurjar king Dada I
(620-42 A.D.). Therefore, the presence of Harshavardhan in
T. EA, Vol, XXXIX p, 8.
2. BT. 3000 p.24.
2A. BLL, XXIV p. 807 verte 25.
3. BLL pp. #-07.
4, and
Although the’someG. 0.rulerRaichaudhary
कि og describes fa nameMahend
Mewar
tain p,29)
that these buttwo"Gill.were. Oj,separate’
D.R, rulers,
Bhands (0
‘The
जा Guhilas of asin Kisbkindha
the Apr pp. 26-27)
ingctpton ""Theleof Vaviews. 84are. 77moreA.D}convincing
and are
the
Kamal
sven plates ‘of
in the order.‘of 0.8.ए 8, {I40
of succession, (068 A.D.)
Similatly,the names
in verse of these rulers.
89ateof enumerated
the Kumbhal=a5
fv incipelon
separate rulers. 67 (460 A.D), tee ames
3 Tod Ep, I8),
 37
Gujrat and Kathiawar regions suggests his preoccupation at least of
Malwa and south-west Rajasthan’, From Vagada and Bhomat
area, a good number of inscriptions and copper plates were found
containing some unknown era, which according to D.C. Sircar
is attributable (o Harshavardhan’, Therefore, a conjecture can
be hazarded that Harshavardhan was having his sway over Mewar,
Siladitya (646 A.D.)
Nagaditya was survived by Siladitya, one of the most
important and enterprising rulers of Mewar, Reminiscences of b
achievements are preserved in various inscriptions and other bardic
accounts. ‘The Samoli inscription of the year 703 (646 A.D.) yields
the information that he was the vanquisher of the enemies, Similar
account is also available in the Ghittor inscription of V.E. 88](I274
A.D.)*, It seems that he successfully washed away the influence of
Harsha from Mewar, during the closing years of the latter’s reign,
Itis proved by the continuous usel® of Vikrama era in the inscrip-
tions of the kings of Mewar. ‘The decline of the power of Harsha
in western India is evident from the use of the high-sounding titles
by Maitraka king Dharasena IV in about 645 A.D. After the death
of Harshavardhan in 647 A.D., numerous independent kingdoms
sprang-up and disruption of his empire started. Taking the advantage
of such beneficial situation, Siladitya of Mewar also endeavoured to
extend the boundaries of the state and captured Bhomat area, In
this way, by his enterprising achievements he achieved great fame
and strove hard to raise the political status of the principality of
the Nagada-Ahar branch of the Gubilots, The Chittor inscription of
V.E. 88] (274 A.D.)! describes that “even now when his name
finds its way to our ears, it makes us forget the names of others.”
6 0.0. Sirear opet.p.48.
के BA, XXX p, I/XXXIY p, I67/XXXV p. 55.
8. ibid XX 9. 99/Nagari Pracharini Patrika Vol. I p. $20.
3. stor getsft at serene ftपुरेeaentre
मपिदशशति थेमारतेभ्रूमिपाका: ॥] 84 BsT. pp.74-7
30, D.C.Sircar op.elt.p. 48.
ML, BAL pp. 7477.
 38
‘The Abu inscription of V.E. 342 (285 A.D.)¥2 contains the similar
account,
Jawar mines
It is believed that the zinc and copper mines at Jawar were
excavated during Siladitya’s reign, thereby causing tremendous
increase in employment potentiality, Thus, Mewar witnessed
immense prosperity which tempted the outside merchants to seule
there. The Samoli inscription of the year 703 (646 A.D.) informs
that Jaintaka shresthi®® was a resident of Vatanagar who settled at
Jawar, where he constructed a temple of mother goddess Aranya-
Vasini 20२4.
Siladitya patronised the artist Shringadhar
A Buddhist writer Lama Taranath’# describes that the old-
western school of art was developed by the artist Shringadhar under
the patronage
ofking Siladitya in Maru country, A divergence of
opinionl® exists about the identification of this king and some
scholars consider him to be Harshavardhan Siladitya of Kannauj,
while others identify him with Siladitya,the Maitraka ruler of
Vallabhi, But there are more chances of the identification of Sila-
ditya of Mewar with Sila mentioned by Taranath,
There is evidence to support this view. A good number
of masterpieces of art’? were executed during the 6th to 8h
centuries A.D, in the area, which comprised of the states of the
Guhilots at that time. It can be adduced from the sculptures found
from Samalaji, Siva-head and other pieces of images collected from
Kalyanpur, Matrika images from Tanesar, male torso from Kajeda,
{bidp.84-87.
I8, BL. XX 9.99.
44, Aranya
Stet, Yasin! or70200central
at throughout Vasini
deviwas
India. aoe poFor’
pularly detail)
worshipped seenotGaul
oaly in
Yoko
verses (B.I,
20-22 305-309
XXIV/ p.Samaraichcha
306). Kaha VX J Kumbhalgath inscription verses
प5. ‘Tara Nath—History of BuddhisminIndia (L.A, Vol. 4V p. 0)).
46, LalitKolaNo. 8 pp.83-84.
व, RG, Agrawala ArisAsiatiques— (Paris) I965 XI p . 43-45/XT (2) p. 60
Tata ats No. pate S| Aeslombk (ind Te I8-I6/0. 84000"
‘The Sculptures from Samalaji and Rhoda pp. 4-6,
 39
images from Amjhera, Vishnu image from Bedla etc, Therefore, it
can be said that Siladitya patronised artists and so there are more
chances to believe that Shringadhar flourished under him,
Siladitya can not be identified with Bappa Rawal
In Kumbhalgarh inscription of V.E, 67 (460 A.D,)"%, Sila-
ditya has heen identified with Bappa Rawal, D.C. Sircarl® and
Dashrath Sharma® have also agrecd to it. But it may be noted
dat the author of the Kumbhalgarh inscription was also confused *
about Uhis controversy, as he has also mentioned Bappa as the founder
of the family, in verses I2I-I26, and deseribed Guhadatta as his son,
‘Therefore, there ave little chances of this identification, ‘This matter
is being dealt with separately below,
Aparajit and Mahendra
Siladitya was succeeded by his son Aparajit, An inscription of
the year 78 (00] A.D.)#, found from village Kunda, (Near Nagada)
describes that Aparajit’s commander of forces was Varaha, whose
wife Yasomati constructed a temple of Vishnu, No other account
of his reign is now available, He was succeeded by his son
Mahendra, Kaviraja Shyamaldas® proposes to identify him with
Bappa Rawal. But it seems inconsistent, as he has also accepted
V.B, 80 (743 A.D.) asthe date of his abdication, In this way,
Kaviraja has assigned along reign of 00 years, a period of at
least two consecutive reigns, to an individual®® ruler, which is
unusual and unconvincing. According to bardie chronicles, Aparajit
lost his life while fighting with the Bhils.
We do not have any definite information about the political
relations that existed between the early Guhilots of Vagada and
क हा RIV p.I90
9. 0.0, Sircar—op, cit.9.24to26.
420, DasheathShaomis—Rajasthan through the Ages,pp 29-287,
2 IV pp. 9-9, Tiina
ara श्रीमाननल्यपरानित:
Seni tne conveniona one hovng he ore ath
22, Vi-Vipp nod250-क.
28, DLN. Vole Ip, 089,
40
Nagada-Ahar¥ branch, Similarly, Mauryas of Chitior and Rastra~
kutas of Indragarh were also ruling over the territories contiguous to
Mewar, But their relations with Mewar are not exactly known,
Kalabhoja (Bappa Rawal)
Mahendra was succeeded by Kalabhoja, G, H. Ojha has
‘identified him with Bappa Rawal about whom the traditions
preserve innumerable memories. I endorse the views till some other
evidence is known, as itis also corroborated from the Maharawal
Pata’s inseription of V.E. I46l (I404 A.D,)2 where inKhuman is
described asa son of Bappa Rawal. At the same time, in the
senealogy mentioned in Atpur inscription of V.E. 084 (977 A.D.) he
is mentioned asa son of Kalabhoja.!? In this way, both Kalabhoja
and Bappa can be termed as one individual ruler, But this identifica
tion is not fully convincing and sufficient material is stil required to
remove this obscurity.
A controversy also centres around the antecedents of Bappa,
in the medieval epigraphs, The verse 23 of the Kumbhalgarh
inscription of ५.8, 757 (l460 A.D.)® describes him as a Vipra
meditating onthe feet of Haritarashi, who bestowed upon him
the kingdom of Mewar. ‘This account seems to have been taken
from the Chittor inscription of V.B. 88 (श4 A.D.)!#, In Raja-
Vamsa-Varnana of Eklinga-Mahatmya, there is another verse having
the similar account, which itself wasperhaps taken from the Atpur
inscription of Saktikumar of V.E, 034 (977 A.D.) The only diffe
rence between the above two accounts is that the former describes
‘Bappa® as the Purana Purusha (progenitor), while the other mentions
Guhadatta as the progenitor and Bappa as his descendant. In this,
way, these two accounts are quite contradictory to each other. But
the Atpur inscription of Saktikumar of V.E, 084 (077 A.D.) is the
7% fa thatfects
Theuhh ofears efeaes tesedoped
heae.
8 ताक pp 2-0
26. श्रीमद्बष्पात्मजो/थमृत्सुद्तित गुशगधादासिग: ॥ कुम्दकीत्तिश्चोडस्वूडामणिस्तं (?) तृपफुलशिर
[77720 2%7%१४/३३५५०१/३५३११/३५०४:५४|
warden शोभित:कालभोजचोम्माण[मचट्‌]
वृष: [J-A. Vol. XXXIX 9,9]
. ELL, XXAV७६8,
29, LI: pp. 74-79.
ee: स पुनःपुराणपुरुष: प्रारम्भ निर्वाहणा The Ekling-Mahaimya MS,
 ब्रा
earliest record dealing with the genealcgy of the rulers of Mewar,
As such Bappa-Rawal can not be treated as the father of Guhadatta,
‘The carly life of this remarkable man is still wrapped in
mystery. According to the bardic!" chronicles, his father lost his
life in @ bloody encounter with the Bhils of Tdar and out of all male
members of his family he alone could survive, He remained in
disguise in the hills of Nagada, The loss of patrimony adversely
allected the rexurces of the family, He was brought up by a
Bralunan Indy of Naguda who engaged him to look after her cows.
cis said that two faithful Bhil-adherents accompanied him, whose
descendants were subsequently granted the jagirs of Oguna and
Undri villages. It was during this time that he came in contact with
Haritrashi, by whose grace he was successful in regaining his lost
principality, ‘Thereafter, he got the splendid temple of EXdingji®®
constructed, Since then, the family of the rulers of Mewar has been
regularly paying homage to the said deity,
Whether the word Bappa is merely an appellation
Scholars have attempted to explain che term Bapps
According to Col, Tod, it is not a proper name, but signifies merely
a child, But a group of scholars, namely, 0, ए, Vaidya, G.H. Ojha,
Kaviraja Shyamaldas, DR. Bhandarkar, Crooks ete, have admitted
that this term and its variation were used to denote “father” in the
sense of reverence. This interpretation also does not seem to be
correct, asin the earlier epigraphs of V.E, 0I6 (969 A.D.) of
Unawas and V.B, 028 (9॥ A.D,) of Eklingji,84 Bappa has been
described asthe “moon” among the kings of the Gubilot dynasty.
Similarly, stress has been aid on the description of his gallant and
adventurous career in the later records and even during medieval
times, a concept was propagated that he was the progenitor of the
St. ‘Pod T pp. ॥02-85.
32. श्रीवादे मेदपाढे परिहितकपटे प्रोच्चकूटे + हारी हारीत राशें|रण[णि]ततपसा शंभुरा-
लि
धार meted देह दम reकिलर oreeg
a E,I. XXIV p. ४07.
aa
lgश्रीबष्पक:
ee (The Ekling inscription of ५.8.
8702 A.D.) ‘Similarly, the Unawas tascription mentions»? गुहि्कुले
aeqst qa:” [VaradaVol.VIL No. 4 pp. I2-I3],
 42

Guhilot families.9* We, therefore, do not see enough reason ॥0

believe that the word Bappa was simply an appellation of some vuler
and not exactly the full name,
Some recent discoveries have yielded new information about
it, The Dhuleva* plate of the year 73 of Maharaja-Bhetti, the ruler
of Kishakindha (District Udaipur) contains a name of Bappa-daui
‘or Bappa among the various royal dignities, which goes to prove
that such names were quite popular at that time, Hence, some snore
plausible and convincing evidence is required far not recurding his
name in the genealogical tables,
is place in genealogy
‘The Atpur inscription of V.E. 2034 (077 A.D.) and the Kadmal
plates of V.E, I40 (088 A.D.) both containing the detailed genealo-
gy of the rulers of Mewar, do not mention the name of Bappa-Rawal
atall, But atthe same time, the Unawas inscription of V.E. 06
(050 A.D.) and the Ekling inscription of V.E, 028 (97 A.D,) record
his name as ॥ very eminent Guhilot prince, Therefore, it enn also he
conjectured that he might have been a member of some other
branch of the Gubilot family, who like the Pratihar king Nagabhat
I, measured sword against the Arabs and strove hard to raise the
status of his (amily. ‘Therefore, his exact position in the genealogy
ofthe rulers of Mewar has not so far been determined with cer
tainty and a divergence of opinion exists about it, D.O, आदत
and Dashrath Sharma, basing on the Kumbhalyath inscription, have
identified him with Siladitya, GH, Ojha has recognised him as
Kalabhoja,* while some others have attempted to identify! hin
with Khuman,
‘As already said the author of the Kumbhalgarh inscription of
V.E. 67 (I460 A.D.)4* was also confused, when he mentioned two
35. The
8008Ranakpor6 inscription
Tt (240 ofVE. were
AD) 40600489
8 A.D.)Actor
he ine t/the% Chivior
0000 invथे
Wi. 448 A.D.) veme 0 mimndersanding also appear in the
Kumbhalgarh inscription of V.E, I57(I460 A.D.)
36 EL.
fad XXX
war warpp, महाराज
I-2,
बष्यदततिः wet geared
=
भट्टितागब्राहमणाय,
ier
DALNA ear
Volop, Ip,Ep॥59.2 0 26/Dsheath Shar op. 296-297
THQ.
PEO, Val.660
EI. EoXXLpp p .pp.78doe9 0-907,./8A. Mute Mukherji—op.
jimop.० alt.
Dive
 43
Bappa Rawals, one as the father of Guhila, while the other as
Siladitya, But the Samoli inscription of the year 703 (646 A.D.)
of the reign of
Siladitya, does not mention any such appellation for
him, Therefore, there is le likelihood of his identification with
Bappa, Besides, traditionally Kbuman , who happened to be the
successor of Kalabhoja, as per Atpur inscription of V.E. L034
(077 A.D.), has been described as a son and the successor of Bappa
also. ‘Therefore, there is more likelihood of his identification with
Kalabhoja, S, Dutta? has argued that the Guhilots claim their
inheritance from Khuman also, who seemed to have loomed large in
their mind for raising the status of their family. Therefore, his
identification wtih Bappa is also possible, Similar argument was also
put forward by D. R. Bhandarkar,!# who basing on the average
calculations of the reign of the individual rulers between Aparajit
(५.७, 78/66 A.D.) and Allata (V.E. 00/ 953 A.D.), came to the
conclusion of identifying Bappa with Khuman, But a more reliable
and independent source, the Uparaganva (Dungarpur) inscription of
V.E. l46] (404 A.D.) of Maharawal Pata, describes Khuman"’ as a
son and the successor ofBappa, as stated above, Therefore, the view
expressed by G.H. Ojha, identifying Kalabhoja with Bappa, scems
to be convincing. In this way, Bappa can be identified with
Kalabhoja, although there are grounds to believe that # person with
this name was also a member of the other Guhilot branch of Kisha-
kindha.
His probable date
‘The exact dates of the reign of Bappa-Rawal are also not
known, Col. Tod believes that he was born" in ५.७, 769 (72 A.D.),
oceupied Chittor in V.E. 784 (727 A.D.) and subsequently abdicated
in V.E, 820 (763 A.D.) G.H. Ojha and D.R. Bhandarkar, giving
credence to the M.S. Ekling Purana, composed during
the reign of
Maharana Raimal, assumed the date of his abdication‘’ as V.E. 80
(53 A.D.)
Bid
4 60% Vol, p39,70
SSTTbra pps
te पुमी88.at age28९ No.
NO"40
4. रान्यंदरवा स्वपुत्रायःआयवंणभवागतः। ख॑ं:्रविश्जास्ये व बर्षे नागहदे युने ॥
(M.S. Bldiig Purana)/Ojha I pp. I02-07/¥ir-Vinod 9. 252-
 44
Tt seems that the Mori kingdom of Chittor was put to an end
by the Arab incursion which took place before 730-40 A.D., the
time of Navasari grant of Avani Janashraya* ‘Therefore,
Bappa’s occupation of Chittor became possible only after that year,
Gol. Tod also saw an inscription of the year 8 (754 A.D.) con-
taining the name of a prince Kukadeshwar, who ruled at that place,
‘Therefore, Bappa’s victory over Chittor seems to have taken place
after V.E. 80 (764 A.D.). In this way, the dates given by Col. ‘Tod,
of his birth and abdication, can be taken into consideration,
Bappa and Chittor
‘The antecendents of Kukadeshwar, mentioned in the [rag-
mentary Chittor inscription, as stated above are not known, He
niight have been a descendant of Mori king Man or more propably
he was the Pratihar king Kukustha, the successor of Nagabhat I,
the latter had swayed upto Ujjain, He was, of course not a Guhilot,
ruler, A divergence of opinion exists among the scholars about
Bappa’s victory over Chittor and some of them have assumed that
the Guhilots could have succeeded in conquering this stronghold only
during the reign of Allata, But traditionally Bappa’s victory over
this fort is described at length. ‘Therefore, it can hardly be denied,
so long as no other contrary evidence is forthcoming.
Achievements of Bappa
Avmighty adversary of Bappa was the Arab General Junaid,
whose formidable forces, according to Arab writer Al-Biladuri, over
thiawar, Kutch, northern Gujrat, Ujjain, Saurastra, western
Mandor#® etc, and devastated these regions. Remini-
scenes of this event are preserved in the Navasari plates of 790 A.D.,
of Avani-Janashraya Pulkesin!, which mention that Saindhava,
Kachha, Saurastra, Chapotaka, Maurya and Gurjar kingdoms were
raided by the Arabs, The Pratihar king Nagabhat I had striven with
all his might to drive the invaders out of India, The local rulers of
...शैक्वकब्ठेल्‍लसीराष्टरयावोटकंमोयगुर्ज राविराज्येBombay Gazettcer, Volume I Pare I
१2१ fn
49, Tod I 9. 60.
50, Elliot and Dowson Vol. I p. !26.
544 Bombay Gazetteer Vol. I Part Ip. 09 fin. 2.
 5«
Hadoti and Mewar seem to have helped him. The Maurya chief
Dhawal'? of theKotah inscription of V.E. 795 (738 A.D.) assumed
high sounding titles. Similarly, Bappa might have aiso benefitted
from the situation. It seems that a coalition was formed by Nagbhat
I with Bappa-Rawal and Dhawal of Hadoti.Together they success-
fully resisted the advancing forces ofthe Arabs. As the Maurya
power of Ghittor was put {0 an end by the Arabs, Bappa-Rawal took
advantage of this situation and exte.ded his sway over eastern
Mowar, Tradition believes that he had built up the state on a
stronger foundation by the assimilation of the Maurya power of
Ghittor.
Alter the exodus of the Arabs, a serious political development
took place. The Pratihar king Nagbhat I had to face the opposition
of the Rastrakuta king Dantidurga of Deccan, who occupied
‘Uijain and performed Hiranyagarbke ceremony® there. ‘This proves
that a crushing defeat was inflicted upon the Pratiharas, But shortly
after, Nagbhat I retrieved his position and extended his sway over
vast territories, which is proved from the Hansot inscription of
V.E. 883 (756 A. D.). The early rulers of Mewar also contested
with Karnatakas and the Cholas, as described in the inscription of
एड. 788 (2५ A.D.) of Chittor. It seems that Bappa also exten-
ded his help to the Pratihars in their struggle with the Rastrakutas
and thus succeeded in wresting the eastern part of Mewar.

52, LA. XIX p. 57.

53. हिरण्यवर्भ राजन्यरज्जविन्यां ary अतिहारीकुत॑ ta ग॒जरेशादिराजकूय ॥९॥
‘Phe Sunjen plates ofS799 हि. NVI pp. 249-57)
54. श्रीमाल्लागावलोकजव्धमानविजयराज्ये. (6४४XIIpp. 202-203 line 34].
55, BLL. pp.कया.
(० Pratihars and Mewar
Khuman I (800 A.D.)
Bappa-Rawal was succeeded by his son Khuman 7. Gol, Tod
who has mentioned only? one Khwman, out of the three rulers of the
same name, describes him as an outstanding and enterprising ruler,
‘who is stated to have inflicted a crushing defeat on the Arab invader
Al-Mamun, But the latter was the contemporary of Khuman IT,
or his immediate successor and therefore, his contest with the said
invader was practically impossible. Similarly, his battle with Arab
Governor Junaid, as stated by G.C, Raichaudhary® and ML.
Mathur®, was also not possible, as the said incursion took place in
about 739 A.D.
Battle with the Ruler of Malwa
In Ebling Mahatmya, Khyman is described to have an encounter
with a prince named Singh of Malwa. But nothing is known about
his adversary. During this time, the Pratihars of wester Rajasthan,
the Rastrakutas of south, and Pala Rulers of Bengal were struggling
for wielding their supermacy over northera India, ‘The province of
Malwa remained a bone of contention between them. Mewar,
which is contiguous (० Malwa, could not have remained untouched.
‘The Pratihar prince Nagbhat I died and his successor could nct
check the progress of the Rastrakutas. ‘The Rastrakuta king Dhrava~
Nirupam launched an offensive expedition in north and defeated the
Pratihar king Vatsaraja, During this grim political situation, Upendra
Parmar acquired Malwa, Looking to such political developments, the
}, Tod. I pp. 96-I97,
2 G.C, Raichaudhry—History of Mewar p. 32,
3, LHLQ, XXX No, l, (March, 954) pp. 32-33.
4. बुमाणों मालवपतिसिह gat Ekling-Mahatmya (MS) V. 3.
5, E,L. Vol. Vi p. 248 verse 80. A. Vol. XI p. I6.
6, Pratipal Bhatiya~The Paramars pp, 28-29,
 था
struggle of Khuman I with some miler of Malwa, can not be
denied.
Invasion ofRastrakuta king Govind III
The Rastrakuta King Govind IIT of Deccan, successfully under
took an expedition over northern India before 800 A.D. A good
number of copper plates? of his reign have been found which contain
the detailed account of this expedition, It is believed that he,
aller establishing his younger brother Indra in Gujrat, proceeded
towards Rajasthan, and after defeating the Pratihar ruler, penetrated
into Mewar, through the pass of Desuri”, At Hawundi (Distt, Pali)
ane Dhanopa (Distt, Bhilwara), he appointed his relatives to. keep 8
vigilance over the activities
ofthe Pratihars and their allies. It
seems that he could not move further north and reireated to Malwa
through Chittorgarh, ‘The verse 4 of the Sirur grant of 866 A.D
of the time of his son Amoghavarsha I, mentions the victory of
Govind III over Chitrakuta, A divergence of opinion exists
about the identification of this place, but G.C, Raichaudhary has
correctly identified it with the Gort of Chittor in Mewar, as it was
having!® strategical importance. In the Sanjan plates of the time of
Amoghavasha I, Govind III has ७९८७ described to have Inunched an
expedition upto the Himalayas and also defeated Dharnapal and
Chakeayudha, But this account is rather an exaggeration, as no
contemporary records ofhis reign describe it. His progress stems
के LA. Vol. Xf के I6)/MLI, Vol, VI p. 249/Vol. XXXVI pe, eeeve
2€XIUT pp, 827-882 Vol, XXXVI pp. 289-296/ Vol.XXUT pp, 204-24,
8. ded
Basingthrough
on the 20000
Sanjan0003 Plates,8AS. Acar
Altckar Thementions
Ranrabitsthat Govind and, IIL procee=ines
thee
(98) The68-Géc]
econ” But thyaieaccount
Netra aka ७ noteracorroborated
7 (@09 A.D.)by anyanaes contemporary
hat the
rolers of Ganga,
themacves it Vengi,
und feteaculpare Malwa, Vindhya and
at Ep.podem w2tely Gurjar
Tarawan prevented countries surrendered
by Dhnrmapal
{e'Govind Vol ex
rear, giving of a sculpturewasnottrophy of wi at scat % toBG.o
other ‘contemporary
the Restentate recordsrecord.
do not mentions this vicory..
claim ‘Kannauj २० have According to Aliekar,by
been invested
Govind Til op. elt pp. 4-70.
9. Govind
G. Bubler,Tit while
througheditingGugratthe (L.A.
Radhanpur
Vol. VI grant,
pp. 62-53),pointedwhere.out hetheetablished
route of
his’ brother Indes
0, Hons
Both from Hatundi (Pali) (B.l.
havebeeajfound. and Val. X p-0). ara the Racal, insrip-
५ ४४. XXXK p. 79.
9. LA. Vol. जता 9. 2/9.
2,
 48
to have been checked by Nagbhat IT in north, and that was why he
could not*® penetrate beyond the territory of Sapadalaksha. The
verse 36 of the Kumbhalgarh inscription of V.E. 67 (460)५
informs that Khuman of Mewar fought with the ruler of Deccan,
Therefore, it can be said that the ruler of Mewar also measured
sword with the Rastrakute king Govind IIT.
It seems that the Rulers of Mewar lost the strong-holds of
Ohittor and Dhanopa. However, due to the enterprising achieve
ments of Khuman I, pompous titles were bestowed upon him by the
later writers,
Successors after Khuman I
‘The Kumbhalgarh inscription of V.E, 67 (I460 A.D,)}® enu-
merates the names of Mattata and Bhartiripatia after Khuman. In
this way the names of five princes namely, Singh, Khuman I,
Mahayaka, Bhartripatta IT and Khuman I were left, The
writer seems to have studied the later records, such as the Chittor
inscription of V.E. 883* and Achaleshwar inscription of ५.३, I32
(286 A.D.)". ‘The Ranakpur inscription of VE. M06 contains $
names, out of fiveleftout in the Kumbhalgarh inscription, ‘These
medieval inscriptions did not follow the genealogy given in the Atpur
inscription of VE, 034 and the Kadmal plates of V.E, 40".
No detailed information about the successors of Khuman I
known, It seems that they were having their sway over western
Mewar only and Chittor fort did not remain under them.
Dharani-Varah of Chittor
‘The fort of Chittor, together with the eastern Mewar taken
by the Rastrakuta king Govind ITT, seems to have been handed
over to the Mauryas, who also measured sword with the Prati-
hhars, as is evident fromthe Jodhpur inscription of the Pratihar
8. Maharana Kunbha, (Hindi) pp. 8-I0 by the author.
U4. 2.
aiso Vol,
has XXIV
similar9. necount
324 verseofthe
96, victory
‘The Ekling Maharmya
of Riuman T, (MS) verse $4
45.6. tha,
BAI pp. 74-77,
7. tid pp. 84-90.
J8, LA, Vol. XXXIX pp.86-09,
I9, BAT. Vol.XXTp,24,
 49
Bauka. A poet? Mahuka flourished at Chittor in V.B, 887(830 A.D.),
who in his work namely Haramekiala, mentioned the name of the
ruler of the place as Dharanivarah, According to Dr, Dashrath
Sharma, he was probably a Maurya king, whose descendants sub-
sequently migrated to Ortisa, as is evident from an inscription of
Udaivarma®? who is stated to have come from Chittar. This shows
that the Mauryas could not remain at Chittor for long and the
Pratihars took it over,
Bhoja Pratihar and Mewar
Recently an inscription of Bhoja Pratihar® has been found at
Chitior, which contains the account of construction of a school by
one ofhis Karnikas posted there. Tt shows that he was having his
sway®? over Chittor. In order to check the inroads of Rastrakutas,
he had overrun the south eastern Rajasthan and Avanti. ‘The
Pratapgach inscription of V.E. L003 (946 A.D.)* gives information
that a ruling Chauhan family remained under his suzerainty, This
suggests that Chittor was also taken by him at thae time.
‘The Benaras grant of Kalachuri prince Karna yields informa.
tion that Kokal I, one of his ancestors, had granted freedom to
Chitrakuta-Bhupal with Harsaraj® and others. Although, Chitrakuta
in the above passage is usually identified with Chitrakuta in Bun-
delkhand and Harsa as Chandel prince, but according to G. C,
Raichaudhary*® the said Chitrakuta had never remained an important
military outpost and one Guhilot Harsaraj also flourished at Chaisu
who, according to the Chatsu inscription of Baladitya, conquered the
‘kings of the north and presented good horses to his overlord Bhoja व.
with Chittorof
‘Therefore, it is also possibleto identify Chitrakuta
Mewar. But it is inconsistent with other material, as Chittor was

20. Dashrath Sharma—Rajasthan through the Ages p. 240/Vir Bhumt Chittor

by the author 9. 25.
शा... #84 pp. 425~I26.
22, Anmual Report on Indian Epigraphy for 62-63 No. B 838.
23, D.H.NAL. vol. I pp. $86-87/Vol. II p. ॥09.
24, ELL. Vol. XIV pp. I62-I79.
नि |
यहपाहीदसयदःपाणि
25. पोजे
ite ee शंकरणनेचराजा
बल्सभराजे aed चितकूटपूपाले।
26. G.C. Raichaudhary op. तक. 38
50
already under the direct control of Bhoja Pratihar®?; which is evident
from the inscription referred to above. ‘The question of granting
freedom to its ruler, therefore, does not arise at all,
Arab invasion
The Khuman Raso of Dalpat Vijay mentions that Mahmud
Khurosanapati invested the stronghold of Chitor and Kbuman If
resisted it by displaying gallantry and prowess, According to Gol,
‘Tod, it was the invasion of Al-Mamoon, who afier deposing his
brother, became Galipha in A. मे, 98 (8I8 A.D.).24 ‘The Muslim
historians maintain that asa result of the efforts of his general in
Sindh, “a portion of Hind was also conquerred and annexed to his
empire”, But no exact account isknown, At this time, Chittor
formed part of the domain of the Pratihars and the rulers of Mewar
had their sway on the western Mewar only, In case this invasion
took place at all, Khuman JT might have resisted the same while
living in western Mewar.
Relations with Rastrakutas of Deccan
Khuman II was succeeded by Mahayaka and the latter by
Khuman III, We have very little information about these rulers,
Bharttripatta II, who succeeded, was an ambitious ruler, He
capoused® Mahalaxmi of Rastrakuta family. ‘The Pratihars of
Kannayj were becoming weak. The Rastrakuta king Indra गा
launched an expedition over Kannauj and devastated the country,
‘The Pratihar king Mahipal could not manage to defeat him, During
he closing years of his reign, Rastrakuta king Krishna TIT invaded
and captured Ghitrakuta and some other adjoining parts before 040
A.D. The Pratapgath inscription of V.E, 999 (042 A.D,)" describes
27. Annuat Report on Indian Epigraphy for 62-68 No. B 838.
27A, Tod, t 99-99/Riiot and Dowsen-History of India Vol. I pp. 28, 44-42/
9. Vals RAGE Nord pp 836.
28. ब्रौम्भाणात्मजमवाप से चाधतस्माल्लोक्नयैकतिलकोजनि wg: |)
rege ater महालक्ष्मीरितिप्रिया। TAA. pts p. 09,
29, A.S,
‘eis Altekar—op,
Times pp. elt.pp.00-I08/V.B. Mishra—The Gurjar Pratibars and
80, Raleaaudhay
AS. Altelar op.
op. वा.
el.9.pp.M9-I2/V.8,
- Mishra-op, ४८७७-७६
ef. p. 40/6.
SL, EL, Vol. XIV pp. 82-79.
 है। 26. 9
hhilot Bhartiripatta IT of Mewar as Maharajadhiraj, by inten~
Gionally omitting the name of Pratihar king Mahendrapal I, although,
the name of the latter is mentioned in the second inscription of
V.E. 003 engraved on the same slab, Therefore,itseems that
Wharteripatta Twas having hostile relations with the Pratihar
rulers and seems to have extended his help to the Karnatak king
Krishna IIT, during,his expedition of northern India, ‘The Devalis®
amd Kathad™ plates of Rastrakuta king Krishna TC tell us that
“when he had vanquished the important strongholds of Deccan and
his strength considerably inevensed (evidently on hearing it), the
hopes of regaining the stronghold of Ghitior would have vanished
from the hearts of the Pratihar rulers”, It proves that the stronghold
‘of Chittor was recaptured by the rulers of Mewar from the Pratihars
with the help of the Rastrakutay and the Huns,
We have got another important information also about the re
lations between the Karnataka country andl Mewar, ‘The Sarneshwat
inscription of V.E. I0t0 (048 AW.)84 contains the account that the
businessanten of Karnataka country were successfully conducting their
business at Alar, However, the fiumily dissensions hastened the
disintegration®® of the Rastrakuta empire in Deccan and therefore,
more benefit could not be derived from them,
Relations with the Hun Kin
‘Phe Hun chiefs of north-west Malwa were very powerful and
formidable at that time, They fought several battles and had
anatrimonial alliance with Rajput chiefs. ‘The Parmars of Malwat
had to launch several expeditions against them, Similarly, battles
were fought between the Hun prince Jajjapa®” and Batavarma of
32. ibidVol.V p.भर.
38, (bid Vol. LV p. 284.
34. BAL. pp.67-69.
35, ‘The Rastrakuta king Keishna वात ofwaythe succeeded by Khotiga,
Parmar king of Malwa aboutin
968 A.D., who had to face au invasion
SM A.D. (707० Nama ०० no. 270) It is alo mentioned ihe
Pormar’ inscriptions (Ul, Vol. Up. 235) /A.8, Altekar op. ell. p.I24/
Bhatiya-op.cit. p. 44.
36. Nava-Sahasanka-Charlta IX, Xvents M-20/.A, Vol. Lp. 229/l. A, Vol
20I/ Gangoli--Hisiory of Parmar Dynasticspp,
XLVI p. {5/ Val, XXp,p.elt.
40 and” 52/Bhatiya—o pp.40, 50, 00-6]..
37, Bul, Vol. IX p. 8.
 Saurastra. ‘The Chedi prince Karna was also having his matrimonial
relations with the Huns.%*
Somadeva in his Nili-Vekyamrita referred” to the fort of
Chittor being taken by devising a stratagem with the help of the
Huns, No definite fret can be adduced from this casual literary
reference, as the name ofthe Hun king has not been suentioned in
itand this event could also be attributed to the reign of the great
Mihirkul, who had swayed over vast arcas. Hut Somdeva’s reference
probably pertairs to the reign of Bharttripatia I of Mewar, who
seems to have also obtained help from the Huns in taking Chittor,
Allata’s struggle with Pratihar king Devapal
Allata espoused the Hun princess!” Hariyadevi and succeeded
in obtaining help from the Huns, His reign was very glorious.
He wielded his authority successfully by killing a Pratihar king
Devapal-4t The Ahar Jain temple inscription, recently edited by
the author, contains a valuable information about it. The Pratap-
gath inscription of V.E. 003 (946 A.D,)#2 speaks of Pratihar king
Moahendrapal वा ४४ the ruler. But the Siyadoni inscription of V.E.
3006 (948 A.D.)!* does not give any account of Devapal, which
proves that the latter had ruled for a very short period. In fact, after
the death of Pratihar king Mahipal dissensions broke out and most of
the feudatories turned as staunch enemies of the empire. This had
hastened the disruption of the mighty empire of the Pratihars,
By the death of Devapal, the Pratihars seems to have lost their
hopes to recapture Chittor and other territory from the rulers of
Mewar.

38, teen
The marriage
memoima of cheret
Hun aprincesagAlladevi,
been with theSentinel
repttedly Chedi-prince
ey seemsall
extras ofthe sacceiors of Karna.
Vol. IV pt. I 99. 293, 304 ९६. IT p. 647).
pions Tndiearurs
Sue =
39, fo हनाध्पति: festa: पृथ्यपुट्वाहिधिः
पु gut: Frage omg (Durga-Samuddesh cSof
ant:
40, Hariya Devi is stated to have founded 2 town-Harshapur in Mewar,
A. Gidea यो tent बलाद । eee डसदानिषातबिदलदशस्थत gh ferme
रोदर facet waa ब्यधात्‌... [The Abar Jain temple inscription edited by the
author in Varada (Hindi) Vol. XIV no. I pp. I-5].
42. BAL, Vol. XIV pp. 60-48.
43. bid Vol. I 9. &.
(d) Struggle for existence
‘The disruption of the mighty empire of the Pratihars resulted
into the formation of several petty states in northern India, ‘The
Pornars of Malwa, the Chawhans of Ajmer and the Chalukyas of
Gujrat contested among theniselves for supermacy in western India
The rulers of Mewar also had to fice these powers and inthe fuid
political condition of the north, they continued to resist without
being despirited by their repeated reverses, ‘This period is also very
important for the cultural development in the state.
Allaca
Afier defeating the Pratihar king Devapal, Allata succeeded in
consolidating" his power, Me developed Ahar town as a cominer=
cial centre and shifted his capital there. ‘The Pipali inscription® of
V.E. 2005 (048 A.D.), preserved in Pratap Muscum Udaipur, can be
attributed to his re
‘The Surneshwar temple inscription of V.E. L0T0 (069 A.D.)
‘contains a list of government officers and members of the cabinet.
Te also throws light as to how the temples were managed and what
sort of taxes were being levied for this purpose, Another inscription
of V.E,0I6 (959 A.D.), found from the village Unawas,? has
3,
Abar inTemple Inscription edited by the author (Varada XLV ०. 7.
pp. |-3).
2.ibid Vol. VI No. I pp. 8-4.
2A.
‘The Sarneshwar temple inscription mentions the names of the Sandh!-
prahaka, Akshaputea, Vandipat, Bishagaraj,.Prathar et. 0 pp.
67-09) ‘The Ahar Jain temple inveription mentions the name of his Akshapa~
Hallka os Mayur (अश्याक्षपटलाधीशों मयूरों मधुर्वनिः), whereas the Sarneshwar
terme fnsriplon soentoos Ihe manos of ५7०१८ १४३४००#
३ memes arin retweteer ese Varad Vol, VIT 00 L96¢pp.
0-33.
oa
recently been published by R.C. Agrawal. It contains the name
of the king as Valwaka, who is also stated to be a son of Mahalaxmi,
‘The word Valwaka seems to be the local name of Allatta, as is appa~
rent from Samaraditya Samkshipta, a Jain work!, wherein Pradyum-
nastri has been described to have succeeded in a debate with Dig-
ambars, in the court of the kingAlluka of Mewar ‘The inscription
of the Ambika temple at Jagat of V.E, I077 (060 A.D.)8, although
contains the name Samvapura, the son of a Vallaku hut, as no
titles have been mentioned with their names, nothing can he said
about them with certainty.
Ambika temple
‘The Ambika temple of Jagat, constructed during the reigu of
Allata resembles the Khajuraho temples in architectural beauty, Tt
is richly carved® having an elaboration in design. It consists of a
sanctum with Panckarath Sikhar of seventeen turrets and a Sablhaman-
dapa having many inscriptions ranging from the V.B, 7077 (960
AD.) to V.E, I745 (688 A.D.), It is interesting to note that the
‘Unawas temple of V.E, 026 (959 A.D.) and the Ekling temple of
VE. 028 (97 A.D.) are quite simple and plain in design, whereas
the Ambika temple of Jagat is richly carved.
In this way, the reign of Allata® witnessed immense prospe-
rity, abounding in of masterpieces of art objects,
Naravahana (४.8. 028)
‘The Sarneshwar inscription of V.E. 008-00₹ mentions names
ofthe five sons of Allata i.c. Naravahan, Gundal, Sodhaka, Siddha
and Siluka, Naravahan, being the eldest, succeeded his father,
While editing Kadmal plate of V.E. 40* (083 A.D.), A. K. Vyas
can जिलाजलूकसमातभायां ewes” Sorat उषा (Introde-
ion),
5, Darwin
RG, Agarwal-Aris
Vol, SAV. Asiatiques 964 Oo.
(I) p,
43-Journ
Nos] 6700 064 BS ofOriental
al aInstitute
« thos
Theiratbyeolagof Ambika temple of Jagat of VE. I0(7 (960 A.D.), men-
revevetiog
of Le wor
200areServed
आए a(087 gy
02:
Brent of eaneutng them sv origin" ate
धार ed quiere कारों wet pn) Bu ile docs not oe ee ae
20% 724
2, Bly. 07-69.
8 BY, Xo p. 2,
 55
observed that Allata’s second scn’s name was Mahipal, But the
text of the above plate being extremely faulty, no new name,
unknown from othersources, ean be intraduced. According to D.C.
Sircar, the word Makapamane’ occuring in the above plate, can be
corrected as Malivaan and not Mahipal, which seems to be an
other name of Naravahan only, Our information about the junior
branch of descentants Allata, as mentioned inthe Kadmal plates of
VE. 40 (088 A.D.) and the Kumbhalgarh inscription of एड,
ABIT (460 A.D.), ie meagre, We only know that Vairata, 8 mem-
her of this branch, subseqttently acquired the dhrone of Mewar, in
the second quarter of Heh century A.D., but the names of his pre-
decessors are no where available,
Great debate of the Jains, the Shaivas and the Buddhas
For Naravahan’s reign, we have got an inscription oflightV. on8.
I028 (07 A.D.) of Ekling temple, which throws interesting
the existence of the Pashupat sect and manifold activities of the Pashn-of
pat Yogies. According™ to it, a great debate was held in the court
Naravahan, among the Shaivas, the Jains and the Buddhas, wherei n
the Shaivas are stated to have come out victorious. The Jain records
also claim to have defeated the Shaivas init. ‘The Laln-Vwho agada
gurvavali of Diganbar Jains mentions diat Prabha chandr a, is
stated to have achieved eminence by composing Vividhachar, defeated
the Shaivas in the court of Naravahan.? ‘These Digainbar Jains
might have lived in Nagada, where the Aloke-Parshteanath termple *
of L0th century still exists,
‘The Ekling temple inscription of V.E, (028 (070 A.D.)! is very
important, as itis the earlist record of te Pastupata sect found from
9. ibid p. 242 fh.
40, Journal Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society Vol. XXII pp, I65-67.
JL स्थाहादप्रहनिग्रहागदविधिरि स्वस्तवैतास्डिककच्छयासीगतगर्वपर्वतमिदा.. /0/8).
22, श्रीचितसूटदु्गें राजानरवाहनसभायां विकटैवादिय दवतदहनदावातलविविधाबारप'
श्रोमताभाचन्ददेव (Vir 820 Chior by the author isp. fousd54).
49, The Aloka Parshoanath temple of Nagada mentioved in the
Bijoliya inscription of VE, 226 (69 A.D,), as an important Jin temple
(EX. Vol. XXVE pp. 309-I2).
M4, ‘The Ekling temple inscription lines I8 and 4,
 56
Mewar, Like Cintra Prashasti of Gujeat, this inscription’* mentions
that it was for the rigid fulfilment of the Pashupata vows that Lakulisha
Decame incarnate, and also that the Yogis of Kushika branch were
living there, who were having their fame throughout India, Supujita
rashi was the chief priest at that time, who got the temple of
Lakulisha constructed. The name of the Akskapaltalika of Naravahan
was Shripati, who was the son of Mayur, the Akshapatiatika of
Allata. Two important poets namely, Amra and Yogaraj, also
flourished during this time in Mewar.
Saktikumar
Naravahan was succeeded by Salivahan, who ruled for a very
short period between V.E. 028 (97l A-D.) and V-E. 034. G.H.
Ojha believes that the Guhilots of Kathiyawar are his descendants",
but there is no evidence to prove it. Salivahana was succeeded by
Saktikumar, who was an enterprising ruler. According to the Atpur
inscription of V.E.034 (977 A.D.)!** he was possessing three ele~
ments of power namely, Mantrashakti, Prablushakti and Utsakeshatti.
This indirectly proves that he had efficient forces and capable
ministers. According to M.L. Mathur he joind Jaipal against”
Subuktgin. This hypothesis is based on the fact that he has been des-
cribed, in the Chittor inscription of V.E. 83/, to have annihilated
the enemies of his religion. Although, this inference is not supported
by any contemporary authority, but it seems that like other Rajput
chiefs, the rulers of Mewar might have sent their forces to fight
against the invading forces. At that time, the border states of
Rajasthan were grappling with the critical situation caused by the
aggression ofthe formidable invaders. A conjecture can therefore,
be hazarded that Saktikumar might have despatched his forces on
any such occassion to help Jaipal. No definite proof, however, can
be given abont it
amit
pit Rall te age -दोध्यतिष्ठत fag:: पर्द बुधीश्चैनक्षपटले- -
TT:
6. GH. Ojha maintains that thedescendants of Salivahan were ruling a
Kheda who, after its fall migrated to Kathiyawar. But the Guilots
Peneirated intoMatw much carier, “At Drahimanavads,
Brineipa
Princility ofthe
of
pality lots wasar ruling. and
ling and it seems ‘thatthat theythey might anal
thigh ha have
46d, wfragar eggs:शक्तितदोजित: (IA XXXIX 9. 292),
वा... Journal of Indian History Vol, XXXII pt. II 9, 449,
 o7
Invasion by Parmar king Munj
‘The Hathundi inscription of V.E. 053 (996 2.0.) of Rastra~
kuta king Balaprasad informs that his father Dhaval extended his
shelter to the king of Mewar, when Munj Parmar invaded his
capital Ahar and captured it, This event took place in the reign of
Saktikumar, The Parmar chief Vakpati Munj also defeated a
Gurjart” prince of Kannauj, ‘The disastrous defeat of the ruler of
‘Mewar forced him to surrender the stronghold of Chitior and be
satisfied with Aha and the south-eastern Mewar. The reason of the
invasion of Parmars is no where found mentioned, But it seems that
Saktikumar extended his sway over Hacotl with the help of theruler
of Kannauj and captured it, According to Jambudvipa Prajnapali2®
(MS) a ruler Sakti was having his control over Baran (District Kota),
when the said work was completed. It seems that during thistime
the south-eastern Rajasthan remained the bone of contention bet
ween the rulers of Mewar and Malwa, and by the defeat of the ruler
of Mewar the Parmars acquired and retained it till 4th century
A.D, In this way, the rulers of Mewar not only lost Hadoti, but als
the eastern Mewar, Tt adversely affected the fortunes of Mewar. ‘To
aggravate difficulty, a good number of chiefs also deserted the ruler
of Mewar and went to the court of Malwa, ‘The Jiran (District
Mandsaur) inscriptions of 000 A.D. and 008 A.D. contain the
name of Malasamantadhipati Vigrahapal of Guhilot branch who
migrated from Nagada, He seems to be a subordinate chief of the
Parmars of Malwa.
Inscriptions of Saktikumar
‘Three important inscriptions of the reign of Saktikumar have
been known so far. ‘The Atpur inscription of V.E. 084 (977 A.D.),
discovered? by Col, Tod, contains a detailed genealogy of the rulers
of Mewar and records the erection of a temple of Nanigswami for
कै. ere ei, etn गए ee erat ne wre रणपुल
9, nT, Vol.Majomdar~Th
ALK. Xp I0 e Chalukyas of Gujrat p.26/Pratipsl Dhatiya—The
Parinars pp, 47-40.
20, Maharana Kumbha by the Author p. 3.
Departmentof theaf Graliog Stas fe the
2, Annual
Sear 57 Regort
0 I2)An. Rep. on zal
of che Arceaeg the working Rajputana Muscum,
अंक 2986 p. 2.
22, TA. Vol. XXXIX p. I9
88
which a grant was issued from Vatasthan, which can be identified
with Baroda (District Dungarpur ), Another inscription was
noticed®3 by 0. Bandel incised on a step leading to the terrace of a
Jain temple of Ahar. It is now preserved in the Pratap Museum,
Udaipur. It refers to the donation of I4 drammas to the Sun God.
‘The third fragmentary inscription® is lying in another Jain temple
of Ahar which contains an account in a panegyric style of the rulers
from Allata to Saktikumar with their Akshapalalikas, namely, Mayur,
Shripati, Gundal and Mattata,
Invasion by Chauhan Vakpatiraj IT
Ahar being completely devastated, Saktikumar seems to have
shifted his capital to Nagada, Hisson Ambaprasad succeeded him
tothe throne, whose name is found omitted in the genealogies
recorded inthe Abu inscription of V.E. 348: (285 A.D.)*% and
Ranakpur inscription of V-E. 496 (489 A.D.)®, while in his place
Suchivarma ismentioned immediately after his father. But the
Chittor inscription of V.E. 83] (24 A.D.)#" and the Kumbhalgarh
inscription of V.B. L6UF (I460 A.D.)? describe him as the successor
of Saktikumar, He had to face an aggression by the Chauhan King®™
‘Vakptiraj Hand was slain while defending. His defeat resulted in
the alienation of the territory of Uparamal from Mewar. He seems
to have ruled for a short peried. A good number of merchants and
other citizens migrated from Mewar to save themselves from humi-
liation, Some ofthem settled in western Rajasthan while others
went towards Malwa etc.
Successors of Ambaprasad
After Ambaprasad, his brothers® Suchivarma, Anantvarma,
Narvarma, and Kirtivarma succeeded one after the other. The
Hastimata temple inscription of Ahar, now preserved in the Pratap

2428,%, G,Bandel—
किया Vol JourneyRootin pk
SVT
LAXVEp. 346,
Nepal 8.62.
26, Maharana Kumbla by the Author p. 384
27, BA. p T7/B.I, Vol, XXIV pp. 82.
20. qeentermerat व मशोदर्मा महीपति: |त्रयोष्यंबाप्रसादस्य जजिरे seh et 5 verse
42,/E.I.Vol. XXIV pp. 3I7-3i9,
2.80 Ble
The Vol
Pha) LV
Waapp StS
Kavyan vse
Past V yes 806.
 0
Museum Udaipur, contains the account that the temple of Rokilleshwar
was constructed by Suchivarma. His queen was the daughter
of a Chalukya family. These rulers seemed to have revived their
hostility with the Parmars of Malwa. A.K. Vyas while editing®® the
Kadmal plate maintained that Parmar Bhoj deposed Yograj and
appointed Vairat as the ruler of Mewar. Although there is no direct
evidence to prove it, hut it ix clear that Bhoj took active interest in
the internal affairs of Mewar w! le revi ing there for a pretty long
time.33
The inscriptions of Mewar are silent on this point, The
Kadmal plate of V.E, [/40 (088 A.D.) and Kumbhalgarh inscrip-
tion of V.E, ॥का7 (400 A.D.) simply narrate that alter the death
Of Yograj, the main ruling line of the Guhilots became extinct.
Therefore, Vairat®4 of the junior branch of the descendants of
Allata, succeeded. In fact, the hostility hetween the Parmars and
the rulers of Mewar, continued unabated, The internal insecurity
and repeated Parmar and Chauhan invasions diminished the power
of the Guhilots and Mewar was grappled in a critical situation
causing adverse effect on the resources of the state. Quite contrary
to this, the power of Bhoj Parmar was at its culmination, ‘The
rulers of Mewar maintained their independence in the hilly and
inaccessible tracts only, while Bhoj Parmar, in order to reduce the
refractory chiefs of Mewar to obedience, seems to have resided for
some time at Chittor, His stay at the said place is proved from
the various literary and epigraphic evidence. According to the Abu
inscription of V.E. 4878 (88॥ A.D.) and Vividia Tirtha Kalpa
Dhandhuk, the Parmar chief 5 of Abu, took shelter with him, when
Bhoj was residing there. Subsequently, Vimalshah went there and
SI BY. pp. 72-78,
92, BI. XXXT p.242,
A.D.) was issued
38, TheUjjain
fom
charter
‘Nagdrahar which
of Parmar
can be
Bhoj
identified Nagada(IO2)in Maiwa, and not
of V-B,with !078
with Nagada in Mewar. LA. VI pp. 56-57,
34. हतश्च योगशाजों पून्मेदपाटे महीषतिः ।
अपि राज्ये Feat after तच्छावानों [छू(्टी)यं] war ॥१४४ me
वर्चावल्लट्ंताने बैरदोभूस्न रेप्बर: 4B. I. Vol. XXIV p. 3I0, Similar in-
formation
40 (083 is3.0.) also BT.
available
Vol. inXXXI
verses pp.6 and24-243.
7_of the Kadmal plates VE.
85. BAL, Vol. VIII pp.208-222/Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa (Arbuda Kalpa) verse 39.
60
brought him back in order to get him concerted with the ruler of
Gujrat. In this way, the possibility" of Bhoj’s taking part in the
internal affairs of Mewar cannot be denied. ‘Thus, he might have
succeeded to appoint Vairat by deposing Yograj,
Construction of Tribuvan Narayan Temple at Chittor
Atemple of Tribliwan Narayan was got constructed by Bho} on
the fort of Chittor. The Chirawa inscription of VE, 930(273 A.D.)
A.D.) narrates that Talarakhsa Madan” used to pay homage at the
said temple, According to another inscription of ५.७, 788
(80) A.D,)* Pratihar Dharasingh got it repaired, Its name is also
recorded as Bhojastwani Deva Jagati. Although G, H, Ojha has
identified this temple with Sanidkeshwar of Chittor,! but on the
basis ofapillar inscription of V.E. 04 (984 A.D,),!* I refute the
theory. It seems that Samidkeshwar temple was constructed during
0th century A.D. and was quite different from the Tribfwon
Narayan temple constructed by Bho}. Tt was perhaps demolished
during the invasion of Alauddin,
Nagada inscription of V.E. 083
A. K, Vyas proposes that the fragmentary inscription of ५.8,
088 (026 A.D,)42 lying in the Pratap Museum Udaipur, may be
assigned to the reign of Vairat, We, however, do not find any
direct or indirect reference, which may support this theory, ‘The
right half portion of this inscription being damaged, the names of
the rulers are missing.*!4 In it's lines 5 and 6, the name of a certain
ruler is mentioned, who used to give away gold in charity, His
son was quite powerful! and unrivalled like Indra (Purandaraciva-
apratima-prabhavah). Similarly, it is dificult to hazard any definite
DENI Vol पक. वात.
37. sere
Prep) The error te vere et
Gidvawe neriplion 8 एम wee swat fe
38. संबत १३६८(Varada
चरमाप Vol.gfe १5--अतिहा
I No.)
रवेसे--पाता pn
ater Te
अगवा...
89, Ojha Tp. 33.
40,
Verada Vol. Nov
See Author's sr Samidheshwar
sary ऋएएए Mandir Ka Nirman
६4%
Kal
२६६८
published in
4A, BLT. Vol. XXXI p, 242,
AIA. Journal of the U.P. Historical Society (New series) Vol. X pt. Ip. 24.
 (६
opinion about the word “Shridhat”” appearinginits line 7, It
may denote a ruler or might have been used asan appellation only,
However, this inscription might have belonged to the Gubilot
chiefs, as it was engraved at Nagada, which had close association
with the rulers of Mewa
Vairat to Vijaysingh
Afer Vairat, his son Hanspal ascended the throne and was
succeeded by his son Vairisingh, For these rulers our information
is meagre, In the Kadmal plate of V.E, ]40 (088 A.D.),
Vairisingh is deserilyed to have snatched his enemy's elephant with
the help of dhose who received assistance from him in the past,¢®
‘The Paladi inscription also contains similar information of defeating
the enemies, whose details are not available, In the Kumbhalgarh
inseription4 he has been described to have constructed the ramparts
of ‘Aghatapatian’ (Ahar), It seems that he paid due attention to
the defence of the city, A reminiscence of the achievements of
Hanspal, Vairisingh and Vijaysingh is also preserved in the Bhera-
{ghat inscription of 55 A.D., For Hanspal and Vairisingh, it is
mentioned that they displayed conspicuous4® gallantry while fighting
with the enemies, who might be the Parmar rulers of Malwa, How-
ever, after the death of Bhoj Parmar confusion and chaos prevailed
in Malwa, It was besieged by the combined forces of the Chalukyas
and Kalachuris, Bhoj left no son behind him. Jaisingh I succeeded
him, who was also removed after a couple of years and was succee-
ded by Udayaditya, ‘The circumstances prevented him from being
hostile to the rulers of Mewar. He extended his hands for friend«
ship not only to the ruler of Mewar but also to the Cihauhans, the
traditional enemies of his house. From the Bheraghat inscription
it is learnt that Vijaysingh married Shyamaldevié?” who was the
ET, Vol XRTp.248 verse 8.
43. हक; erase feng gett ॥६४४॥ eater Frag बेन औसद।घाटपततने।
प्राकारस्वचतुदिशु चतुरगपुरभूषित:॥१४४॥ ४. Z. Vol. XXIV p, 225,
44.
45: (bid
tid Vol. ITI72I9,p.2,
verses
46: PeBhatiya—The Parmara pp. 08-N0.
4. gearing he der: सदा जगति UA HE सुधाशु: ॥२०॥
तश्याभवन्‍्माजवमण्डसाधितायोदयादित्ययुताघुर्पा |
अज्ञारिनी श्यापरतदेब्युदाररिज्न विन्‍्तामगिर्राष्चतथी ॥२१॥ Esl. Vol. Il pp. I2-23,
62
daughter of Udayaditya (0G0-87 A.D.) of Malwa and the mother of
Albandevi, the queen of Kalachuri Gayakarna (5 A.D.) of Dahal.
‘This matrimonial alliance between the Parmars of Malwa and the
Guhilots of Mewar helped in maintaining cordial relations between
the two houses.
Inscriptions of Vijaysingh
The Kadmal plate of V.E, L40 (l088 A.D.) mentions
Vijaysingh as Param Bhattarak Maharajadkiraj Parmeshwar Mandalik
G.H. Ojha assigns the Paladi inscription of V.E. 73 (l6 A.D.)
of Pashupat ascetics of Eklingji to his reign, but A. K. Vyas,
basing on the description of Arisingh available in its lines 6 and 7,
correctly ascribes it to the reign of Arisingh, the successor of Vijay-
singh. Some inscriptions, ranging from V.E. (73 to 89,*° incised
in a Shiv temple of Atganva (District Udaipur), mention Vijaypal
as the ruler of the place. But he seems to be a different ruler, who
probably belonged to the Biartiripatta branch of the Guhilots, as is
apparent from the Thakarada inscription of V.E. L2l2 (IL65 A.D.).5
Successors of Vijaysingh
After Vijaysingh, his son Arisingh succeeded. ‘Two inscript-
ions, one from Ghasa (Delawata) and other from Paladi, belonging
to his reign, are known, ‘The Tripurushdeva temple of Ghasa (near
Delawara) was got constructed in VE. 64 (07 A.D.) by one
Rajputra Durlabhraj, The Paladi inscription, referred to above,
mentions a few names of Pashupat ascetics of Eklingji@A Our
information about the successors of Arisingh, namely Chodsingh,
Vikramsingh and Ranasingh, is meagre. It seems that internal
dissensions broke out which threatened the security of the state,
का हक Vol. MCT pp. शा-2७.
49, Ojha I pp. l4t-t42.
498. ELI, Vol. XXX p. 8.
0. donations
‘Three inscriptions
given by ofMaharaja
the year Vijaypal
VB. [73, are88engraved
and 89, in refering
the to someof
temple
‘Aiganva, of the
‘member “The Bhartfpatta
Iagoda inscription of V.E. I90 clearly mentions him as a
branch." झमस्तराजावलौबिराजितपहू
महाराजाधिराज परमेश्वर श्री विजयपालदेव (I-A. Vol. VI pp. 55-56.) पट्टासिधान
Si, ibid Vol, LVE pp.25-26,
&2. erg ११६४ भावण बदि 94 Ta lag थी दुलहराज सुत THK Parada Vol. ए No. 2)
BA. Bal, Vol, XEX 9. 8.
 63
Rawal and Rana Branches
Tt was during the time of Ranasingh® that the ruling family
branched off into two lines known as Rawal and Rana. The
Kumbhalgarh inscription of V.E, 767 (460 A.D.) does not men-
tion the above splitting up of the family, but the Zhling Makatmya
deals with the above division and records the history of the junior
branch also. The ruling family retained the title Maharawal or
Rawal, whereas the junior branch came to be known as Rana. But
subsequently, the junior branch predominated during the time of
Hamir whence onwards the rulers of Mewar became known as
Maharana, In the Raj Prashasti Mahakagya it is mentioned that
the title of Rana was bestowed upon Rahapa by Mahatawal Karna
for his conspicuous gallantry in defeating Mokalsi, the ruler of
Mandor. But this version is not supported by sober history.
Parmar Narvarma and Mewar
‘The political condition of western India was much deplorable
when violent and implacable feuds between the Parmars of
Malwa, the Chalukyas of Gujrat and the Chauhans of Ajmer were
raging. According to Dr. Bhatiya, Mewar played an important
role throughout this tripartite struggle. According to epigraphic
and literary sources, Natvarma (094~-I]84 A.D.) was having his
sway over Chittor. From the Kharatar Gachha pattavali we lear
that Narvarma granted two parultha coins for the daily worship of
a certain Jain temple! of Ghittor. This fact is also mentioned in
an unpublished inscription of Saka-Era 028 (Il06 A.D.)* found
58. The
see Ft Py
Ehling Mahaimya (MS) ye verse 50.एक राउल rt राजा Te परा महती ॥
ibid verses4 09 5! & 70 0 7I/The name of Mokalsi Pratiharisno where
54. available in History.
Brahmanavada, Pipad orandThedeals
Gubilots etc,werein already
Kharawad occupying Kheda,
islet Ranging ee fbr’ paper Bohmanaradeto thete
Marwar much earlier
Gilitavanst Shashoka (Sodbpatriks).
85. VE Bhatiya—op. elt. 9. 85-96.
56. बिन eng, देगा आवक: कारितमस्ति, a gard स्वमंडपिकादानात
दिन दापय |” तो राजातुष्ट:--चित्रकूट भण्ठविकास्तत॒ शाश्वतदान भविष्यतीति
Fey Tel inv hy—The 7%27%%/४20727% १४१
57. Virblumi Chitor pp. 26-27 by the Author.
crs
from Chittor, From the various literary sources it is known that
Chittor with its adjoining area was very much flourishing. Jinava-
iabha Suri and Jindadatta Suri#® v.sited this place several times.
‘After Narvarma, Malwa suifered a crushing defeat at the hands of
Siddharaj Jaisingh of Gujrat, Consequently, Ghittor and other
adjoining areas which formed the part of Malwa at that tine, now
formed the part of Gujrat,
Chalukya Kumarpal and Mewar
Siddharaj Jaisingh was succeeded by Kumarpal who, after
coming to the throne, Iaunched for expeditions on Sapadalaksha
country and vanquished its Chauhan ruler twice, During his second
expedition of V.E, I207 (00 A.D.) he paid homage at the Samid-
dheshwar temple of Chittor and to mark the occasion made a
grant of some villages for this temple", This fact is contained in an
inscription of V.E. 207 (60 A.D.) which was composed by the
Jain Poet Ramkirti, a pupil of Jaykirti of Digambar sect, Accor+
ding to this, Dandnayeka Sajjan was incharge of the administra-
tion of the fort. Heseems to be other than the former Sajjan
Dandanayaka who was a contemporary of Sidhraj Jaisingh and
most probably belonged to the Kumbhakar caste, Another ins-
cription of the same year was also found from Chitior according to
which Madhusudan’s son Someshwar, one of the subordinate officers
of Kumtarpal, got constructed a Vishnu temple on the fort, Accor
ding to the Bijoliya inscription of V.E. 226, Visaldeva Chauhan
vanquished Sajjan and captured the stronghold of Chittor, in order
to wreck vengeance of the defeat of Arnoraj, But it seems that the
Chalukyas recaptured it. The Moh Parajaya"®, a contemporary work,
mentions that the crown prince of Mewar used to visit the court
of Kumarpal and play chess with him,
88. ibid pp. 08-57.
59. ibid p. 27.
#. कद, 2०, Almir 08t ps 2-8)Pooh Char 7 मीthee
GL, E,L. XXXI p, 09 verse 20/7rbhumt Chittor pp. 222-224 by the Author.
2.
WERe MohfeParajaya
gee Aly बुझाpena
feweet | एसचंदावदी
पदी।एस तहिद
aye
एस नए
 65
Rastrakutas of Dhanop
It seems that the Chalukyas could not penetrate into the
western & north-eastern parts of Mewar. This territory was enjoyed
by the Rastrakutas and the Chauhans. According to an inscription
of V.E. 068 (006 A.D.) found from Dhanop" (Distt. Bhilwara),
small principality of the Rastrakutas was ruling there, As already
stated, Rastrakuta King Govind III granted this patrimeny to one
of his relatives. ‘The Dhanop inscription throws ample light on the
account of the kings, Bhallila, Dantivarma, Buddharaj, Govindraj ०५८,
Dantivarma is described to have got constructed a temple of Siva,
while his grandson Govindraj constructed a shrine of mother goddess,
It reveals from the Dhanop inscription stated above that the place
was invaded and the worship of the diety had to be temporarily
discontinued. Subsequently, when it was reoccupied by the
Rastrakutas, the Saivite ascetic Nagna Bhattacharya approached the
king Chachcha and got the grant renewed. Ir seems that Saktikumar
had vanquished the Rastrakutas, but later on after the defeat of the
Guhilots at the hands of the Parmars, these Rastrakutas seem to”
have reoccupied it. No other information of the descendants of
Chachcha is known, ‘The only one inscription of ‘this time found at
Menal, V.E. I22 (65 A.D.) also does not contain any such
mention. It seems that these Rastrakutas could not survive against
the imperial designs of the Parmars of Malwa and the Chauhans of
Ajmer.
Uparamal under the Chauhans
‘As stated above, the territory of Uparamal was occupied by
the Chauhans during the time of Ambaprasad, A good number
of inscriptions of the L2th century A.D. are found, mostly containing,
‘accounts of manifold activities of Pashupat ascetics. From village
छा TA. जा Xp. 75,
4 विवलोक्यातंहायो भर |सायंtage) tea on
Sere dehforgre: | severe eee
id p73,
65. स्वस्तिसंबद १२१२ aTभाहयदमास......मंडलिक नरवर्मकसुतः *रालकस्लिुबनेश्वरस्ततों
Roe इहतस्यसंभव:|IE TT पत्रकोल्‍्हा सुतर्प च कीतिसिहम्य दोहिबो
urnof
graphy गज sory,
7४70 (7६३Apri किए, ype 9-40. ReportonTnclan
 66
Lahori ( Jahazpur)" an inscription of V.E. वश] of the time of
Visaldeva Chauhan, was found having the name of Vishweswar
Prajna, a Pashupat ascetic, Suhiyadevi, the queen of Prithviraj व] of
Ajmer, was a staunch follower of Pashupat sect. She got some
temples constructed and made pious donations. One such temple
was erected at Menal under the name Suheshwar. From the pillar
inscription of this temple, it is gleaned that out of the income of this
temple she granted 20 Ajaya-priya-drammas® to the Askadhareshwar
temple. The Dhod inscription of V.E. 225,¢® also contains a simi-
lar account of donations by this queen and Kumarpal the local chief
of Uparamal. Two Jain inscriptions of the Gime of Someshwar
Chauhan are known from Bijoliya, One of them contains an authen-
tic genealogy of the Chauhan rulers of Ajmer, while in the other is
engraved the great poem ‘Unnate Shithar Purana’, ‘The Menal
inscription of V.E. 226 mentions the name of a Pashupat ascetic
Bhava Brahmamuni,” ‘Two inscriptions of V.E. 228 and V.E, 229
of Dhod have recently been published by Shri R.C. Agrawal con-
+taining the account of various grants to Pashupat Saivas’, From
Anwalada, two Sati pillars’? having inscriptions of V.E. 7284 and
‘V.E, 7946 are known, At Menal an inscription of V.E. ]2887 is
found incised on the pedestal of an image, representing king Some-
swara, This proves that the Uparamal territory was in the posses-
sion ofthe Ghauhans upto the 2th century A.D. The Jain poet
Ashadhar," born at Mandalgarh then forming part of Sapadlaksha,
moved subsequently to Malwa, as the territory was occupied by the
Muslims,
5. Maru Bharati Vol. XX pp, स्‍3-क्‍5.
67, Epigraphy 906-7
PRASWG (82-68pNob
, 59/Bhandarkar List No, $42/Annual Report on Indian
eis ५2७73
68. Varada Vol. शा No. 4 (Oct. 965) pp. -6.
69, EL, Vol. XXVI pp. LI0-I,
70, Bhandarkar list No, 846/An, Rep. on Indian Epigraphy No. B 842,
7. Yarada Vol. VIII No. 4 pp. I-6,
7. an
An,Be.
Rep.on theworkingingof the Rajputana Museum, AjmerAjmer yearyear 928
\jputana Museum,
73, An, Rep. on Indian Epigraphy I962-63. No, B 845.
Te trates सपादलक्ष Fore: शाकम्भरों भुषणस्तत्न श्रीरतिधाममंडलकर rotsहरमा...
soir सपादलक्ष बिषये चुवृतक्षतित्ञासाहिसध्यतरेकरोः परिमलल्फूजहि
araaiee.., [The Colophone
‘mt
of Sagardharmamrita]
 or
Guhilot Inscriptions from Marwar
Although, the Guhilots lost considerable territory of the eas-
tern Mewar, but they succeeded to occupy some area in Marwar
which is proved frm inscriptions found at Bhinmal, Brahmana-
vada, Pokarana and some other places near Mandor, An inscription
of Lth Century A.D, is available at Pokarana’® (District Jaisalmer)
which tells that a Gubilot chief! Ghanghaka was slain while
protecting the cows. ‘The Guhilots ruled small principalities of
Brahmanavada" and Kheda, ‘The Rathors subsequently vanquished
the Guhilots of Kheda by a treacherous strategem and took over
their state. However, the Guhilots continued to rule at Brahmana-
vada till the VE, 887 (880 A.D.)”, asis evident from the Achale-
shwar temple step-well inscription of Guhilot Mokal.

75, SeeAuthor's paper —Pokarana ke Shilalekh published in Shodh patrika,

‘Vol. XXII No. 2 pp. 67-69.
76: See Author's paper—BrahmanvadakeGuhila-vamst Shashak published in
‘Shodh patrika, Vol. XVIII No, 2 pp, 50-55.
Th. See Author's paper—Achaleshwar Mandir ke Shilalekh published in Varada
Vol. XIU No, 2 pp 7-9,
(७) Other Guhilot Principalities
‘The Guhilots of Kishkindha
‘The ruins ofthe ancient town of Kishkindha are still visible
near Kalyanpur (Distt, Udaipur). A good number of sculptures have
also been salvaged from the site and now preserved in the Pratap
Museum, Udaipur, Some inscriptions and copper plates? of the
early Guhilots of Kishkindha, recently brought to light, prove the
existence of a local principality flourishing during the 7th and 8th
centuries A.D. Its relations with the early Guhilots of Nagada-
Ahar branch of Mewar are not exactly known. An inscription of
the year 703 (640 A.D,)? of the reign of Siladitya of Mewar was
discovered from Samoli, a village about 60 miles away from Kalyan~
pur. Both these places are situated in the Bhomat area of Mewar.
‘Thus, it seems that both ofthese families belonged to the same stock,
‘The earliest known ruler of this principality was Maharaja
Padda, ‘The Kalyanpur stone inscription, now preserved in the
Pratap Museum, Udaipur, mentions of the construction of a Shiva
‘temple during his reign by a certain person, out of money earned
by righteous means, for the attainment of ShivaSayujya? The words
‘Yatha-Amnayam used in the inscription, give an idea of the presence
ofthe traditidns of construction of temples there, ‘Though the
inscription does not bear any date, but judged on palaeographic
ground, it can be assigned to the first half of the Tth century A.D.4
It neither contains the name of Kishkindha nor of the Guhilot clan,
but its discovery being from Kalyanpur as well as the period to
which it belongs, suggest that it must have belonged to the Guhilot
DG, Sivcar—The Gublas of Kishkindha mip. 54-55/E..
XXXIVp. 67/XXXV 9. 55. at
Vol, Ee X _p.
2. El, Vol. XX p. 99.
Seiten eeretferatre ag: fpf Frere (5 fe
att marcia पहुराज्ये Esl, Vol, XXXV 9. 55,
4, Journal of Indian History Vol, XXXV Part I pp, 73-74/.I, XXXV p, 55
 69
branch of Kishkindha.* It is perhaps the carliest inscription of
this branch’,
Another ruler of this branch was Maharaja Devagana, whose
name appears in the plates of the years 48 (653 A.D.) and 83 (689
A.D.) issued by Bhavihit and Babhat respectively, Both of them
issued these grants while meditating at Uhe feet of Devagana.? In
the plate of Bhavihit, the titles of Devagana are given as Param
Mabeshwar ane Awapta~Ashesha-Mahashabda.t
Devagana was followed by Bhavihit, who seems to be a son
of his brother, as the latter uses the word Pitriyya® for him, 0.0,
Sircar presumes that he usurped the throne from the successors
of Devagana®®, but there is no definite evidence to corroborate the
same and the inference adduced by him does not seem to be con-
clusive, Contrary to this, Bhavihit mentions the name of Devagan
with due reverence and also ratified the grant made by him, which
could not be executed in time, ‘The title of Bhavihit was Samadhi-
‘gala~Pancha-Mahashabda,
Another ruler of this branch was Maharaja Bappat3, mention
ed in the Dhuleva copper plate grant of Bhetti of the year 73 (670
A.D,), where in the grant of village Ubbaraka, given by him, has
een ratified hy Maharaja Bhetti. V.V. Mirashi, while editing the
above said platel®, has opined that Bheiti recorded his consent to the
gift of Maharaja Bappa-datti. D.C, Sircar, however, does not agree
with this interpretation’ and suggests that the word Bappaa-datti
does not indicate any proper name and merely stands for ‘father?
in a sense of reverence, But in later inscriptions of Mewar, Bappa

5, D.G, Sirear—op.cit. pp. 57-58.

6, Bl, XXXVp,55,
. ibid Vol. XXXIV p, 07.
8. परममाहेश्वरोबाप्राशेषनहराशब्द (:) aftदेवगणस्तत्यादकमलातुष्बातों
BX, XXXIV p, 7.
9. Pate यथा mee Reger श्री देशगना(ण) पादीव शातनादुरहादायमपेष्व (id)
0, D.C, Sircar—op.cit, pp. 60-64,
L. बिदित॑ यथा महाराजबध्पदत्तिः तस्वैयपुष्वाप्याय fafirerd (EAT. XXX p. )
9. ibid.
8. D.C Sircar—opuelt. pp. 62-63, .
 70
has been mentioned as a ruler. In the Kumbhalgarh inscription
of V.E. I5I7 (460 A.D.) two separate rulers by the name Bappa
have been mentioned, Therefore, it will be worthwhile to take
it asa proper name. Roshanlal Samar! has attempted to identify
Bappa of the Dhuleva plate with Bappa Rawal. His argumeuts
have been counteracted by Jogendra Pal Singh!# who also agrees
with D.G.Sircar. ‘The traditions prevailing in Mewar, however,
give an idea that a king with the name Bappa also ruled eatlier to
Bappa Rawal, But more evidence is needed to corroborate this
theory and nothing can be said with certainty on this point, on the
basis of the available material,
Another ruler was Maharaja Bhetti, whose relations with Bha-
vihit are not exactly known, ‘Though he does not mention the name
of Devagana in his plate, but this grant being issued from the camp
of Kishkindha, from where other Guhilot plates mentioned above
ied, he may also be taken as a Guhilot chief. ‘The Dhuleva
plate of the year 78 (679 A.D.)" was first noticed by 6.8, Ojha,
Tt was later on! edited by V.V, Mirashi, Ie is interesting to note
that the grant was issued under the joint signatures of Bhetti and
Samant Bharttripatta”, We do not know as to how this arrange-
ment existed.
‘The plate of Maharaja Babhat of the year 88 (880 A.D.)
though mentionsthename of Devagana, does not mention the
name of Bhetti, which is an interesting fact. A village Mitrapallika
situated in Kishkindha vishaya was donated by him to the sons of @
Brahman Goparaj. This plate also. mentions the name of a
Rajpuira Ghoraghattaswamin, but we do not know anything about
him,
The last known ruler of this family%® was Kedachi, during
whose reign a Shiva temple was constructed by a lady Vonna, It
4, EI, Vol, XXIV p. 308,
45. Journal of Indian History Vol. XI Pt. वा pp. 846-855.
46, ibdVol. XLTpp,425-439.
7. An. Rep, on the Working of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer (982-39 p. 2
I8, BL Vol, XXXp.I.
49, महारराजमेततिसहुस्तो (स्त:)भटिवहुस्व gee: (bid)
20, BLL.Voy XXXIV जा, ; :
 n
also furnishes the name of a Shaiva ascetic, Kukkatacharya, An
unpublished inscription ofvillage Basundhara® (Distt. Dungarpur)
mentions the performance of a sacrifice by Bhatta Dronaswami,
Similarly, an unpublished inseription of Budheshwar (Distt, Dungar-
Pur) of Oth century A.D. contains the name of Sagat, one of the
descendants of Bhatta Dronaswami, ‘These two inscriptions have
Rot so far beenedited. The Guhilots of Kishkindha suffered a
great sethackatthe hands of the Rastrakutas, who occupied a
Considerable territory and scem to have settled permanently in
the conquered land. ‘That is why, they are still there known as
Chhappaniya Rothors. Finally, the Parmars and Guhilots of Mewar
captured the Vagada territory, The Atpur plates of V.E. 034
(977 A.D,) of Saktikumar of Mewar were also issued from Baroda in
Vagada,
‘The copper plates of the Gubilots of Kishkindha bear the 08०5
48, 73, and 83 without mention ofany specific cra, A divergence
of opinion exists about the identification of this era, While G, H.
ja and D. 0, Sircar believe that the mention is of the Harsha
erat’, VV, Mirashi suggests it to be a Bhattika era.%8 Roshanlal
Samar takes it to be a local one®, having no connection with
Harshavardhan, Majority of the scholars have agreed with the views
expressed by G, मा, Ojha and D, 0, Sirear, However, their argu-
ments do not seem to be conclusive, For example, the Dhuleva
plate also mentions the year as Ashivayuja Samwetsara, which does
not tally by taking the year 73 of Harsh year as equivalent to 679
A.D., as twelve years’ cycle of Jupiter corresponding to the above
period wasJyeshtha, D.C, Sircar, agreeing on this anomaly, says
that there were different almanacs, which did not tally with each
other on some important points, The suggestion of V.V. Mirashi,
to regord it as the Bhattika era, is also erroneous and has been
2), The impressions of these inscriptions taken by Shri Surajmal iva
wereshown to me by the late Maharaja Virabhadra Singh I. Ct
Dungarpur.
22. An. Rep. on the working of the Rajputane Museum, Ajmer ।932-58
PP.
23. BI, Vol. XXX pp, 4.
24, Journal .of Indian History Vol, XL pt, II pp. 346-355,
 42
well refuted by D.C. Sircar, Dashrath Sharma® etc., on the
ground that the Bhattis never entered this part of Rajasthan. The
views expressed by Ojha & others carry sufficient weight, and we
‘would very much like to subscribe to them but another find of a like
nature also calls our attention, From Devanimori®, about 40 miles
from Kalyanpur, an inscription on a Buddhist relic casket has been
found having the mention of theyear 27 of Kathika era. As no
details of this era are so far known, we may take it as. local cra,
Working on the same analogy, the era mentioned in the inscriptions
and copper plates of the early Gubilots of Kishkindha, may also
be taken as some local era. The Dhuleva?? plate contains the passage
Rajya Pratipatti which according to V.V. Mirashi means the era
reckoned from the date of theacquisition of the kingdom, This also
Proves that the local Gubilots, on the acquisition of their state, star-
teda new era. This was not strange, as dates in the reignal years
‘were commonly recorded at that time. But more convincing evi-
dence is still required to corroborate this statement.
‘The information pertaining to the administrative set up, glea~
ned from the inscriptions and copper plate grants of these rulers,
is very interesting. The rulers were having their titles as Avapla~
Askesha~Mahashabda, Samadkigata-pancha~Makashabda, and Sanupar-
Jit-Panck-Makaskabda. All these plates were issued from their
capital Kishkindha. The copper plate grant of Bhavihit of the year
48 (853 A.D.) mentions the name of Pur-Patla-Vishaya which seems
to have been used for the capital of the state i.e. Kishkindha, The
Samantas were enjoying overwhelming powers, as is evident from
the Dhuleva plate of the year 73 (879 A.D.), where the words Shri
Samanta~Bharttripattasya-Anumati refer to the approval of the Samanta
Bharttripatta.
‘These grants contain the names of several officers and also
have the account of the levy ofvarious taxes.
25 LILO. Sept I89p, 49/Dashrath Sharma—Rajethan through the Ages
ofOriental Institute, Baroda
समायतेब्दरते Journal
26, Vol. XV Sept.कयकिनुपाणां
uafeacntirg 968 9. 73.
शा. over(fe)ot (ni) (ef: age Hee (९)
 3
Guhilots of Dhod, Nagar and Chatasu
Another important Guhilot principality was of the Guhilots of
Dhod, Nagar and Chatasu, It seems that after the extinction of the
tribal republic of the Malawas, the Guptas and the Huns captured
this territory. Soon after the defeat of Mihirkul Hun at the hands
of Yashovardhan, the Guhilots got afortunate chance aad captured
this area, The earliest known inscription of thisprincipality is the
Dhod inscription of the year 70] (644 A.D.)%, The Nagar inscrip-
tion of the year 74] (084 A.D,)2® contains four names of the carly
Guhilot rulers namely, Ishanbhatta, Upendrabhatta, Guhila, end
Dhanika, These names are also mentioned in the Chatasu
inscription of Baladitya, wherein they are described as the Bharttri-
batta-Adhidhan® Guhilots, Reckoning 20 years for cach generation
the date of Bharttripatta, the first ruler of this branch, may be
assumed as V.E, 640 (583 A.D). The Nagar inscription was not
available to G.H. Ojha and CV, Vaidya and so the date of Bhar-
ttripatta, assumed by them, needs correction, ‘There is no other
source to give us more information about these four rulers.
‘The Dhod (Tehsil Jahuzpur District, Bhilwara) inscription
mentions the name of Guhila Dhanika,who owed his allegiance to a
prince Dhavalappa who probably belonged to the Mauryan
dynasty. ‘There are chances to identify this Dhanika with the ruler
of the same name mentioned in the Nagar inscription of the year 742
(684 A.D.), But this identification requires us to astume a
lengthy reign of 45 years for him, An inscription of the year 887
(880 A.D.)* containing the name of Dhanika, father of Ishanbhatta,
was found at Nasun (District Ajmer). G.H. Ojha has identified this
prince with that mentioned in the inscription of Dhod. But this
ideniification does not seem to be correct, as the Nasua inscription
does not contain any detailed account of these rulers and simply

28/D.C, Sixcar—op. ct. pp. 3-30.

. "The Bharat KaumudiVol.II pp, 267-276,
BX.Vol,XIT9.UU verses7and8.
sree महाराजाधिराज ur fuerte )a(a)wet
{td Wot, XX p. 29 lines | and 2
82, LA, Vol. LIX p.2l, eemifirtindtarrnéa state gat ait ares ea
ere प्रदत्त ।
 क
mentiones them as Mandaladhipa, As such, we can not associate
Dhanika of Nasun inscription’ with that of Nagar, Besides, there
isa gap of about two centuries between -Dhanikas of the two
inscriptions,
‘The Chatasu inscription is a very important record of the early
Guhilots of eastern Rajasthan, According to this, Dhanika, mention-
ed above, was succeeded by his son Auka and the latter by his son
Krishnaraj, who seems to have owed his allégiance to the Pratihars,
Sankargana, son of Krishnaraj, fought for the sake of the Pratihars
in the Gaud country. His son Harshrajalso conquered the kings of
north and presented a booty of horses to the Péatihar king Bhoj I.
‘He was succeeded by his son Guhila, who also fought under the
banner of the Pratihars and vanquished the Gaud king.
His ‘son
Bhatta fought with the South Indian forces. Thus the entire
line of
these Guhilots®* took an imrortant part in the tripartite
struggles
of the Pratihars, Pals and Rastrakutas. The last known prince
this line was Baladitya, who got a temple of Murari constructed ‘atof
Chatasu,
‘The Mandakila Tal-Nagar—inscription of V.E. 043 does not
contain any names of rulers. It simply mentions the word Loka
Nripa. But as the area around Nagar formed part of the Guhilot
territory at that time, this inscription.can also be
attributed to
reign. These Gubilots were subsequently defeated by the Chauhatheir
a8 is evident from some inscriptions. of the. Chauhans foundns,at
Vishalpur. Some Bharttripatta-Abhidhan. Gubilots also ruled in
Vagada during the l2th and 8th. centuries. and in central. India
during the I2th century A.D., but we can hardly fix their inter
relationship withthe Guhilots of Chatasu.
‘The Guhilots of Vagada
The: successors to the Parmarsin:Vagada: were these.
Pharttripatta Abhidhan Gubilots. From Arthuna, the inscriptions of
Vijaypal Parmar have ‘been found upto. V.E:
]66 (208-09:A:D.),
After this period we find some*inscriptions of.‘Guhilots:Vijaypal-from.
temple ofvillage Atganva. He acted as Governor” of “central:
India under the Chalukya king Siddhraj, as is evident . from. his
3% Bul,VolsXII pp. ॥-3,
 प&
Angoda inscription of ए.8, 90,.. The Thakarada (District
Dungarpur)® inscription of V.E. 722 ofhis son Surapal mentions
the name of Tribhuvanpal and Prithvipal as his predecessors, His
successor was Anangepal. Sarnantsingh of Mewar captured. the
territory of Vagada, as is evident from the Solaj inscription’® of
V.E, 236. But he could notstay there for a long and was-removed
uby-Asnritpal before V.E, 242, who reinstated himself with the help
oftthé @halukyas. A copper plate grant was issued by him in-the
year®? 242, His inscriptions.and copper plates are available upto
the year VE, 26) (J204 A.D.).% He.was succeeded ‘by. Vijaypal,
whose insoription of V.E. 265 (208 A.D.) is also known. These
nailers were subsequently removed by Jaitrasingh of Mewat.®

24. LA, Vol. VI फ. 55-56.

35, ite १२१२ ब...भर्ृपट्टाभिधान “सोपृष्वीपालदेव(«cay
—MITE बीलिभुवनगाल
“बेब (:)aegw.)महाराज श्री विजयवाज देव (व) gee ger (तर)महाराजओ धुरपाल
चेन (व)प्रबर्डमानविजयराब्ये LA, Vol. LVEp. 23.
36. 2493485
An, Rep. pionthe
3.
working
gs
oftheRajputana
a)
Museum, Ajmer for the year
aa x
37, --Ojha'Nibanitha: Sangraha Vol: वा p: 207.
38. eo १२६१ बर्षे आश्वितबंदि०(३०) eat अमयपाल राज्ये (Unpublished inscription
of'the'Shiva-temple ofvillage Rama)
39. For details sce “Author's paper Vagada-men” Gublla-Rajya-Kt-Sthopana
Published in Varada (Hindi) and ‘Foundation of the Gubilot power in
‘Vegada?;published:in’the Journabof the Rajasthan institute of Historical
Research, Jaipur/Etihastka-Shodha-Sangraha by the Author pp, I6-L7,
 (9 Pre-Medieval Mewar
Samantsingh’s battle with the Chalukyas
Earlier, we have seen that eastern Mewar remained under the
subjugation of the Chalukyas of Gujrat and formed part of their state,
Gbalukya Kumarpal (4-07 A.D.) was succeeded by Ajaypal
who was not a strong ruler, Maharawal Samantsingh* son of
Khhemsingh of Mewar seems, to have fought fiercely with him in
VB. 7288 (768. D.). There are numerous epigraphic and literary
evidence available wherein Prahaladan, the younger brother of
Parmar Dharavarsha of Abu has been mentioned to have succoured
the said ruler of Gujrat, when the power of the latter was disast-
rously broken in a contest with Samantsingh of Mewar. The Abu
Prashasti of V.E. l287 (280 A.D.), Surahotsawa Kavya and Partha
Parakrama Vyawga also mention this fact. According to these, initia-
lly a crushing defeat was inflicted on Ajaypal, who also received a
severe wound, but subsequently, with the timely help of Prahladan
of Abu,emerged victorious. Luders while editing the Abu Prashasti
of V.E, 287 (280 A.D.)® identified the Gujrat ruler defeated by
Samantsingh with Bhim II, but Ojha* has convincingly identified
himwith Ajaypal, basing his examination on various literary
sources. A.K. Majumdar, however, finds “no evidence® to show that
the Guhilot Samantsingh had ever invaded Gujrat.” He is of the
॥ ‘Phe
evidentearliest
from inown date of Maharawal
the Ghantalimata inscription Samantsingh is VE,हुददी I224,
(सबद १२२४ चैत्र ४ रवि asदिलेis
रोहिणी were सौधाग्य जोगे शरीपंटासिदेव्याप्रासाद भी महाराजाधिराज श्री wating विज-
यराज्ये rome fag सुत ager कारापित Varada Vol. V No. 8p. 8).
2. हांमर्तासहयुद्धं श्री
अजयपालदेब: प्रहमरदीदया मृत्युकोटिमायातः कुमारनाम्ता पुरोहितेत श्री कहु-
Fever पुनः eae: 3026० Nanya0४7 vere ofa. 5 *
G.D. Dalal—Partha-Parakrama-Vyayoga (9,0.8.) p. +.
3. wimafog सितिक्षितिविक्षतोजः शीगुल्जेरक्ञतिपरक्षणदक्षिणाति:9.। 2Lt-
|परदलादस्तदतुजों दनुजोरा-
भारिचारिश्मत॒पुतरक्ज्जलायं sere 4st El. Vol. VII
Ojha I pp. M4445,
A.K, Ma jumdar— alukyas of Gujeat 9. 28/6.0, Raichaudhary-History
of Mewar pp, 50-5
 ci
opinion that “Samantsingh whose family upto that time was insigni-
ficant, took courage after the death of Kumarpal and tried to rescue
Chittor region from the domination of Chalukyas, How far Samant-
singh was successful, is not known, It may be noted that in his
inscriptions upto 202 A.D., Samantsingh used the modest title of
Maharaja, whereas after that date he adopted the title of ‘(Maharaja-
dhiraj”. "The above version is erroneous and can be challenged on
the basis of epigraphic and various literary references, It seems
that the learned scholar had confused while saying that Samantingh
of Mewar survived upto 202 A.D. Tn fact, Samantsingh mentioned
in the inscription of 202 A.D. was the Chauhan ruler, son of Jayant
singh of Nadol, who was quite different from the Guhilot ruler of
the same name.’ The assumption of A.K. Majumdar that Guhilot
Samantsingh simply launched an expedition over Chittor region
seems to be unjustified, as the personal contest with Ajaypal and
intervention oftheruler of Abu were hardly posible at Chittor.
It seems that the time chosen by Samantsingh was very opportune,
as after the death of Kumarpal confusion prevailed all over the
Chalukya dominion.’ Taking theadvantage of this disorder, he
extended his sway not only in eastern Mewar but also in the western
side. हे
Battle of Kasarada and Mewar
Ajaypal was succeeded by his minor son Mularaja IT. The
most important event of his reign was the invasion of Mohammad
Ghori. A fierce battle was fought at village Kasarada* near
+ Abu in वा78 A.D. where inthe Rajputs emerged victorious. This
was a unique victory in the sense that the invading forces were
‘6. GYFor details
“Chamenasethefollowing
Paladt papersof kethe
aurbaghashin Author -—published
Sale” in(Sedkapae
trtka Vol, अजय No.2 pp. 65-70.
60 Japottgh Chan he Saleh pubibed in Varad, ९०, मय No.
PP. 5-6
7. AK, Majumdar—op, ct. pp. 26-I8.
8. Accordingtothe persian sources, the Turkish pressure was felt in western
Rajasthan. "Nagaur was conquerred by Bahalim, the general of Bahram
of Punjab, ‘The Vividha Tirtha Kalpa mentions that the temple of Phalodi-
Porshwanath situatednear Merta road railway station was molested ‘by
the forces of Mohammad Cheri, ‘The Kiradu inscription of V.E, 295 (L478
A.D.) mention the destruction of the image of God Shiva. bywie Yarans,
Minch शपथ या TE howe thatthe Sultan passed
through Mert Road, Kiradu etc.
 78
badly defeated and quite « big number of them slaughtered, which
forced the Sultan to escape to Ghazani, The rulers of Marwar
and Abu also assisted the ruler of Gujrat in this struggle, The
forces of Mewar seem to have remained aloof,
Kitu Sonagara.in Mewar
Kitu Sonagara is supposed to be the founder of the Sona-
gara branch oy the Chauhans of Jalore. Being discontented: with his
ot at Nadol, he invaded .Mewar-and captured some partof it?
Mulraj of Gujrat was also anxious to wreck vengeance of the
humiliation of Ajaypal and to «suppress the refractory elements in
Mewar. But he could not take any action, as soon after:the battle
of Kasarada, Gujrat suffered from: implacable-feuds and resurrec-
tions, Mulraja was destined to rule for a very short-period and was
succeeded by Bhim II, while aminor. The chronicles .of Gujrat
mention that his feudatories, taking the advantage of his: minority,
attempted to, parcel out the kingdom amongst themselves. In
* Malwa ‘also, Harishchandra, the. successor .of Jayavarma Parmar
acquired independent sovereignty by defeating. the forces of Gujrat,
“This fluid political situation helped Kitu a lot to Iaunch for an offen
sive expedition to chastise the ruler of Mewar. Another important
factor which encouraged him for snatching the power Jin Mewar,
‘was the discontented nobles, who-had.recourse to the dangerous
expedient of extending their-help against their master Samantsingh,
asthe latter wanted to withdraw their rights. and. privileges, In
.this way,.Kitu was successful in capturing.the stronghold of Ghittor,
According to Dr, Dashrath Sharma. this. event .took place in V.E,
व28 (777 A.D,)" but I think it might have taken place sometime
after the battle of Kasarada.and.most.probably .in. the reign’ of
Bhim II.
Samantsinghiin. Vagada
After being ousted from Mewar, Samantsingh. succeeded..to
capture a part of Vagada from the local Guhilots. Inscriptions
.andcoppersplates.of Amritpal, .son-of'Surapal’ the Guhilot chief of
Bashrath’Sharma-\Barly Chauhan Dynasties pp, 48-I45,
40. “Achaleshynr temple inscription of V.B, 7842 verse 86, {L-A. Vol. XVI
3
‘Bistrath Sharma—Rajostan through the Ages Ip. 277
 9.
‘Vagada have been found from V.E, 242 (85 A.D.) to V.E, 26
(I204-.A/D,). Oinly one inscription-of
V:E: 238«(LI79°A.D!)!2" be-
longs to:the reign of Samantsingh has beenfoimnd fromthe Boreshivar
temple neawvillageSolaja (Vagada), This proves that Séimantsingh*
rulethins Vagada: territory: only for a few- years; and Atritpal "
might have: reinstated himself before: ViE! 242 (88'A.D,)
Generally; Samantsingh is described as the-progenitor’of ‘the=
ruling families of Dungarpur and Bansware’ Batthisview can 06०
counteracted onthe hasis of the Uparganvainsoriptionof VIE I40F*
(404 A.D.)38 wherein, Sihada, the first ruler of
the ruling family:of*
‘Vagada is described as a son of Jaitrasingh of Mewar: TRisssepi+
graph, being the earliest one dealing with the genealogy of \Vaigada
rulers, ‘seems to be authentic,
Kumarsing]
Kumarsingh, younger brother of Samantsingh, is'said‘to have
succeeded hint in’ Mewar According to: Nenasi, Samantsingh
being pleased with the services rendered by: this: younger’ brother,
granted the patrimony of Mewar tochim;> Bavthis aocount™isriot~
supported by sober history; Ther Kumbhalgarh inscription of
V.E..67 (400 A.D.)"* mentions-that Kitmarsingh; with thehelp-
of the ruler of. Gujrat, sueceeded'in expelling Kitu.from Mewar,
It scems:that Samantsingty was ousted from the: arena by Chinlukya
Bhimdeva II of Gujrat, who. appointed Anvritpals in: Vagade wand *
Kiimarsingh in Mewar, while keeping Ahar-under hisdirectcontrol:
Mathansingh’s:suceessors:
‘Two inscriptions of the timerof Mathansinigh; one of V.B. 289 +
(089 A/D.) incised in the Shiva templevof the village -Atganva~
a कर, on the working.of the- Rajputanaw Museum, A jmer-year i945
‘8/Eithasika-Sodha.Sangraha by the Auther pp. 6-(7.”
8, df) जिंगाबेलांimeiption
[Uapsbiened सीहडेनाउदिकां0 village
मही। राजन्वती peterof Eon बाज VeisenI,2
Uparges 6} (40 ALD
4, Nenasri ki KhyatVol
45. raferrmrqafg तलेजातः!49) sergeant घर।
ेशामिलिकासयामाए ayसकल हु.य/॥१ ५० Ele ००000 7,229:
कं १६ (we) ON) oe) each efi न
T6. eg १२३८ बष (वर्ष) eH (Re) सु (Gh) शुकू (sere) ATMA महाराजाबिधन भी
'ो हिधस्कामि देव पूजा::.......श्री.महणसिह Ret विजयराज्ये [The hasta inserip
tion} Both these imtcriptions. ase published:tn Rajasthan BhuratisVel. VEE
No. 4 pp. 3-4, by-R.G, Ageawal-
 80
and another dated V.E. 242 (Il85 A.D.) incised in the Vishnu
temple of Ishawal, have recently been known. Both these inscrip-
tions are found from the area lying south of Nagada, the capital
of Mewar, Mathansingh was succeeded by his son Padmasingh.
One inscription of his reign is found from the Shiva temple of
village Narsinghpur in Tehsil Gogundah, His copper plates of V.E.
226} (404 A.D)" are also known which relate to the land grant in
village Kadmal, which is situated 26 miles away in the north-west
of Ahar,
Ahar grant of Bhim II
While retaining possession of Aghatpur (Ahar) the Ghalukya
king Bhim II, made a pious grant of some land with a well (Athata)
in Ahar, to a Brahman Rayideya son of Bihad of Rayakwal caste,
onthe 2nd day of the. bright half of Shravan’ of V.E, 268
(900-7 A.D)" It shows that the Chalukyas of Gujrat enjoyed
it for a pretty long time.4%
Jaitrasingh and the Chalukyas
Jaitrasingh ascended the throne after his father Padmasingh,
sometime before V.E, 270 (I2I3 A.D.), as he has been mentioned
as the ruler in the Ekling!* temple inscription of that year,
‘The Ahar grant proves that the Chalukyas hegemony survived
in Mewar ull the beginning of the I8th century. But in the early
yeats of his reign, Jaitrasingh seems to have cast off the yoke of
suzerainty, most probably during the time when confusion prevailed
in Gujarat, after Bhimdeva’s discomfiture at the hands of Qutubu-
ddin. This offered an excellent opportunity to him to defy the
inghpus inscription refers to certain grants for the Valkuleshwar
ide by Maharaja Padmasingh.[ag वेबस्प प्रवर्श | एसे च gota महाराजा
sirenfiog देबो sft) The Kadmal plate of ४8. 25] mentions his Iand
arane. (Ba १२५१ बर्षे महाराजाधिताज श्री पदमस्‍्यंह Ramee वतंगाने ॥]
०4 Wel AX 0. pp 55-80]Sodhaparita ए V No.8 pp. 706.
8. महाराजाधिराज परमेश्वशभिनवशिद्धराज श्रौम्भीमदेवः «स्वभुज्यमान मेदपाटमंड्लांत :--
श्री मदाहाढ तलपदे.........नामरघटू-.-०००॥०- Ofha Nibandha Sangarh Vol. TV
pp. 52-35.
WA. ‘Nrlpatim
In Kumbhalgarh
(verse i5!) inscription
have the thesonse words
that Svikritam Aghatpuram
Kumacsingh agreed. to Gurjar—
surrender
Ahar to the ruler of Gujrat. G.H, Ojha’s interpretation that ‘Riomacslogh zh
Fevaptured Aba
convincing in view of wih the hep of ihe ruler of Gjat
the copper plate grant mentioned above. doesnot seam ४० be
 si
authority of the ruler of Gujrat, It is known from the Ghaghasa
inscription of V.E. 922 (265 A.D.) that Jaitrasingh could not
be humiliated by the lords of Gurjjar land, Malwa, Turushka and
Shakambhari, A similar account is also available in Chirawa inscrip-
tion of V.E, 880(278 A.D,).2 It shows that he might have come
in conflict with many powers, but his most momentous struggle might
have been fought with the Gurjjar Prince, The Hamir Mada Mardan
of Jaisingh Suri, composed in the year V.E, 280 (229 A.D,)8,
informs that Jaitrasingh of Mewar was confident of the strength
of his sword and so did not care to respond to the call of the ruler of
Gujrat when Ieutmish invaded. ‘Therefore, it is evident that the
king of Mewar was reigning as an independent ruler at that time,
After the death of Bhim II in Gujrat, Tribhuvanpal succeeded
him, who challenged the ruler of Mewar at Kotada, ‘The Chirawa
inscription of V.E. 880 (273 A.D.) informs that a person Balaka
of Talaraksha family was Killed while fighting at Kotada (Kotta-
daka) with Ranak Tribhuvan.#® ‘The reign of ‘Tribhuvanpal was
of'a very short duration and he was subsequently removed by the
ambitious Visaldeva before V.E. 808 (246 A.D.). Therefore,
this battle seems to have taken place between V.E, 200 and 303
(l242—240 A.D.), The Patanarayan inscription of V.E. I844
(287 A.D.) speaks of Jaitrasingh’s victory over Chandravati
which was subsequently recovered by the Parmars,
Invasion by Itutmish
Titutmish invaded Gujrat, His army passed through Mewar
33 deg १२७० Wf महारानाधिरानधीनैतरशहगुपण.... The Surah ncripten पर of
छह temple,
9A. street रमालवतुशषकशाकम्भरीफरेयै्य--
बक ने मातभंग! स स्व:हयोंजयतु वैज्प्ह वृपः nil ParadaVol. V. No. 8 pp. 4-7.)
20. ने मालबीयेत न पौर्जरेण न मारवेशेत न जांगलेन ।
Proofer कदापि et स्लानि ते Pras we ॥६॥
‘The Chirawa Insetiption,
2, afonenytgevenaeteistenenedtrenereitetenytetene-
मंडल जयेतल Hamir-Mada-Mardan (G.O.8.) 9. 27,
ने श्रीजन्नसि
20, arene:Ghirawaकोहंडक्हInscrip े
tion. हतूपपुरतः । त्िश्ुवननारायणकयुद्ध जवास gear eee ॥१६॥
‘The
24, Tor sec Authorins paper
details, published
‘Akramana, Varada “Mah
ara No.Jalas
Vol, XVI 4-4ka Chandra par
4 pp.ingh
82
and devastated Nagaia city. A detailed account of this event is
available in Hamir Mada Mardan, a drama composed in V.E. 286
(990 A.D.) by Jaysingh Suri, A summary ofits3rd Act™ is as
belo
King Viradhaval of Gujrat while talking with his minister
३४ that Jaitrasingh, the king of Mewar, had a hostile attitude
towards him, as he felt very much proud of the strength of his arms.
In the meanwhile, one of his spies entered and informed of what had
happened at Nagada. ‘He related a vivid picture as to how the city
was burnt and most of thecitizens fled, being terrified, while others
committed suicide.2® He added that he consoled the terrified people
by declaring that Viradhaval had reached with his full army, He
concluded that when the news reached the Turushka invaders they
left the field in confusion.
The latter part of the story may be regarded as an exe
aggerated onc, as the author has eulogised his generous patron
Viradhaval. An account of this invasion is also preserved in the
Chirawa inscription of V.E. 330 (I278 A.D.). According to it some
Sultan invaded Nagada and devastated the city. A. furious battle
ensued at Bhutala near Nagada wherein Talaraksha Yograj’s eldest
son Pemraj was killed.2® ‘The Ghaghasa inscription of V.B, 822
(206 A.D.) and Ghirawa inscription of V.E, 930 (28 A.D.)
elucidate that even the Sultan could not humble down the pride of
From this we can say that after some preliminary
ingh encountered the Sultan’s forces and inflicted a
crushing defeat, thereby causing retreat of the invading army,
‘The name of the invader is given in the said work as Mila
chchhrikara, AccordingtoG.H. Ojha itis a Sanskritised form of
Amir-iShikar, which according to Tabaguat-i-Nasiri was the title of
24, Hamir Mada Mardan (G.O.S.) pp. 25-33.
25. git मलिजणणहत्य मरवेन त दोइ गई। हइय चितिकण सलनियडियरडंत
पडियाईं काइवि a कल्प पच्छावि चिजदहण दहुय fete यह संभवों होइसि केवि
सब्बजोबि 9.asiश. पण्जालिऊण परविटट weve नियमंविरेसु पुरिसा
(७.०)
26. aE
नाप स्म gear बन्ददवा| भृषधाहटके were: (ore) पंचतां आप ३१६॥
27, Ojha I pp. 59-I60, .
 88.
Tutmish, Although 0. R. Barnett and H.C. Ray object to the
said identification, by saying that the word “Milachchhrikar”” cannot
phonetically be the Sanskritised form of Amir-i-Shikar, but Dashrath
Sharma®® regerds it to be a Paishachi form, As regards the date of
this expedition, G.H, Ojha has put the event about V.E. 286 (229
A.D.) whereas Dr, Dashrath Sharma has placed it about V.E.
3279 (222 A.D.), on the grounds that Vastupal, the chief organisor
of anti-muslim-confederacy was serving as a governor of Cambay
when the said incursion took place. As he remained ou the said
post beween the years V.E. 276 to l279 and was removed from
there in V.E. 7श09, therefore the last date possible for the event
would be V.E, 279, But looking to the Charbhuja temple insorigs=
tion of village Nandesama of V.E, 799 (222 A.D.)®, wherein
Jaitrasingh is mentioned to have his capital at Nagada, itcan hardly
be placed in that year, as after the occurrence of the said event, he
shifted his capital to Ahar. As already mentioned, the detailed
account of this invasion is preserved in a contemporary work named
Hamir-Mada-Mardan®°* composed in V-E. 286 (999 A.D.). ‘The
last date possible for this invasion, therefore, would be the above
year of its completion. As such, this event can be placed between
V.E. 279 to 7286 (222 to 229 A.D.)
Sihad posted in Vagada
As already stated, Jaitrasingh had successfully captured the
territory of Vagada and given it to his son Sihad. Although G.H.
Ojha .and Dashrath Sharma have observed that Sihad was the
grandson of Samantsingh of Mewar,8t but the above statement is
not corroborated by the earlier epigraphic sources, The Uparganva
inscription of V.E. 40 (404 A.D.) tells us that the territory of
छा _Dashrath Sharma—Rajasthan through the Ages, p. 655,
29, ibid
30. eng १२७६ बे वैशाख युदि १३ gk ty ste महाराजाधिराज भी
कल्याण विजयराब्ये तन युकतीओीwee Le Jeetate. he Nader
inserfption)
308. रंबद १२८६ बर्चें बापाढ af eet हमीर मद मर्दन॑ नाम्र ATE
Oh |. FeDasbrath Sharma—op,
Prarambhike Gulia ei.Vist9. 650:Shasaka
For details se Authors
published in Sodh papee
Partha,“ Vapada
SUA. eet जिगायेतां सीहेडाबिला मही। राजस्वती बभूवाल URTV या ॥१२७
{unpublished inscription of Uparganva}
 4
Vagada was conquerred by Jaitrasingh and was made over to Sihad,
Other inscriptions also mention the name of Jaisingh as the father
of Sihad, who should be none else than Jaitrasingh of Mewar.
Battle of Arthuna
‘The Chirawa inscription of V.E. 830 (973 A.D.)8# mentions
that Madan the Talaraksha of Chittor, while fighting for Jessal, in the
pattlefield of Utthunuka (Arthuna), displayed conspicuous gallantry
by punishing some Panchalagudika Jaitramal. The above adver-
sary of Jessal having the title Panchalagudikg, can not be identified
with certainty. Perhaps, Jaitramal referred to above was Jaitugi,
the ruler of Malwa, This identification is also corroborated by the
Ghaghasa inscription of V.E.322 (265 A.D.) and the Chirawa
inscription of V.E. 980 (98 A.D.) which contain the account of
the victory of Jaitrasingh over some Malwa ruler. Jessal for whom
Madan fought may be identified with Jaisingh son of Sihada, As
already stated, he was the grandson of Jaitrasingh and because of
the close relations between the two houses, the ruler of Mewar
despatched his forces to help Jessal. G.H. Ojha and Dashrath
Sharma do not agree with the above identification by saying that
the word Jessal isused for Jaitrasingh himself. But this argument
does not seem to be correct, as in the Uparganva inscription of V.E,
46] (484 A.D.)824 Jessal is specifically mentioned as the son and
successor of Sihad,
Battle with the Ghaubans of Nadol
‘The Abu inscription of V.E. 342 (285 A.D.)8? mentions the
victory of Jaitrasingh over the chief of Nadol which is also corrobo-
rated by the accounts preserved in the Ghaghasa and Chirawa ins
criptions, Earlier in V.E, 278 (28 A.D.) when Simhana® Yadava
invaded Gujrat, Jaitrasingh of Mewar and Udaisingh of Jalore
and Nadol, while keeping a confederate millitary arrangement, also
2 Sor eae इतदुष्टजनकदनः ॥२७॥
[he परमार वडटएपकण of Ve 90) ©
a: श्रीजेसलकार्येभवदुत्यूणकरणांगणे प्रहरतू
। पंचलगुडिकेन
कर की
सम प्रकटबलो जैज्नमल्लेन
228: Invert ॥8 ofthe Uparganea inscription of एक, 46] the mame of Jeeal
88, नदूलमुलंकथ (x) arpeshigeendrareiag wath
aot gattraeranet cor ae Saag: ॥४२॥ LA. Vol, XVEp, 949,
34, Dashtath Sharma—op. eft 90 65I-52,
 85

invaded northern Gujrat and devastated it, But it seems that later
on their relations became strained which is proved from the account
preserved in the Ghaghasa and Chirawa inscriptions. However,
Jaitrasingh could not succeed to conquer and annex Godawar
which remained in the possession of the Chauhans,
Family of Jain Shresthi Ralha
During the time of Jaitrasingh, a Jain Siresthi Ralha flourished
in Chittor. He was a very famous Jain merchant and performed
several Sangha Yalras. A grand Diksha Mahotsova was arranged at
Ghittor in V-E, 288 (28 A.D,) in which Siresthi Laxmidhar also
assisted him.* In V.E, 295 (288 A.D.) he went to Nalakachha-
pur in Malwa, where he got the book “Karma Vipaka’™ written
which is now preserved in the Jaisalmer Bhandar, A perusal of
the colophone of this book proves that Mewar had witnessed enor-
mous prosperity at that time,
Maharawal Tejsingh
‘Tejsingh had succeeded his father Jaitrasingh before V.E, 7309
(959 A.D.) ‘The names of his ministers were Jalhan, Simandhar
and Kanga, Jalhan remained in office for a few years only and was
succeeded by Simandhar before V.E, 86 (259 A.D.) whose name
is found mentioned in the copper plate of V.E. 36 (260 A.D,), the
Ghasa inscription of VE, 787 (900. A.D.), the colophone of
Shravaka Pratikramana Sutra Churni of V.E. 877 (26 A.D.) and in
35, चित्रवूटे [4२54] ज्येष्ठ खुदि १२, अजितसषेल-गुणसेत अमृत...मुक्तावतोगणि नो दीसा।
आधाडवदि २, Ht ऋषमदेव-श्री नेमिनाय-श्री पार्वंनाय प्रतिष्ठा साथु सक्मीर सा० रास्हा
कारिता | १२८७ उ्जयन्त अपवराज Gropp. eer
याज्रा 3० Gurvaral
wget स्तम्भन तीयेंधुBriiada साहाम्बेन
का [व jinavijaysKharatargackha 49-30).
96, संबद्‌ १२९४ at anet teatउपकेशनंशोव सा० TIGA भरीचित्कूट वास्त-
atsageमणिn श्री शदुलअयोज्जयन्तादि erat सार्थया्ा see सफलीकरेण-स ा० राल्ह्रकेन
Sarg देदा सहितेन wears No.लेखिता
कर्मस्‍्तवVol, [7०४ details Author's papce
3 pp. 6-7 and Dr, Dashrath Shama's
Zominents in
Pulished itn Varada IXVol. 7 No. 4].
on Varada
87. G.H. Ojha, on the basis of the colophoneofMS Pakshika writ of V-E.
09, having the words“eter? warcr aft —itजयततिहदेब तत्पट्टविभषषण
in 0.8.
'राजाितेजयर्सिह्‌ frat”, maintains that Jayatsingh was rulinghi
Ws wwe estoy waतेजयोविह eying Bukindicates he ones fr of rin
तत्वविशुषणराजा fa (eh) ru.ing” ?, Which that Tejsingn the des-
Zantof O Jaitrasingh was (For details see R.0, ee Ageawal’s paper
हम VeradaVole NG.
 ह6
the Chhittor inscription of V-E, 923 (266 A.D,).!® Siman
staunch follower of Jainism. One of his sistersindaws,dhar namel
was
Dhandhi, got completed (MS) Dasha Vaikalika Sulra Churni®® aty
Ghittor in V.E, 352, which is now preserved in the Patan Bhandar.
His wife's name was Nibhala Devi, He seems to be different from
Shravaka Samudhara, son of Abhaya, mentioned in the colophone
of V.E, 7800 (902 A.D.) of Dasha Shravaka Charitr
Purnabhadra written at viliage Bara in Mewar anda Chui now
(MS) of
preser
in the Jaisalmer Bhandar® He was replaced by another ministveder
named Kanga in V.E. 324 (267 A.D,) whose name is found mene
tioned in the Chittor inscription of V.E. I824 (907 3.0.)
No details of the various engagements of Tejsingh are avai
ble. He seems to have measured sword with Visal deo Baghela. of
Gujrat, In the Kadi plate of V.E, I8I7 (I260 A.D.) the latter is
described to have destroyed the country of Mewar.!® But this
statement is not fully convincing and needs further support, as
Tejsingh also used the same tile of “Unapali Vara Labdhad0
commonly used by the rulers of Gujrat, which could not have been
allowed had he been under the Gujrat ruler.
Tejsingh also fought with Balban. In 259-I254 A.D. when
the latter was deprived of the “igia” of Nago
Mahmud, he invaded Ranathambhor, Bundi and r,Chittbyor,Nasibutruddhad
in
to retreat without achieving any success,
Nasiruddlin’s step-father Quelugh Khan raiseAgai n in 208-7266 A.D,
d the standard of revoh
and took shelter at Chittor. The Delhi forces pursued him sed
besieged the fort.4 A battle was fought in the Talahati of Chit
wherein Toloratsha Ratna, the elder brot tor
her of Kshema, was slain
88. ere
VaradaYol.
s IX No. I pp.
$8t06I/Vol. V No. 2 pp.
PP. 65-66/ Ojha Vol, r
65-66/Ojha
$9, Munt Jinavijaya—Jatn Pusha Prashast
40, Great वरग्रामवास्तम्य Po अमीभावकपुत्रसमुदधरSangra ka Vol, tp. 33,
he Sia TS
Jeisalmer Bhandac] 7 थावक aria, उबर seer
4. Varada Vol. IX No. tp. 60.
42. गेदपाटकदेशकलुपराज्यवल्तोकंदोच्छेदनहुददालकत्प (LA. Vol. VE p.2I0;)
4. sheer महाराजा/धिदाजपरनेसवर रमनरकडगापतिव रस वधपरौपताप लत
शीतेजविह॒देव.... (Osha Vol. I pp. 690tn)
44, Briggs-Firistah Vol, Tp. 288,
 87
A reminiscence of this event is also found recorded in the Chirawa
inscription of V.E, l330 (273 A.D.) and Jatashankar temple
inscription of I8th century preserved in the Nagpur museum, The
forces of Mewar made a successful defence and forced the invading
army to retreat, Vijayasingh Guhilot mentioned in the Nagpur
museum inscription, referred to above, displayed conspicuous gallan-
try in the said battle, whose descendants later on moved to Central
India,
A Jain inscription of V.E. 926 (200 A.D.) of Sewadi (District
Pali) contains a reference to the grant made by Chachigadeva
Sonagara at the Mandapika of Nadol* for the worship in the Jain
temple of Karera in Mewar. Basing on this inscription, a conjecture
may be hazarded that Chachigadeva succeeded in occupying cer»
tain parts of Mewar, But this statement requires further evidence,
It seems that the donation made by him was allowed to be paid
from the Mandapika of Nadol which formed a part of his state,
It can also be surmised that owing to the matrimonial relations that
existed between the two houses, Chachigadeva gave this charity
in a customary way, ‘Till recently the shines of Nathdwara owned ,
such extensive Jagirs in almost all the erstwhile Rajput states, ५
Chachigadeva’s daughter Rupadevi was married to Tejsingb,
who after her husband’s death seems to have moved to Marwar, where
she constructed a step-well at village Badhutara in V.B, 840 (888
A.D.)7 Jayataldevi, another queen of Tejsingh got constructed the
temple of Shyam Parshwanath at Chittor in V.E, 835 (978 A.D,)#
and made several donations for it from the Mandapikes of Khohar,
Sajjanpur, Chittor etc. Chittor during Tejsingh’s reign became the
45. Rated समरेष रलः सप्लकंहारकतप्ः। हे
अचित्नकृटस्य तलाट्रिकायं श्रीभीमरिहेत सर sare ॥२९॥ The Chirawa inscription,
GH.
rales Offa
o l Guatmaintains
BatethatNags
this battle
is wasnerfoughtwithconta
the army
te of the
cout
that ee ete for Pre eeit cq freq. “Therelore, we can take ts
bute ar fought with te forces of te Sultan of Delhi
46. woERNST
१३२६ Sa वर्ष चैत ge6१४ ोमेश्येहू
मं महाराजकुल
बहु हुई हल wifeहि Sekar
Athans aH pape
etapub
ed in Valcharikt (Bikaner) Vol, वा No. 2 pp. 7-I8.
47. ELI. Vol.
IVpp. 3i3-34,
48. मेदपाठाधिपति ओ तेजलिंह waar श्री जयतस्तदेव्या श्रीश्यामपाण्वंनापवसही eae
कारिया (The Chittar inscription of VB. 395,]
88
centre of Jainism, where eminent scholars like Ratnaprabha Suri,
Pradyumna Suri ete, practised their scholastic pursuits.” The MS
Shravaka Pratikramana Sutra Churni copied at Aharin V.E. 787,
which contains some early Afabhransha miniatures, is now preserved
in the Museum of Boston (America).
Inscriptions of Tejsingh
‘The Kadmal plate of V.B. 786, the Ghasa inscription of V.E.
१श7, the Ghaghasa inscription of V.E. 828 and the Chittor inserip-
tion of V.E, 824 are some of the important inscriptions of the
time of Maharawal Tejsingh, The Kadmal plate mentions the grant
of Shavilar Bhumi on solar eclipse, ‘The Ghasa inscription refers
to the grant for the maintenance of the temple of ‘Tripurushadeva,
‘The Ghaghasa inscription of V.E. 322 contains information about
the Maheshwari family of Ratna, who got constructed a step-well at
Danta (near Kapasin) and a temple named Kumbheshwar at Chittor,
This inscription is very important for the history of the rulers, Padma-
singh, Jaitrasingh and Tejsingh. It was composed by Jainachaach- rya
Ratnaprabha Suri, the pupil of Bhuvanchandra Suri of Chaiérag
‘hha, The Chittor inscription of V-E. 824 records some constructions
Suri.
done on the instructions of Ratnaprabha
Samarsingh
Yn the Abu inscription of V.E, 342 (285 A.D.)® it is stated
that Mabarawal Samarsingh assisted the Gujrat ruler Sarangdeva
that “Samarsingh, the
Baghela against some ‘Turkish invasion. It says
earth, rescued the sub-
ton of Tejsingh and the leader of rulers of theTurush
merged land of Gujrat from the ocean—like kas’”. It is rather
Gfficult to identify this invader of Gujrat country,he is‘Thenot conte mpo-
rary Sultan of Delhi was Ghiasuddin Balban, but known to
have made an expedition to western India. However, a reference
to the invasion of Turusikas over Gurjjar land is available in the
WB. Virbhumi Chior by the AuthorSoc pp. $39-I60.
00. 3. Journa of theV No.2.Royal Asia
l Gol. tic i of Beal Vol LY Bd
907 pp 65-66/Vel. IX No. I pp. 59-60/Vol
ppt.
50. erate: 2०रमहोयुस्so gt हार
ror कम पूर्ज ै तुक्क ाण्णंबात्‌।
वेज: हिह ge स एवरमिसमरः ttश्युतeा ४४६४ TAs Vol, XVI 9, $50.
rua लागोतेवद्यो
 89
inscription of Patnarayaa of V.E. t344 (I267 A.D.)3* wherein itis
mentioned that Visal, the Governor of Sarangdeva, defeated the
Turushkas. ‘The Persian chronicles are silent on this point. Bari
states that the friends of Sultan, like Adilkhan, Tabarkhan etc.
Fequested him (© undertake campaigns with his well-equipped
army against the rulers of Malwa and Gujrat. But the Sultan
replied in negative, as he was in constant apprehension of the
invasion of Hala-kee, the grandson of Changizkhan Mangol.
A.K, Majumdar is of the opinion that the invasion, mentioned
in the Abu and Patanarayan inscriptions referred to above,
was of same mobile army of the Mangols, which was repulsed by
the joint efforts of the rulers of Gujrat, Abu and Mewar, This
view seems to be correct. Tt was at this time chat Samatsingh
succeeded in capturing Abu from the Parmar king Maharawal Pata
of Chandravati. The Abu inscription of V, 8, I342 (2285 A.D,)!
records the construction of aMatha and insallation of agolden
staffin it by him. Pata’s son Arjun could not regain his ancestral
state and ruled over a sinall territory near Dantari, Finally, Abu
‘was snaiched from Samarsingh by Visaldeva', whose inscriptions
from this area are known from V.E. I344 to I35], Accordingto
Hanir Moha Kavya, Chauhan Hamir of Ranathambhor also invaded
Abu and Chitior, but it is not recorded in the Balavan inscription of
VE. 845 (288 A.D.), which contains the details of the exploits of
Hamir, It cannot, therefore, be said with certaimy whether he
actually undertook the said campaign. Dr. Dashrath Sharma has
correctly pointed out that the account of Digvijay of Hamir, beyond
Malwa, requires further evidence.
Invasion of Alauddin Kbilji
In Vividha Tirtha Kalpa, it is mentioned that the invading army
Bi, ibidVol. LVI pp. 850.
52. A, K, Majumdas—op. था. pp. I83-8
53. समरसिहेन भावशंकरशासन
राजा Achaleshor ात्‌ | मठ: सोवणणद्डेन सहित:rfeatey® axe
ar temple inscription of VE I942
Nesराय oarm, bh
‘The
% Remepiaee 2 i ane
rears a
27787 ni diate
S4A. Dashrath Sharma—Barly Chauhan Dynasties pp. 07-I08,
 of Ulughakhan, the general of Alauddin Khilji was offered Dandam
by Sanuarsingh, the ruler of Mewar in 9.8, 356 (209 A.D.).*
According to G.H. Ojha* Samarsingh defeated the imperial army.
HG. Ray believes that Mewar was saved from devastation by paying
homage to Ulughakhan,*’ The Kanhadade Prabandha mentions that
on being refused a passage to Gujrat through Marwar by the Sona-
garas, Alauddin got it through Mewar from its ruler Samarsingh.*
Batt seems to be a doubtful mention. In fact, the invading forces
of Alauddin Khilji were going ‘rom Delhi to Gujrat for which the
route in vouge was through Mewar. It seems that the army passed
through Delawara, Eklingji, Abar and Dhuleva of Mewar and
entered in Gujrat through Vagada. The rulers of Mewar offered
strong resistance, Inspite of this the shrines of Delawara, Eklingji
and Nagada were molested by the invading forces, However, there
‘was no special impact of this invasion left on Mewar.
Inscriptions ofSamarsingh
The Chirawa inscription of V.E. 330, the Chittor inscriptions
ofV.E. 88, 835 and I358 and the Abu inscription of V.E. I342
are the important records of the time of Samarsingh, ‘The Chirawa
inscription, the earliest record ofhis reign, gives a valuable infor
mation about a Talaraksha (City Kotawal) family", the members of
which had remained in constant service of the rulers of Mewar (rom
the time of Mathansingh. The village Chirawa was given to them in
‘Tagir, where they got constructed several temples. During the time
of Maharawal Jaitrasingh, the sons of Yogaraj displayed conspicuous
gallantry in various engagements. His eldest son Pamarsj met
a heroic death, while fighting with the forces of Sultan Tlutmish.
‘Yograj’s grandson Balaka died, while fighting at Kotada. Madan,
his another grandson, displayed gallantry in the battlefield of
‘Arthuna, He renovated the temples at Chirawa, which were got
55. pe तेरसयछत्पस्तावक्कमवरिसे Rr Se कबिट्रोभायाBegadala
ल्‍्लीपुराओो मंतिमाहवपेरिओ युस्जरथर॑ पढ़्डओ। चित्तूढाहिवई ee दा
‘ane Be तथाeet | Musi Jinavijaya—Vividka Tircha Kalpa p. 93.
36. Ojha lp. 75.
DHLN.L. Vol. Il p. ॥65.
Dashrath Sharma—Ra jasthan through the Ages I pp, 662-68.
eesVir Vinod Vol. I. pp 397-40!.
 श्र
constructed by his ancestor Yogaraj and also granted some pieces of
land for their maintenance. The inscription was composed by
Ratmaprabha Suri, .
‘The Chittor inscription of V-E, 33l. the Abu inscription of
५.8, 842 and the Chakraswami temple inscription of Chittor were
composed by Ved Sharma, the son of Priyapatu, He was a good
poet of Sanskrit, Another important inscription of his reign is. the
Chittor inscription of एड, 35 wherein his mother Jaitaldevi is
said to have got constructed a temple and mace some donations on
the advice of the Jain saint Pradyumna Suri of Bhartiripuriya
Gachchha, The Chittor inscription of -V.E. 358 mentions the
renovation of a temple named Bhajaswamideva Jagati by Pratihar
Dharasingh ete,
Construction of Jain Shrines ;
‘Numerous inscriptions, colophones and other literary referen«
ces are available which throw interesting light on the cultural deve
lopment, which took place during the reign of Maharawal Samar-
singh, According to Kheralergachchha Pattavali, the saint Jinprabodh
Suri visited Chittor in ७.8, (894. ‘To mark the occasion, Shresthi
Dhandhal spent lavishly for the installation of several icons, A
Diksha Mahotseva was also celebrated. The colophones of MSS,,
namely Chandra Dulabhidhan and Nighantu Shesha of V.E, I348 also
contain an account of the said Sireshti¢ Two inscriptions of V.B,
334 now fixed in the Banvira wall of Chittor mention the cons-
truction of Devakulikas in Shantinath temple. As mentioned in a
fragmentary inscription of V.E. 366 the Shringara Chanwari temple
having fine carvings, was completed during this time,
$0, LA. Vol. XVI p, 349,
GI. inThe term Udharaat hat
prevalence Dramma
time, mentioned intermthis ofinscription refers॥ alvo
to theusedcoinsin
Similar Jirna
pele ey works (¥or details see Maharana Kumbha by the Author
Tank
62. Bp.
Varada Vol, 5 IX No. t pp. 64-65.
68. होयलिकधासालतत्पुत्न wre बाहुडअावकास्यां--ओऔी समरसिहमहाराजशमराज्ये प्रत्यासप
अगरपमतपुदापवेलापके-प्रतिामहास्‍्पर: are; (Mon! ina jaya-Mratrgacha
छपी +. SoisalmerTada ParPave Sch, . 6/Magenlal Shah—PrashastlSangral
cs. 22202 ci eee हे ales mace
स्वस्ति से१३३४ ereसुदि३ gat TTS gro प्रहादन Ger सा० रत्मसिह
कारित श्री शांतिताय et सा महणभार्या सोहणी ge हमर थाविकाण
 92

‘The Jain Kirtistambh of Chittor

‘The Jain Kirtistambh of Chittor is a tine piece of Jain art.
‘Numerous inscriptions and casual litcrary references are known
about it, Two fragmentary inscriptions of I3th century A.D,, collec
ted by G.H. Ojha from the heaps of stones lying at the foot of this
edifice, mention the name of one Jija Bagherwal as the constructor
Ofthis Kirléstambl.® However, these inscriptions are very much
damaged and do not throw any light on the history of his family,
‘One of these inscriptions contains I2 verses from the Nirvana-kand
and the other some text from Jain scriptures, The family of
Jija subsequently migrated to Central India, where one of his des-
cendants installed an image at Nandganva in V.B, I64I (484
A.D.) and engraved an inscription on its pedestal, which has also
reference that this Kirtistambh was completed by Punyasingh son
of Jija Bagherwal, one of his ancestors, ‘There is another group of
inscriptions which mention that this pillar was originally got cons-
tructed by one Kumarpal, while the renovation was done by Gunraj
in Vi, I494 (438 A.D.)
Fortunately, I have succeeded in finding out a new ins
cription which has got verses from 2l to 45. A perusal of it proves
that the construction was got done by the family of Jija.!” His
father was Naya, who got the Ghandraprabha temple completed at
Chittor, He spent lavishly in constructing other numerous Jain
‘temples at Chittor, Khohar, Sanchor etc. But his most momentous
work was the construction of the Jain Kirlistambh. However, he
could not see it completed during his own life time and his son
Punyasingh did it, ‘The consecration ceremony was done by Jaina~
charya Dharmachandra of Mulasangh, On the basis of another
unpublished inscription of V.E, 957 (300 A.D.), now lying in the
Office of the Central Archaeological Deptt. Chittor, it may be
Proved that it had been completed by then,
Sear
Jn भालीय Aprilure ae ga: जीजाकेन ema erated (Belted by the Author
Anckanra,
87. eer ofc १५४१ Ree 289") देखे Frage नगरे थी em
चैत्पालये Pons
पेनantiga], लो सोलिसष्मआा रोपकश्शिजा युत gargs [ted by Mn
68, Journslof the Bombay Branch ofthe Royal ANatie Society Vol, XXILL
et
69, Baited by the Author in Anekanta (Delhi), AprilI969,
(g) Sultan Alauddin and Mewar
After the death of Samarsingh, his adopted son Ratnasingh,
who espoused the fair Padmini,? succeeded him to the throne of
Mewar in 80l-I802 A.D...
Historicity of Ratnasingh
K.R. Qanungo, the eminent scholar? while commenting on
the historicity of Padmini, has also questioned the historicity of
Ratnasingh. He says that the history and legend not only reveal one
Ratnasingh, but four rulers of the same name, mentioned below,
converging in the brave fight against Alauddin’s imperialism.
3) Ratnasingh son of Rawal Samarsingh (Kumbhalgarh
inscription).
2) Ratnasena son of Chitrasena and husband of Padmini
(Jaysi’s Padmavat),
8) Ratna son of Khema of Dhundhar tribe (who gave the
name Dhundhar to the tract now known as Jaipur). He
died while protecting the lower town of Chittor.
4) Ratna son of Hamir Chauban of Ranathambhor, who
sought refuge at Chittor after the fall of Ranathambhor.
It seems that the learned scholar has confused by saying that
these four separate individuals have been linked into one by the
Bhats of Mewar. In fact, Jayasi’s Ratnasena can hardly be enumera-
ted asa separate ruler, Ratna, son of Khema mentioned at number
three above, was simply a city Kotawal (Talarakisa) who died nearly
80 years before the battle of Chittor of 303 A.D., which is evident
from the Chirawa inscription of V.E, 830 (278 A.D.)®. Therefore,
mentioning of his name among the brave fighters of 303 A.D. is
altogether incorrect and perhaps creating a new history, Similarly,
J, Muni Jinavijaya—Gora BadalPadmini CharitaChaupal (Introduction),
2, KAR. Qanuogo—Studies in Rajpnt History pp. !2-I3.
3. विक्लांतरत्य॑ ate रतन: सपत्तसंहारक॒तप्रव्त: |
अरीधिलक्टान emigrate oH ATC IRC
‘The Chirawa inseription
 o4
the fourth Ratnasingh is nowhere mentioned to have sought refuge
and taken part in the said battle of Chittor, except in Vamska Bhaskar,
a moderu work of I0th century A.D. The Nani Umarena inscription
ofVE. 626 (I468 A.D.) refers to the migration of the family of
Ramdevat, son of Hamir to Gujrat, after the fall of Ranathambhor.
In this way, the arguments of Qanungo are quite fallacious and can
hardly be relied upon. An inscription of the 5th day of the bright
halfof Magh of V.E, 359 (24-I-303 A.D.)* of the temple of the
mother goddess at Dariba refers to the reign of Maharawal Ratna-
singh. ‘This date falls just four days before the march of Sultan
Alauddin Khilji for the expedition of Chittor. Tn this way, the his
toricity of Ratnasingh can hardly be questioned.
Identification of Chittor mentioned in the Padmavat
K. R. Qanungo concludes his essay on the historicity of
Padmini with the following imaginary findings—
l. Chittor, mentioned by Jayasi, could not be identified with
Chitrakuta, the famous capital of Mewar, but it is the place, having
the same name, situated in the district Banda (U.P.).
2, Ratansena, mentioned by Jayasi, was not the ruler of
Mewar, but was a local ruler of U.P., whose descendants subsequent-
ly migrated to Nepal, as is evident from the description preserved in
the Ratantona-Kulawali.
‘Numerous absurdities are packed up in the above findings. It
is surprising that the learned scholar took little care to consult the
original text of Padmavat?, which refers not only to Chittor of Mewar
but to Kumbhalgarh also as its neighouring place. It also men-
tions Ratnasingh as the leader of the Hindus of India, a title which
apparently applies to the rulers of Mewar. Similarly, the present
ruling family of Nepal also claims its inheritance from the family of
‘Mewar. Timus, the location of Chittor can not be questioned.
4. VN, Reu—Bharat ke Prachin Rajavumsha I 9. 279.
5. dag१३६ वर्ष mile] fe $ gufet awe ओ जेदपाटसंडले खमस्तराजावलोसमलंहत
. मीरवलिहरेन wearntereers [Unpublished ips)
6, K,R. Qamungo—op.clt. pp. 8-49..
व... Reasere ओ wae । साजे दूनो de सुमेर | Podmavaia Chapter XXXXI,
 95
Aim of the invasion of Alauddin
As already stated, the forces of Alauddin while going to Gujeat
in l299 A.D., passed through Mewar and devastated Delawara,
Eklingji, Ahar anda few other towns. After this expedition, the
Sultan conquerred Ranathambhor in 299-300 A.D, and also suc-
ceeded in suppressing the rebellions raised in various parts of his
Kingdom. The success thus achieved tempted him to embark upon
more ambitious plans for territorial expansion®. Earlier in 205 A.D.,
he had pluadered Devagiri and was still having a covetous eye on
this territory, For conducting effective incursions in Central India
and the Deccan, his possession over Chittor and Malwa could be
very helpful. The aim of his invasion on Chittor, therefore, was to.
fulfil his imperial designs only.’ A story of Sultan’s infatuation for
Padmini, the peerless beauty, is often associated with this invasion”
Tt was, of course, not strange for him to demand Padmini, as he had
already put Devaldevi, the queen of Baghela Karna, in his seraglio
and also demanded from Hamir Chauhan, his daughter Devaldevi,
during the course of his invasion upon Ranathambhor, But, it does not
look justified to ascribe the invasion on Chittor only to his desire to
have Padmini, It cannot, however, be denied that he mighthave heard
about her during the course of expedition” and put a demand for her.
The account of Invasion
Alauddin invaded Chittor only a few months after the accession
of Ratnasingh, who had to face sucha great calamity, which not
only involved the security of his state, but the prestige and honour of
his house also. ‘The Sultan started from Delhi## on Monday, the 8th
FJamadiussani, AJ. 702 (28th Jan. 303 A.D.). It it not mentioned
by whlch route he reached Chittor. It seems that he reached
via Mandalgarh, but could not succeed to conquer it* Having
8, Mohammad Habib and Khaliq Ahmad Nizami-A Comprehensive History
of India Vol. V pp. 366-67.
9. M, Habib—The Campaigns of Alauddin Khilji (99) Introduction.
व0,. Padmavat Chapter XXXIX/Udaisingh Bhatnagar—Gora Badal Padiini
Charitra Chaupal.
व, LEQ. XXVIT No, I pp.60-6l.
I2, M. Habib—op.cit. pp. 47-49/M. Habib and Nizami—op eit. 367.
38, The verse 7 of .he Shringirishi inscription of V.E. 483 and Masir-l-Mal-
‘mudtshaht (MS) 202 (a) mention that Alud: jed to. conquer Mandal
garth (U.N. Day-Medieval Malwa 9. I88 fi
 96
reached Chittor, the Sultan pitched his tents between the rivers
Berach and Gambhiri and encamped in front of the Lakhota Bari of
the fort. Amir Khusrau says, “The two wings of the army were
ordered to pitch their tents on the two sides of the fort, For two
months, the flood of the swords went upto the waist of the hill, but
could not rise any higher, The Sultan then ordered the fort to be
pelted with the Manjanigs, as he had failed twice while conducting
he direct frontal attack.! Epidemic and flood also paralysed his
garrison, thus aggravating his difficulties."”
When it became diffleult for the Sultan to reduce the fort by
direct attack, he devised a plan to raise a huge pile of earth in the
southern side of the fort, At present, there are two hillocks existing
in the southern side of the fort, out of which, the Qhittori hillock is
attributed (o Alauddin, who got it completed under his personal su-
pervision, Such device was also successfully adopted by him at Rana-
thambhor, during the course of his invasion. However, he could not
succeed in reducing the fort by the Manjanigs placed on the hillock,
‘Treacherous plan of the Sultan
Te seems that when the Sultan failed to achieve any success, he
might have devised a plan to get hold of the fort treacherously. As
the tradition goes to say, he agreed to retire on having a mere look
ofthe face of Padmini reflected through a mirror.4# But the fact should
be otherwise. It might be possible that relying on the faith of the
Rajputs, the Sultan entered into the fort to settle the terms of peace
and while returning managed to capture Ratnasingh deceitfully,
‘The Sultan, then is said to have demamded Padmini as the price for
the liberty of the king. The Persian chronicles are silent about
this occurrence. But this event of captivity of the king is found
narrated in a contemporary work namely, Nabhinandan Jinoddhar'*
Prabandha of Karka Suri and can, therefore be relied upon,
Tf, M, Habib—op.clt, pp. 4-48.
sr Joye
Te asi rlPe20060
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४7८६ show
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wa
46,
2०६५ 22% /४४३-४४७:३४५०:५००४०३४४७७
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। क॑*बद्धकपिमिव अ्रामयन्त च पुरे पुरे
 97
Gora and Badal
A story, describing conspicuous gallantry of Gora and Badal
at length, is often told? It is said that the sad news of the king's
imprisonment alongwith the demand of Padmini reached the Rajput
camp causing complete despair. They unanimously beseeched Lax-
mansingh, the incharge ofthe fort, not to disgrace the Rajputs by
acceding to the proposals of the Sultan, After much deliberation,
they devised a plan to send Gora and Badal with armed personnel,
disguising as queen and her hand maids This plan worked success.
fully and the king was rescued. But he could not succeed to return to
the fort and was slain. We do not find any mention of this story in
the Persian chronicles. On the other hand, however, we have
various literary works composed about Gora and Badal, dating from
6th century A.D, Besides, there is a hint of this story available in
verse 347 of the Kumbhalgarh inscription of V.E. व57 (2460
A.D,)# also, As such, we may rely on this story, leaving aside
literary exaggerations and imaginary concepts.
Fall of Chittor €
During the absence of the king, the fort remained under the
charge of Laxmansingh of Sisoda, At last, when the stock of food-
stuf remained insufficient, the Rajputs determined to perform Jauhar,
‘The exact spot where it was done is not known, But it seems that
it might have been performed either near Gomukh or inside the
palaces. Later on, the Rajputs wearing saflton robes fought with
great valour and sacrified their lives. The Sultan emerged victorious,
He entered the fort and ordered general massacre. According to
‘Amir Khusrau, 30,000 persons were heinously murdered" AN] the
important temples were raged to the ground,
Historicity of Padmini
There is a controversy about the historicity of Padmini, Dr,
A. L, Shrivastava, M. Habib, 8. Ray, 8.0, Dutt, Dashrath Sharma,
पर, Udaisingh Bhatnagar—Gora Badal Chaupal.
8, धुमाणवंत्रः (पयः) erg लक्ष्मसिहस्तरिमस्ते Girt ररक्ष |
garam कापुस्वैविभुक्तां न जातुधीरा: पुसुपास्त्यजंति ॥१७७॥ EL. Vol, xxt
Bp. 277-78.
9, According
crror, at in toPersian
B.P. Saxena, the murder
scriptthree of
thirty
and thirty thousand moreis obiviously
are written OF less” thean
fame way (M. Habib and Nizami—op.lt, p. 868 fr)
98
have seen an allusion of Padmini episode in the story of Hud-Hud
referred to in Khazain-ul-Futuh, They believe that the esanalogy
between Alauddin’s operations against Chittor closely resembl with
Solomon’s expedition against Sheba, who also insisted on the surren-
der of Balaquis, the handsome queen.! But the validityK.S. of this
interpretation has been questioned by KR, Qanungo, Lal
‘ete,, who object to this assumption on the followin g ground s" —
4) Padmini was merely a poetic imagination of Jayasi,
ii) Her birth-place mentioned by Jayasi, as Ceylon, does not
seem to be correct.
iii) She is not found mentioned in Khazain-ul-Futuh ete,
iv) Abul Fazl,who referred to this story in Ain-i-Akbari,
might have taken the same from Jayasi,
‘As regards item No. , K.R. Qanungo does not seem to be
right in thinking that Jayasi originated the story of Padmini, We
have got the following points to disprove the above contention
a) Jayasi himself has mentioned that he has taken the story"
irom the poet Bain,
b) We find this story in Chhitai Gharita composed at Sarang-
pur (M.P.) in V.E. 683 (626 A.D.)®, a few years earlier
to the composition of Padmavat by Jayasi.
¢) Hemratain wrote Gora Badal Chaupai, only a few years
after Jayasi, He has mentioned the two names of other
poets, namely Hetamdan and Kavimalla, whose works he
had seen. This proves that during the time of Jayasi,
several versions of this story were already known,
‘As regards item No. 2, it is true that Ceylon could not have
been the birth-place of Padmnini, Jayasi, who dealt with this story
in detail, as compared to other writers, created a confusion by
saying that Ratansingh the king of Chittor went to Ceylon to marry
Zo,
Dashrath Sharma—Rajasthan through the Ages, pp. 664-665.
Qi, K.R, Qanungo—Rajput Studies pp. I7-20,
22. कथा आरम्भ बैत कवि कहा (Padmavat-t).
23, Journal of Oriental Research Institute Vol, XIV No, ! p,8l./Agarchan
jahta—Padmini Charita Chaupai (Introduction) p. I6. Bish fhiatchand,
24. हेमतदान oP भणि अभरकिति a गिणि। Gora Badal Padmint Chaupat,
 99
Padmini and passed 2 few months there. This statement requires
further evidence, as only after a few month’s reign, he had to face
an invasion of Alauddin. In fact, Padmavat of Jayasi is a poetic com-
n containing various literary traditions also. We find a similar
description’ in Finadatta Charita, Karkandu Chariu, Bhavisayatia Kaha,
Rayana Sehari Kaka etc; wherein are described the heroes journeying
overseas and returning with fair consorts. The Rayana Sehari Kaka
which was composed at Chittor in V.E. I407 (440 A.D), describes
the hero’s journey to Ceylon in similar circumstances. ‘Therefore,
we can take the story of Ratansingh’s journey to Ceylon to espouse
Padmini as a poetic imagination having little truth, The writer of
Amar Kazya Vamshavali mentions Singoli as the birth-place of
Padmini, In some Vamshavalis, Samaldvipa-Patan is mentioned
‘as Ceylon, which however, cannot be located. Even if, we delete
this part of the story of Padmini, it will have no material effect on
the historicity of Padmini.
As regards item No. 3, it is true that there is no mention of
Padmini in Khazainul-Fuluh,2* even though, Amir Khusray, the
writer of this work, was present at Chittor with Alauddin. It can
however, be argued that he did not write as an official chronicler of
the reign of Alauddin. He has oaly summariscd all events of nor-
thern Indian expeditions of the Sultan and co -fined himself to such
events only which were creditable to Alauddin. He has also omitted
the accounts of capturing of Devaldevi, the queen of Baghela Karna
and assassination of Jalaluddin Khilji, Therefore, we may conje
ture that he intentionally avoided the account of Padzmini also.
‘Muhammad Habib remarks that “Khusrau will not utter a lie, but
neither he will speak a truth, a whole trath.”*
‘As regards item No, 4, Abul Fazl does not seem to have taken
the story from Jayasi, as he has himself mentioned that he has
borrowed it from some other “Ancient Chronicles.”.2” We know
that Padmavat of Jayasi does not come under the category of
a
: 46-47
Hor dalaand inegSodhAuth’ popes publish ip hase Sodh Sargraha
Patrika Vol. XIX No. 3. bis
p,
26. M. Habib—op.cit. (Introduction) 9. I2.
27. Jarret—Ain-isAkbari II p. 274.
 200
chronicles, Similarly, the use of the word ‘ancient? proves that the
sources of Abul एच might have been much older than Jayasi’s
Padmavat,
Looking to the above, we may challenge the theory that the
story of Padmini was first originated by Jayasi, There are some
other evidence also, which may help us in considering the historicity
of Padmiai,
I) An important character linked* with the story of Padmini
is Raghava Chetan, whose historicity is proved from various contem-
pornry sources. He was having much influence in the Delhi court,
His Tantrik knowledge is also mentioned in Kharataragachchha Pattavali
and other Jain works,
2) ‘The palaces of Padmini are described in various" literary
works, Amarkawya Vamshavali mentions the confinement of Sultan
Mahmud KhiljiII of Malwa there, The Chitlor Gazal composed by
the Jain poet Khetal in 689A.D., mentions the details of these
palaces. This also proves the existence of these palaces in the
name of Padmini,
Considering the above account we may conclude that the
arguments of Qanungo and others do not carry much weight, ‘The
names of the queens are generally not 0090 recorded ia the insorip-
tions of Mewar, We do not similarly find the names of Mirabai,
Panna Dhai etc, in the contemporary inscriptions, Therefore, only
on these insufficient grounds, we should not deny the existence of
Padmini,
Chittor under Khizrakhan
‘After reducing the stronghold of Ghittor, Alauddin assigned it
to his heir—apparent Khizrakhan by renaming it as Khizrabad.® As
he was only a child of seven or eight years, the powers ofadministra-
tion were vested in Naid-i-Barbak named, Malik Shahin who acted
asthe local governor. He also left Chittor after a few months
26, aaa ade चउदसबिज्जापारगों मंततंत्रजाणओों । सो आागंतूण मिलओ qt | साहिणा
बहुमाणों कओ | Por details sec Agarchand Nahta’s paper—Raghava Chetan,
published in Nagar! Pracharni Patrika,
29, "संस्वाप्य पश्चिनी गेहे कारायां चित्रकूदके" Etasika Shodia Samgraha by the Author
2 56.
30, M, Habib op. cit, Introduction p, 2९.
 १3॥
out of fear™ of the Sultan and took refuge with Raja Karna of
Gujeat, The post was then perhaps occupied by Malik Aba Muham-
mad, A few inscriptions bearing dates of the reign of Alauddin have
also been noticed froma Chittor, but these do not contain any name
of the local governor. The inscription of A.H. 700(304-30 3.0.)
mentions the name of one Mamriz Alp Khan, but he does not seem
to be a governor, as no title is mentioned. Another inscription of
A.H. 709 (80 A.D.) and a fragmentary inscription of Jama-Masjid
only mention the name of Alauddin as the ruler,
Chittor given to Maldeva
‘According to Firistah,* the Sultan took Chittor from Khizra~
Khan and handed over to Sonagara Maldeva, who remained in the
imperial service after the disastrous fall of Jalore in I8L-I2 A,
He served the imperial order by joing several campaigns, with
about 5000 cavalry and 0,000 infantry, in which he evinced much
valour. The fact of his appointment at Chittor, however, has been
challenged by a number of scholars, on the grouad that his name
is not found recorded in the Persian inscriptions referred to above,
noticed from Chittor. But it can be argued that the inscriptions
being of the period from I304 A.D. to I3I0 A.D., the name of Mal-
deva could not have found a place in them, as he was appointed
there subsequently in I3/]-I2 A.D,, He remained as a governor
for seven years and had to face a severe opposition from Hamir, the
son of Ajaysi Sisodia, who succeeded in desolating the plains of
Mewar. Firistah also mentions a rebellion of the Rajputs of
Mewar, which also corroborates the fact of Hamir’s success in
conducting desolatory raids, as mentioned here above.
‘Transfer of Maldeva to Merta
It seems that shortly before the death of Alanddin, Maldeva
was transferred to Merta, as the later failed to check the predatory
incursions of the Guhilots over Chittor. The name of Maldeva is
found mentioned as the ruler of Merta in V.E. 374~75 in the
8, 34. Habib and Nizami-op. cit. p. 874.
92. 8. 3. Arabian and Pervian Supplement 955-36 p. 68/L.A.R, 955-50 p. 92.
39, Briggs-Firistah Vol. I p, 963.
34. ibid pp. 379-8.
02
Pattavali## and in the colophones of manuscripts. We may identify
him with Maldeva Sonagara, This account is also proved from the
account of Nenasi, who mentions a period of seven years of his go
vernorship at Chittor.!* Another evidence is the Persian inscriptions
of the reign of Tughluq rulers, which do not_mention his name as
the governor of the place,
Visit of Ain-i-Mulle
After the death of Alauddin, disorder prevailed throughout his
kingdom and the evil of his despotic rule manifested, He was succee-
ded by Quiubuddin Mubarak Shab, who was not a strong ruler.
Most of the nobles were divided. The Sultan in order to win popu
larity set all the prisoners free and withdrew all economic regue
lations enforced by his father. At this time insurrections in Gujrat
were reported, AinieMulki” was deputed (0 quell the distur
bances, He visited Chittor on his way and stayed there for a couple
of days, When he was at Ohitior, he heard of the unexpected end of
Malik-Kafoor. Although he was willing to continue his mare, but
his retinne raised dissenting voices, as they were uncertain of their
present postings and were anxious to watch the details of the events
at Delhi, As such, he had to prolong his stay at Ghittor, On heating
this, the Sultan deputed Malik Tughluq to ask Ain-Mulk to cone
tinue his march, but the nobles accompanying Aini-Mulk did not
agree to march further, Malik Tughluq, thereupon, reported t' ७
matter to the Sultan at Delhi, who sent him again with the robes
of honour and a firman for each of the nobles, ‘This persuaded the
march to be continued, ‘This event proves that Chittor remained
under the direct control of the Sultan and not under Maldeva.
Mewar under the Tughlugs
After the downfall of the Khiljis, Ghazi Malik became the
Sultan of Delhi,under the name of Gayasuddin Tughlua, who was
succeeded by his son Muhammad Tughlug. Two inscriptions of
these Tughlug rulers have been found from Chittor, which contain
के: (ey) लोलंतश चादर पभापतबचपल्जरराणकी माल. गादतरोपरो awe
ंत्यमा्:-श्री मेडलास्याने aurea: | तत्ञापि राणक थी मालेवाम्यर्थ
धाताय च चतुविशतिदितानि स्थित्वा स्वनिर्वाणयोग्यं ened परिभाव्य श्रीनया कोणबाणा
शरौसमुदायसभा-
स्थान
at ीपृ्यासगाबाता: (Mur ra~YugaPradhan Gurvavali9.G8.
36, Dashrath Sharmaa—op. et. 9, 670,
37, M. Habiband Nizami--op. elt ps492.
 308
the name of Asaduddin Naib-i-Barbak. A portion of this inserip-
tion being broken, the name of the Sultan together with the year is
missing and only the word ‘Tughlug Sultan’ is visible. Another
inscription of A.H. 726 (325 A.D.) also bears the name of
Asaduddin, who was perhaps a cousin of Mohammad Bin Tughlug,
On the authority of these two inscriptions it can be said (hat Chittor
remained under the suzerainty of these Tughlug rulers,
Chittor granted to Sonagaras
‘The Karera Jain temple inscription of ५.8, 303 (I935 A.D)"
mentions Banvir, the son of Maldeva Sonagara, as the ruler of
Chitior, It may be conjectured that during the course of the shifting
of capital from Delhi to Daulatabad, when most of the nobles had to
accompany the Sultan, the governorship of Chittor might have been
transferred to Banvir, the son and successor of Maldeva Sonagara,
But he could not retain it fora long time. famir scems to have
captured it immedintely after V.E. I802 (835 A.D.), by defeating
Sonagara Banvir, who subsequently left for Godawar from where an
inscription of VE. I394(337 A.D.)! of his reign has been noticed,
Inscriptions of Gangrar and Senawa
From Gangrar and Senawa (District Chittor) a few inscriptions
of some Jain saints have been noticed. The Shiv temple inscriptions
of Gangear of V.E, 375 and 870 mention of the construction
of Neshadhikas* there. Similar information is also gleaned from the
Senawa‘? inscription of V.E. 389, which mentions the construction
of Neshadhika and a Chandraprabha Chaityalaya, ‘These inscriptions
are interesting, as on the basis of thee, we may prove that the Jain
saints were living there, inspite of the occupation of the Muslims. Tt
EI, Arabian and Persian Supplement 955-56 9, 69-70.
oe
83 सबब१३8९ aatथी
कोर यह:
रे महाराजापिराज dyer भरमालरेशुर
Regeneron
Sngney बह सेल gh १३ बुर भी आउतार थी बषशीरदे (The frit
‘Solankiyan
Ale ao १३७६ वर्षे थी घुलंषे संदिस॑ये भट्टारक श्री जयकीतिदेवातां शिष्य... निषेधिका,
Vir माया Chittor by the Author ए9-
42 seer (er) थी eb feereres nyeeaters de) sete
meee me to चेमघरेण कासपिता,..सं* १३८६ at oft चंद्भालये प्रतिष्ठित
bid p. 269.
Jot
is also proved from the colophonest of V.E, 305 and 378 of MS
Kalikacharya Kathe, now preserved in the Shantinath Bhandar of
Cambay, copied at village Bauna (Mewar) under the instructions of
Abhayadeva Suri,
Chiefs of Sisoda
‘As already stated, a junior branch came into existence during
the time of Maharawal Ranasingh. Our information about its early
chiefs from Mahap to Prithvimal is meagre. Prithvimal’s successor
Bhuvansingh was a powerful chief, From Chandra one of his sons, a
branch known as Chandrawat came into existence, the chiefs of
which ruled over the territory of Rampura for a considerable time,
Bhuvansingh’s grandson was Laxmansingh, who is described to have
fought with Gogadeva of Malwa, As already slated, he, while de-
fending against the invasion of Alauddin, met a heroic death with his
seven sons. Incidently at this very time, the main ruling family
became extinct by the death of Maharawal Ratnasingh in 308 A.D.
‘Therefore, Ajaysingh, the only surviving son of Laxmansingh
of Sisoda, assumed power. He, however, had to take refuge in the
hilly tracts of Kelawara, with his faithful adherents,

38. ao १३६४ We भाजपद बदी meet तियो श्रीमेदपाट मंडले se ग्रामे कत्पपुर्तिका लिबिता,
Shah—Prashastl Sangraka p. 28,
 Chapter IIT

(a) Consolidation of Power

Hamir, the son of Arisingh was brought up at his maternal
abode, in the free atmosphere of village Unawa (Godawat) and had
remained there till 808 A.D, As alreadly stated, Ajaysingh, the only
surviving son of Laxmansingh and younger brother of Arisingh had
to take shelter in the hilly tract of Kelawara, Hamir was also taken
there, It is mentined in the bardic chronicles that Ajaysingh, deprie
ving his own sons namely Sajjansingh and Ajaysingh, chose
Hamir as his successor, as he emerged victorious ina contest held
with Munja Balecha, a formidable foc, at whose hands Ajaysingh
wasdefeated several times. ‘This extraordinary yalour shown by
Hiamir in defeating this adversary caused him to be elevated to the
throne, Sajjansingh, the son of Ajaysingh made an unsuccessful
attempt to expel Hamir, but Inter on he himselfleft Mewar for Deccan
to seek his fortune, Hamir remained with his supporters in the hilly
tracts, He conducted continueous raids on the imporial army posted
in Mewar and succeeded in desolating its central plains, His seat at
Kelawara soon became the chief retreat of the emigrants from the
plains, He now consolidated his position, The Bhil-chiefs of Oguna
and Panarava also extended their help to him, Healso exerted to
seek support from other Rajput chiefs,
Battle with Raghavadeva
‘The village Jilawara® is situated on a high plateau on the bor-
der of Mewar. Itschief Raghavadeva did not support Hamir and
defied his orders also, Hamir, therefore, exerted his authority and
snatched the place from him, This strategic place connects Kelax
आधा with other parts of Mewar and Godawar and as such it was

“Tr Rawal Rana Bat (MS) No. 876 LfI5-I7/Bkling Maharmya (MS) verse 90
2. अजैधी जो रा दोई बेटा परा rear eC जाता रहया Rowal Ranoft rl Dat (MS)
LE. No. 9(6)-
3 ‘The
FMT! word "Jilawara”
KL, Vol मतis often9-232/रापन
quoted as Chela or Chelavataka (gra
.चेतबाटेशपहुकारमहबाब The Eng
fahatmiya (MS) verse 68.) .
306
very important to conduct desolatory raids. The Ekling temple
inscription of V.E. I545 (I488 A.D.)¢ specifically mentions for him to
have captured Jilawara when he was living at Kelawara, This event,
therefore, seems to have taken place before his subjugation of
Chittor. At the same time, he also defeated some Bhil-chiefs, who
were supporting his adversary Raghavadeva, A, K, Vyas, while edit-
ing Shringirishi inscription of V.E. 485 (428 A.D.) mentions that
Hamir humiliated the Bhils of Bhonuat, but the original text docs not
contain any mention of the specific place of the Bhils',
‘Conquest of Chittor
‘As already stated, Sultan Alauddin had granted Chittor in
उश A.D, to Sonagara Maldeva who, in order to stop the desolatory
raids of the Guhilots? espoused his daughter to Hamir, Sultan Ala-
uddin did not seem to have liked this matrimonial alliance and per-
haps because of this, he soon transferred Maldeva to Merta by retai-
ning Chittor under his direct control. This prompted Hamir to strive
for expelling the imperial army from Mewar. His efforts, however,
could succecd only when Sultan Mahmud Tughluq came to throne,
‘who remained badly engrossed in his own affairs, It is mentioned
that he captured Chittor by devising a treacherous strategem with the
help of Jal Mehta, against Sonagara Banvir, the son of Maldeva, But
nothing can be said on this point, as onlyaMS. Rawal Ranaji ri Bat
contains this story and no other Vamshavalis mention the same, On
being ousted from Chittor, Banvir approached Sultan Mahmud
Bin Tughlaq for help. The MS. Rawal Ranaji riBat mentions the
defeat of the above referred Sultan at the hands of Hamir* in the
battlefield of Singholi. But this account is not corroborated by any
other contemporary records. Some Vamshavalir mention Hamir’s
battle with Malik Dahir and Sonagara Banvir at Sojat®, The Mahavir
4 8.
5, Bal, Val. XXIIL p. 282.
6. ered geraftefeemitreamggriigere (id).
7 gat et हमर जी से मे ete cor चंद on किए पे गहीबरो
सिताव हू खोगीगरा arb dee रे e . (awel Rona? BaD We ही पी
re
a 23MS:emer
eadws released
vl Bat Li. Fe}bed
aguthanbhor and’ Nerena. agrecdere to urrender
omen ASA
fonpiore that the Sultan was

9, Vamahayll (MS No, 27 LE. No. 35 (७)-

 कण
Prasad Prashasti of V. B.495 (428 A.D3° narrates Hamir as the
vanquisher of the Turushkas, who may be identified with the forces
of Sultan Mahmud Bin Tughalug.
Dr. Mahdi Hussain observes that Sultan Mahmud Bin Tugha-
lug refrained from waging war with the ruler of Mewar and ifat all
any battle took place, it was with the imperial detachments posted in
Mewar, This version seems to be correct, Hamir defeated Sonagara
anvir together with the generals of imperial detachments posted in
Mewar. His present contest with Mohmud Bin Tughaluq might have
not taken place. The Sultan during his last days remained badly
engrossed in other affairs of his state, Regular insurrections, dire
famines and severe epidemics like plebestine broke out in. other parts
of his state, As such, he could not have managed to despatch rein-
forcement for recapturing Chittor.
G.H, Ojha assumes! the date of Hamir’s occupation of Chittor
as V.B, 882 (325 A.D.). But this date does not scem to be convin-
cing, as the Kareda Jain temple inscription of V.E,I302(I385A.D,)!4,
which mentions Banvir, the son of Maldeva, asthe ruler of Chittor,
seems to have escaped his notice. I, for the first time, poinded out™
the historical value of this inscription and came to the conclusion that
the said event took place in ४.8. 994(I937A.D.). This date has now
een adopted by other ‘historians also. The MS Raval Ranaji ri
Bal!# also mentions the date of abve event as V.E 808 (380 A.D.)
In view of the Kot-Solankiyan (Godawar) inscripton of V.B, 894
(837 A.D.) of Sonagara Banvir, we can assume the date of Hamir's
occupation of Chittor as V.E, 994 (837 A.D.).
40, Journal Bornbay Branch Royal Asiatic Society Vol. XXIII p. 50.
व... Mahdi Hussain—The Tughalug-Dynasties p. I7,
32, OjhaT p. 223.
3, ane ate gfe ७ ot aft ete Lee

\4, For details see Author's paper “Hamir-ki-Chittor Vijay ki Tithi (Published
in Rajasthan Bharatt.
45. ooh हमीराश्दणी dag १३६३ Gta तितनूपे महाबिद १० के fer पादी विरास्या mr
कैरी (RawalRanajiri Bat(MS) Li. No. 20.
46, हू. Vol. XI p.76.
208
Battle with the Ruler of Idar
A series of the battles were fought during the l6th century A.D.
between the rulers of Mewar and Idar for the occupation of Bhomat
territory. Hamir’s battle with Jaitrakarna of Idar seems to be the
earliest!” in which latter was killed. After achieving this success, the
‘Mewar forces penetrated into the north-western! parts of Idar State
and devastated Palanpur” town, Some Vamskavalis also mention
that Hamir captured a few towns of Gujrat, but the fact is not
supported by any contemporary inscriptions of Mewar.
Help to Deva Hada
Deva Hada is described as a progenitor of the ruling families
of Bundiand Kotah. The inscription ofV.8, 864 (907 A. 0.)9
lying incised in the Kedarnath temple situated near Bundi mentions
Vijaypal as a ruler of the place. The names of his successors
described in the Surjan-Charita-Mahakaxya®® are Rayandeva, Kelhan,
Gangadeva and Deva. Nenasi mentions Bagha as the father of Deva.
‘These rulers hed to contest regularly with the Minas, who were very
powerful at that time, Hamir extended necessary help to Deva in
capturing Bundi from the Minas.*
Hamir was a brave and adventurous ruler, who fought success-
fully with his limited resources, against the imperial power of Delhi.
He has been described as Viskamghati-Panchanana™ i.e, acting like
lion while conducting assaults. He had thus put Mewar on the path
of glory. ‘Thetemple of Rupanarayan and Eklignji were renovated
by him and the present icon of Eklingji was also installed by him.
7, LR, Haldtr—Idar and Maharana Hamir (LA. Vol. LV p. I!.)
I8. A. K. Vyas, while editing the Shringirishi inscription of V. 8. 485 (428
A.D} mentions
‘borated from anyHamir’s
sourees,victory over Ranathambbor. But it is not corro-
29. por coy eters | Feo frre यो sed st wth
The Ekling Mahatmya (MS) verse £9. om
20, Vanshavali (MS) No. 827 Lf. No. 35(a).
2. Annual report onthe working ofthe Rajputana Mascum Ajmer year I998
Ped
22. Surjan Charlta-Maha Kavya Chapter XIII verses 8-3.
23. Rawat
Rew SeSaraswat—Mina-Itihas pp. pp.57-I58./Rawal
[Rawal Ranaji rtहBat (MS)
Bat (MS)
2%, Rasika-Priya-Tika of Gita-Gorind introduction verse 8/The Kirtistaribha
{inscription verse {6/The Kumbhalgarh inscription verse ।88.
 309
Hamir’s son Kheta—His battle with the Hadas
Alter the death of Hamir, his son Kheta succeeded** in I364A.D.
He also continued the tradition of his father and fought many battles,
His relations with the Hadas of Bundi became strained. After Deva,
his son Samarsingh succeeded him at Bundi and another son Ratapal
at Bambavada, These Hadas were also occupying Mandalgath,
which once formed a part of Mewar and sequestered during the
शक century A.D, The Chauhans of Ajmer retained it for a few
years and eventually the Hadas subdued it.
‘Maharana Kheta was having a covetous eye on this lost
territory. By making an incursion, he succceded in regaining Man-
dalgarh.% From there, he proceeded towards east and defeated the
Hadas of Bambavada and Bundi, At Bambavada cither Hada Kuntal
or his son Mahadeva was ruling, who agreed to owe his allegiance to
Kheta, The forces of Mewar further penetrated into Hadoti and laid
asiege to Bundi, which was either ruled by Hada Samarsingh or his
son Narpal. Thus Kheta succeeded in extending his sway and com-
pelling the Hadas to yield.®” The Menal inscription dated V.E, 446
(889 A.D.)# mentions that Hada Mahadeva had extended necessary
help to Maharana Kheta against Amin Shah of Malwa, This proves
that the Hadas were maintaining good relations at that time,
Kheta’s battle with the Ruler of Idar
Another adversary of Kheta was the courageous and enter-
prising prince Ranamal of Idar, whose manifold activities are descri
‘bed at length in Ranamal Chkand and Som Sobhagya Kaxya etc,
According to the inscriptions of Mewar, Ranamal was badly
defeated and was made captive by Kheta, who appointed Punja son
25. Surya VomskainscriptionVamshavall
Eitst known found(MS)
fromNoGogundai
827 Lf. No.is dated20(6)/Maharana
V-E,I423(I366Kheta's
A.D.)
26. On thebatsof the wordy suet fea मंग्वाइति wit fee wren
red in theto capture
IMucceed Shringirisht inscription,
thefort. Qja toconjectured
According that Bhagna
him, the word Kheta could
does notnot
afindicate itsreduction.of Mewar
other inscriptions But this favariably
interpretation
narratedocsthenotvictory
seem toof beKheta,
correc,
27. re Ser feet ante चात्मवलीपकार ।
ereI98,B. Vol. XXI9.282
28, Tod IT pp. 597-598.
ग0
of Ranamal, as the ruler of Idar and extracted his™ treasures, After
detaining for some months under captivity at Chittor, Ranamal
was later on released. Kheta is also described to have captured”
Delawara and Sojat and defeated a prince Satal, but wedo not
know any details of these battles,
Battle with Amin Shah of Malwa
‘The Shringitishi inseription of V.E, 485 (I428 A.D.) mene
tions that “Kheta conquerred Amin Shah of Malwa in battle, leaving
alive not a single man of his army and brought his entire treasure
and countless horses to his own capital”, G,LH, Ojha®* has correctly
identified this Amin Shah with Dilawar Khan Ghori, who was appo-
inted as the Governor of Malwa and after a few years he became an
independent ruler. He launched for an expedition over Chittor,
‘The Maharana offered stiff resistance and met him at Bakrol
(Hlamirgarh), nearly 20 miles away from Chittor and a crushing
defeat was inflicted upon the invading army, which sustained heavy
casualties, ‘The eatliest reference to this invasion is available in
the Menal inscription of VE. IM46 (880 A.D.)%, wherein itis
stated that “Hada Mahadeva rescued the lord of Medapat and
dragged Kheta from the grasp of Amin Khan like Chandra from
Rabu, He trod the Sultan’s army under his feet”, ‘The Kumbhal-
gath inscription of V.E. I67 (400 A.D,)® also describes that Rana
Kheta captured Amin Shah as a serpant captures a toad,
‘There is some difficulty in fixing the date of this event, U.N.
Day"® observes that Dilawar Khan Ghori was appointed in Malwa in
about 800-9 A.D. According to him, all prior dates mentioned by
the various historians, about his appointment in Malwa, are ine
correct. Sir Walseloy Haig® writes that the date of his appointment
29, The Kinistambbs inscription verse 29/The
verte 96/8. L. 9. II9 verse 30" २ Kumbhalgash 8० inscription
inscript
80. ६8. . Vol. XXIII 9.--282.
3. आाजावमौसाहमष्ि प्रभावाज्जत्वा eT TET |
यः कोशजात॑ तुरणानसंश्यान्समानकलवां किल्र राजधानीयु ॥९॥ ET, Vol. XXII p. 235,
Ojha I pp 250-59,
‘Ted UI pp 597-598.
‘The Kumbhalgarh inscription verse 202/ BL. Vol. XXI 9. 262,
U.N. Day—Medioval Malavva pp, I0-I2.
, Whacley Hiaig—Cambridge History of India Vol. TIT P. $49
 m
not precisely known, but he was certainly present in Malwa in
3902 A.D, and was probably appointed by Firozh Shah of Delhi, who
died in I388 A.D, As his invasion is proved from Hada Mahadeva’s
inscription of V.E, 440 (989 A.D.) and other inscriptions of Mewar,
itcan safely be adduced that he was certainly present in Malwa,
before this event, which seems to have taken place in the closing
years of Kheta’s life,
Date of Kheta’s death
According to Col, ‘Tod and Ojlia, Kheta breathed his ast in
I38] A.D, Another group of historians hastied to deduce thiscate
७ 405 A.D, Their assumption is based on some imaginary findings
that Kheta has been extolled, ia the inscriptions of Mewar, to have
imprisored Ranamal of Tdar, who had chastised and humiliated
Zafar Khan of Gujrat in 308-09 A.D, Similarly he also defeated
Amin Shah, who was alive upto IMOA.D. As both of the adversaries
of Kheta survived upto about L405A.D., he might have also remained
alive upto thattime, But these arguments being completely incon-
sistent with other contemporary material mentioned below, are
quite unconvincing, Khet’s death took place about 800 A.D,
(0) The Kirtistambha® and Kumbhalgarh® inscriptions,
wherein (he above event is mentioned, were not composed during
the life time of Kheta and so can not be treated as contemporary
evidence, The intention of the poct in narrating the event of dis-
comfiture of Zafar Khan at the hands of Ranamal was to extol the
heroic victory of Kheta over such a formidable foe, Such versions
fave quite popular in Sanskeit works, which enhance the poetic
beauty only, As such we cannot take Zafar Khan's defeat by
Ranamal as a contemporary event of Khete’s time,
(2) ‘The Som Sobhagya Kavya'® contains an interesting reference
97. For datails see Authors? paper “Maharana Kheta kt Nidhan Tithi published
in varada
28, ‘The Kirtistambha inscription verse 23,
39. aeenremnmeeercitirereraeagel यं था (en Teta दफर इति श्रमासाथ
gat वब)भू। सोये मल्लोरणादिः शककुलवतितादततवधब्पदीक्: कारापरे यदीये तृषति-
शतपुते were me BH) १६६ WRAL. Vol. XXI p. 282
40. श्री वाचफ्रोसम oe mutase संबलारे ( १४५० )--थी सक्षभूमिपतिम|स्पवदान्यप्राु
शरामदेबसचिवोततम ego:
[Som Sobhagya Kaya—Chapter V verses 4-7]
वा2
that when Somsundar Suri visited Mewar in ए,8, 450 (308 A.D.),
Maharana Lakha son of Kheta was ruling there. He sent his
minister Ramdeva with his crown prince Clunda to receive the
saint. This proves that Lakha succeeded to the throne before
VE. 450,
(3) The Jawar copper plate of Maharana Lakha is dated
V.E. 462 (I404 A.D.) which clearly proves that he came to
throne before this date.
Basing on these arguments, I had refuted the views expressed
by these historians, Tam glad that a senior scholar like Dashrath
Sharma has also agreed with my views now.
‘The Dhuleva inscription
An inscription of V.E. I48] (I374) engraved in the famous
Jain temple of Dhuleva (District Udaipur) mentions that Shresthi
Vija’s son Haradan got that temple repaired on the advice of
Bhattaraka Dharmakirti of Kashtha Sangha. This proves that the
temple molested by Alauddin Khilji was got repaired at that time, In
the Jain temple of Kareda (District Chittor) the Diksha Maholsavas
were arranged by Ramdeva Navalakha® at the preaching of
‘Jinodaya Suri of Kharataragachehha,
Kheta’s son Lakha-His battle with Zafar Khan
After Khetas’ death, his son Lakha succeeded. He had to
face an invasion of Zafar Khan, the Subedar of Gujrat. Due to some
pecularities of Persian script, some times we find a difficulty in read-
ing the words having almost similar pronunciations. Such confusion
is also noticed about the place where Zafar Khan laid a siege, In
Tarikh-i-Mubarakskahi and Miral-i-Sikandari this place is mentioned
as Mandut# in Malwa, while Nizamuddin Ahmad and Firistah,
describe it as Mandalgarh in Mewar. But looking to the route taken
by Zafar Khan, the place might have been situated on the western
border of Mewar, instead of Mandalgarh and Mandu, Therefore,
4. gg १४६२ Tat महाखुदि गुरुदिने महाराणा ओोलापाडेत देशी श्र set at
‘ --(Unpublished copper plate of Jawar). We
the Rajputana Museum Ajmer year i925
42, Annual report on the working of
48. Muni Jin Vijay—Vijnapti-Lekli-Sangraha pp. 4-I8.
44. Satish 0 Mishra—Rise of Muslim power in Gujeat p. L48.
 ग8
possibility of this invasion upon Matsyendra~Durga (An ancient fort,
on the ruins of which, the present fort of Kumbhalgath was cons-
tructed) is definitely very much, in camparision to all other places
mentioned above, as Zafar Khan passed through Jilawara, which is
situated about a few miles away from that place. In the Jain work
Karmachandra-Vanshol-Kirton-Kauyam, there is a mention of an
invasion upon this fort also. According to Persian chronicles, the
Rajputs surrendered as pestilence! broke out in the fort,
Zafar Khan, while returning fom Didawana, passed again
through the same route and devastated the places visited by him,
However, no permanent impact of this invasion seems to have been
left, as the Mewar army soon recaptured the place.
Godawar Annexed
‘The invasion of Zafar Khan was an eye opener and the ruler of
‘Mewar now determined to pay more attention to the defence of the
border areas. ‘That was why, in circa VE, 460, Maharana Lakha
managed (0 capture the territory of Godawar, which is the most
important event of his reign. But we do not find its mention in any
of the inscriptions of Mewar, Even the Kumbhalgarh inscription,
which contains the detailed accounts of the rulers of Mewar, has no
reference as to how this territory was annexed to the Mewar state,
From the inscriptions, we glean that the Chauhans ruled over
this territory upto V.E. 443 (386 A.D.) asis evident from the
Nadlai inscription of Ranvir. Maharana Lakha seems to have
captured this territory cither from Ranvie or his sons Khinwa or
Rajadhar." ‘Two inscriptions of his reign have been found from
this area. One dated V.E, I468(I4II)" mentions the installation
of iron-staff in the temple of Achleshwar at Mount Abu. This staff
was prepared at Ghanerao, which formed part of his state. The
other inscription of V.E. I475 (I428 A.D.) is incised in a Jain
temple at Kot-Solankiyan,
eकी
पक e
5. Karmachand Vamshot Kirtan Kayyam verses 29-.
De and Beni Peashad— Tabaquat-i-Akabarl Vol. वा pp. 78-79/Brigge-
Tarik t-Firtstah Vol. TV p. 6.
47... E.I. Vol. XIchltop . r63-64.
p. 48.
4५ Vir-Biumte
48. Ojha I pp. 267-70.
49. Muni Jin Vijay—Prachin Lekh Sangraka I p. 22l.
M4
Other Victories:
It is believed that some part of the territory known as Chhapan
was annexed to his state by Maharana Lakha. At the same time,
he also paid attention to suppress the rebellion of Medas, living in
the mountainous region of Badnor. But this victory was quite a
short lived one, as these Medas continued to be hostile. Lakha’s
battle with some Solanky chief of Toda is also described by Tod,
but it is aot corroborated by other sources.
Sheltter to Ranamal Rathor
‘The arrival of Rao Ranamal Rathor son of Rao Chunda of
Mandor in Mewar has greatly influenced the history of the state.
Being discontented with his fate at Mandor, he came in
Mewar. He gave away his sister Hansabai in marrige to the Maha-
rana, Tt is said that he wanted to marry her with the crown prince
Chunda, but on Lakhas' innocent joke, the prince refused to espouse
her, At last, on secing the obstinacy of his son, Maharana had to
accept the proposal of marriage, which carrying the condition
that Chunda would have to renounce his right to the throne, provie
ded a son was born to Hansabai®®, As the luck would have it, a son
named Mokal was born to her and Chunda, as per his promise,
relinquished his right.
Tn this way, the arrival of Rao Ranamal greatly influenced the
royal family of Mewar, Eventually, the influence of Rathors pre-
dominated during the reign of Mokal and circumstances compelled
Chunda to leave Mewar.
Arrival of Dodiya Chief in Mewar
It is said that on her journey to Dwarika, the queen mother of
Mahatana Lakha had to face a sudden attack by some robbers, ‘The
Dodiya chiefs extended necessary help and escorted the party. On
hearing; this, the Maharana invited Dodiya Dhaval to settle in
Accooper plate grant of village Jawar dated V. 8, I462 was not
Gina,
date who regarded
ofthe lite i tbe nintend
spiriousof one, as theee was Saturday. onthe
ofthe late Wetneaday,
to amine the ext of ths pat, T regard i ofthe ath7000 got Ay
6 chanee
entry
{erritor y was annexed’ to his state by Lakha, ais apparcneThehe
ofOhbapon
the epithet गोगणौपुर waafira: uied for Lakh
St, Bs, Vol. 300 pp, 277-278/The Kististambha inscription verse 26.
82. Rawal Ranoji ri Bat (MS) Lf. 20.
 पड
‘Mewar and granted a jagir of Rs, five lakhs comprising of
villages Masuda Nandrai* etc.
Religious Charities
‘Maharana Lakha got the religious Hindu centers like Bena~
ras, Prayag and Gaya emancipated from the levy ofpilgrim-taxes
by paying थी ७lump sum amount in gold, Joting Bhatta was
his court-poet, who wasgiven a village, named Pipali in Jagir,
‘A similar donation was also given to his brother Dhaneshwar,
Maharana also got excavated tanks at Chittor, Kelawara and
Lakbawali.
Development of Delawara
‘The comparative peace and repose in Mewar of this period
helped in developing trade and commerce. At the same time,
excavation of silver minesat Jawar tended to'the prosperity in the
country, Delawara, situated on the Ahmedabad Delhi trade route,
‘came into prominence. A good number of merchants migrating from
other parts of Rajasthan and Gujrat settled themselves there.
According to the Jain sources Shresthis Ramdeva, Nimba, Visal,
Megh, Kelha, Bhim, Katuk etc. were conducting their business
successfully at that place, Maharana Lakha took personal interest in
inviting some of them to settle in Mewar, Ramdeva was his prime
minister, who spent lavishly in the installation of several icons there,
His wife Meladevi survivied upto V.E. 486 (420 A.D,), when she is
mentioned to have got the icons of Dronacharya and Jinvardhan Suri
installed and copies of someMSS. prepared. The son-in-law of
Ramdeva was Visal, who was a member of the family of Vatsaraj
of Idar, The account of one of his brothers, Govind is mentioned
in detail in the Som Sobhagya Kavya. Visal’s wife. Khimai and his
sons Dhir and Champaka also got the copies of several Jain
MSS. prepared and installed some icons at Delawara, Nimba
invited Somsundar Suri there and performed festivities. It seems
5a, Surv Vamoha-Vomshavlt (MS) U4.
St. BA.
9०५ए XX p. 270 veue 207/8.. Vol. XXII p. 296 vene /B, X pp.
55. भेदपाटपतिसक्ष भूमिभूदक्य देवकुसपाटके पुरे।कै
०६०४ ३०४००६००२००४०२३००४०००००
*+०7-३-+>“अं
५३४७
|सनिबकदुकाण पासके: ॥३५३॥

58, Malarana Kumbha by the Author pp 205-95.

6
that the Jain saints of Kharataragachchka of the Pippalaka branch
had a predominating influence among the Jains.
Shresthi Gunaraj
Shresthi- Gunaraj®” was the resident of Chittor, According to
the account preserved in the Mahavir Prasad-Prashasli, the members
of his ‘amily were conducting their business at Ahmadabad and
were the follower of Topagachchha sect. He performed a Sangh-atras
in V.E. I457 (I400 A. 0.) and 2462 (405 A. D, to Shatrunjaya
and Rewantaka respectively, During the famine of V. B. 408
(या A. D.), he spent benevolently to provide relief to afflicted
persons. Under the guidance of Somsundar Suri, he again managed
a Sangha-Yatra to Shatrunjaya in V. E, l477 (420A. D.), after
obtaining necessary permission from the Sultan of Gujrat, His
most important work was the renovation of Mahavir Temple
situated near the Jain Xirtistambha of Chittor.
Mokal’s age at the time of accession
Col, Tod narrates®’ that immediately after the birth of Mokal,
his father Lakha set out on a pilgrimage to Gaya inslating him on
the throne of Mewar, But this statement is not supported by sober
history. According to epigraphic sources, he succeeded to the
throne of Mewar, between the years ५. 8, 476 (I4I9 A. D.) and
477 (420 A. D.), as the last known inscription of his father and
the first known inscription of his own reign belong to these years
respectively. According to the evidence given below, he seems to
be a grown up man at the time of his accession to the throne—
i) Mokal’s daughter Lala Mewari ** was married to Achaldas
Khinchi of Gagron, who performed Jauhar in the year V.E. 480
(428 A.D.), when the Sultan of Malwa invaded. This proves that
the marriage of Lala was performed before V, E. 480 (I423 A.D.),
‘This can only be possible, when we assume the date of the birth of
‘Mokal at least before V.E. I452 (895 A.D.).
ii) At the time of his death, Mokal was having grown up sons,
57: Maharana Kumbha by the Author pp. 306-307.
58, Tod's account is based on the Vamshavalis wherein Mokal is described to
have come to throne in the year Vi. M454 (Surya Vamsha Vamshavali
No. 27 Lf. 4 (०).
59. Rawal Ranaji ri Bat (MS) Lf. 30/Vamshavall No. 827 Lf. 4.
 nt
Besides Kumbha, Khema was his! another ambitious son, who
conspired against his brother and took refuge in the court of the
Sultan of Malwa, sometimes between the years V.E. 493-04
(436-37 A.D.). In case, Mokal was a minor in the year V,E, बा
(420 AD,), he could not have grown-up sons at the time of his
death in the year V.E, 490 (I433 A.D.)
Chunda takes shelter in Malwa
Although Mokal was not @ minor, but being elder, Chunda
wielded much influence and managed the administration of state
with great ability, But the queen mother became jealous and always
suspected foul play. Knowing the righteousness of his motives
Chunda left Mewar for Mandu, where he remained for a couple
ofyears. However, he kept his uterine brother Raghavadeva in
Mewar to keep a watch over the manifold activities of the Rathors.
Battle with the Sultan of Nagaur
Maharana Mokal successfully lnunched for an expedition
against the Sultan of Nagaur, In Persian Chronicles, itis mentioned
that Mokal was badly defeated at the hands of Firoz Shah, the Sultan
of Nagaur and had to retreat, after having his three thousand Rajputs
slain in the battle, Quite contrary to the above, the inscriptions
of Mewar unanimously speak of the victory of Mokal.® A casual
literacy reference to this battle is also available in Ayam Khan
Raso, ® which mentions the victory of Mokal and also records the
heroic deeds of two Kayarnkhani brothers named Taj Khan and
Mahmud Khan, who are described to have plundered the camp
equippage of Mewar army and snatched the royal umbrella, The
participation of above Mahmud Khan Kayamkhani is also mention-
ed inthe Kumbhalagarh inscription of V.E, 67 (460 A.D.)*
The Gorishankar Tank inscription of A. H, 840 (402 A, D,)#
@. ofGangavam
Khe io hiswork 76 Hard
(40 Bhushan
A.D.)., Kayyan”
He was mentions thedate
the younger of birthof
becther
Kumbin,
(a0 A ‘This also corroborates that Moka) was not amino in VB. 477
GEi. BEBailey—Hlatory
ofGujeat
Qoi a 4000 S8 p. pay
448, vot xt pp 22-2647. शत 2
63. Kyam Khan Raso /Makarana Kumbka by the Author 9:30. '
Gh hae ac mde शरशतैरापत्य a: aera ।
सुतातनिषातदींद्दयारतस्यावधीददंतिन: 5२२) ॥ 8... Vol 300 p,278 vere22.
65. Epigraphia Indo Morlemia year 4923-24 9, 25,
 us
of Narena (District Jaipur), belonging to the family of the Sultan
of Nagaur, mentions the victory of Maharana Mokal. It says
that Mokal had invaded the towns namely, Narena, Sambh:
Didawana, etc. and captured them, He had dismantled the mosques
and ravaged the country. On exodus of Mewar army, Muzahid
Khan, the younger brother of the Sultan of Nagaur, recaptured these
towns, rebuilt the mosques and repaired the forts. The Didawana
inscription of A.H, 880 (487 A.D.)® also records the repairs of
the fort. Looking to the above, it can be said that Mokal succeeded
against the Sultan of Nagaur. His victory over Sambhar is also men
tioned in the Kumbhalgath inscription of V.E, 6I7 (I400 A.D.)
Battle with the Sultan of Gujrat
Verse \4 of the Shringirishi inscription of ए, 8, 748
(498 AD) narrates that Ahmad Shah, the Sultan of Gujrat,
although irresistible in battle, had resorted to fleeing from the
batile field, while fighting with the army of Mewar, A reference
to the invasion of the Sultan of Gujrat in A, H, 83i (427 AD)
upon Idar, Kelawara ete, is mentioned by Firistah and Nizamuddin
Ahmad, An interesting reference of an abortive
invade the fort of Machhindrapur (On the ruins of whi
fort of Kumbhalgarh was constructed) is also available in the
Masir-i-Mubmad Shahi. On the basis of this also, it can be said that
Ahmad Shah, the Sultan of Gujrat had remained unsuccessful in
dislodging the fort.
Mokal’s relations with other Rulers,
‘As already stated, Mokal has espoused his daughter named
Lala Mewari to Achaldas Khinchi of Gagron, who obtained a pledge
to succour him at the time of danger. After a few days, when his
capital was invaded in 428 A.D. by the forces of Sultan Hoshang
Shah Ghori of Malwa, he sent his son Dhir for getting reinforce-
ment from Mewar, But before the arrival of thishelp, the fort
fell into the hands of the invader. Lala Mewari performed Jauhar
with other ladies present in the fort,
G6. _Bpigraphia Indo-Moslemin year I949-50 P 22.
67, aiertarare दुस्तहोषि कमरे संत्यनको...छ8.. Vol. XXII p. 240.
68. BeniPrashad andDe —Tabaquat-t-Akbari Vol.IILp.20.
69, De. Nueal Hussan—Masir--Mulimud shahi (Persian text) p. 28.
 ng
The rulers of Sirohi and Hadoti were also hostile to the ruler
of Mewar. The Ekling temple inscription of V.E, 546 (483 AD)®
mentions that Mokal emerged vicworious in a battle fought at Jahaz-
Pur, which seems to have held with the Hadas of Bundi, Inspite
of this success, these Hadas remained hostile. The ruler of Sirohi
at the same time, snatched some villages of Tehsil Kotada of Mewar
which were contiguous to his state. Regular insurrections were also
reported from the disturbed areas of Badnor.
Invasion by the Sultan of Gujart (4482 A.D.)
In A, H. 836 (I432.A, D,)" Sultan Ahmad Shah, of Gujrat
marched towards Nagaur and Mewat, following the voue of Ahad,
Delawara and Bhilwara in Mewar. On his arrival at Dungarpur,
Maharwal Gayapal resisted, However, the Sultan succeeded to
plunder his treasures,"® In Mewar, no preparations to meet him could
bedone, as at the same time, Maharana Mokal was assassinated,
‘The Sultan devastated important towns, namely Ahad, Elling,
Delawara etc, and the temples were also molested, However, this
invasion did not leave any far reaching impact on Mewar, The tem-
ples were soon repaired in the early years of the reign of Maharana
Kumbha, the successor of Moka.”
Assassination of Mokal
‘On hearing the arrival of the forces of Gujrat, Maharana Mokal
encamped at Talahati of Chittor, to make preparations for mecting
the invading army. At this time, when there were only a few
attendants with him, Chacha, and Mera accompanied with Mahapa
Panwar of Shrinagar (Ajmer) made a sudden attack on his camp
and killed him.™ ‘The foul assassination of Mokal thus made the
position of the state more critical. This event took place in V.E, 490
(488 A. D.).
2p. BL p.9.
TL. Briggs—Firistah Vol LV p. 39/Tabaquat-l-Akbari Vol. IIT p. 220,
72. Bayley—History of Gujrat pp. !20-I2l/Although the Shanti Nath temple
inscription of V-E. I525 mentions the victory of Maharawal Gaya
‘but it seems to be an exaggration.
73. Maharana Kumblea by the Author pp. 6-62.
7A. Nenasi ki Khyat AX 9. 46./Amar-Karya-Vanshavall (MS) Lf. No. 24,
 790
Inscriptions of Mokal
‘The earliest known inscription of the reign of Mokal dated
V. E. वा is engraved in the temple of Bijasanamata of
Singholi (District Mandsaur).'* Another inscription of V.E. 478
is incised in the Shantinath temple of Jawar, which was got cons-
tructed by the descendants of Shah Nana, ‘The Shringirishi (Near
Eklingji) inscription of V.E. 486 contains the valuable historical in-
formation about the rulers”? from Hamir to Mokal, It also mentions
that Mokal had weighed himself against the gold and silver more
than 25 times, ‘The Samiddheshwar temple inscription of the same
year mentions the renovation of the temple. The Vidhyapeeth
‘Udaipur inscription of VE. I487, edited by Shri Dev Kothari, con-
tains information of the family of Brahman Suryapal of Hariyana,”
whose descendant, Vidhyadhar got constructed a step well. A frag-
mentary incription of V, E. 488 is available on a lintel of the Jain
temple at Nagada.

77.
sean
76. dag १४७८ बर्षे पोष शु० ६ राजाधिरान थ्री मोकलदेव

E.T. Vol. XXII, 240.

deel
\ait | Vir ¥inod Vol, T

78. ibidVol. गा 9. 47.

79, Udited by Shri Dev Kothari in 3006 Patika.
 (b) Maharana Kumbha
Maharana Kumbha succeeded his father Mokal in V.E, 490
(48 A.D.).! When he came to throne, there was an internal crisis,
which had endangered the security of his state, Although the eruel
assassination of Mokal was clone on personal grounds, still two rival
groups were functioning in the court circles, one of the Sisodiyas and
the other of the Rathors, Khema, the younger brother of Kumbha,
being over-ambitious, wanted the theone of Mewar. Failing in his
Attempts to find sufficient supporters at Chittor, he left for Mandu to
seek support of the Sultan in his evil designs, Kumbha had to lace
not only this internal erisis, ut adverse external situation also, As
already stated, the rulers of Sirohi, Bundi, Dungarpur etc. were
keeping hostile attitude towards his father Maharana Mokal and
succeeded to snatch away some villages of Mewar contiguous to their
respective states, At the same time, there was ॥ constant apprehene
sion of the invasion of the Sultans of Nagaur, Malwa and Gujrat,
who were having covetous eyes on Mewar?
Action against Chacha and Mera
Kumbha had to take immediate steps to wreak vengeance of
the foul murder of his father? Mokal and to bring back refractory
and hostile nobles to obedience. For this work, Rao Ranamalof
Mandor also came and extended necessary help. Thus Kumbha
marched against the traitors Chacha and Mera with the combined
forces of the Rathors and Sizodiyas. In an encounter, Chacha and
Mera were slain, while Mahapa Panwar and Chacha’s son Eka,
escaped and tock shelter in the court of the Sultan of Malwa.t
isthe
}. Padarada knowa inscription
‘The earliestinscription (I489reign
of Vil. )490of the १४६० WWKumbha
A-D.)ofसंबतMabarana तथा बाके १३५६
११ सोम उत्तर फाल्युत eR :
अवर्सभाने उतरावनेव॑ंतकतो वेशाज मासे कृष्ण inपक्षेRojasthan
महाराणा कुweet विजयराज्ये,..'” (Published Bharat)
2. Maharana Kubla by the Author pp. 35-56.
3. Amarkavya Vamshavali(MS)LF. 24/The Kirtistambha inscription verse 24,
4. Rathor
Nenas-KicKhyat (Dugat)9. Vol.
Vamsharl-Vigat 9. ३ pp. 2-20/9० Ip. 47/r-Vinod 9. 880
I22
Conquest of Hadoti
‘As alrcady stated, the Hadas were having hostile relations
with the rulers of Mewar, Rao Berishal or Bhan was ruling at that
time in Bundi, The Hada chieftains were also having? their sway on
Kotah, Bambavada and Khatakar, Taking the benefit of the confus-
ion which prevailed in Mewar after the death of Mokal, they
succeeded to wrest the territory of Uparamal including the fort of
Mandalgarh,
Tt hecame, therefore, necessary for Kumbha to recapture the
same, In Masii-Mahnuadshahi®, it is mentioned that Hadoti, which
once remained under the subjugation of the Sultan of Malwa, was
captured by Kumbha, after the death ofHoshang Shah, Tt seems
that he first marched against Mandalgarh in V.E. I493 (l43 A.D.),
According to the epigeaphic sources of Mewar, he succeeded ०
reduce this ‘stronghold without any difficulty and discomfited the
combined forces of the Hadas.’ Proceeding thence towards Bundi,
he fought a farions battle with the Hadas at Jahazapur', After tnis
battle, the Halas were disheartened and soon yielded themselves at
Bundi and Khatakar, On heing agreed to owe their allegiance to
him, Kumbha returned their principalities back (o them,”
The political situation svon changed, when Mahmud Khiljt
came to throne in Malwa, He had undertaken several expeditions
to bring Hadoti under his sphere of influence. Kumbha adopted a
successful policy to give sufficient support to the Hadas against the
invasions of the Sultan of Malwa,

5. dein
Vamsha-Dhaskor
oF Ve Ho Vol.
(od TIEtp9. 959/The
997-38) Mena! inscription
" of Tada aMa
6 Sahin
san Hakin-=Masiot-Mahmadshad
‘Text) p. editedby Nora Mastin Ane. (Pen,
7. The Kumbbalgarhins ‘iption of V.E, 577 (460 A.D.) verse 264.
EL. Vol XX p. 277
8. grafe विक्रमों erage पुरमिकाजयत्‌ | verse 253 (ibid).
9... Bacar Regus हाडावटी हेलया ।
हल्लाबास्कारदास्विधाय च जयहतम्भावुदस्तम्पयद्‌ |
gi ger पटपुरमति shyt ere ।
औमस्पष्डलदुगुल्च विलसच्छालां विश्ञालां पुरीयु । ४०७० 264 (iid).
[Maharana Kumbha by the Author pp. 7I-73.)
 428.
Conquest of the Eastern part of Sirohi State
Rav Shivabhan Devara had founded the town Sirohi and
consolidated his power in the beginning of the L5th century A.D.
His son Sahasamal was very ambitious, who succeeded to annex
some villages of Paragana Kotada ofMewar tohis state, Maharana
Kumba, therefore, marched against him in 436-87 A.D, and
00000 these villages, Lt seems that the eastern part of the
Sirohi state, comprising of the faraganas of Ajahari, Pindawara etc,
was also wrested by him from the ruler of Sirchi, during this
expedition, A copper plate grant of V.E, Lig (487 3.0.) issued
fron the camp Ranakpur, mentions that he gave away some land
situated in the paragana Ajahari, to alady named Purbai ete, ‘This
also corroborates the above statement, However, he could not
succeed (0 conquer Abu at that time, An unpublished copper
plate grant of ए. 8, L494 (487 A.D,)" of Madhuvaji contains
information of the installation of an iron stalf by him in the temple
of Rishikesh, But {rom Abu. the inscriptions! of Devara Rajadhar
Chunda, ranging from V.B, L404 (487A.D.) to 502 (IM44A,D,) are
found, ‘Chereture, i seems that although Kumbha proceeded upto
Madhuvaji,but could not succeed to capture Mount Abu at that time,
Battle of Sarangpur ((437 A.D.)
Within a yeur of Hoshang Shah Ghori’s death, the throne of
Malwa was usurped by Mahmud Khilji. Masud Khan the grandson
of Hoshang Shah took shelter with Ahmad Shah, the Sultan of
Gujrat, who had agreed to espouse!? his cause, Umar Khan, one
of the sons of Hoshang Shah, visited Mewar to seck support from
Kumbha.!! From the Ranakpur inscription of V.E, 496 (480 A.D.)
wel glean a valuable information that the rulers of Gujrat and
जाआादेशता। दबे परभा i अगाहरी प्रणण्ण चुरडोए...बाई श्री पूरवाई
अनोमि सागादीबजथी कू(0086
Teather by the Author in the Journal of the Rajasthan
Institute of Historical Research Jaipur]
uM pe वा बरपे wt gc ge fn axe nt [ही]. .
eS rete fen 47600 27 /750०४ ४ काकु
42, Maharana Kumbha by the Author pp. 70-8.
39. Firistah-Vol, IV p,30/Tab TIT p. 222.
\4. Pir Vinod ¥p. 827/Bitiatah Vol. TV p. 20!.
5. “्बलपराक्रमा्रांतडिव्सीमंडलगुररतायुरक्ञाणपतप्रधितहिल[गुरक्षापविर्दस्य”
{he Ranakpur Inscription}.
पथ
Delhi bestowed a title of Hindu-Suraton upon Kumbha, This proves
that some settlement took place between them, which. The might be
none also 080 to re-establish the Ghori power in Malwau, MahaSulta n
of Gujrat first invaded and laid a siege to the fort of Mand rana
Kumbha taking the advantage of this situation also march ed with
‘Umar Khan against the Sultan of Malwa, He took the route through
Ranathambhor, Narwar and Chanderi, According to Masir-i-
“Mahmudshahi the fort of Shahar Noh (Perhaps Narwar)'* was besie ged
by the combined forces of Tomar Dungarsen of Gwalior and Mahaha-
ranaKumbha. It was ably defended by Bihar Khan, Kumb
proceeding thence seached Chanderi and killed itscauseMugtiof Umar Malik
Haji, ‘The local army also agree d to espou se the
khan, At this time, Sultan Ahmad Shah of Gujrat detached his son
with 6000 cavalry to Sarngpur, but soon recalled him back. Malik lf,
Tsaq Kut-bin-Mulk, the Mugti of Sarangpur surrendered!” himse and
Kumbha after capturing it successfully carried out depredationsished
collected a large amount, He, at the same time, had demol
several mosques and palaces and taken a good number of Muslim—
Indies as captives. The Ranakpur inscription of V, E, 406 and the
Kumbhalgarh inscription of ए. 8. I67 mention the detail ed'®
account of his victory over Sarangpur, Sulta n Mahm ud Khilj i
Ieaving the fort of Manda under the charge .f his father,
went towards Sarangpur, His presence in the disturbed areas helped
very much in getting the insurrections quelled. Umar Khan, whosuccewasss
present with the Mewar army, being exalted with this early
left the army with a few adherents and shut himself ia an ambus h,
When Mahmud Khilji knew it, he at once invad ed and kille d?
6. Masini.Mahimudshoht (PeeText)p. 39. Sbibab Hakim mention he thissegevsays
46. Masi
see 77777 77777 Hota the sume tine
Goyrnor nt.ofthat‘is place
ieeedhe eelnfoceme constantly
Rat Bina ans shows thatthe fortrequest
was bslegedte
such eater p. 93/Piristah VolLIV p, 204/Tab TIT p. 2४४;
MahmudshahofiGujrat
V7. Masir-iy—His
Rayle tory p. 28 i Be Rau
EE, ngVe,Mahदाatmva9, 28hversevets
७. Ekli 56)
20-27 The Rant Ide tse प-8पर /
8. When. Umar hen wat ated, by ont, of Mit ]000% totoa leave the plac,
When एम Ras ear 4052५ 0॥ was the ef eee
Ais
25कदम, it was not worthwhile forhim to runavay infrontof
iim (hayley opeeltp. L24).
 325
Umarkhan. At this time, pestilence broke out in the Gujrat army.
‘Therefore, Ahmad Shah had to retreat and was badly defeated by
Mahmud Khilji, Inthis way, in spite of earlier reverses, Sultan
‘Mahmud Khilji, succeeded in defeating the forces of Gujrat
On heating the sad end of Umar Khan, Mabarana Kumbha
returned back to Mewar. From Sarangpur, he took the route
through Gagton, Janagarh, Mandsaur etc and annexed this tecri-
toty of Khichiwara, Kanthal etcto hisstate. Itis believed that
he went as far®® as Mandu, during this expedition But it is not corro-
orated by sober history. No inscription of Mewar mentions his
vietory over Mandy, Similarly the Kirtislanbha of Chittor is
associated with this victory. It is true that its construction was
undertaken in the year V. 8.495 (438 A.D.), immediately after
returning from his expedition of Malwa, Butwe donot find any
mention of its association with the above victory in the contem-
porary inscriptions, In an inscription found at the foot ofthis pillar,
it is described as the Visinu-Stambha,
Conquest of North-Eastern Rajasthan
‘The mutual alliance between Gujrat and Mewar did not
remain for a long time and the conilicting interests debarred them
from taking any action jointly. Soon after returning from the
expedition against Sarangpur, Kumbha inade an invasion inthe
territory of Sapadlaksha ruled by Firoz Khan, a relative of the
Sultan of Gujrat. This event might have taken place in the middle
of the year 438 A.D, The Gorishankar tank inscription of Narena
of A. H. 840 (48 A. D.)#, which mentions a casual reference of
the invasion of Maharana Mokal, does not record any event about
Kumbha, At the same time, the Ranakapur inscription of V.E.
496 (439 A. D.)* includes the name of Nagaur among the cities
conquered by him. Therefore, this event can be placed between the
years 437 A. 0. and 439 A.D. and most probably after the battle
of Sarangpur.
‘Mujahid Khan, the chief of Narena had undertaken the
extensive repairs of several forts. This proves that Sultan of Nagaur,
20, Vir-Vinod \p. 920/H.B, Sarada-Makarana Kumbha p. 49,
2i. Rpigraphis—Indo Moslesiia 923 p. ।5.
22, The Ramakpur Inscription lines 7 to 20,
 326
under whom he was serving, made necessary preparations to defend
country, Kumbha, in order to check the power of Sultan,
marched against him, He first reached Ajmer and captured it.
He then marched against Narena, where a furious battle was fought
with Mujhahid Khan and defeated आन, Few other important towns
namely Samnbhar, Nagaur, Khatu, Chatasu ete were also captured
by him, However, after collecting a heavy booty from the Sultan
of Nagaur, he returned back this territory to him,
Conquest of Mandor (4438-89 A.D.)
The differences between Sisodiya Raghavadeva and Rathor
Ranamal were manifested at the time of quelling the disturbances
of Chacha and Mera, Ranamal, who came from Mandor to espouse
the cause of Kumbha, did not return to his capital. Tt is said that
he preferred the fertile plateau of Mewar to the arid desert® of
Marwar, While living at Chittor he began to take a prominent
part in the administrative matters, ‘The Sisodiyas, therefore, natur~
ally felt frustrated, Raghavadeva, obiviously being a hindrance
to the Rathors, was put to an end by using a devious" plot, This
heinous murder had excited much and roused a great indignation
in the hearts ofthe Sisodiyas against** the Rathors, Soon Chunda
and other adversaries of Ranamal, namely Eka Chachawat, and
Mahapa Panwar, reached Chittor one by one. ‘They succeeded
also to poiton the ears of Maharana Kumbha against Ranamal,
Suspecting his proceedings Ranamal was also murdered!
treacherously, His murder was thus a step to wreck vengeance of
the assassination of Raghavadeva, which was a common incident of
the age. Ranmal’s son Jodha together with other Rathors atonce fled
to Marwar, Rao Chunda closely pursued them and captured Manor,
Sojat Kayalana etc, From Sojat and Mandor, the colossal icons of
28, qerumrandtentnt wee frqytt safern:/The Kirtistambha Inseription verse 6,
2. विपमतमामंगधारंगदुजाभरणामरणर काबएमंडोरमंडघक दादघाट नानाene
महादुर्गलोलामाकप्रहणप्रमाणितजितका शित्वानिमागर्प ।
(ihe Ranakpur inscription of ५.६, ॥496).
2h There
Marwan.are contradictory
According to accounts
the Hats available
of Marwar,ia Ranmsl
the #/0remained
of Mewar and
faith
Io his duties, but 820-2/Ojha
was sain suspecting
|pp. hisproceedings.
20-200.
26, “VireVinod 90:
JBA. Moharonn Kimba by the Author p94
शा. Nanasi Ki Khyat (Dugat) Vol Tp. 30.
 व
‘Hanuman'® were brought, which were subsequently installed in the
fort of Kumbhalgarh and Ranakpur respectively.
Conquest ofDungarpur ((44 A. 00.)
Maharawal Gopinath (also known as Gaipa), whose reign
extended upto V, 8. 608 (446 A, D,), wrested Jawar and other
villages of Mewar contiguous to Vagada, during the last days of
Maharana Mokal, The Surakhand inscription of V. B, l494
(4437 A.D.) anentions Rathor Kanha, as an independent ruler,
‘The victory over Dungarpur is not recorded in the Ranakpur
inscription of ५. 8, I406 (430 A.D.) therefore, this event seems
to have taken place after it. The Kumbhalgarh inscription of V.E.
व67 (400 A, D.)® mentions that Maharawal Gopinath, on reach-
ing the Mewar army, took shelter in the hillocks, leaving his capital
at the mercy of the invader. As the reign of Gopinath lasted in the
year V.E, 603, the invasion seems to have launched" between the
years V.E, 496 and 603, ‘The Surajpole inscription of Dungarpur
dated V, E, 408 (l44 A, D.)* records that it was besieged by
some formidable enemy and afurious battle was fought there, It
may be conjectured that this invasion was of Maharana Kumbha,
who after defeating the forces of Maharawal annexed Jawar® to his
state, The Maharawal agreed to owe his allegiance to him,
Invasion by Sultan ofMalwa (42-48 A. D,)
‘The growing power of Kumbha became an eye sore (० Mahmud
Khilji, the Sultan of Malwa, who was cager to reduce him to
extremites, However, being indulged in the campaign against Delhi,
he could not move earlier, During his absence ut Dethi, Kumbha
settsecagee dearer: कु भलमेश्ुरँ (The Kirtstambha Inscription
29, पुष्य arvatient Papa श्री करहभूपेन [Edited by R.G, Agrawal in Varada).
90, Bat. Vol, XX p. 264-verse 266-267,
आफthe ruler
colophone of MS, Sia Hema Fel of ५८8, I304 mentions Somes ax
of Vagsea (efaq १४०४ ag मार्ग सिर युदि ११ ai aft गिरिपुरे राउल थी
सोमदास विजय wa) ‘This proves that before that yeor Maharawal Gopinath,
tina breathed his fast,
82. अतिहार
“संबत १४६८
a (en)ae exert
पाता.शुक्त
पक्षRe(एग)wera”
मरे eat दिये(0क७४७
थी विरिपुरे०6
रिएInscription
सैन्यसमागते...
of
Dungarpur).
33, Mabarana Kumbha issaid to have renovated the templeof the mother
oddest at Jawae (योविनी भणिये मधामाया तेहनों पशाद area PME जाकर
‘The Colophone of MS Gira-Govind)
 328
further consolidated his position inKanthal, Therefore, the Sultan
proceeded* against_him on 30, Nov, I442 A.D. Afier crossing the
river Betam (?) he reached Mewar and sent detachments to
carry out depredations and demolish the temples, He then reached
near Kelwara and made an abortive attempt to reduce the strong
hold of Machhindrapur® (The ancient fort, on the ruins of which
Kumbhalgarh was constructed), At Kelawara, the Sultan invaded
the temple of Banamata, having massive ramparts looking
castle, The Rajputs under Deepsingh displayed conspicuous gallantry
and after a week's fighting the Sultan was successful in seizing the
place, ‘The temple was molested. A very romantic account of the
destruction of its icons is described by Firistah and Nizamuddin®®
Ahmad. At this time, the Sultan received intelligence of Kumbha’s
flight to Chittor in disguise asa Jogy. But this statement does not
stem to be correct, Quite contrary to this Zafar-ul-walia mentions
that Kumbha collceted a large army at Chittor and penetrated into
Malwa and conducted depredations*” in the neighbourhood of
Mandu. Therefore, the Sultan immediately left for Ohittor, At the
same time, he asked his father Ajam Humayun to command his
forces posted in Kanthal and Mandsaur, He also sent a detachment
under Taj Khan to protect the chief of Kalba, against the invasion
of Maharana® Kumbha. In the meanwhile on receiving the news of
the death of his father, he almost became distracted with grief and
went to Mandsaur to make necessary arrangements to send the
dead body of his father at Sadiyabad, Afler making necessary
arrangements, he returned back to Qhittor, leaving Taj Khan to
command his forces, which were besieging Mandsaur, However,
he could not achieve any success there at Chittor and decided
to abandon the siege on the pretext that rainy season was approach-
ing fast, At this time, on seeing the retreat of the forces of
Sultan, Maharana Kumbha made a sudden attack on April 26, 443,
A.D. (26th Zilhijja AH. 846) with 0,000 cavalry and 25000 infantry
34, Masir-t-Mahmudshahi p. 52.
35. bidp.54.
36. Firishah Vol. IV pp. 208-209/Tab Vol. ILI pp. 5I9-5i4.
87. Zofon-ul-walla (Eng) p. V7.
38, Masir-t-Mahmudshahi pp. 53-54.
 व29
and caused heavy losses to the Sultan.** The account of the Persian
chronicles that owing to the rainy season, the Sultan lef: Chittor,
seems to be ridiculous, as in Mewar the rainy season begins in July
and not in April. In this way, the attempts of the Sultan for reducing
‘Maharana to extremities, proved futile,
Battle of Gagron (4444 A. D.)
‘When the Sultan failed to achieve any notable success from his
campaign of Mewar, he limited his designs to recapture the forts of
Khichiwara, recently annexed by Kumbha. He, therefore, proceeded
with a large army and reached the suburbs of Gagronon Feb 3,
L4dt A.D, (Shavoal 3 A,HL. 846), Act first, he encamped on the bank
of the river Ahu (Towards the modern t.wn Jhalawar),, The fort
was in the possession of Palanasi, the son of Achaladas Khichi. His
younger brother Dhirsingh was his commander, who went Mewar
and brought reinforcement also. ‘The battle continued for 7 days.
‘The Rajput sallying out from the fort, fought vigorously. On the last
day, when Dhir was slain, the Rajputs got disheartened. They at
last decided to perform Jaukar. Palansi was. allowed to go out from
the fort, Next day, the remaining Rajputs died while fighting. The
fort was captured by Mahmud Khilji® who renamed it as Mustafa-
bad. Soon afier, the Sultan also succeeded in recapturing the other
important strongholds of Khichiwara,
Invasions upon Mandalgarh ({444 and 446 A.D.)
‘The Sultan of Malwa was interested (० annex Madalgath fort
tohis state, He, therefore, marched against it, On reaching in the
vicinity of it, he encamped on the bank of the river Banas near
Triveni, According to Shihab Hakim, initially some negotiations for
settlement were made, through Chhitarmal and Teja Purohit, But
these could not be materialised." The Rajputs displayed conspicuous
gallantry and compelled the invaders to retreat without achieving any
success. ‘The description of the Persian chronicles that the Sultan
hhad to return as the rainy season was forth coming, is a common way
of recording the defeat in a guarded language.
39, dbidiFiristah vol.IV p. 200/Tab Vol. IIT pp. 54-85.
40, ibidp.54-56/Zafar-ul-Walia p. 72.
AL. ibidp.50.
 430
To retrieve this disaster, Sultan Mahmud Khilji again marched
with a big army on Oct, I, 440 A.D, When he reached near
Ranathambhor!?, he found it necessary to strengthen this fort,
against the invasions of the Rajputs of Mewar and Gwalior. Thus
he changed the governor Bahar Khan and appointed Malik Saifuddin
inhis place, He detached Taj Khan with a contingent against Boli,
Pachawara etc., which were captured by Maharana Kumbhi,
Proceeding thence, he reached Mandalgarh and encamped on Triveni.
This time also he could not go close to the fort. ‘The Rajputs sallying
out from the fort, made the fierce attacks on the besiegers, The battle
continued for 3 days, and compelled the assailants to retreat. The
account of Persian chronicles that the Sultan, owing to the exigencies
of time, had agreed to conclude peace by accepting jewels and species
is rather an exaggeration. ‘The aim of the invasion was to capture the
fort, therefore, there isno reason to abandon the siege, except due
to the pressure of the Rajputs,
Both Maharana Kumbha and Mahmud Khilji seem to have
concentrated themselves to annex the territory of the castern
Rajasthan. Kumbha also strove hard to conquer this territory, Such
political situation remained fora long time, After a few days, the
Sultan marched against Bayana and alter settling its affairs he
proceeded towards Ranathambhor and subdued the fort of Alanpur,
From there he detached Taj Khan with 8000 cavalry to lay waste
the territory of Mewar’, The Sultan himself returned via Hadoti,
At Kotah, he removed Rao Sanda, who had owed his allegiance to
Kumbha and in his place Rao Bhan was appointed.
Conquest of Abu (4447 A. D.)
Earlier in V. E. 7404 (437 A. 0.) Kumbha succeeded to
annex the eastern part of the Sirohi state to his kingdom, Due to
constant inroads of the Sultan of Malwa, it became inevitable for
him to. strengthen his western borders also from the possible
invasion of the Sultan of Gujrat. He, therefore, sent his forces under
क्र. Firistah mentions Rampura instead of Runthamblor,
4. Mont-t-Mohmudstaip,
Day-op.cit.p. 60(Tab
80/irsVinod I p. 770323/Sarada-op.eit,
320/0700% Vol. pp. 2V 24/0. N.
87-86,
44. Masic-Malmudshahi p.60/TabILIp,520/Firitah Vel. TV p.24-25.
45. Vamsha-Bhaskar
pe. 78. Vol. वा। p. I953/Makarana Kumbha by the Author
 3
the command of the Dodiya Narasingh, the ancestor of the Chief
of Sardargarh, who capatured this stronghold by defeating the
Devaras, According to the Khyat of Sardargarh, this event took
place in the year V. E, 504 (I447 A. D.). It is also corroborated
from the epigraphic sources, From Abu, no inscription” of
Devara chiefs between the years V.E. 506 (I449 A.D.) to V.E. 524
(I467 A. 00.) is known,
Battles for Hadoti and Ranathambhor (4452: A.D.)
In M52A.D,, Sultan Mahmud Khilji of Malwa smarched
against the chief of the Hadoti, ‘Toda Bhim etc, as they again
agreed to owe thier allegiance to Kumbha, At the same time
Dungarsingh of Gwalior and Mabarana Kumbha** also managed to
invade the town Sahar Nauh, ‘The Sultan afier settling the affairs of
Bayana reached Toda Bhim and besieged it. The Rajputs defended
it, but at last they evacuated the place and the fort was captured by
the Sultan,
In the year A. H. 858 (454 A.D,), when the Sultan of Malwa
was badly indulged in the affairs of the southern Malwa, Kumbha
managed to recapture the territory adjacent to Ranathambhor andof
‘Toda Bhi, Similar attempts were also made by Dungarsingh
Gwalior. The Sultan of Malwa, therefore, marched against the
ruler of Gwalior and made an abortive attempt of its conquest,
Invasions upon Chittor and Ranathambhor
‘On hearing the cceupation of Ranathambhor by Kumbha , the
‘Sultan Makamud Khilji despatched his forces under the command
‘ofhis son Gayas-ud-din and he himself proceeded towards Chittor
detatchment
३० that Kumbha might not be able to reinforce hissuccessf
posted at Ranathamblor. ‘This device proved ul and
Gayas-ud-din succeeded to recapture the territory adjacen Rana-
t to
thambho 9, except the main fort. Shihab Hakim mentions that
ee
6. Sardorgarb-k i-Khyat (MS.) Lf.28. hve BenfoundremAbuof he
fling7.00 ०.of VE काठ
47. Tye शिवMacाhi, vilo७७७४ ge ondimcripti waript
on.y Nig00hTheSchoolDelime Join (4)temptele
e ons
हक T Ree
22 डक 000. Rai lwa
sik. Masiet -Ma hmu dsht ७. 76.
49. 73.
Zafar-ul-Walia 9.
 I32
when the Sultan was at his camp Jiwapur (Perhaps Jawar) the
emissaries of Maharana Kumbha appeared before him and offered a
large quantity of gold in order to avert the approaching calamity.
But the Sultan did not accept as he was anxious to defeat" Kumbha,
Firistah and Nizamuddin™ mention that the coins offered by the
Kumbha had his nane engraved on them. Therefore, the Sultan
rejected this offer. But it does not seem to be correct, No gold coin
of Kumbha has so far been known, ‘The Sultan continued his
march and detatched Mansur-ul-Mulk to lay waste the country,
At this time, the Sultan founded a town namely Khilachipar, where
he stayed for a couple of days. Accordng to Masir-i-Mahmud®®
shahi, Maharan Kumbha sent his representative Parasuram to him
and requested not to transgress the path of loyalty in future.
According to Zafar-ul-Welia the Sultan remained encamped at
Khilachipur® and informed his son Gayas-ud-din, who was then at
Bagalana that he would remain there till Rana Kumbha made
his submission. This proves that this time also the attempts of
Sultan remined abortive,
Invasions upon Ajmer and Mandalgarh (455 A.D )
In the year A, H. 859/I455 A.D. the Sultan of Malwa again
marched against Maharana Kumbha, When reached near Mane
dsaur he sent adetachment under his son Gayas-ud-din and Sai-
fullah Khan to conquer Janagarh, According to Zafar-ul-W lia
this fort was.a temporary residence of Maharana Kumbha, ‘The
Rajputs defended it strongly and a battle was fought with ferocity,
Atlast the Rajputs performed Jauhar and the fort fell in the hands
ofthe Sultan of Malwa, Taj Khan, who was detached to plunder
the territory of Jhain (Distt Sawai Madhopur), hadcome back and
{joined the Sultan near Mandsaur. After the rainy season, the Sultan
marched towards ‘Toda Bhim and invaded* the place, His soldiers,
leaving their horseson the bank of the river, went close to the
50, Masir-i-Mahmudlshakl p. 8.
Sl. Tab IIT pp. 527-528/Firistah Vol. IV p. 22).
52, Masir-i-Mahmudshahip.8.
58. Zafar-al-Walla p. 73.
54. bid p.73-I74,
55. Masir-i-Mahmudshaki pp. 83-84)Zafar-ul-Walla pp. \73-I74,
 488
fort. The Rajput guards posted there evacuated the place in night
and the fort fell in the hands of the Sultan, In the morning accord=
ing the Masir-i-Mahmudshahi a large number of citizens including
merchants appeared before the Sulan and begged (or protection,
While he was there, a party of the chiefs of Ajmer appeared before
him and requested that religious practices had been forbidden
there, He, therefore, derided to march against Ajmer, While he
was on his way, the chief of Badnor named Chita appeared before
him and made a complaint against Maharana Kumbha, who had
captured his fort, ‘The Sultan assured him that he would restore
it to him provided he agree to apostatize from faith. It seems that
he was perhaps a Mewa of Badnor.#* ‘The Sultan extended necessary
help in regaining his Jost territory. He then marched towards Ajmer
and encamped in front of the Daragah, near the lake Anasagar
(Perhaps Dolat-Bag-area).
The fort of Ajmer was under the possession of Maharana
Kumbha, whose representative Raja Gajadharsingh was governing
the place, The Sultan Muhmud soon laid a siegeto the fort,
Gajadharsingh with his Rajputs sallying out from the fort, on four
successive days, fought displying gallantry and prowess, On the fifth
day, Raja Gajadhar was slain while fighting, Immediately after his
death despair prevailed in the Rajputs, who hurriedly retired to the
fort. At the same time, some of the Malwa soldiers also followed
closely to the fugititive Rajputs into the fort and opened the gates.!?
Thus the Sultan suceceded in capturing it, He appointed Saif Khan
‘as the Governor of Ajmer and also got constructed a mosque there,
However, Maharna Kumbha managed to recapture it after a couple
of days.
From Ajmer, the Sultan proceeded towards Mandalgarh and
‘on reaching there, he encamped on the bank of the river Banas near
Triveni, Dividing his army into three flanks, the Sultan placed them
at three different points of the fort. Maharana Kumbha, who was
present there made similar arrangements for defence. ‘Che Rajputs
क्र. Maharana Kumbhwhiscription. vietory However
over Badvor is mentioned
the ame of in5000
verse 224 3of the
‘Therefore ie seemsisepigraphic
that he andmigliterary. sourcesof85
ht be the fuiier Mucer nl nee Chita
कार
87. Masir-i-Mahmud
shaltp95,
 व84

sallying out from the fort, made such a severe counter attack on the
assailants that the Awirs and Wazirs of Malwa requested the
Sultan to relinquish the siege operations and retire to Maodu, U.N,
Day, a historian of emincuce, has admitted that Sultan Mahmud
Khilji, finding it difficult to conquer that fort, returned to Mandu,
In Persian chronicles, the bad state ofcamp equipage and approach
of rainy season are given as the reasons for raising the siege, Bt we
know that the fighting took place only for two days and the
Sultan was already concious of these facts. ‘Therefore, it would be
ridiculous to ascribe them as the reason of the retreat of the Sultan's
army. We may call it as his defeat,
Battles with the Rathors (452-456 A.D)
Asalready stated Maharana Kumbha annexed Mandor to his
state and Ranamal’s son Jodha with his few faithful adherents went
towards the northern Rajasthan and passed a few years there. He
made desulatory raids on Mandor and always lost men and horses.
Itis mentioned in the fiyats of Mewar that Hansnbai, the grand
mother of Kumbha being ofa Rathor scion, was sympathizing with
Jodha in his forlorn state and requested Maharana w restore
‘Mandor to him. Maharana assured her that he would not take any
action, in case Jodha succeeded to recapture it. ‘The queen mother
conveyed this messsage to Jodha, who soun consolidated his position
‘and succeeded to recapture the important out-posts of Marwar
including Mandor in [455 A.D,, by killing Ahada Hingaloo and
other commandants of Mewar, Although, the Klyats of Marwar do
not agree to accept the above anecdote of Hansabai, but it is true
that Kumbha was more powerful, who could have retrieved by
expelling Jodha from Mandor™,
Battles with the Sultan of Nagaur (455-A.D.)
Tn the year A.H. 860(455 A.D.) Sultan Firoz Khan of Nagaur
died and his brother Mujhahid Khanhaving expelled his son Shamsh
Khan, usurped the throne, Shamsh Khan, therefore, immediately
fled to Chittor for getting necessary help from Maharana Kumbha,
On reaching there Maharana agreed to espouse his cause on an
ibidp.05/Tab IKI 9. 520/Firistah Vol. TV p. 228.
59, U.N. Day—opect. p. 86.
60, Maharana Kumbha by the Author Chapter.V,
 व85
understanding that he was to dilapidate a part of the battlements of
fort of Nagaur in token of his submission. According to Nizamu-
ddin Ahmad, the reason for keeping such a condition was to
wreak vengeance of the defeat of Maharana Mokal at the hands of
Firoz Khan. But this version is totally incorrect and can be refuted
on the basis of the Narena inscription of Mujhahid Khan of AH. 840
(48% A.D), which mentions the victory of Mokal. Maharana
Kumbha invaded Nagaur and succeeded to reinstate Shamsh Khan
there, Mujhahid Khan being unable to resist ran ‘away and took
shelter in Malwa,
he relations between Maharana Kumbha and Shamsh Khan
could not remain cordial, as the latter did not allow a part of his
battlement to be broken in token of his submission. At the same
time he also improved his fortifications and made necessary prepara,
tions to meet Kumbha, All these developments enraged Kuinbha,
who again marched against Nagaur, Shamsh Khan, unable to cope
with the Mewar army, immediately left for Ahmadabad for obtaining
reinforcement, leaving his army under the command ofa senior
officer, On reaching Ahmadabad, the Sultan Quibwdedin Ahmad of
Gujrat conferred many favours upon him and also agreed to marry
his daughter. He despatched his army, under the command of
Malik Gadai and Raja, Ramchandra, ( reinforce the garrison of
Naganr.!! But the combined forces of Nagaur and Ahinadabad were
completely defeated.
Maharana Kumbha, thereupon, successfully ook possession of
the fort of Nagaur, demolished its bastons and extracted its treasures,®
According to Zafar-ul-Walia, a large number of Muslims were slain
and many of them were made captives, At the same time, Nagaur
together with its adjacent territory of Sapadalaksha was captured
by Maharana Kumbha, However, this territory: was subsequently
returned to the Sultan, who agreed to owe his allegiance to him,
Gl. Bayley—op. et. pp. I48-49/Zafar-ul-Walla p. ,
@, Tab गा 9. 290.
63. Epigeaphia Indiea Arabian and Persian supplement 923 p. |.
A. Zofarcal-Walla 9. \/Bayley—op.cit. p.I48-L49/Tab IT p. 230/Rieistah
Vol. TV p. 4
65, Zafur-al-Waliap 44/The Kirtistambha Tascription of Chittor verses t8 (०2३
 86

Invasion by the Sultan of Gujrat (456 A.D.)

On hearing this disaster, the Sultan of Gujrat was very much
excited and marched against Kumbha in order to avenge the
ravaging of Nagaur, When he reached in the vicinity of Abu,
the Devara chief appeared before him and requested to extend
necessary help in restoring Abu, which was forcibly seized by
Maharana Kumbha, ‘The Sultan afier appointing Mal ik Shaban
Immad-ul-Mulk to wrest the fort, proceeded towords™ Sirohi, the
ruler ofwhich place was defeatecl, ‘he Sultan at this time came to
Know about the defeat of his army sent against Abu, ‘Therefore,
he gave orders to call Malik Shaban back, He also detached contin-
gents to lay waste the territory of Godawar and to demolish the
temples, When he came near Kumbhalgarh, Maharana Kumbha
came out from the fort and attacked the Gujrat army, ‘The Sultan
failed to conquer the fort, and was compelled to retreat, The
Persian Chronicles!” mention that Mahrana Kumbha sued for peace
‘and offered a large sum in species and jewels, The Zafareul-Walia
mentions that he had agreed to pay tribute to the Sultan of Gujrat
and reimbursed the loss (o the Sultan of Nagaur by paying 20,000
Asharjis, But all these accounts are far from wuith, ‘The Sultan
totally failed in this campaign and his attempts proved abortive,
Invasion by the Sultan of Malwa (487 A. D.)
‘The Sultan Mahmud Khilji although failed to capture Mandal-
gach, but by constant efforts he was successful in eastablishing hie
authority over the area around Ranathambhor, In order to have
an effective contro) over Hadoti and Ranathambhor, he endeavoured
to annex the territory of Uparamal including Mandalgarh also to
his state, For this purpose he marched against Mewar on Dec. 26,
7466 A.D, and soon reached Mandalgarh, ‘This time he made a
personal survey of all important hillocks around the fort and chose
the western®® hillock as the base. He ordered to clear the jungle and
at the same time he left sufficient army to fight with the Rajputs
6. ‘The name of the GhiefofAbu is given as Gita Devara by Nizamuddin
(Tab IIT p, 284), bue Kumbha wrested Abu from Chunda Devara (For
etal se Mohardna Kimbna ny the Author pp. 79-00)
67. Bayley-op.
कद Vol.et,Vp.p. Aloka.
(49-30/ZafarulWalla ila
pu il-I2/Eab TIT pps» 28-30
68, Masir-Matmudshakp.05
 प99
sallying out from the fort, The fort was besieged and Manjanigs
‘were placed on the hillocks. The Rajputs defended the fort by disp-
laying prowess and gallantry and immediately repaired the damages
caused to the ramparts, However, the Sultan succeceded in making
a breach in the ramparts of
outer fortification compelling the besice
gees to evacuate it and take shelter in the inner fort, ‘The Sultan
managed to damage the water reservoir by concussion of the Manja-
nigs and also filled inthe ditch round the outer walls, This device
proved very successful and the garrison inside the fort cried for water,
‘They now decided to fight the tast battle by coming out from the
inner fort. Most of them were slain and the fort came in the posses-
sion® of the Sultan on Oct, 28, 467 A.D., who remained there for
20 days and made necessary appointmet.ts of various officers, The
temple in the fort was razed to ground and a mosque was cons-
tructed there. After making necessary preparations, the Sultan
proceeded towards Chhittor, He also despatched his forces under his
sons, namely Gayas-ud-din and Fidai Khan, towards Kumbhalgarh
and Bundi respectively. At this time, Maharana Kumbha was badly
engrossed in the battles with the Sultan of Gujrat. Therefore,
he could not send reinforcement there. However, he managed to
recapture the fort only afier a couple of days,
The invasions by the Sultans of Malwa and Gujrat
As already stated, the Sultans of Malwa and Gujrat, the
traditional enemies of Mewar, entered into an offensive alliance
against Maharana Kumbha, It was agreed between them? that
Godawar and the south western Mewar, including Chittor, contiguous
to Gujrat, were to be attached to Gujrat, while the central Mewar,
Ajmer, Uparamal, Hadoti etc, to Malwa, They now decided
to make simultaneous attacks. The Sultan" Qutbud-din of Gujrat
first invaded Abu" in I467 A.D., but failed to conquer it, It is also
corroborated by I4 inscriptions of V.E. I5I6 (4458 A.D.)""4 which
mention Kumbha as the ruler of that place, According to Zafar-ul-
09. ibidpp. 86-88,
70. Bayley-op. elt. pp. 450-I54/Firistah Vol. IV pp. 4-42,
70 THAIKp.289/Fsaah TV pp AA8/ZafrolHllp 2/AMla-t-Amad
9:88.
TAs te १५१४ बचे आपाढ़ fe ॥ OW eae geet fect |
{[Maharana-Kimbla by the Author p. 346°]
488
the Sultan, then marched against Sirohi and carried pillage
activities there, ‘Che Gujrat army thence proceeded towards Kum-
phalgath, Although Kumbha was willing to mect with Sultan
Mahinud first, but Gnding Quib-ud-din was approaching rapidly,
he at once advanced to contest with him. As regards the details of
the battle, the Persian chronicles do not agree with each other. But
this time also the attempts of Sultan wo defeat Kumbha proved
futile, The account of these chronicles that Maharana purchased
peace by making a payment of the huge quantity of gold is far from
the truith,™
‘The invasion by the Sultan of Gujrat (458 A.D.)
‘Maharana Kumbha invaded Nagaur in A, H, 802 (458 A.D.)
and carried out depredations by defeating the Sultan. When this
news reached Ahmadabad, the Sultan Qutb-ud-din was then badly
‘engaged in a course of debauchery and took a smonth to make himself
ready. The Gujrat forces, however, marched against Kumbhalgarh,
On reaching near the fort, the Sultan found it difficult to reduce
it. Therefore, he contented himself only to plunder the country,
According to Zofar-ul-Walia, Maharana Kumbha sent cmissaries at
the camp Sarkhej" and begged, pardon, But this account does
not seem to be correct, The Sultan could succeed only to plunder
whatever wealth, goods, and animals he could lay hands on,
‘The Sultan of Malwa made an abortive attempt to capture
Kumbhalgath in the year A.H, 808 (490 A.D.). He detached his
son Gayas-u-din, with «large army, But when it was known that
it could not be reduced easily, he left the idea and returned to”
Mandu, Again in the year A, H. 87I (407 A, D,) the Sultan of
Malwa marched against Jawar" in Mewar and demolished the tem-
ples, However, Maharana Kumbha compelled the Sultan to retreat,
In fact after 459 A. D_ the pressure of the inroads of the Sultans of
Malwa and Gujrat was camparatively reduced, and no important
battle was fought with them, However, the Sultan of Malwa
succeeded in conquering Ranathambhor, Nainawa, Toda, Tonk etc.
का शा
Vir Vinodpp,46-47.
2-899/Sarada-op. et, p. 02/Maharana Kumbha bybg the
29. Sata into,
WB, 869. e033.
74, Masir-t-Mahmudshahip,90,
 489
A good number of the colophones of various MSS. found from this
area corroborate the same,
In V. 8, I625 (468 A, D,), Kumblu’s lite was cut short by
his son Uda, at Kumbhalgarh,
Contribution towards Art and Architecture
Maharana Kumbha’s reign had witnessed great architectural
activities, Due to the repeated invasions of the Sultans of Malwa
and Gujrat in Mewar, he hadlto strengthen the defences by cons-
tructing forts having massive ramparts. Out of84forts of Mewar,
82 are said to have been constructed by him, His state architects
Jaita and Mandan attended various construction works, The
details of the various architectural and sculptural activities attended
during the period are given below :
Chittor
During the invasion of Ala-ud-din Khili, most of the impor«
tant edifices were molested and some of them were also razed to
ground, Therefore, renovation of these temples was required to be
attended urgently, Maharana Mokal renovated the temple of
Samiddheshwar and his son, Kumbha had also undertaken the
repairs of the temple of Kumbhashyam2 It is believed that it
‘was originally constructed during the 8th century A.D, and itssuper=
structural part was mainly renovated during the time of Kumbha,
Several Jain temples were also got repaired. ‘The Shringar Chane
wari" temple and Mahavir Prasad temple were attended by Bhan-
hari Bela and Osawal Gunaraj respeetively. Tn front of Banvir=
wall there are old palaces where in Maharana Kumbha made several
additions and alterations. It is a matter of great interest that the
kking who had constructed a beautsful Airtistambh and had patronited
the construction of the Ranakpur temple, showed little interest in his
own residential matters, These palaces have got Tripoliya, Audience
Hall, Ganesh temple, separate palaces for the queens and heit appa
rent ete,
76, day
Mabarana Kumbhahalf
ofthe bright hadofinstalled a few4505.
Magha V.E. iconsThis
in this temple
shows that heon had
the com-
I5th
pleteditsrepairs inthat year.
77. The ShrinagarChanwari was renovated in VE 505 by Bhandhari Bela.
Itscems that this work continued upto V.E. i9i3, when some icons were
installed in that year.
440
‘Apart from these renovations, Malarana Kumbha himself
sponsored several splendid architectural projects in Chittor. The
Kirlistambh also known as the tower of victory is one of the important
monuments constructed by Kumbha, It has got nine storeys with 227
staireases, Tis construction was started in the year VE. 495 and
completed in V-E. 525. It is I22 ft. high and its width at” the base
js 30 ft, It is decorated with several icons of gods, goddesses ete,
Fergusson says that though Kufub Minar of Delhi is longer and loftier,
jt is a inferior to the Kirlistembh in design and execution, Architece
tural ornamentation and profuse decoration are its chief features, It
was built by Maharana Kumbha’s chief architect Jaita, whose
inscriptions” xanging from V. E. 490 to 546, are incised in
‘The outer fortification of Chittor with its several gates is
attributed to Maharana Kumbha. It is believed that there wasa
direct route from Chittor Talahati to the Rampole gate on the fort.
But Kumbha got constructed a circuitous road with several gates,
‘The Gomukh fountain was also embellished with several sculptures.
‘A colossal icon of Vishnu was installed there just near the Shiva-
tinga, Above this fountain, a Jain temple known as Bharitripuriya-
Vihar was constructed in V.B, 56.
Kumbhalgarh
‘The fort is defended by the series of the massive ramparts,
atilements and bastons constructed upon the slopes of the hill.impre- Its
situation is very important and it was always regarded as_an
gnable fort which was built by Mabarana Kumbha on the ruins of
the ancient fort namely Machhindrapur, On the surface of it, there
js another hillock named Katargath, There are some impor-
tant monuments in its lower part constructed during the reigntha,of
Miharana Kumbha, Among these, the temples of Nilakan
‘Tripurushdeva, Bawan Jinalaya, Mamadeva anda Vedi are worth
quoting Several icons were installed by Maharana Kumbha in
a. Matar
Mahorana Kuba2%bythe
Kari
Authorof pp.किए 274-279/
cercnony aracture Yrwat,कणdoneChioronthe दिफेp . हकday
Of the bright hail of Magha VE. 505.
79. Maha rana by theiptioAutho
Kumbbala inscr r pp. 34398-3
to 94.
42.
है: ‘he' Kirs tamb n verses 290/VarwasadadoneVol.on VIXtheNo,T3tht
Makeranirhe "conscerntion ceremony of thisto fort
£0. Mahorin a Kumbha. by the Author pp. 235
hy of dark half of Ghaitea V.E. 545,
 0)
the Mamadeva temple. The Yagna Vedi is a good specimen of
Hindu architecture. Maharana Kumbha also constructed the
palaces on the summit of the hillock namely Katargarh with a
temple of Chamanda,
Ekdingji
"Flewell known ancient temple of Bklngi in situated 4. miles
away from Udaipur, Among the religious shrines of Mewar, it
deserves special mention, As already stated, the rulers of Mewar had
paid homage to this deity regularly, Maharana Kumbha, renovated
the main temple and also built a temple known as Kumbh-Swami
having great architectural skill, Several icons of Vishnu in different
forms were also carved in it, It is believed that it was built by his
architect Mandan, For the maintenance of the main shrine, the
Mabarana also granted 4 villages namely Nagada, Katharavana,
Malakakhedi and Bhimana,
Ranakpur temple
It is situated about 4 miles away from Sadari (Godawar) in
temple is very vast and rather ambitious to
cope up by a single financer. It was got constructed by Shresthi
Dharana, on the model of the Chaumukha temple of Siddhapur
(Gujrat), Its construction was started in V.L, 494 and its conse-
ration ceremony was done in V.E, 496 by Som Sundar Suri of
Tapagachehha, when only a part of the structure was completed, The
construction work continued for several years, The name of its archi«
tect was Deepa.
‘The temple has got 4 faces on its all the four sides, In front
of these, there are beautiful Mandapas, known as Ranga Mandapa,
Meghanada Mandopa and Nali Mandap, ‘The western Meghanada
‘Ma’ dapa is superior to other Mandapas in architectural beauty and
looks impressive. In all its four sides, the smallshrines known as
Ghar-Khunt ke Mandir were constructed. ‘The Sonana marble stones
were used in the entire temple and the sculptor exhibited his crafts.
manship in fine carving, He had not only carried the traditional
छू. Kumbha
Rejothon pb.Bart
29-2 specat umber on Kubla) pp 5-I6/Malarana
88, ‘The
very Ronokpur-Stavan
interesting accountof ofpoet
ts Meh, and theceremony.
consceration Som Sobhaeya Kavyacontain
“details 36० M.A. Dhaky’s paper published it Western Indian Art
4985-66.
442
style known as Maru Gurjar, but also used vegetal and geometric
figures, which seems to be an impact of Islam. The ceilings and pillars
have fine carvings. The Padmashilas, Lumbikas etc. of the ceilings are
the best specimen of temple architecture of the I6th century A.D.
Achalagarh
On the peak of Mount Abu, Maharana Kumbha had fortified
a citadel on the ancient ruins. Besides palaces, the tanks known as
Satan Bhadawwa were also constructed there, This fort has 4 principal
gates, Inthe Achaleshwar temple, Maharana Kumbha got cons-
tructed a temple known as Kumbha-Swami and repaired (he
Mandatini Kund, During his reign, the Kharatargachchha-Vasahi
in Delawara was got built by the Jain Sh esthis of Darada-caste*® in
V.E.6I5. Maharana Kwnbha also remitted several taxes known
as Balai, Rakhawali, Mundik, etc to be levied at Abu, as is evident
from his Delawara Jain temple inscription ofV.E 606, An interes
ting equestrian®® statue in bronze of God Kalankis’ son Dharmaraj,
now preserved in the Jain temple of Achalagarh, contains the inscrip-
tions of V.E. 506, which mention Kumbha as a ruler of Kumbhal-
garh fort, It proves that even after his death and during the
reign of his adversary Devaras, this statue was installed, which is a
sign of his popularity there,
‘Maharana Kumbha also got constructed the forts at Vasant-
garh, Badnor, Mahor, etc on the old ruins, Most of the temples of
Delawara (Mewar) were co:apleted during the I5th century A.D,
Jn this way, it can be said that Mabarana Kumbha’s reign witnes-
sed. a renaissance in the art and architecture. During this time, we
find the use of the traditional style as well as the new motifs,
Kumbha as a scholar
After the death of Parmar king Bhoj, Kumbha was the only
Rajput ruler, who had patronised the art and learning toa great
extent. He himselfwasa well versed in various branches of indology
and took profound interest in producing the works of substantial
85. Maharana Kunbha by the Autor pp. 269-290
‘eg १९६६ मीगसर सुद १४ थी मेदपाट देशे कूभखमेर महादुरें थी राणा कु भकर्ण विजय-
राज्ये कलकी saree पुत्र धर्मंशाज दरा राजा चोमुजजी ने पूजने हारा पता भार्या जोतू ge
auger कारापिते” Ia fiet in the year V-E, ]866, ‘Maharana Kumblia was net
aleve and hisgrandson Simga was on throne. Even thea, mentioning
his nameasa rulerofthe pluce proves that he wasvery populir there,
 443
value, Of these works, the Sangiteraj, a best exposition of ancient
Indian music, was completed” in VE. 509 at Chittor. The Kirtis-
tambha inscription also refers to the composition of this work by
Kumbha, Although the authorship of this work is attributed to
‘Maharana Kumbha, but itseems that it might have been composed
bby some South Indian Pandit, who on the death of Kumbha retired
to the court of some king, named Kalasena, as the epithets of Kumbha,
mentioned at various places in this work were subsequently ascribed
to Kalasena with slight modifications, Dr. Brijmohan Jawalia™, has
‘attempted to prove that this Kalasena ruled over a small territory
near Nasik, The Sangilaraj is divided into the 5 parts known as
the Ratna-Koskas, Another important work, the Rasika Priya com=
mentary on the Gila Govind of Jaydeva"® is held in very high esteem.
by the scholars, ‘The commentator had attempted to make a com=
plete and perfect musical setting of the various Prabandlas for the
first time, He was also well conversant with the Saugitaraj, as he
hhad referred to the same at various places, Another important works
attributed to Kumbha are the commentary on the Glandi Shataka of
Ban Bhatta, Kamraj-Ratisar, four dramas, Sangita-Karma Deepaka,
Sangita Ratnakar etc. Itis, of course true that Kumbha remained
badly engrossed in various administrative matters and it was quite
impossible tor him to spare sufficient time for writing a voluminous
treatise on music. But on the whole, the interest shown by him in
patronising the scholars wasa matter of great value. [६ remained a
common tradition to ascribe the literary works written by the various
scholars to their patrons, We find a hint of ft also in the introductory
-verses of the commentary on Gita-Govind.
Among other scholars® who had flourished during this time,
Mahesh, and Sutradhar Mandan are worth mentioning. Kanha
Vyas might have versified the Ekling Makatmya and the Kumbhal-
न 22062
Ae ca Soeof. abi ae een9 CraageKat काल of Soniaa it i
wet
aquvdeemgieeray’,Thisaho coro >borates hi
this work was com=
pleted at Chittor,
88. Dr. Mrij Mohan Jowaliya’s papers published in Vishambhara (Bikaner),
89, Dr, Premlata Sharma—Sangliara/Vol.I (iniroduction).
99, Mahara Kumbha by the Author pp. 209-222.
dt
gath inscription, Atri and Mahesh of Dashpura caste composed the
Kirtistambha inscription. Sutradhar Mandan compiled several
‘books on ancient Indian traditions of art and architecture,
Important Shresthi Families
Among the important shresthis flourished during this period,
Dharana, Surang, Sahanapal, Visal, Gunaraj ete, deserve special
mention, Dharana was the Porwal by caste, who settled at Madari,
where he got constructed the splendid temple of Ranakpur, During
the famine of VE l495, he spent benevolently. His elder brother
Ratna settled at Mandu, whose descendant Salig, later on
constructed the Jain temple on the summit of Achalagarh in
VE, 605, Navalakha Ramdeva's sons namely Sahana and Sarang
were the residents of Delawara, Sahana worked as the Prime-
minister during the time of Maharana Mokal and Kumbha. Sarang
constructed the temple of Adbhutaji at Nagada, Gunaraj renovated
the temple of Mahavir at Chittor, Bhandari Bela, a follower of
Kiaratargachchha, attended the repairs of Shringar-Chanwari temple
of Chittor.
Inscriptions
More than 00 inscriptions of the reign of Maharana Kumbha
have been known so fur, ‘The earliest one is dated, VE, 400
(2484 AD.) found from the village Padarada, ‘The Delawara inscrip-
tion of VE. 40! (434 AD.) mentions the levy of the taxes of 4
Tankas for the worship of Dharma Chintamani temple, ‘The copper
plate grant of VE. 494, was edited by me, It mentions the donation
of some land by Maharana Kumbha, The Mahavit-Prasad-
Prasasti of VE. 496 furnishes a valuable informayion about the
rulers from Hamir to Kumbha and the Jain saint Som Sundar Suri
together with Shresthi Gunaraj, D. R, Bhandarkar edited this inscrip-
tion on the basis of a M.S, copied in VE, 508, However, I have
been able to collect a big fragment of this inscription, The Ranakpur
inscription of VE, 496 contains a detailed genealogy of the rulers
of Mewar together with the various victorious engagements of
Mabarana Kumbha, The Kadiya stone inscriptions of VE. 600
records the account of
‘Tilha Bhatta, who was honoured by Maharana
Kumbha, In Abu, there are few inscriptions of VE. 506, engraved
at village Mach, Delawara, Gomukh, etc, These inscriptions refer
 M45
to the grants made by Maharana Kumbha, for the temples of Achala~
garh, Delawara and Vashishtashrama, The Delawara temple inscrip-
tion is,however, important, as it mentions the remission of the
pilgrimage taxes, ‘The Kumbhalgarh inscription, originally engraved
‘on several slabs, contains a detailed history of the rulers of Mewar.
Recently few more fragments of this inscription were also collected
while cleaning the debris near Mamadeva temple, In its frst and
second slabs the geographical account of Ghittor, Eklingji, Kumbhal-
garh etc, is given, The third and fourth slabs of this inscription are
important, as a detailed history from Gubadatta to Maharana
Kumbha is mentioned in them, In its verses 283 00 270 manifold
activities of Maharana Kumbha are described, ‘The Kirtistambha
inscription of Chittor, bearing no date, was versified by Atri and
‘Mahesh, It has a detailed account ofthe rulers from Hamir to
Kumbha,
Kumbha ruled over Mewar for a period of 85 years, His reign
witnessed immense prosperity, In the field of art and architecture,
his contribution is noteworthy, There are a few rulers, during whose
reign such splendid edifices in large number were built, At the same
time no medieval Rajput ruler has patronised a good number of
scholars like Maharana Kumbha. His most momentous work was (o
repulse the repeated invasions of the Sultans of Malwa and Gujrat, It
‘was for the first time that these Sultans had to sign a treaty, against a
Hindu ruler and simultaneously invaded, But Kumbha made their
attempts abortive, In this way, he was a great ruler,

OL, For details of these inscriptions see Maharana Kumbha by the Author
(Chapter XI), where Thave given a detailed note,
(2) Maharana Raimal
After Mabarana Kumbha’s assassination in L408 A.D, his eldest
son Uda also known as Uda Halyara succeeded, who ruled fora
short period of 5 years, His 2 copper plates of V.E, 3626 (409 A.D,)
were recently noticed by the Superintendent Archaeology and
‘Museum Deptt. Udaipur, In order to win over the support of the
rulers of Sirohi and Marwar, he had concluded settlements with them,
by granting some land, Itseems thar the territory of Abu iw
eastern Sirohi conquered by Kumbha, was handed over to the
Devaras in V. E, 626 (408.A,D,) by him, ‘This fact is partially
proved from the inscriptions found in Abu. We do not find
any inscription of the Devaras from there, between the years
V. 8, 506 and V, 8, 524, The inscriptions of V, 8, 626 engraved
in the Pitalahar' temple of Abu, mentions the name of Devara
Dungar singh as the ruler of the place. His futher Devara Chunda
was ruling upto V., I60l, as is evident from the Mungathala
temple inscription, This proves that Devaras succeeded to recapture
this territory immediately after the death of Kumbha, But the policy
of appeasementdid not give fruitful results, Khema, the younger
brother of Kumbha, was only the main supporters of Uda, 4 group
of the chiefs of Mewar did not favour him and espoused the preten
sions of his younger brother Raimal, who was then living at Idar,
Battles between Uda and Raimal
The disgruntled chiefs of Mewar collected an immense army
and informed their intention to Raimal, who soon reached
Mewar via Khed Brahma and Rishabhdeva, Maharawal Somdas
of Dungarpur, according to an inscription of V.E. 680, was present
with his army in Mewar? inthe year V, E.529. He also seems to
have gone to help Raimal, A battle was fought at Jawar between
Ho १४२४ Me GroGo ७ शति रोहिष्यां अबूदगिरो देवडा शरोराजधरताथर देवडा ogee
विजय राज, हे pias
[Jayant=Vi jay—Arbud-Prachin-Jaln-Lekh-SandohNo, 407.]
2. oer भरी सोमदास भेवाडि कटबुओ ert gor तिहां सबत्‌ २६ वर्ष Seer ae earner
शी सूर्य पर हु | लिहां देव आगलि गाव रेलडा उदक कौधु।
{Un-published Inscription of ४.७. 590.]
 कद
the two rival parties, The Ekling temple inscription of V. E. 545
(488 A, 0.) metions that a fierce battle was fought at village
Dadimpur in which Khema, the main supporter of Uda, was® slain, Tt
records that by throwing the arrows like the showers of rain resulted
ina river of blood in which Khema suffered the fate ofa tree stand-
ing on its bank, Khema’s death gave a death blow to the hopes of
Uda, He could not resist the advancing forces of Raimal* and was
repeatedly defeated in the battles of Jai and Panagarh, Consequ-
ently he hud (७ vacate the fort of Chior alsv, which was occupied
by the latter, ‘he Ekling temple inscription of ५.३, 645 (488 A.D)®
mentions that Raimal with his numerous swift horses succeeded to
conquer Chitrakutn, Phinking Kumbhalgarh as invineible, Uda moved
there, It was an irony of fate that his own supporters shut the gates of
the fort, when he was out on a hunting excursion, This compelled
him to leave Mewar. His family staying in this fort was allowed to
accompany him and the fort was handed over to Raimal, We have
no definite information as to what had happened to Uda, after his
movement from Kumbhalgarh. It is mentioned in some of the chro-
jes that he went to Malwa to seek support from the Sultan,’
while others narrate that he resided for some days at Sojat and
eventually moved towards Bikaner,
Invasion by the Sultan of Malwa
Sultan Gayas-udlin (469-60 A, D,), the son of Mahmud
Khilji, succeeded his futher. ‘The Persian Chronicles depict him as a
pleasure seeking ruler, confined in his seraglio, leaving the affairs? of
the state in the hands of his son Nasir-ud-din. However, on the basis
ofthe various contomporary epigraphic evidence, it can be proved
that he undertook the arduous military campaigns against the ruler
of Mewar perhaps to espouse the cause of Uda. He, in the year
V.E. 680 (I478 8. 0.) invaded Dungarpur and devastated the
town, This fact is mentioned in an inscription of V, 9, 630 (473
3. BI. p.I2i verte.
4. VireVinod p. 837/0jha I 9. 326,
5, B.l.p. I2] verse65.
6. ibidverse 66.
GA. Surya vamsha (MS) Lt. 44(a)/Amar-Kavyw-Vamshaval Lf, I9-20,
7. Tab IIT pp. 548-46/Firistah—Vol. IV. pp. 236-237/U, N, Day—Medieval
Mavla pp. 223-225.
48
A.D, of Rampole gate of Dungarpur, which records that valiant
citizens namely Rata and Kala, met death, while defending against
the invasion of Sultan Ghiyas-ud-din Khilji of Malwa, ‘The Sultan
passed through Ahad, Bklingji, Delawara and besieged Chittor, ‘The
ताज temple inscription of V. B, 545 (I488 A. D,) gives a detailed
account ofthebattles, According (० this Raimal’s! commander of Gaur
race (Whose name is not given) displayed conspicuous gallantry and
killed a good number of assailants from a baston of the fort, which on
his death was named after him as GaurShringa, In order to com-
memorate his heroic devds, the Maharana also setup his statue the
Zahirul-Mulk, the commander! of the Malwa forces was slain
with several other officers, ‘The Sultan was badly defeated and was
‘compelled to retreat,
Like his father Mahmud Kihilji, Gayas-ud-din also endeavoured
to take Mandalgarh (ort in his possession, He, therefore, despatched
forces under the command of Zafar Khan, ‘The Maharana also made
necessary preparations to meet hin, He collected an inuuense army
and proceeded towards Mandalgarl, ‘Theinvading armywas budly
defeated and was ubliged to retreat. ‘The Mewar army pursued the
retreating” army upto Kherabad iu Hadoti and plundered it,
‘These repeated victories over the foress of Malwa gave a good name
to Maharana,
Eastern Rajasthan
Maharana had to face the adverse internal situation, ‘The
Minas had threatened the security in Godawar. ‘The Mers created
troubles in Badnor and at the same time the intestine feuds fomen-
ted by Khema’s son Surajmal aggravated the difficulties, ‘Therefore,
8. झंबद १४३० बर्षे-बालिआ माता खुत रात wre मंडयाचल युरक्षाण tardy anf...
rege भाषिPotsतइ--बीरततेन
(7220 भनुपालाताof--
Gute tucrbion प्राण छांडी....
Dungerpuc]
9, कश्बिदुरोरों
Tree बीरवर्यः
ve als ११४ पुदमृस्मित ea ree तस्मादेतनताम
०४११८०१५०१०११/५५५५४।।४ कामबभार ७४४
I0, tbld verse 72/Surya Vamsha (MS) Lf. 45(a).
वी, bid verses 77-78)Amar-Kavya-Vamshavall (MS) Lt. 9-20,
IIA, For details see the folowing papers ofthe Author
4) The Solankies of Toda published in Sambodhi Vol. II No. 4 pp. 77-78
(2) Sultan Gayaseud-din andRajasthan published in the Journal of the
Ra jasthan InstituteofHistorical Research,
(8) Biihasika-Sodl-Sangraha pp. 22-30.
 49
he could not pay sufficient attention to aggrandize himself at the cost
of the territory of other states, ‘The fort of Ranathambhor was under
the possession of Sultan Gayas-ud-din of Malwa, whose younger
brother Kadam Khan was governing there, In the colophenes of
various! MSS, his name is mentioned as Ala-udidin, From V. E,
533, we do not find his name and instead of him only the name of
Sultan, who secms to have taken it under his direct control, is
available, The Sultan in I482 A,D, succesfully repulsed the invasion
of Bahlol Lodi who invaded Alanpur near Ranathambor,
‘Two important Rajput principalities of Toda’ and Bundi were
also successfully annexed to his state by Sultan Gayasudedin, The
chiefs of both of these places, being expelled from their states, took
reluuge in Mewar, where suflicient Jagirs, were bestowed upon them,
According to a colophne of MS, Labdhisar'4 of V.E. 65! (404 A.D.)
the village Pur (Distt, Bhilwara) was in the possession of Solanky
chief named Surtan of ‘Toda, Subsequently he was posted at Badnor
to quell the disturbances of Mers. Rao Surtan’s daughter ‘Tara was
very peerless in beauty. ‘The price of her hand asked by her father
was the possession of ‘Toda, Maharana’s son Jaimal was slain, as
he insisted Surtan to give away his daughter in marriage!® to him
and rudely behaved with him, However, Kunwar Prithviraj, the
eldest son of Muharana succeeded to recapture Toda by defeating
its governor Lalla Khaw and handed it over to Surtan, who espoused
his daughter Tara to him,
‘The Hadoti remained under the possesson of the Sultanof
Malwa, ‘The Guruguna Ratnakar Kaya", composed in V.B, I64l
2 The Colophones of Sidia-Chakra Katha Komud! (MS) of V.E.I5I5,copied at
‘Nainawa, Pradyumna-Charita (MS) of V.E.i5\8 copied at Nainawa, Katan-
Vii. Mala528 (MS)
tot of atVB,NainawaI8L¢ coped st Tonk, Naya Kumar-Chartta (MB) of
Wambbor, copled and Probodha-Mata
mention Ala-udedia as a ruler of this tract,(M8) [Sambodhi
copied. at Rane
Val II
No. 4 pp. 77-87.
I3. The colophones of MSS Adipurana (५.४, 537)0;Sukumal Charita ५.8, 4537
रद
अब V8 [bid
of the plate 388 copied at ‘Feds, describe Soltan Gayatsidedin. aa a
M4, ey ११५१ बर्षे आपाद युदि १३ मंगल बासरे deerme शरीमेषपाटदेशे श्रीपुर सगे श्री
जहा चालुतय Ae श्री राजाधिराज ae ae [id]
5, Amar-Kavya Vamshayali (MS) Lf. 20,
I6. हाशावटीमालवदेशनायफ भ्रजाप्रियरमद yout
[Guru-Guna-Ratnakar Kavya Canto VLE verse 8.)
 50
(7484 A, 0.) mentions Hadoti, as a part and parcel of Malwa, ‘The
Colophones of Bhava Sangraka of V.E, ]#4 copied at Kotah and
Sukumal Charita of V. B. 645 copicd!? at Baran, contain
name of the ruler as Gayasud-din. Rao Bhan retained a Jagir theof
Bhilawara town!®asis evident from the colophone of V. i, In of
Shatakarmopadesha Mala, Soon he seemed to have captured his
paternal state and returned at Bundi,
‘The Sultan of Malwa also succeeded to annex the
Chakasu, Sikar, Narena, Sambhar, Amber, Ajmer ete, to tehis state, In
M485 A.D. Ajmer was ruled by Ulga-i-Azam:
whol? visited with 700 troops and 20 elephants Quelu gh-Muaxzam,
to Schor (M.P.)
order to celebrate the marriages of his sons. Subsequently whenjn
Mallu Khan was the Governer at Ajmer,#® Kunwar Prithviraj invaded
and plundered it. He is said to have got constructed a citadel on a
hill near Ajmer.
Prithviraj
Mabarana Raimal’s eldest sen Prithviraj
fighter. He took active parts in several engagementswas anda alwa
very brave
ys prow
ferred! adventurous and perilous enterprises, He remained inch
of Godawar with his headquarter at Kumbhalgath for a consider arge
time. The Nadlai inscription of V. E. वहा (000A,D,)! able
mention this fact, He exerted himself to allay the disturba also
Godawar and restored order there, He also got construc nces in
in Kumbhalgath fort and named it after his wife as ted a haston
His engagements with Surajmal and his allies are the Tara Burj,
length. Sarangieva to whom Maharana granted often quoted at
Bhesarodgarh became his opponent, as he expelled a good Jagir of
Place, Both Surajmal and Sarangdeva, after taki him fiom that
military help from other chiefs invaded Chitt ng the necessary
fought on the bank of the river Gambhiri, wheror.ein A battle wis
the invading
IT. De. Kasaliwal—Prashasti Sangraha 9. 95
४. १६
de०६ p देचैतुदि १३ शत वाधर े--राजाधिराज थीभाण विजयराम्थे भीलोक प्रात
em
(Oe, Keslial~Rajstho e-ftn-Bhandaron-Ki-Sueht Vol.
9. Bpigraphis-Indica (Aran-Kbian
20: Se and Persian Supplement] l96¢ Xp,p, 6 72.
nta
BL संबद १३० ae Rare at शुकत प्ष..राणा श्रीरावम
महाकुमार श्रीवृष्वीराजावुशासनाद [The Nadlai Insc त विभय मात आज्य
ription} 3५७०४
 II
army was badly defeated, After battle, Prithviraj dared to visit the
camp of his adversaries and enquired about the wounds sustained in
the Lattle. ‘This shows his sanguinary character, On other occasions
also, he visited frequently the abodes of Surajmal, without fearing
‘any retributive measures* against his life,
Invasion by Sultan Nasir-ud-din
After the death of Sultan Gayas-ud-din, his son Nasinud-din
succeeded, after defeating his other rivals, In 603 A.D. Sultan
marched against Chittor, Surajial and his allies might havethe assiste
him, But the Sultan got no success. In Persian chronicles®® itisd
mentioned that Raimal with his chiefs agreed tw owe his allegiance
to the Sultan and offered a large sum as a tribute,
also said to have given a daughter ofa Rajput, whose‘Thename
Sulton was
as Jiwandas by Firistah and Bhawanidas by Nizamuddin, to isbegiven
in his seraglio. She was afterwards named as Chittori Begam, kept But
all these aegounts are far from truith. Tn fact the Sultan was badly
defeated, who was compelled to retreat without any success,
Rama Bai
Rama Bai was the daughter of Maharana Kumbha, who was
espoused (o Mandalik IV of Saurastra, Hler marriage
cribed in the MS, Mandalika-Nripa-Charita* composedis not
in
found des.
9.३.
‘Therefore, it seems that his marriage had taken place afterI507,
year, After a few years of marriage, Mandalika was badly defeathas
by Mohamnvad Begada of Gujrat in A, HI. 874 (470 A.D.). Subseted.
quently he was forced to apostatize from faith, embracing! Islam
Rama Bai, therefore, came to Mewar and settledby here. A good
,
jagis
for hier maintenance was given in the village Jawa, Accordin
to the Jawar inscription of V.E. I554 (497 A. D.), she was wellg
conversant™ with the treatise of Bharat and got constructed a temple
of Damodar together with a tank on the fort of Kumbhalgarh
and a
22. The Hari. Bhushan-Korya Canto वा verses 8-28/T2% verses 2-3/The Rawal
Ranoji rl Bat (MS)als0 have a detaited account about these battle
s
23, Tab III p. $70/Firistah Vol. TV p. 243.
24. Bhartiya Vidiya (Bombay) Vol. XIV 958 p. 36.
25, Bayley-History of Gujeat p. 87/Ficistah Vol. IV p, 55.
26, ‘The Jawar Intoription of V.E, I554 lines I8 to 25 Bled by R, C Agrawal
(80, Dee, 958 pp. 25-225). aval
 52
Kund at Jawar. Mandalika, perhaps visited Mewar on the occasion
of the consecration ceremony of Rama Kund,
Disputes between the Princes
Maharana Raimal’s sons namely Prithviraj, Jaimal and Sanga
were ambitious, On hearing the prophecy of the Charani at Nahar
Magara in favour of Sanga, his other brothers excited and would
have falsified the prophecy by invading upon him, had Surajmal not,
interposed. However, Sanga succeeded to run away from there, but
‘was closely pursued by his brother Jaimal. At this time, by chance,
Rathor Bida, who was going to Charbhuja, saw Sanga in wounded
condition and extended his help to him, at the cost of his life. His
cenotaph was subsequently erected there in V.E, 66I (604 0.0.) 2
Sanga had to remain under disguise for few a months at Shrinagar
under Karamchand Panwar.
Serious political developments® took place soon in Mewar. As
already stated Jaimal was stabbed to death by the Solankies near
Baduor, as he compelled Rao Surasen to marry Tarabai to him,
Prithviraj, however, succeeded to conquer Toda and handed it over
to Suratan, Tarabai was espoused to him, who built a baston
namely Tara Burj on the fort of Kumbhalgah, However, he also
lost his life by a treacherous plot of Rao Jagmal of Sirohi, In this
way only Sanga remained to fulfil the prediction of the priestess, On
receiving intelligence about Sanga from Karamchand Panwat,
‘Mabarana called him back and appointed him as “Maharaj Kumar.”
‘This event seems to have taken place about V.E. 505 (508 A, D.)
Maharana Raimal breathed his last in V. E, 686, He wasa
pious minded and straight forward king. He got Ekling-temple
renovated by appointing the architect Arjun, ‘The villages Prahana
and Thur were granted by him to his preceptor Gopal Bhatta.##4
A village Ratna Kheda was given to poct Maheshwar.
27, S.C, Dutt and A.C. Banerji observeincongruous element in the Nohar~
‘Mangara episode. According to them, Sanga might have committed some
seditious offence against his father, which is also proved by his close asso-
ciation with Surajmal. [A. 0. Benerji—MediStudies eval p.48). But we
00 not find any evidence to prove the same.
28, Vir Vinodp.92i-93) RawalRanajt-ri-Bat (MS) 54.
288, Amar Kavya Vamshavali Lf, 20,
 Inscriptions
Few inscriptions and copper plates of his reign are noticed, The
Ekling temple inscription of V, 8, 645 (488 A, 0.) contains a
valuable information about the rulers from Hamir to Raimal, For
Raimal’s battles with the Sultan of Malwa, this inscription gives &
detailed description. The Jawar inscription of Rama Kund of V. 8.
564 (407 A. D,)® gives an account of Rama Bai and his husband
Mandalik, ‘The Nadlai inscription of V. B. 7587 (500 A. D.)* of
the time of Maharaj Kumar Prithviraj, mentions about the repairs
of Nadlai temple and itsDevakulikas by the descendants of Oswal
Samada and Siha. The Ghosundi stepwell inscription V, E. 56)
(504 AD)* contains an account of Maharana’s queen Shringardevi,
the daughter of Maharaja Jodha of Marwar.
Some Jain inscriptions of V.E, 538, 543 and 586 are also
noticed from Chittor having several names of the saints of Kharatar-
gackchha with their manifold activities.

29, BAI.9.I7-23,
90, TH.Q, Dec, 958 pp. 2/5-225,
Sl, BAI,M0-42/Ojha I9.345fn.
32, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal Vol. LVI Pit (old) pp.79-82,
(व) Mabarana Sanga
‘Maharana. Sanga succeeded. his father at the age of 27 on
May'5, I500'A, D, A, 0, Banerjit has rightly observed that the
Ioéal history of Mewar duving his reign may be considered as a very
significant chapter in the general history of India, As he had
‘measured swords against the Sultans of Delhi, Malwa, Gujrat and
also with Babar, his account, therefore, occupies a prominent place
in the works dealing with the history of the L0th century A, D.
‘When he'came to throne, most part of the eastern Rajasthan,
which once formed part of the kingdom of Mewar during the reign
of Maharana Kumbha, was wrested by the Sultan of Malwa, But
Sultans,Gayasud-din and Nasimud-din of Malwa did not embark
‘upon the ambitious plans of territorial expansion, At the same time,
Sultan Muhummad Begra of Gujrat did not anarch against’ Mewar
like Qutb-ud-din, The Lodi kings of Delhi were badly indulged i
their own af airs, The Rajput chiefs of Bundi, Amer, Jodhpur, Sirobi,
Tdar, Toda, Bikuner, etc. were not powerful enough to contest with
the ruler of Mewar, ‘Therefore, there was a great scope for Sanga
to aggrandise himself with the totritories of other states contiguous
to Mewar,
‘Taking the advantage of such situation Sanga, within a short
span of time allayed the disorders occassioned by the intestine feuds,
He now determined to undertake the campaigns against Ajmer® and
captured it, Later on, he handed it over to Karmachandra Panwar
of Shrinagar, Proceeding thence, he went towards Chatasu and
subdued it, According to Tarikh-iSalatin-i-Afghana', Maharana
Sanga wrested Chatsu from the Sultan of Delhi and placed it under
the Jagir of Puranmal, who conducted atrocities on the Sayyids,
living in the villages adjacent to it, The Khandhar inscription of
-V.E, 68 (5] A. D.)! of Silahadi gives an idea that the power
Medieval Studies p43.
Vir Vinod—I p. $54/Amar Kavya Vamshavalt (MS) Lt. 20(5).
Tarikivt-Shalt by Abmmad Yadgar (Cal 939) p. I94,
BESS USER
—fafir os atgare
M8 eel ne aot a,
बदि३बुद्धे- पढारि reat
 पड
of Sikandar Lodi was considerably reduced in the eastern Rajasthan,
Sanga, therefore, seems to have carried out depredations success-
fully there,
Idar Affairs (i5{4 AD. to 547 A.D.)
Rao Bhan of Idar had two sons namely, Surajmal and Bhim,
Surajmal being the eldest succeeded him, but he did not enjoy &
long reign and died only after a period of 8 months, His son
Raimal being a minor, Bhim took possession ofthestate, He too
died only after afew months and his son Bharmal succeeded hin,
Now two claimants namely, Raimal and Bharmal appeared anid
intestine feuds ensued, Raimal took shelter with Sanga, who'had
agreed to espouse his cause, To accomplish this object, Sanga took
swift measures, He collected an immense army and marched against
Idar, Maharawal Udaisingh of Vagada also accompanied with the
Mewar forces. Sanga succeeded in capturing Idar by ousting Bhar-
mal. He, after instating Raimal as a ruler of Idar, left for Mewar.
In I5)5 A. 0. Bharmal deputed his trusted persons to wait on
Sultan Muzaffar Shah of Gujrat for soliciting-his aid. ‘The Sultan
being agreed to espouse his cause, issued stringent orders to Nizam=
ul-Mulk of Ahmadanagar for accomplishment of this object,
According to the Persian chronicles, Nizam-ul-Mulk succeeded in his
object. In order to avoid pitched battles Raimal vacated Idar and
took shelter in the hills of Visalnagar, Being encouraged with his
earlier success, Nizam-ul-Mulk also went in his pursuit towards
these hills, But he could not succeed in his plan and was badly
defeated at the hands of Raimal, who also carried out plundering
raids. The Sultan, who had by this time, returned back to
Ahmedabad, directed Nizam-ul-Mulk to join him (I6I7 A, 0.) and
reproved him for his defeat.”
‘The Sultan then appointed Nasratul-Mulk at dar. When he
was still in the neighbourhood, Raimal seizing the. opportunity
attacked Idar and slain Zahir-ul-Mulk, the Commandant of the

5. BrFieitah—Vol. IV. p.छ/व9893/Mirai-Sikandar

20059) 2efers-Waliap III p,29/Bayley—HistorypS” of Gujrat
६ Bavley—gp.
to thee chronicles, मा
this eventITt00k
pp. 299-800/Riitah
place ia 5I7 A. Vp 8, According
7. Bayley—op. eit. p. 253/Tab ITI 9. 300/Piristah IV p. 83.
56
Gujrat army.? When this news reached, the Sultan sent a firman
asking Nasrat-ul-Mulk to devastate Visalnagar, which according
to him, had become an asylum of the rebels. Accordingly, he marched
against Raimal, but could not succeed® in curtailing his power.
‘The Sultan, therefore, again posted Nizam-ul-Mulk at Idar.
Malwa Affairs
‘Mahmud Khilji Tl had succeeded with the help of Medani Ray
in suppressing the rebellion of his disgruntled chiefs. Subsequent
events"? developed in the favour of Medani Ray, who exercised such
an authority that nothing but the name of Sultan was only left with
Mahmud Khilji. This had created misunderstanding and the muslim
nobles in multitude deserted Malwa, Subsequently, suspecting the
fidelity of Medani Ray, the Sultan himself ran away to Gujrat,
where the Sultan Muzaffar Shah IT received him showing utmost!t
respect, When this news reached Medani Ray, he also. sent
messengers to Gujrat,- requesting Sultan Mahmud Khilji to return
back. But these attempts proved futile,
In Jan, 6]8 A.D. the two Sultans marched against Medani
Ray, who having left his son’? at Mondu attempted to occupy
Dhar, Alarmed at the strength of his adversaries, he went towards
the northern Malwa, It was a very critical moment for him, as he
could not be able to contest with such an immense army, which had
laid a siege to Mandu. He, therefore, made a plan to keep the
besieging army inactive for a considerable time and informed
his son to send false messages accordingly to the Sultans. Acting
on his instructions, the Rajputs from the fort conveyed a message
on Jan. 8, I5I8 A.D. to Muzaffar Shah that their garrison
solicited an armistice for a month to arrange for their families!

9. According to Bayley, Raimal fought several battles with the army

(Bafley_—op. eit. p. 253) कप

Bia 98-05 7. 254/Mraei

Me saiama rie
prof 27777so ra, 47727
7777 77727]
शत वि a Ba 0५ 0008
 वहा
and they would evacuate the fort at the termination of time,
In the meanwhile Medani Ray went to Chittor and requested Sanga
to espouse his cause, Sanga responded to his appeal and proceeded
against Malwa, However, he made it clear to visit Sarangpur
first, where he would act as circumstances should require. When
this fact became known to Sultan Muzaffar Shah, he was very much
perturbed and detached Adil Khan Asiri and Kiwam-ul-Mulk against
Maharana Sanga, At the same time, perceiving the deceit and
trick of the Rajput garrison of the fort, he directed his own forces to
renew the siege-operations, Afier a week's fighting the fort of
Mandu" was captured on Feb, 3, 58 A, 0,
On hearing the fall of Mandu, Sanga resolved to acquire a
part of northern Malwa and left the idea to proceed further towards
that fort, It is mentioned in the Persian chronicles! that, on hearing
the ferocity of the massacre done at Mandu, Maharana Sanga left
Ujjain and retreated to Mewar, But it is an exaggerated account,
It is apparent that Medani Ray did not like to usurp the crown,
but wanted to continue his ascedancy in Malwa for safeguarding the
interests of the Hindus, It was, therefore, not desirable for Sanga to
penetrate into Malwa, as the fort of Mandu had already fallen into
the hands of his adversaries, He, therefore, seems to have taken the
Aiplomatic steps and avoided to confront the combined forces of
Malwa and Gujrat, At the same time, taking the benefit of the con-
fusion prevailed in Malwa, he succeeded in capturing Gagron, which
was handed over to Medani Ray,!” who was very much perturbed
on hearing the sad end of his family. In this way, it is apparent that
although Sanga failed to save Mandu, but his march in Malwa
otherwise proved beneficial to him.
Battle with Ibrahim Lodi at Khatoli (I5i8 A.D)
‘On the death of Sikandar Lodi, his son Ibrahim Lodi succeeded
on Nov, 22, 5]7 A.D. During the closing years of the reign of
Sikandar Lodi, Maharana Sanga started to aggrandise himself at the
cost of the Delhi territory, The hostility was further intensified when
Th6: Bayleymop.
IN. Oay-—op:ll».a. 257.pp. 296-297.
6, Tab ता p,Ne6Os/Mayley
#. 0800: Day=op etp.262/Firta
p. 290 fnVir Vol.
Vind IVp. 957p. 85;Miratt Sikandar
V7. Ojha Tp. 354/Amar-Kavya-Vamshavali Lf. 2t.
 “58.
taking the benefit of intestine feuds between Ibrahim Lodi and Jalal
Khan, Maharana Sanga wrested some territory of eastern Rajasthan
belonging to the Sultans of Delhi and annexed the same to his state,
Nirodbhushan Roy", while editing the history of Afghans, written by
‘Niamatullah, obscrves that both Sanga and Ibrahim were not free to
contest a battle immediately after the accession of the later, But this
statement does not seem to be correct, A battle was fought near the
village Khatoli (District Bundi), wherein the Rajputs emerged vicio-
rious, Apprince of Lodi family was also made captive, Maharana
himself sustained severe wounds and lost his left arm by a sword cut
and an arrow made him lame!®, On receiving these injuries the
Muharana disclosed his desire to vacate the throne, but his retinue
requested him to continue on the throne,
‘After his victory at Khatoli the Maharana continued his march
- and reached near Toda Bhim, Silahadi Purabiya was having his influ-
ence in this territory, as isapparent from the Khandhar inscription
of V.E. 568, Sultan Ibrahim, in order to recapture his lost territory,
equipped a grand army under the command of Miyan Makhan and
despatched it against Sanga.2 He also issued a /irman to make
captive Miyan Hussain Famauli and Miyan Maruf Famauli. When
it was known to them, they deserting the royal camp, went to meet
Rana at his camp Toda Bhim, Sanga’s strength was thus increased.
Both the ‘armies came into a violent clash near the village Bari
(Dholapur). ‘The Imperial army was badly defeated, According to
“Wagiat-i-Mushtagi, the van of the Rana’s army was led by Sikha,
“Ibrahim Khan Sarawani in wounded condition rushed at him with
his soldiers, but was badly injured and fell down on the ground.
‘Sikha took him out from field and employed* a physician to look after
him, Sultan Ibrahim also started from Agra to mect Rana Sanga,
but returned without any engagement, Sanga then marched to the
river Gambhiri and set fire to the palaces built by Sikandar Lodi.
At this place, the prince Gayas-ud-din, the son of Bablol Lodi taken
atullah's Histry of Afghans pp, I08-289,
). shaval
Vir Vinod p. 854/Amar Kavya Vamshavali (MS)Lf 2,/Surya-Vansha-Vam-
(M5)
20. Wagiat--Mushtagl (MS) p. 70/Tarikit-ShahibyAkad Yadagae (Cal.)
ai, paWagit-ieMusitagé (M48) LE. 74-2,
 289
into captivity was appointed to the throne, According to Wagratsi-
Mushlagi,?* the entire body of the Hindu and Muslim officers presen-
ted at this occassion, shouted the words Ram Ram, Miyan .Hussain
Famauli did not like to hear these words and decided to desert tlie
Rana, I is also added in it that Maharana had more confiden
Sayyid Khan, which Miyan Hussain Famauli did not like, Hece’senton
Miyan Tah to Sultan Ibrahim, offering him unconditional allegi-
ance.*® This secret was betrayed and Rana barricated his camp in
night, On day break, Miyan Hussain appeared before Rana and
informed his decision to desert, According to. Rizaqullah Maslitagi,
Rana on this event completely out witted and atonce fled away,
In Tarikt-i-Salatin -Afghana, Miyan Hussain Famauli, knowing that
a small number ofthe Ri puts had successfully routed ००६१५ 30,000
cavalry under Miyan Maruf, informed him his design to make a
suddin attack in night, Accordingly Miyan:Makhan and Miyan
Hussain succeeded in their plan, when the Mewar forces together
with their allaies were rejoicing the victory, But this account has
j- already been challenged by G, H.Ojba, In the Wagial-icMushtagi,
“ Rizaqullah did not mention any such event. Therefore, the latter
part of the events recorded in the above Persian chro: les seems to
be an exaggerated account and can hardly be relied upon. Sanga
successfully retumne (४ to Chittor from Dholapur, According to
Babar, he wrested a considerable territory adjacent to Chanderi
from the Sultan of Delhi and handed it over to Medani Ray,
Battle of Gagron (5/8-9 A. 9.)
Sultan Mahmud Kh ji I] after collecting an.immense army
advanced to attack Gagron, in order tof curtail the power: of
Medani Ray. U.N. Day is correct in saying that Sultan was afraid of
the revenge of the Rajputs. ‘Therefore, he resolved to move againgt
Gagron. On becoming aware of it, Medani Ray approached to Sariga,
2. ibid
‘bid, Lt, 472.
23.
24.Tarikh-i-Shohi by Ahmad Yadgar (Cal) pp. 79-83.
248.{asan Kian Mowat! Ki Kala (M8) No, 689 ofthe ain temple of Toda
Raisingh, mentions the defeat of Miyan Makhau [yay बैठे yaidher re
ag बढो थो खाके राजि। सांगा आगे चलो भानि ॥१५॥ Similar accoune is also
available in Amar Kavya Vanshavall (MS) Uf. 2l.
2, U.N, Day—op. cit, 9०300.
 60
who marched with his army to espouse his cause, When this news
reached, Sultan Mahmud Khilji I was very much perturbed and
abandoning the siege operations marched against Maharana, The
Malwa forces thus moved swiftly and reached closed to the camp of
Maharana, ‘According to Firistah, inspite of the opposition of
Asaf Khan, the Conimandant of the Gujrat army, the Sultan atonce
orderded? to assault on the forces of Mewar, encamping closed to his
camp, The account mentioned by Nizam-uddin is different from it,
According to this, on hearing the arrival of the Malwa forces,
Maharana®, ,atonce ordered to fight, without waiting to get them
refreshed, It was a decisive battle, ‘The army of the Sultan sustained
heavy casualties, Asaf Khan’s son and almost all his soldiers were
slain, ‘The life of the Sultan was saved by the strength of the armour
he wore, But he received severe wounds and his horse was also
bled, Subsequently, he fell on the ground. The Rajputs 7९००-
nised him and made him captive together with hisprince, Maharana
Sanga brought him to his tent, dressed his wounds and attended him
in porson, By this victory,** Maharana contended himself by taking
the jewelled belt and crown of the Sultan, Some part of the north
eastern Malwa, adjacent to Hadoti and Ranathambhor, was also
annexed to his state,
Imprisonment of Sultan of Malwa
‘Maharana Sanga téok Mahmud Khilji IT at Chittor and kept
him under custody** at a place named “Bhakasi”, He appointed a
physician to heal his wounds. When the Sultan regained his health,
the Mabarana showing magnanimity, sent him back to Mandu with
an escort*A ०(000 Rajputs. However, he kept the young prince of
Malwa as the hostage. The author of Mirat-i-Sikandari® mentions
that Maharana displayed honour and hospitability towards Mahmud
Khilji fearing the wrath of other muslim-Sultans, But this statement
26. Firisiah Vol, IV p. 262.
22, Tab IIT 9. 606.
28. Firistah Vol. TV pp, 262-8/Tab ता p. 606.
29. The
Bhakan,Amarwhere
KavyatheVamshavall
Sultanwasmestions thecustody
Kept under palnces of Padmiot instead ne of
294. Auhorities
In Tab IIT mentlon
9, 607,anescorteal.
॥000 of 0,000 Rajputs is mentioned,nee But othe
80, Mirat--Sikandart p. 07/Bayley—op. elt. 9. 264.
 बध्
does not seem to be correct. F, L, Faridi, hhas correctly remarks
that it israther pity that the author has wrongly interpreted the
chivalrous courtesy of the Sisodiya Rajputs. The generosity of
Sanga was certainly greater than that of Muzaffar Shah II ofGujrat.
Nizamuddin Ahmed has also accepted this fact by saying that the
Sultan of Gujrat extended his help to him when he went to seck
his support. But Maharana having captured the enemy in battle
field gave him back his kingdom, the parallel of which is rarely
known, It seldom happened that if a Hindu prince made prisoner
in the battle field by a Muslim Sultan was never spared without pay-
ment of a vast sum of money and jewels or sacrifice of his daughter
to. the royal seraglio of the Sultan,
Invasi ion upon Idar (520 A.D.)
Sultan Muzaffar Shah II of Gujeat appointed Mubariz-ul-Mulk
in place of Nasarat-ul-Mulk at Idar. A certain wandering minstrel
observed before him that there was no king equal to Sanga in
Hindustan. He added that Raimal, the right claimant of Idar
would eventually be succeeded with his help. On hearing this,
Mubariz-ul-Mulk, became furious and with great arrogance replied
“«what sort of a dog is the Rana, and how can he protect Raimal ?
Here I sit why does he not coms ?"” ‘The bard immediately left for
Chittor and informed the whole affairs to Maharana, who writhed
like a snake and made necessary preparations to march against Idar,
in order to adopt retributive measures,
The Mewar army proceeded towards Sirohi and collected
necessary tribute ftom its ruler. The Sultan of Gujrat, when heard
the advancement of Mabarana, was desitous of sending reinforce-
ment* at Idar, But some of his Ministers being inimical to Mubarize
ul-Mulk refrained the Sultan from sending his army. The Maharana
then proceeded towards Dungarpur, the ruler of which place also
Bi. ld p.I07 fa.
92, Tab IT p. 60/Firitah IV p. 268.
88. कोBayleyमी ppop. et.78-45/0jha
p.265/TabIp.TIE348.pp. 807-800/Fitistah Vel. Vp.५८५७७
86/Sarada-
3.35, Bayley—op. alt. 9. 265.
ay more attention to quell the same and deputed Kiwameul-sfut
Due to the rising of the Girasiyas (an aboriginal tribe) the Sultan had to
कक Vol. TV p, 66/Tab I4 9. 308). कर fete:
 62
accompanied**A him. Mubariz-ul-Mulk, wrote the account of these
developments to the Sultan, But at this time also the Ministers
misrepresented jthe facts and reinforcement could not be sent at
Idar. The Maharana acting energetically came down swiftly upon
dar with immense army consisting of more than 40,000 cavalry, By
this time, Rao Ganga of Jodhpur and Biramdeva Medatiya also
joined him with 7 and 6thousand cavalry respectively. Mubariz-ul-
Mulk, isnmediately summoned a war-council" and on its decision
evacuated Idar and retreated to Ahmadnagar, where he was expect
ing reinforcement,
Next day Maharana Sanga arrived and successfully captured
Idar after a tough fight with the soldiers of Malik Bakhan, He gave
Idar to Raimal and then proceeded towards Ahmadnagar in order
to pursue Mubariz-ul-Mulk. The Girasiya chiefs of Gujrat also
joined the Mewar army. The Gujrat soldiers were badly terrified
and an apprehension of the invasion of Mewar army was occuring
in their minds. Although the Persian-Chronicles mention that the
Gujrat soldiers fought in an open field, but this account does not
seem to be correct. The Rajput sources mention that Maharana
Sanga laid a siege to the fort of Amadnagar. ‘The contemporary
Rajasthani sources record the heroic deeds of the Bagadiya-
Chauhans. It is said that Kanha son of Dungarsi Chauhan did
self sacrifice by putting his body against the long iron-spikes allowing
the elephants to open the gates of the fort. ‘The Rajputs then rushed
into the fort and captured the same. Mubariz-ul-Mulk, who was
fleeing, was scen by the same bard before whom he called Sanga as
dog and taunted on his fight. He, theref. re, returned back and was
wounded? Asad Khan and few other officers of Gujrat were slain
while Mubarizul-Mulk, Safdar Khan etc, ranaway to Ahmadabad,
Sanga captured Ahmadnagar! and carried away plundering raids.
Saiके कलाकार
तर dais कपaed
कोरी, xsi oo, क.
आग मम ily optip ian
87. Bay Ney—op. cit. p. 267.

co पर ara FI, snes mgr

P. 79/Mitat-t-Stkandarl pp. 09. Oars oF a i
very eve tis
”

es aah ee
 463,
He also made several inhabitants as captive. Proceeding thence, he
;marched towards Badnagar, but finding its residents to be the
Brahmins exempted them from the pecuniary exactions. He then
marched against Visalnagar, the local officer of that place shut
himself into the fort, The Mewar army attacked the fort and
captured the same, ‘The Maharana collected a heavy booty and
returned Chittor unopposed.‘ Ie thus succeededtoinstate his
protege in Idar and this chivalrous campaign inight have macle his
name a terror to the people of Gujrat.
Invasion by the Sultan of Gujrat (52{ A.D.)
‘The disasterous defeat at the hands of Sanga had greatly
alarmed the Sultan Muzaflar Shah, who resolved to proceed in
person against Mewar, But Malik Hias Sultani offered his ser'viees.
Accordingly, inDec, 620, the Sultan after collecting an immense
army consisting of one lac cavalry placed it under the command®
of Malik Bias, At the same time, Kiwam-ul-Mulk was also sent with
20,000 cavalry and elephants, ‘They first reached Modasa, where
Taj Khan and Nizam-ul-Mulk also joined. Malik Bias representing
that so large army was unnecessary, left a part of it behind him,
Which subsequently joined him, From Modasa, they encampedat
village Dhamola, Detachments were sent from there to ravage the
country of Vagad, Dungarpur town was attacked and a fierce
battle was fought. According to Rampole inscription, of VJ, I877
(62 A.D.) Rawat Gajja met heroict# death, while fighting with the
army of the Sultan, Prom Dungarpur the invading forces passed
Uhrough Sagawara and Bansawara, At this time, Sujacul-Mulk,
Safdar-ul-Mulk and Nizam-ul-Mulk, who were on guard, fought
with Rawal Udaisingh, [Ruler of Vagada] and some relative of
‘Medani Ray, who were staying in an ambush for making an attack,
‘42, The Sanga’s victory over Tdarhasbeen commemorated in the bardic xongs
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व64
According to’ Dr. Nagendrasingh, the Kiyats of Vagada, reveal
that this encounter with the Sultan’s forces was a minor one, which
restricted to a small contingent of not more than 00 armed men on
cither side. The invading army succeeded to molest the towns namely
Dungarpur Galiyakot, Sagawara, Bansawara etc, and alter crossing
Kirachi Ghat, it reached in the vicinity of Mandsaur, which belonged
to Maharana and was held by Ashokmal!® (Parmar) for him.
‘This fort was very strong having the walls ten yards thick, Malik
Bias laid a siege to the fort and gave orders to dug Sabats,
Mabarana Sanga with a large army advanced to the villlage
Nandasa, situated about 20 miles away from Mandsaur and encamped
there, Nearly all important Hindu Chiefs of Rajasthan with their
armies joined him, The Maharana, according to Persian chroni-
cles,#" sent emissaries to Malik Bias, requesting him to abandon the
siege operations. But this account can hardly be given credence, as
on his return to Gujrat the Sultan admonished Malik Bias on his
failure.
When the Sabats were under construction, Sharzat Khan
Sarawani, an emissary of the Sultan of Malwa came and informed
that Mahmud Khilji II was in full march to help him, in the siege-
operations, At this time Malik Kiwam-ul-Mulk, who was left behind
to ravage the territory of Vagad, had also joined. Soon after,
Mahmud Khilji also came with a large army. Silahadi Tomar, who
had come with Sultan of Malwa to fight against Sanga was dis-
suaded by Medani Ray to join the Gujrat army. Thus, enormous
forces were“ assembled on both the sides,
‘The Sultan of Gujrat, although made enormous preparations
to wreak vengeance of the spoils done in the northern Gujrat lately
by the Maharana and Malik Eias also gave solemn assurances to
accomplish the same, but his various senior officers were creating
i heen History of Gujeat Appendix VIT p.529,

5 Bt YP ne Ta et
77772: hal hava 5
troubles. The presence of Kiwam-ul-Mulk made his position more
precarious, as the latter advanced his battary and wanted to enter
into the fort, but Malik Bias, fearing that victory might be ascribed
to him, kept him! away from taking any action, Similarly
‘Mubariz-ul-Molk with a part ofhis cavalry, wanted to march against
the Maharana, but was intercepted by Malik Bias and brought
him back and directed him to come into action only after the Sabats
were exploded.
Afier a few days, the Sabats were exploded and a long breach
also effected in the walls of the fort. However, the Rajputs were
already conscious ofthisdanger, who had removed their garrison
from there. Therefore, this explosion also gave no satisfactory results.”
‘Malik Eias, seeing that no co-operation was forthcoming from his
officers, abandoned the siege-operation, A growing opposition was alto
seen, Some of his officers including Kiwan-ul-Mulk induced Sultan
Mahmud Khilji IT to fight against Sanga. Malik Bias protested to
the Sultan not to march in concert with the troops of a few Gujrat
officers," whose action against his orders was a breach of faith, At
this time Maharana Sanga used diplomatic overtures. As we have
seen, he had taken a son of Mahmud Khilji II of Malwa as hostage
and kept with him, even after the release of the Sultan, ‘The Mirat-
i-Sikandari** mentions that the Sultan came in agreement with the
Rana at that time about the return of his son. This shows that as
soon as Rana promised to return Mahmud’s son, there remained no
further interest of the Sultan to risk a pitched battle. His departure,
evidently got Malik Bias nervous and he also decided to retreat
without fighting, In this way, this strategy of Sanga proved very
successful.!® ‘The account of Persian chronicles that Maharana sent
his son as hostage with a large amount of money in present to the
Sultan of Gujrat is far from the truth. According to Miral-iSikondari,
when Malik Bias, reached Ahmadabad, the Sultan reprimanded
“Ftd
aD Ee Seeet TY कम:
p.2747Tab व p. 3 ear /Firistah Vol. IV pp. 92-93.

Mia Standart. 208 op 407

‘4 fol. LV 9. 93/Ts Lae pg op.cit.
9.274.

3pong70:77
}. Dr, Nagendra Singh—op.

oe /:77077 ee
cit. Aj

er ant
lix VIII pp.530-534.

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 466
and all the people of Gujrat called him a “coward”, This account
proves that the army of Sultan suffered a heavy setback, Dr. Nagen-
drasingh**hasdiscussed this point in detail, According to him, an
obvions attempt was made in Persian chronicles to uphold the
position of the Sultan of Gujrat vis-a-vis that of Rana, who had an
upperhand throughout the various engagements and saved his
country also. Therefore, such account of the Persian chronicles are
not worthy of credence.
Invasion of Sultan Ibrahim (4524 A.D.)
‘According to MS. Parsiwwanath-Shré Jabisi*® composed in
362] A.D, Sultan Ibrahim marched against Ranathambhor.
On hearing the approach of Sultan, a panic was striken at Chatasu,
‘The people soon vacated the town. ‘Two pocts vowed to the God
Parshwanath for the victory of Sanga. Soon intelligence received
about Sanga’s victory and the poets accordingly versified the above
poem, It isa contemporary and independent evidence on which we
‘can lave full credence, The Persian chronicles do not mention this
invasion at all. Accordine to Tarikli-iSalatie-i-Afghana™ Rana Sanga’s
representative Pooranmal conducted atrocities on the Sayyids, who
were living in the villages adjacent to Chatasu. This was done in
order to quell their disturbances. Later on, Rao Ramchandra wat
posted as his representative there. The Colophones of MSSKar-Kandu
Ghariu (V. EB, I58I)", Chandroprabha-Charita (VE. 683)" and
Vardkaman Katha (V. B. 684) corroborate the above statement. At
this time Maharana Sanga also granted Ranathambhor to his son
‘Vikramaditya and made Surajmal Hada as his guardian,
Prince Bahadur Khan in Chittor
Prince Bahadur Khan was the son of Sultan Muzaffar Shah of
Gujrat, He was very much ambitious and wanted the throne of
कु, Dr, Nagendrasingh—op' eit. Appendix VIIL
56 uf Sf, erage ere जब eye Re बतु केलि
pe
7] badreo
wt ae sera oh Fg Jue
(08 erp निशर्भनि ॥२१॥ :
Ae.
Fs a wae iyAvot — (Cal i939) ie *
a (5: खुदि ६ Ter 'कटवाबल्ली नामगरम तगरेराव श्रीरामचंद्र राज्ये
2. खबतू १५८३ WY aos वादे ३ वुधवासरे राचा at संदाम राज्ये बन्पावती
राम sat [MS Chandra Prabha ८###०-] nia cla
(४. -wy auswd चैत चुद sont कोर राणा थी संद्रा राज्य
Verdhanan
 407
Gujrat, He was also willing to conquer the fort of Chittor in retribue
tion for the spoils done by Maharana at Ahmadnagar. In 7624 A.D.,
when the Sultan Muzaffar wast in the vicinity of Idar, he requested
the Sultan to increase his allowances, as these were insufficient to
maintain his establishment, But the Sultan avoided. ‘Therefore,
being impatient of delay the prince left the camp without permission
and proceeded first to Ahmadabad and eventually went towards
Dungarpur, From there he went Chittor and took political asylum
there, H,B, Sarada has correctly! remarks that he was not
ashamed to ask for shelter and hospitability of the very man, whore
destruction he heartily desired and was secretly planning to
accomplish, He remained at Chittor for a few days. An incident
compelled him to leave Chittor, It is said that while seeing the
dance of the daughter ofthe Quazi of Ahmadanagar, he flew into
rage and killed the nephew of Maharana, A great uproar arose,
‘The Rajputs crowed round to kill him, who was still standing there
with a sword dripping with blood. in hishand, ‘Then the Queen
Mother, who was very sagacious woman and used to.call the above
prince as his son, rushed in with a dagger in her hand and declared
that’ she would rip herselCup if any body killed Bahadur Khans
‘Thus the prince was saved, but he left the place and went towards
Mewat and Delhi, ‘The circumstances also compelled him to return
back and stay at Chittor, The Skatrunjqya~Tirthoddhar—Prabandi*®
mentions that he took a loan of Rupees one lac from Karma Shah of
Ghittor, on a condition that when he would come to the throne of
Gujrat, necessary permission (० attend the renovation ofthe temple
of Shatrunjaya be given. Another important object achieved by
hhim at Chittor was to develop friendship among the local Hindu
Chiefs of Mewar, who might have helped him very much, during his
subsequent invasions upon Chittor,
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 368
Sanga’s power at Zenith
In V.8, 678, Maharana Sanga’s power was at zenith, Nearly
all the Rajputs chiefs according to Amar Kavya Vamshavali®” owed
their allegiance to him. ‘The contemporary work Shatrunjaya
Tirthoddhar Prabandh" mentions him as an Emperor of the northern
India, Similar fact is also mentioned in the Toda inscription'®
of V. 8, 004, Col, Tod, hay rightly observed” that eighty thousand
horses, seven Rajas of the highest rank, nine Raos and one hundred
and four cl ieftains, bearing the title Rawal and Rawat with 500 war
elephants followed him in the wars,
Intestine feuds in Gujrat (4526 A. D.)
Sultan Muzaffar Shah of Gujrat succeeded by his son Sikandar
Shah in 620A,D. Latif Khan, his another son, was stung into
rebellion and collected an immense army. Sikandar Shah took
swift measures and sent Shirza Khan to oppose him, On hearing
this, Latif Khan went to Chittor and perhaps obtained necessary
help from Sanga. At this time Chand Khan, Ibrahim Khan,
Bahadur Khan etc. of Gujrat were already at Chittor. Shirza Khan
‘was defeated, Soon after Sikandar Shah was assassinated and a group
ofthe nobles appointed Mahmud Shah IT as the Sultan of Gujrat,
Imad-ul-Mulk attempted to solicit assistance from Babar and Sanga,
The letter sent to Babar for this purpose was intercepted by
Maharawal Udaisingh of Dungarpur." Sanga might to have refused
to come in terms with the Chiefs of Gujrat. It seems that he
together with his allies had already promised to espouse the cause
of Bahadur Khan, ‘The Rampura inscription of ५, E, 005,
mentions that a fugitive prince of Gujrat, who was having
good terms with the ruler of Mewar, visited Rampura during the
का. Amar Kavya Vamshavali (MS) Lf. 24-22,
68. ag व्रिलक्षासयपतिमंहीकित्साजाभिधानो४खिल भूमिशास्ता
[Shatrunjaya Tirthodhar Prabandh Chapter 7 ४७७० 80.]
69. खब॑भूमि को owt राज श्री arte
(47/%////७६ woe
70. Bayley op.lt. 2. 3॥
व... ‘Tab IT! 9. 330/Firistah Vol, IV p. 00/0990 op, cit. p. १७
72. गुजेग्देशाधिपति शकयो य॑ प्राप्य मेदपाट संधिर्वं । गतभीः पल्लायमानों (त:) शरण rare
संतिकक aN ॥ (The Rampurs Inscription of V.B, 665.)
 time of Rao Pratap and necessary help was provided to him. As
Rao Pratap was a contemporary to Maharana Sanga, the fugitive
prince might be none else than Bahadur Shah, Therefore, Sanga’s
support to Bahadur Shah in securing the throne of Gujrat?®4 was
of significant value.
*Relations with Babar
After defeating Ibrahim Lodi in the battlefld of Panipat in
7626 A. D., Babar became the master of Delhi. ‘The prince
Muhammad Khan Lodi together with several fugitive Afghan Chiefs
went to Chittor and took political asylum’ there, Babar had to face
still more important powers of India. His Afghan adversaries, though
beaten in Panipat, were by no mea sready to reconcile with him,
Rana Sanga, according to his own words, was very powerful; who
was consolidating his power in eastern Rajasthan, Besides ‘these
two powers, the people were hostile to the strangers and even the
petty rulers were also prepared for obstinate resistance. Due to these
developments, discontentment and consternation were also seen
among his own soldiers. He, therefore, called the council of war to
decide the further line of action, It seems that the councillors were
not fully aware of the Rana’s strength and therefore, they advised”
to give priority in quelling the power of the Afghans of Bengal. But,
leaving aside this decision, Babar endeavoured to move against
Mabarana Sanga, Incase he would have marched against the
‘Afghans of Bengal, there was a constant apprehension of intrusion of
Sangas’ forces into his kingdom, He was well aware of his strength.
While in Kabul, he had despatched emissaries at Ghittor to obtain
his help in creating a diversion on Ibrahim’s southern frontier. Sanga
had also resporided the same. The MS. Hasan Khan Mewati" Ki-
Katha and Babar-Nama, both mention that some mutual understanding
took place between them, Perhaps, it was agreed between them that
when Babar invaded Ibrahim Lodi from the north west direction,
Maharana Sanga would simaltencously march against Agra in order
Tia, VamaharoliNo,873Lf. 3.
73. Navadiral-Hikayat (MS) of Abdul Nabi Lf 307.
74. A. 5. Beveridge—Babar Nama I 529.
75. ibidpp.580-58!.
९6. Sodh Patrika Vol. XXt No. 4 p, 00.
 70
to divert the attention of Sultan. This settlement was of course
advantageous to Babar, At the same time, Maharana Sanga, who
had embarked upon the territorial expansion, gladly acceded the plan
thinking that the invader would leave India after carrying out
depredations only and it would debilitate the Lodi kingdom also. But
when Babar attempted (० perpetuate his rule in Punjab, Sanga wi
taken aback, His chiefs also dissuaded him from marching against
Ibrahim Lodi. Thus, he did not march against Agra, Probably,
Babar would have not taken serious notice” of this had he not
given further chances of provocations,
Rajput-Afghan confederation
According to the Hasan Khan Mewati Ki Katha't, the Mewatis
being agreed to fight under the banner of Mewar invited Sanga to
invade Delhi, According to Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi™® , Maharana Sanga,
Hasan Khan Mewati and some Afghan chiefs had mutually agreed
to nominate Muhammad Khan Lodi, the son of Sikandar Lodi, as
the Sultan and concluded an alliance to fight against Babar in order
to drive him out from India,
Battle of Bayana [Jan. 527 A.D.)
Maharana Sanga soon reached Ranathambhor, which was
already under his possession, in order to well equip his army there,
At this time, Chandrabhan and Manikchandra Chauhans of Chanda-
war (U.P,) came with their garrison, who were welcomed by Sanga,
showing due respect (० them, After making necessary preparations,
the Mewar army soon marched against Bayana, Several Muslim
chiefs, setling in the villages adjacent to Bayana were prevailing
hostility. ‘Therefore, Sanga dislodged them and annexed this terri-
tory to his state, During this campaign, he also laid a siege to the
fort of Khandhar, which was under the possession of Miyan Hussain,
the son of Miyan Makhan, who requested Babar for necessary help,
But the latter avoicled and rhe fort was captured by the Mewar army.
Proceeding thence, he besieged Bayana. His march was noticed by
77. G.N. Sharma—Mewar and the Mughal Emprors pp. 20-2.
7B. gf tr ह॒नणां 4 जाते भो बाबर रहे । फेरो दिल्‍ली दुद्ाई भाई।
[Hasan Khan Mewati Ki Katha (MS) verses 7/-42.])
TBA. Tarlkh-l-Shershohi (Dhaka 964) p. '6, Similar account is also available
in Tabaguat-Akbarl "and Munta-Khab-ut-Tawarikh (Geor दे
(George Ranking)
Yon tpt.
 am
Babar through Mahadi’” Khwaja’s people. He immediately des
patched army under Muhammad Suleman Mirza, Yunas-i-Ali, Shah
‘Mansur Barlas, Kittabeg Qismati, and Bhujaka.. He also released
Hasan Khan Mewati’s son Nahar Khan, who was made captive
during the battle of Panipat, in order to win over the Mewatis, But
his attempts proved futile and Hassan Khan joined the Rana at
camp Toda Bhim.
‘The Mewar army which laid a siege to Bayana put the’ army of:
Babar in state of blocade, The reinforcement sent by Babar was
badly defeated. The soldiers of Bayana garrison evacuated the place
and Sanga captured the same. In the words of G. N, Sharma the
battle of Bayana “stands out as last great iriumph in the chequerred
carrer of Rana Sanga.—The Chaghtai Turks found that they had
to contend with a foe more formidable than the Atghans,’’. From
Bayana, Sanga marched towards Bhusawar and captured it, At this
time he also attacked Tijara, Gwalior and few other towns,
Babar left his camp near Agara on Feb. 6, !526 A.D., after
making necessary arrangements to safeguard Gwalior, He was very
much perturbed and sent his men to bring the news about Rana, who
‘was at that time encamping at Bhusawar, Abdul Aziz and Mullah
‘Apaq who went tot bring the news of Rana were suddenly attacked,
Many of their retinue were made captives and Mullah Apag, Mullah
Daud, Mullah Nimat were slain. On hearing this, Babar despatched
Mohib Ali, Mullah Hussain, ‘Tahir Twbri ete, to help his advance
guards, They also could not succeed and were badly defeated.
Despair in Babar’s army
Babar himself accepted that due to rapidly advancemént/of
Sanga and the praise given to him repeatedly by Shah Mansur,
Qismati and the others from Bayana prevailed! despair in the army.
At this time, a noted astrologer Muhammad Sharif declated that the
plannet Mars being in west whoever engaged while coming*® from
79. Babar Nama Uh p. 5. ‘
80. ७ दोड भोवाल मिले सन डौग | कियो ig मिले पत योग ।
की बकरी बांधो | get Fe मिलापु ॥७४॥
Bi Hasan
Babar Khan Mewatt
Nama UI p. 549. ki Katha (MS).
83. ‘A. &p. Heveridge—Hu
82" ibid 390. mayun Nama by Gulobsdan Begarn p.98/Babor Noma
psi,
 72

ihat direction would be defeated. As the forces of Babar were to

march from the west a great despair was noticed in the hearts of his
soldiers, The disturbance was reported from every side, Rapari
and Chandawar were captured by Hussain Khan Nuhani and Qutb
Khan. respectively. ‘Lhe fort of Gwaliorwas besieged by the
Rajputs. Alam Khan, when sent to reinforce it did not go there,
‘but went to his own district. In this way, bad news came forth from
all the directions, Desertion of the Indian soldiers became frequent,
Babar renounces wine
On Monday Feb, 25, 526 A.D, Babar noticed that the mis-
fortune coming to him was due to his sins, He determined to renounce
wine.®® Therefore, all the gold and silver goblets cups etc, used for
drinking the wine were given away in charity to the Daraveshs. He
also vowed that in case he emerged victorious against Sanga, he
would remit the Tanga from the Muslims. On Feb. 26, 3526 A.D.,
he issued a firman accordingly, He summoned all his soldiers and
delivered courageous specch, In this way, he did not loose his heart
and strove hard to meet the challenge of Sanga.
Maharana’s Preparations
"The Maharana was having immense army under him, In the
words of GulBadan Begum “Amirs! Rajas and Ranas every one of
these, who had come earlier and paid homage to His Majesty(Babar)
now became an enemy and joined the Rana, until, Kul Jalali, of
Sambhal and Rupari Paragaias and Rais, Rajas and the Afgna
became hostile. Neatly two lakhs cavalry assembled” According
to Babar, the Maharana had collected! 2,0,000 cavalry, The
Shatrunjaya-Tirthoddhar-Prabandh®® mentions that Rana was having
three lacs cavalry underhim, The Rana-Roso™ gives the number
as ,80,000 only, We do not exactly know the strength of Babar's
Babar Nama Ui p.557.
Bi.
tidTTpp. 55'-553.
85.
86.Humayun Noma 9. 98-98.
87. 7 »
ete, THe Name
24Babar77 pp. 56I-62.7:
Nama वा77 ‘The lis seems nee
़ामिधान
to be incomplmnt
ोछिल्ता|
हब ब्विलक्षास्वपतिमंहीक्षित्साज
88. भूमिणास
[The Shatrunjaya-Tirthoddhar Prabandh Canto I verse 30,]
Pi ae eH
8 eet ath संघara ।ओकतियह zeAAR कहि एकनि कहि अपार ।४५
 8
army also, According to Afshana-e-Shakan, he was having 80,000
cavalry under him,
Maharana’s army was having several important chiefs and
rulers, Babar mentions the names of Silahady Tomar, Udaisingh of
Vagada, Medani Ray, Hasan Khan Mewati, Bharmal of Idar,
Narpat Hada, some Satrvi chief of Kacha, Biramdeva Meditiya,
Birsingh Bundela, Rao Ganga (of Jodhpur), Karamsingh, Chandra-
han Chauhan etc. However, this list seems to be incomplete, It
does not mention the names of the Sultan of Nagaur, the rulers of
Amber, Bikaner ९७०५ whose forces evidently participated in the
battle,
‘Alter the battle of Bayana, Sanga had passed a month in
making necessary preparations and consolidating his position near
Bhusawar. The detachments sent by him against Gwalior, Tijara
‘etc, were succeeded in wresting these places. Being over confident
of his strength, he did not invade upon Babar, when the latter was
making preparations and his army was fully stricken with panic,
Sanga’s delaying the matter proved ruinous to his own cause,
Babar attempted in making negotiations by promising to
earmark Bayana as the boundary of both the state. But the Allies of
Maharana dissuaded him from accepting the same. Rana soon
captured Bhusawar and reached near Khanawa,
Battle of Khanawa
‘The battle took place on March 7, 626 A.D, at Khanawa,
which is situated near Fatehpur Sikari, Medani Ray first made an
attack from the left wing of Mewar® army upon the right wing
‘of Babar’s army in such a way that enemy could not resist it success+
fally. Soon after, Chin-Timur came to reinforce which had chnaged
the condition of Babar’s army. The Mustafa of Rum, who brought
forward the match locks from his army®, made a fierce attack upon
the Rajputs, but his attempts proved ineffective, ‘Therefore, Babar
sent Qasim-i-Hussain Sultan, Nizamuddin Ahmad and Qawam Beg
to help, But the Rajputs? pressure again increased’ and he had.to 7
send more reinforcement under Hindu Beg Muhammadi Kukuldash,
‘Yunas Ali, Shah Mansur Burlas etc.

G.N. Sharma—op
90, Babar . eit. pp. 34-85.
9I Nama TI pp, 568-60.
 2]
‘The right wing of the Rajput army" similarly made repeated
and desperate attacks falling furiously on the left wing of Babar’s
army, A reinforcement" was soon sent under Mumin Ataka, Rustam
Turkaman etc. When the Rajput pressure increased he again sent
Khwaja Mahmud and Ali Ataka. But the Mughal army was having
matchlocks, the use of which being unknown to the Rajputs,
most of them were slain, By the death of Chandrabhan Chauhan,
Hasan Khan Mewati™, Sajja Chundawat, Karamehand ete, confusion
prevailed among the Rajput camp, During this time, Sanga received
fa severe wound from an arrow, and was hurriedly removed from
the battle field under the escort of Prithviraj of Amer to Basawa
(District Jaipur) from where he was taken to Ranathambhor.®®
Jhala Ajja made Incharge of the Rajput army
Durlng the absence of Rana, Rao Ratansingh of Salumbar
was asked to personate him by assuming the insignia of royalty.
But he declined, as his forefather Chunda relinquished it forever.
Later on, it was bestowed upon Jhala Ajja, It tock some time in
deciding the matter. This delay proved fatal and gave time to the
enemy for further attacks.
Silahadi and Sultan of Nagaur deserted
During this time, Silahadi and Khanazada of Nagaur_ deserting
the Rana’s side went to Babar and disclosed the news that Rana
‘was taken away from the battle field. According to Afshan-e-Shahan,
the defrat"® of Mewar army was due to the weacherous move of
‘Nagaii’s army. The Khanzada decided to leave the side of the Raj-
puts, astlicy treated him disgract fully. Other authorities, however,
put this stigma on the march of Silahady. But both of them deserted
a (He'tiiné when Muharana was removed from the battle-field and
‘the'position of the Rajput. army had become weak.
ll Dhe Mewar army was disasterously defeated, a8 no matchlocks
ike Babar, were available with it,
The battle of Khanawa was a decisive battle, which had
92, (bidp,565.
93. ibid p. 569-70
94, Vir Vinod I 9. 366.
95. Afshan e-Sholan (Shekh Muhammad Kabir) MS Lf. p. 56.
96. ibid.
 पक
changed the fate of Babar, After a few days, he recaptured®” Bayana
(March 20), Alwar (April 3), Gwalior, Bhusawar, Tijara and all other
important places lately wrested by Sanga, Messengers conveying
the news of victory were sent to all iinportant places, The defeat of
Sanga, practically brought to an end the Rajput national revival
and political confederacy led by Mewar,
Death of Sanga
While living at Ranathambhor, Sanga made necessary prepae
rations to meet Babar again, He promised not to enter into the city.
walls of Chittor,
tillhe would achieve victory against Babar, Soonafver,
when Babar invaded Chanderi, he also marched to help Medani Kay
and reached Irich and Bhander. Babar also marched against Ka pi,
According to A/shan-eShakan®, the Ranas? ministers and other nobles
gave him poison at Irich, where he had breathed his last, The
ministers, aller appointing his son Ratensingl as the ruler of Mewar,
returned Chittor, A good number of Afghan nobles, including
‘Mubammad II also went with them at Chittor and took shelter there
for a considerable time, The Amar Kaoya-Vamshavali®® also mentions
that Rana Sanga was administered to poison at Isich and his
body was removed at Mandalgarh, ‘The other Vanshavalis of Mewar
also give a"Aprecise account that the body of Sanga was taken
away ina Palaki upto Mandalgarh. Unfortunately, we have got no
other evidence to find out the fact, The copper plates. mentioned
below, refer of doing the annual Shradha and Pratishta celebration
of his cenatoph, But these plates are also silent about the exact
place, where he was cremated,
‘The exact date of this event is also not precisely known, But
according to Babar Nama, Sanga was alive on the Jan. 80, 628 A.D,
On the basis of a copper plate grant, Arya Ramchandra! concluded
that he perhaps died on May 20, 628 A.D, I have aslo examined
the text of this plate and found it to bea genuine grant. It is dated
9% Babar Nama ते pp. 576-583,
98. Afshan-e-Shahan Lf. 56-57,
99. Amar Kavya Varshaval! (MS) Lf. 2-22.
998, ‘The Vamshavall No, 878 mentions “कालपी Fae gat । पातकी पोढ़पा चका मांडल-
a आया”
00, Sod Patrika Vol. VINo.2-3 pp. 28-30.
 व76

as V.E. 597 and records some pious grant made on the occasion of
annual"! skradha of Sanga. It was issued under the signatures of Shah
Sura, who was a historical personality of Pamecha (Osawal) caste, Few
colophones of MSS, and copper plates, bearing his name were also
noticed pertaining to this period On the basis of this plate, the
date of Sanga’s death can be assumed as May 20, 528 A.D.
A copper plate grant of V. 8, 580 (533 A.D.) belonging (०
the reign of Vikramaditya, contains the account of Joshi Nilakanth;
Who solemnied the Pratistha of the cenaloph of Maharana Sanga,
was donated aland grant of 200Bighas (4 Halas) with three wells,
Unfortunately, the place where it was built is not mentioned in it,
‘The Rampole inscription of Chittor गए. 2, 505 mentions that a
Pavati (perhaps step-well) was excavated in the memory of Sanga,
But itis also a scanty record.
Sanga was the greatest ruler of his time, He possessed un-
daunted courage and uncommon power of body, He had successfully
measured swords against the Sultans of Malwa, Gujrat and Ibrahim
Lodi, The combined forces of Malwa and Gujrat at Mandsaur,
could not humble his pride. He was lacking an eye an arm and had
crappled by a broken leg. At the same time he was having more than
80 honourable scars on his bedy. Babar trembled and hesitated to
fight with him, He was a great diplomat and extended his shelter
to the fugitive and dislodged chiefs. In other words, he was the last
Hindu Independent Chief, of northern India, who was possessing
extensive boundaries.

in “orate Ai} Oe tee ee दीम gr gfe ae ge ata

व02,
Beslan
The colophones of MSS. Awashyaka Brihada Vriti (५.४, 592), Upasaka
Sura (UE87) otStaanea-Sura (V2 57)
70. For dees RG;Tir oaper, [The Jounsl of the Univeriey of
04, 04 ,०7००३००-४ oe se 66/872 Lf. 6) jand Surya Vamsha Lf. 49 the
 (०) Successors-of Sanga~
Ratansingh ५
After the disasterqus dixcamfitureat Khanawa, despair prevailed
in, the Mewar, army, , Furthgs bopes of gontriving ambitivous,enter-
prises by the ruler of Mewarylikg,Sanga, were shattered, Although,
after the battle.of Khanawa,,,Babas,.did not risked, another pitched
battle direot. with thy Mewatforgns.and,even refrained from pursuing
them, but his strength ywayconsidgsably. increased, Thus consolidi
tion of power became ingyitabla forthe, ruler of Mewar,to regain his
lost position,
After the, death,
ofSangh, hisgldest surviving! son Ratnasingh
succeeded him,, His othex sqns.named, Vikramaditya and Udaisingh,
with their mothers, Hadi Kapmayati,wers, living at Ranathambhor,
which was assigned.to,thera,Wbe managment of this Jagir was under
the guardianship.of Suraimahdiada,.as, bath of them were minor, By
alloting this big jagix to Vikraggaditya,by Sanga, certain problems
were created, whigh hadyfar xeachinginfluence and fomenting intes-
tine feuds, Ratnasingh,,althaugh bad,given his halfhearted consent
to the above grant,.butkeppinginview the strategical, importance of
this stronghold, .waa, angiqut.ta have, it under his direct control,
‘Therefore, he sent PuranmalPurbiya to Ranathambhor,* to bring
his mother and. brothers.at. Ghittor, inorder to keep them away
from'any possible intrigyg... Heals, asked, his mother to send the
accumulated treasures including. thrjewelled crown and golden gri-
dale received from the,Sultan.of, Malwa by Sanga, But she evaded
and Surajmal informed..to_seiife,the matter, when he would meet
with Maharana at Chittor,
Fearing the, possiility,of retributive measures by Maharana
against Ranatharabhor, Hadi Karmavati sent diplomatic mission*
under Ashok Parmar‘ to Babar, who reached, there on, Sept, 29,
on,
Bbedsada who
st,s
पर Sanga’s eldewes .expigedduring the life time of his
Te Vinodwert Un dge6/0
— 2. was the Kiledar of Mandssur, His
कक ee ofBanga Ashokimal
escelantsmubequenty hela the Jegof Bilin,
78
4528 A.D. Babar received him with proper care, He was having
acovetous eye on the stronghold of Ranathambhor, Therefore,
during discussions, he laid stress on its surrender, He also desired
that Vikramaditya should owe® his allegiance to him, Ashok wanted
to exchange Bayana with Ranathambhor. But looking to its strate-
gical importance, Babar avoided and desired to give Shamshabad,
However, no settlement could be done there, Babar himself hurriedly
‘moved to Gwalior and invited Ashok for further discussions there,
On reaching the said place, Ashok agreed to the terms proposed
by Babar. On this settlement Babar sent Hemsi son of Deva, a
local Rajput, to bring the keys of the fort of Ranathambhor, A
message was also conveyed to the Quéeh: Mother expressing his rea-
diness for extending necessary help in securing the throne of Mewar
for Vikramaditya, if the latter would remain sincere. But this
settlement could not be acted upon” and remained abortive, as the
Rajputs did not agree to surrender such an important stronghold,
Tt seems that they only wanted to create a terror in the hearts
of Maharana, so that he might not indulge against Ranathambhor.
Battles with the Sultan of Malwa
‘As already stated that Mahmud Khilji IT of Malwa was
disasterously defeated by Sanga. He was waiting for an opportunity
to fight with the ruler of Mewar. After’ the, death of Sanga, he
detached Shirza Khan with an army® to lay waste the country of
Rana, According to Tarikh-i-Alf? he was actuated by these three
motives (i) to chastise Rana (fi) to recover some territories of
‘Malwa, which had captured by, Sanga and (iii) to punish Silahady
Tanwar, who was in concert with Rana and had recently seized
some territory belonging to the kingdom of Malwa. But the attempts
of the Sultan proved fatile, Shirza Khan was badly defeated,
Atthe same time, Maharana with a Jarge army penetrated
into Malwa and reached village Sambaliya (Near Sarangpur),
Babar
Por NamaTlpp 0४-७8. a
हे; Recating
Esai nla fo the
on loca) sources,
etsatng suchenTarachand Kavadiya,
laylacitbe ee the pomsaion
eeder fatherof3:
Shama
the Rejpute
2. Higa एल fispp.provonle
20607 ॥wore ip.
accededL0Hby the yey
Quen Mistery
ether. of Get
9, pe
Bayleyop.9, et. p48 fa
40, wid
 पप9
Having ravaged the country around it, he then proceeded towards
Ujjain to confront Sultan Mahmud Khilji II of Malwa, At the time
when Maharana Sanga entered into Malwa, Sultan of Gujrat, being
in concert with the Sultan of Malwa, had extended necessary help
tothe later, But soon situation was changed, Now dissensions had
broken out between these Sultans, Due to arrogant temper, Sultan
‘Mahmud Khilji of Malwa, could not develop his faith among his
adherents, He in his perplexity and distress summoned Mohin Khan
of Sewas and Silahady to help him against the invasion of Mewar.
When they waited on him they were given" some extraordinary
honours, Both of them, thus suspecting a foul play, deserted him
and went tothe camp of Maharana which had disheartened the
Sultan, The Mewar army succeeded in defeating the Malwa-troops
neat Ujjain and carried out depredations successfully.
Bahadur Shah's invasion against Malwa
Sultan Bahadur Shah’s brother Chand Khan, who remained
for a few months at Chittor, later on moved to Mandu and took
political asylum there. Rezi-ul-Mulk, a noble from Gujrat, attempted
to get necessary help from Babar in placing Chand Khan'* on the
throne of Gujrat, Bahadur Shah reproached to Mahmud Khilji for
giving countenance to the intrigues and asked him to surrender
Chand Khan, to which he evaded. Hear ng no response, Bahadur
Shah was deeply smarted, but did not risk to intrude into Malwa
at that time,
‘The recent success of the ruler of Mewar in Malwa had greatly
augmended his sphere of,influence there. Chiefs of Malwa, including
Silahady preferred to come under his protectorship. These develop-
ments had enraged Bahadur Shah, as he himself was making the plans
to devour the territories of Malwa and Mewar. Openly, he did not
like to come into clash with Maharana Ratnasingh the ruler of Me?
war, as he was having cordial relations™ with him. The disturbances
followed by the invasion of Mewar in Malwa had greatly debiliated its
kingdom. This had encouraged Bahadur Shah to sweep away there.
Ii, ‘Tab ILI pp. 60-6I4/Firistah Vol. IV p. 266/Bayley—op. cit. p. 349 fn.
{2, Tab ITE p, 60/Firistah Vol. IV p. 265/Bayley op. ०7. p. 349 fn.
43. Vamshavall No, 873 Lf. No. I83.
380
Howevér, he was also having गा. apprehension of the penetration of
of
Mewar-forces into Gujrat during his absence, so he was desirous
getting an assurance to that effect from Maharana, For this purpose,
he took a circutous route and encamped at Kirachi-Ghat, where he
was: expecting the arrival of Maharana, From that camp, he
despatched his uakils to the camp of Maharana in Malwa, who also
sent his vakils named, Dungarsingh* and Jayraj to wait on the
Sultan, After a few days, the Maharana while returning from Malwa
stayed there, At this time, both the Sultan and Maharana paid
customary visits to each other’s camp. :The Persian Chronicles, in
order to uphold the position of Sultan, did not mentionhisvisit to the
carhp of Maharana, But according to the Rajput'sources!* he paid a
visit to the above camp. A careful study of the events prove
that the Sultan was desirous for getting his kingdom free from any
possible in-road during his absence in Malwa, Therefore, taking the
benefit of his personal friendship with Maharana,}* he visited his
camp and succeeded in getting necessary assurances from him. This
had freed the Sultan, who acting energetically moved against Malwa.
A crushing defeat was inflicted by'” him on the forces of Malwa and
its territory was annexed t6 his state.
‘During the medieval times, the balance of power was maintained
between the neighbouring state’ of Malwa, Gujrat and Mewar, None
of them was powerful enough to devour the state of other. However,
‘Meharana’s alliance with Batiadur Shah in'suppressing the Sultan of
‘Malwa proved fatal. The Sultan of Gujrat became more powerful
and formidable, who was now looking desirous to humiliate the ruler
of Mewar, for which he was watching a suitable opportunity,
Death of Maharana
‘The Maharana failed in bringing his step mother at Chittor, in
ie Firat
ps. Vel. pp, 266-67/0b TI p,GU/Sudh Patrika Val. XIV No,
45) The MS Rana Ratansinghji ra Jhulana, an almost contemporary
work men~
tions that the Sultan Bihadne Shah visited the camp of Manaenna nnd
‘waited on him—ag बाहादर जे afer बिढ बीज ft
fame ag eer दल fe ॥
Sodh Patrika Vol. XIV No. |p. 33.
\6 Arya
GHG Ramchandra—Mahavana
SEN. 4 pt) Udaisinghi and the Sur Kings rae of Delhi
47, Tab TIi p. 858/Pirishtah Vol. IV p. 268/Bayley op. cit! p, 353,
 48L"
ofder to have his full control"over Ranathambhor, He made
Surajmal responsible for this. ‘Their relations were further adversely
affected, as the latter had carried away Kachhawa Prithviraj’s
daughter® who was going to be espoused to Maharana, This had
further fomented their feuds, In order to wreak vengeance the
Maharana invited Surajmal for hunting excursion, At Gokarna,!?
which is situated on the borders of Mewar and Bundi, both Maharana
and Surajmal lost their lives, It is said that while pursuing game the
‘Maharana first attacked Sutajmal, who immediately fell on ground
and in wounded condition’he also counterattacked and killed
Maharana in a single stroke.
Col Tod has rightly observed that Ratansingh “possessed all
the arrogance” and martial virtue of his race. Like his father, thehe
determined to make the ficld his capital and commanded that
gates of Chittor never should be closed, boasting that its portals were
Delhi and Mandu”, However, he failed to improve his relations
with his brother Vikramaditya’s guardian Surajmal Hada, Similarly,
his alliance and diplomatic overtures with Bahadur Shah subsequently
proved fatal and brought serious results in the state.
‘The Shatrunjaya Inscription of V.E. 4587
‘The Shatrunjaya inscription of V.E, 587 is very important
record belonging to the réign of Maharana Ratnasingh. In its
beginning, it contains a brief account of the rulers of Mewar , The
renovation of the Jain temple at Shatrunjaya (Gujrat) was attended
with the special permission. of Sultan Bahadur Shah of Gujrat byd
Karmashalt" of Chittor, Therefore, this inscription records a detaile
account about the various Benevolent: activities of this family. The
Shatrunjaya-Tirlhoddhar-Prabaridh which was composed at this time,
also mentions the above account. For carrying out the above
48. ‘The Vamshavall No. 873 Lf, 33/No 877 Lf, 67.
49, 'इतरे ea हेचेत आयो पल पुलीदेखेदौवार्णatछाती ऊपरेरावमीएक हाथ दूंतो बागा री
reer केटा रा पला पड़े नै दूबराLf. हाथ यू कटारी बाही सो ने दीवाण भेसा रहया
{Rawal Rant ri Bat (MS) 82.] a
20, Tod Tp 247. ps ee
2, ओ रत्लपिह राज्ये राज्यव्यापारमा र धौरयः । श्री waif: दक्षो मुं्यो व्यवह्वारिणां सध्ये--
जक्षास्ति ीश श्रीमदुब
श्रधशाधnjnya तस्य प्राष्यस
ाहुदरो वृपःof ।४.४. ्फुरमाणForपु डगेके समयायो ं।uni-Jine +
खा iateu Inscription I587)- details see—M
Vijay—Shatrunjaya Tirtho ddhar Prabandh Canto-II verses 47-66,
 प828

renovation a good number ofarchitects अदालत also employed from

Chittor, The work was supervised by Vivekadhir Gani and Vivek
Mandir Pathak of Tappa-gachchha.
Sanga’s Son Vikramaditya
‘Vikramaditya succeeded his brother Ratnasingh, ‘The circums-
tances under which he came to throne of Mewar were not very
favourable to him, He did not attempt to develop his faith on his
chiefs and admonished them, He also employed a good number** of
Payakas (Wrestlers) and lavished them those gifts and approbations to
which so for only the Rajput chiefs hiad arrogated their exclusive
rights, ‘Therefore, the important chiefs rapidly deserted him.
Raisen-Affairs is
Being arrogant with the behaviour of Silahady, the Sultan
Bahadur Shah made him captive treacherously and laid a siege to the
fort of Raisen, which was ably defended by Laxmansingh, the brother
of Silahady. Bhupat Ray, the son of Silahady went to Chittor and
requested for neccessary help to Maharana, who being agreed to
espouse his cause, njtirched with a large army consisting of 40,000
cavalry. This had alarmed the Sultan, who detached Imad-ul-Mulk
and Mir-Mahmu.-Khan against Rana When reached near the
village Berisa (?) they came to know that Rana was approaching with
alarge army. They communicated this message to the Sultan, who
was very much perturbed. He did.not like that two Rajput-forces
simalteneously fight against him and endeavoured to intercept the
army coming from Chittor, on its Way. He, therefore, leaving the
siege-operations under the charge of Ikhtiyar Khan, hurridey moved
there by covering I40 miles within 24 hours and joined his detach-
ments. Reaching near the camp of Rana, he adopted diplomatic
overtures and sent cmissaries to wait on him, The Persian
Ghroniclts mention that Rana, on learning the arrival of Sultan in
sPerson, decided not to come into clas. He sent his vakils to wait on
the Sultan for protesting him about the ill treatment with Silahady.
अर: oi Fomegerereer qe टीसा qo पोषा Ge गांगा go ठाला ge Bar [iid]
28. विक्रमाशिस्यजों चलबो tet ewes । राजपूतां हैसुष नही दौधो। बैठी पायक नामा सात
हुजाए erent (Rawal Ronajirl Bat (MS) Lf. 84.]
24.
$ Bayley—op.
पेशकश ०४.pgs
p.$60/Tab III Pp.p . $62-68/Firistah
3 Vol, ppppL6-!
Lt8-I9.
 488
According to Nizam-ud-din Ahmad,* the Sultan communicated his
reply to Maharana that at present his forces and grandeur were
greater than himself If he refrained from fighting, he would
properly behave with Silahady. On taking this assurance the Mewar
army together with Bhupat Ray went back to Chittor. ‘The Sultan
soon returned to Raisen and captured the fort on May 6, (532 A.D.
It seems that the steps taken by Maharana in going against Bahadur
Shah were ill-calenlated and proved ruinous to his own state, Had he
proceeded upto Raisen, he would have compelled the Sultan to raise
the siege from the fort. By doing this, he would have gained the fame
also. But by returning from the way, no purpose was solved, This
had sowed the seed of animosity between Mewar and Gujrat and
unnecessarily gave a chance to the Sultan for invading Chittor
cn this ostensible ground.
Battles of Gagron and Mandsaur (532 A.D.)
Maharan’s apathy towords the growing menace of Bahadur
Shah plunged his kingdom into anarchy and strife, No proper
arrargement of reinforcement and collection of arms and ammunition
could be done. Bahadur Shah, who was consolidating his position,
in Malwa soon detached his army under Mahmud Shah Asiri
against*” Gagron, fort, which was wrested by Sanga from Mahmud
Khilji and had been forming part of the kingdom of Mewar from that
time. The local Ailedar Ram Singh abley defended by displaying
prowers and gallantry. When Mahmud Asiri failed to, achieve
any success, the Sultan himself came is person there. Since no
reinforcement was provided from Chittor, the Rajputs evacuated the
fort and the Sultan captured it, He spent a few days there in cele-
rating festivities and entertainments. From there, Imad-ul-Mulk**
and Ikhtiyar Khan were sent againt Ranathambhor and Mandsaur,
‘The fort of Ranthambhor® was ably defended by the Rajputs so it
‘could not be captured. From there, the above commandents marched
against Mandsaur. ‘There being no proper arrangement inside that
fort, the local kiledar Madhusingh evacuated it and fort fell” in the
apg Waate tv p.i29/tab गा ए. 368
ही: Hikaat
op. elt. p. 360/Tab IIT p, 368/Firistah
2G. BayleyVp Vol. TV p. 25.
BB: Hayley opp 38/Tab Tp. 86,
व84
who
hands of ‘the’Suitan. “At'Chittor;"'thWere'Was ‘no senior officer, Chiefs
‘could mariage the affairs of the #tate"prope¥ly . “Senior Rajput
‘and Ministers including Karma’ Shah" were having cordial relations
‘with the Sultan and some ofthen’ Wertéven Hatching plots ngainst
the life of Maharana*, They, tirtiindfut of their duties, encouraged
the Sultan to march against Ohittor.
avasion of Bahadur Shak poh Chittor (£533 A.D.)
Sultan Bahadur Shah of Gujtaty’whb'was having a covetous eye
on Chittor, desired its reduttionit'otder to revange the disgrace of
Sultan Muzaffar Shah’s defeat’ atthe “Mands of “Sanga, For this big
purpose, he made necessary prepatations'*. by'collecting several several
guns, arms and athmunitions i lerge'quanti ty, rand enliste d
soldiers. When these’ preparations were'¢ompleted, he gave orders
to Mahinud Shah Asiri to march against-Ghittor’ and Kbudawand
Khan, the Wazir of Mandu’ was'ditected'torjoitrhim. (Nov. 532
AD), When this invading arthy“reathed Mandéaur, proposals for
settlement by offering a handsome” tribut e’'wer e: sent throug h the
rakils by the Maharana, But some vehfefs of Mewar, who were
present with the invading army, dissuaded’ from concluding any
pments
seulement, ‘The Sultan was also'informed:about these develowanted
through Shuja-at Khan, but he too rejected:this offer, ashe
to fulfil his long cherished drearh of eongerting Chittor and directed
his army to continue its match,
‘The detachments sent wider Tatar Khan as.an advance pickets
captured the* Talahati and 2+gatei of Ohittor, named Padal Pole and
Bherava Pole (Jan. 3; 533-A.D.J»without any difficulty, as the
Rajputs had evacuated these plates aind transferred. the civil popula-
tions, to the fort, Mahmud Khan Asiti and Khudawand Khan
reached there with the’ big cannons‘and heavy stock of arms and
ammunitions. (Feb. I6, 883/A:D.).’ After &" few days, the Sultan
himself arrived there and personlly’ tookgreat: pains in arranging
the siege-operations. He kept™*A TatarKhaw sind Medani Ray against
Se अल
BL. G.N, Sharma—Mewar and the Mughal Emperors p. 43.
32, Bayley~op. cit, 9. 369. I 9. $94,
S2A. Vir Vinod वा 9५ 27/Ojha
३3." Mirat-lSikandar 9. \78/Bayley=op. at. कै, S70.
34, ibid.
 85
‘Waruman Pole; Alif Khan against Lakhota Bari ‘ahd | Mallu Khan
© Sikandar Khan and other Malwa nobles against Dholi‘Burj. The
big cannon brought from Diu was placed’on the southern hillock,
named Chittori Burj and Rumi Khan was made incharge of it. He
was asked for cannonading so fiercely that the walls of the fort be
battered down. ‘There were no sufficient preparations to cope with
the situation, ‘The Queen: Mother also tried to obtain necessary help
“by sending" his envoy to Humayun, who diel not response to her
¢all."® Before a year, when Maharana’marched to espouse the cause
of Raisen, he was having 40,000 cavalry with him, But after this a
good number of chiefs had alienated ‘and only a few of them now
rejoined him.
The successful firing from the artillery began to batterdown
the bastons and important buildings of the fort. ‘The continuous
cannonading caused a great horror which shuddered the people. The
Rajput army soon reduced to straits and fall of the fort became
apparent. ‘The inhabitants perceiving that no help from outside
became possible, contrived to settle the matter by negotiations, They
thus requested (o Queen Mother, who sent his vakils to the camp of
Bahadur Shah. ‘The settlement was concluded on March 24, 633
A.D. on these humiliating terms® :—
(i) To surrender the districts of Malwa wrested by Sanga.
(ii) To give the jewelled crown and golden belt taken from
the Sulan of Malwa by Sanga,
(ii) To make payment of five lacs Tovkas together with one
hundred horses and (en elephants in form ofindemnity.
This settlement had its far reaching results. The reputation
earned from the courageous achievements of Sanga was greatly
impaired by it, Taking benefit of such derogatory position of
Mewar, the Sultan now tended to aggranilize himself with more
territories of its dependancies.*” For this purpose, he detached
Burhan-ul-Mulk and Mujhahid Khan against Ranthambhor and
‘SMA, Rawal Ranoji ri Bat LI. 8i(b)-
35, G,N. Sharma—op. cit. 9. 45.
854. Mirat-t-Sikandart p. \70/Bayleyop. cit. 6237!.
36. Mirat.i-Sikandari pp. \78-79/Bayley op. eit. pp. $72/Firishtah Vol. IV
P, [24/Tab IIT 9. 369.
37. Mirat-t-Sikandart pp.i79/Bayley p:872.
 486
Shamshir-ul-Mulk with twelve other officers against Ajmer.
As there were no sufficient army available, these forts soon fell in the
hands of the Gujrat army,
Humayun, had successfully quelled the disturbances of
Muhamed Zamin Mirza, who raised the standard of revolt by
asserting vain pretensions, He soon managed to fly to the court of
Bahadur Shah and took political asylum there. This had fomented
animosity between Sultan Babadur Shah and Humayun.” Bahadur
Shah, who was secing cherished dreams of conquerring Delhi,
detached Tatar Khan with a efficient army to march against the
‘Mughal forces, ‘This was the time when his power was rather at
zenith,
Invasion of Bahadur Shah upon Chittor
Being encouraged by the division of the Rajputs, Sultan
Bahadur Shah planned to accomplish his innate desire to capture and
devour the entire kingdom of Mewar, Few Rajput chiefs of Mewar
who were then serving under the Sultan of Gujrat, also instigated
for invading Mewar, After making necessary preparations he
matched against Chittor through Hadoti, A battle was fought at
village Loicha, in Bundi, where Mewar forces were defvated. ‘The
Sultan continued his march and soon reached the subverb of Ghittor,
At this critical time, a good number of chiefs of Mewar, Bundi etc,
collected there responsing to the appeal" of Queen Mother, A War
Council was convened and on its recommendations, Mabarana
Vikramaditya and his brother Udaisingh were removed to Bundi
under the escort of Rawat Udayaditya, Chakrasena etc, Baghsingh'®
of Devaliya was made incharge of the Rajput garrison posted in
Ghittor to defend the country.

38, Ajmer was then under Jagmal Parrot, which is evident from the colo-
phone of MS. Bhavishya-Datta-Charita संबत्‌ १५८६ wt मायसिर मासे कृष्णपक्ष
दोज बृहस्पति aR sa ETE Te राव श्री जगमाल राय RET,
Dr, Kasliwsl—Prashast l Sangraka 9. 9,
39, Bayley op ell. pp. 24-85.
40. बी पाव शाह at wel बारों get af ee बुरा tera!
चित्तौड़ के राजपूत ae बैठा हैंजिसे एक बगत है--[टिकाRanoft ri Bar Lf. 84].
Al, Tein sid that the chiefs reproached to Mabarana for having his ulter faith
on payakas Sharm आप Rar था कि रजपूत पूहीकरे है। मारा जेटी एक भुजरी चोठ |
hgh असवार हैपूल भेसों करदेगा पायकां रा पण हायः देखजे। (bia)
42. , Gangacam—Harl-Bhushan-Mehakavya IV, verses 2-8I and ए ।-20.
 वश
On hearing the destruction of his army, sent under command!
of Tatar Khari against Humayun, Bahadur Shah was very much
‘perturbed and discussed this matter with his chiefs, All of them
unanimously desired to abandon the siege of Chittor and pursue
Humayun first, except Sadar Khan, who laid stress (o give priority
on the reduotion of Ghittor. "The Sultan acting on his advice left the
idea to raise the siege. However, he cunningly dissuaded Humayun
from any action‘ pretending that he was indulged in the battle
with the infidels, ‘The Queen Mother also attempted to get help by
sending an emissary named Padma Shah to Humayun's court; but
he in the words of Donald I". Leach, remained strangely inactive,
Dr. G.N. Sharma is correct when he says that “Humayun’s
convictions proved ruinous to his own cause and destructive to
the Rajputs. Ifat the proper moment he had attacked Bahadur Shah
he would have killed two birds by one stone, fulfilling his duty of
chivalry by responding to the Rajput appeal and saving himself from
the botherations of following Bahadur Shah from place to place."”
Similar views have also been expressed by 8.R, Sharma,
Siege-Operations
Proper arrangement of defence was made inside the fort,
‘Attempts were also made not to keep any important baston unpro-
tected.!" Baghsingh being the commandant of the army remained at
Bherupole, Solanky Bherudas was posted to Hanumanpole, Rajarana
Sajja and Singha remained at Ganeshpole, while Dodiya Bhan
together with other Rajputs were posted to other important points,
Bahadur Shah left the direction®? of the siege to Rumi Khan,
He encouraged him by giving a false promise to appoint him as the
Governor of this fort after its reduction, Rumi Khan, therefore,
exerted himself in showing the strength of cannanoding by placing
फ्रे,. Mirai-tSikandarl pp, '86-I67/FiristahVol. Vp. 06/'७ TIT p, 874,
44... 8. K, Beoerji—Humayun Badasbah p. 08,
P, Leach—India in the Byesof Euroupe (I6th century A.D.) Chi-
Donald 422,
45, eagop.
458. GAN Sharoa—op, et. The VamshavalisNo.877 (Lf 68),973 (Lf. 434) and
Rawal RanajriBet (Lf, 87) mention Humayun’s visit at Chittor in order
tohelp the Mabarana. But this account does not seem to be correct.
He visited Ghittor only to settle his scores with his brother Askari,
46, Ojha T pp, 390-09/// Vinod p. $/Tod T 9, S74.
47. Bayley—op. et. p. 38000 Vol. IV py 26/Tab TIX p. 97,
 488
his guns on the‘hillocks, situated in the southern extremity of the fort.
A sabat was also excavated near Bika-Koh, which was blasted in the
first week" of March 535 A.D. Hada Arjun with more than 500
Rajputs were blown away by it. But the Rajput garrison was not
disheartened and bravely defended the breach by repelling many
assailants. ‘The Queen Mother herself clad in armour, set an cxample
of courageous devotion. In the words of a contemporary European
writer, she successfully commanded a detachment consisting of 2000
cavalry and good infantry. .She, by her courageous actions, infused
the feeling of do and die among the defenders.
The Rajput garrison, perceiving that no reinforcement was
forth coming, decided to fight a last battle. They were not
prepared to defend against the cannanoding which was so fierce
that out side walls of the fort and bastons were badly damaged.
They now decided* to perform Jaukar of a good number of ladies
including Queen Mother, Next day the gates were opened and
the important chiefs named, Baghsingh of Devaliya, Solanky
Bherudas of Desuri, Rajrana Sajja of Delwara, Duda, Satta, and
Karma Chundawats, Dodiya Bhan etc. were slain while Gghting,
‘The fort was captured®* on March 8, 535 A.D, The city was
abandoned to piunder with a general massacre for 3 days, The
Sultan now changed his mindand instead of fulfilling his promises
to Rumi Khan, he appointed Malik Hassan Khan Bahadur-ul-Mulk
as the Governor of Chittor.* Humayun, who was waiting like a
silent spactator at Sarangpur, started towards Mandsaur, where a
crushing defeat was inflicted on Bahadur Shab, who ran away after
mercilessly destroying his treasures and other objecis there Malik
46. fer aed te ge wh tenngeeकही । कोट रो Le.arte जखुन
हो बूदी रो पांच wary gest [Raval Renofi ri Bat (MS) 85].
49, Donald F. Leach—op. eit. p. 422.
Sovak ant मदर gar bt ver छापे eft ele हार ET काम काया |
tawal Renojialorisucided
eildcene Bat (MS) Lf.[Nena05, kt Kina]
Besides, a good number of ladies and
si. MinotPSitandar कह.
52, sing
In Mirat-inStkandri,
hs promi i to, e mentioned that the Sultan was desirous of ful=
unt Kas," but, bis nobles ‘cinndd him,
\crefote,
ममRoniकल he changed
थे his
Mamaenur mind.
battle as Ges nal ani
Khan. teins trcchetoa Seen
33, Bayley—op.-cit p. 285/Tab III 9. 374/Firistah Vol. IV pp, 2728.
 389
the defeat of
‘Hassan Khan might have left. Chittor immediately after
Sultan at Mandsaur, According to Hari-Bhusan-Mahakauya, Rajsingh?’
son of Baghsingh of Devaliya held the fort, till Vikramaditya came
from Bundi.t*
Assassination of Vikramaditya
‘According to Rawal Ranajiri Bat, Vikramaditya, even after
the above catastrop he was not desirous to improve his relations with
his important chiefs and sometimes admonished and even derided at
them, Once he behaved scornfully towards his two leading chiefs,
‘who instigated Banvir to assassinate him, Accordingly his life was
cut short in ५. 8, 692 through a wanton® plot by Banvir, the
natural son of Prithviraj.
‘The Jhaliya-Plate
"Among the copper plates of Vikramaditya, the Jhaliya-plate is
very important, It was isued on the Ith day of bright half ofe
marriag
Vaishakh V.E. 689, when Maharana went to cerebrate his
at Mandalgarh.: It also contains the name of Rawat Bhawan imal
‘and Hada Arjun, who stand as -the witnesses!” Howeve r, we do
not find the name ofthe chiefofMandalgarh init, But it can be
conjectured that Rawat Bhawanimal referred to above was probably
of the Solanky race, who held this fort as the Jaleshwar temple
s the name of its
inscription of Mandalgarh™ dated V.E. 6)7 containBalanot
chief of Solanky race with his title as Rawat’ The -Solankies
held this fort for a long time,
Banvir
‘Soon after the assassination of Vikramaditya, the assassin
also attempted in stabbing Udaisingh,” the’ younge r brother
SEES V verses 20-28.
‘54 Gangaram- -Bhushan-Mahakavya canto
Panwar
"Rawal Ronaji ri Bat'(MS) (Lf..69) the name'of
पट Rat
J Ravel and हक तकwas chsh
his son Jagmal
warsiaan ithebate
But he Karmachandra
ruling over Ajmer in V.Bl509, which
[Kasliwal—
ot Xdent from a colophone of MS. Bhavlsya-Datta-Chariia
720
Vamshavalis (MS) No.20270:
56; कि 68/No,are878सताLf, Ne
877 Lf,eras धानजो Raneजैन rfयही
33/ए0/4/
आ. स्वस्त ली महाराजाधीराज महाराणा श्री विक्रमादित्यमधेआदेशातु--भ्री राजी मांडलगढ़ी पाए
Shar पधारया बाई सा परणवा आया तिरो चोरी उदक Prat रा० श्री रावत भवानी
वर्ष बैसांय सुदि १३
हाड़ा अरणन
दास जीJhaliya
{The plate] १५८६
copperविदमान--संबत
58. fir श्री day १६१७ a eee खुदि ११-- रावतinscription श्री बली Rs Sh राम भो
ज्ञालिसर जीरो प्रासोंद BWeM...[Uapublished of Mandalgari}
 390
खाते successor of Vikramaditya to death, But the latter was saved
due to the fidelity of Panna-Dhay, who sacrified his own son,
Banvir did not consider himself safe in Chittor. He at first
tried to appease the public by granting remission in levy of taxes.
His Ram pole inscription of Chittor dated ५.७, 693 also mentions
remission in custom duty from the Brahmins and the Charans.
Several land grants were issued™ to the important Brahmins, In the
memory" of Maharana Sanga a pavati (Step-well ?) was also got
constructed by him in V.E, 695, But these attempts did not give
fruitful results. ‘The important chiefs deserted him one by one and
subsequently he was defeated by Udaisingh in V, 8, 698, In the
words of Arya Ramchandra®® he wasa brave, great and magnificant
ruler, But his illegitimate birth brought his fall,
Mirabai
Mirabai, the daughter of Medatiya Biramdeva’s brother
Ratnasingh, was born at village! Kudaki, Her date of birth is not
precisely known, But it seems that she was born after 600 A.D,
Gol. Tod mentinos that she was a most celebrated princess of her
time for beauty and piety. It issaid that her uncle Biramdeva
looked after her and brought her up at Medata in V. E, 678
(I5I6 A.D.), She was given away in marriage to Maharana Sanga’s
eldest son Bhojraj, who did not enjoy a long life and died in ५.४8,
680 (688 A.D.). ‘The death of her husband in prime of youth chan:
ged the course of her life and she devoted herself completely to Lord
Krishna, During the reign of Maharana Vikramaditya, she had to
face great hardships. ‘The ruling prince did not relish her excessive
devotion to religion and picty and compelled her to shun these
मह|राबाधिराज
हि dat [Wheमहाराणा श्री बनवीर आदेशातुcription
Ranpotelnv शमसत चारणedited
बरामण eT
of Chior by he" Autos"a
Farad.
60, saree
ro महाराणा ee दे]
ner [बाद] सात...हसर a... आाषाठ owe tet जोसी ae
७. महा।राजाधिराज महाराणा भरी वगवीर भी target seme पाएदी करी
परी सांगारी ae कीषी (७४४ a
62. LH, Vol XXXNeo.4p. 8.
Brat enn a ee a at Rea
‘eations
theiltageKuda asthe birthplaceof Minabats 7M
64. Vir Bhumi Chittor by the Author pp, 34-I95.
activities. It is also said that he hatched a plot to cut her life short.
In such circumstances, she had to leave Mewar and went to Medata.
Luck befell her there also. Maldeva, the ruler of Jodhpur, soon
captured it and compelled its chief Biramdeva to ramble in
vain towards Chatasu Tonk etc. Mirabai, then made up her mind
to perform pilgrimage to various Hindu shrines of Northern India.
Teis said that in 604 A.D,, when she was in Dwarika, Maharana >
‘Udaisingh went thereto bring her back to Chittor, Legend goes
that, while dancing in front of the Portrait of Lord Krishna, she
eseeched his ever Insting affection, ‘The Portrait extended its arms
‘and engulfed her body making her disappear from carth, The
above legend gives us an idea that she died at Dwarika,
Mirabai’s devotional songs contain tender expression and are
widely sung. It is believed that she imbibed ideas of dedications to
Lord Krishna from her early childhood and maintained it throughout
her life. This was the time, when Ramanand founded a new sect
and tought Bhakli-Marg, according to which salvation can be
attained through devotion irrespective of caste creed sex etc, Mirabai
‘was highly influenced by his teachings and decried in her songs all
worldly discriminations between man and man, She thus laid a
stress on adoption of Bhatki Marga for attainment of salvation and
disfavoured complicated and manifold activities of yog, sacrifice and
asceticism, According to her, itis rather a mirage to seek happiness
in this transitory world, Her songs are, therefore, expressive of a true
and deep routed desire for God. She preferred Madiurya Bhakti,
Even today several widows, who lead religious and secluded life are
called “Mirabais”, ‘They profess to follow Mirabai. Out of several
poetic compositions attributed to Mirabai, the songs are very famous,
‘The Ekling temple inscription (VE 592)
‘The Ekling Math inscription of V.E. 692 records that
Narhari, who was the pupil of Vishwanath, got renovation" of the
monestary attached to the said temple done. It gives an idea that
Pashupat saints removed by Maharana Kumbha could not sueceed in
regaining their posts, Maharana Sanga perhaps, appointed Vishwa-
nath to lookafter regular worship of the shrine. This inscription was
65. एकलिगशिवप्रद्यः de: शोमवदोल्षितअशित स्वास्ति प्रदोतनपासंताहु तरहयंतिः
[Unpublished inscription] :
 392

composed: by-Dashora. Parashuram.** ? He-remained a poet-rin.then

court of Maharana Sanga also, ‘The Shalrunjaya Tirthoddhar™.
Pratandh mentions his debate with a Jain saint at Chittor,
The Annapurna temple inscription of Chittor (V.E. 259)
Few Surah inscriptions of the time of Banvir incised at: Ramapole,
gate of Chittor were edited and:published by the Author of this bool,
in Shodh Patrika and Varada, One more. interesting inscription of
hisreign engraved in Annapurna temple of Chittor, mentions hie
grant in perpetuity of village Arawar, It is interesting-to note that.
he had given away this charity immediately after perpetrating. the:
foul murder of Vikramaditya,
‘The inscription also records the pious donations of the villages
namely Kundal, Khedi; Chogawadi and Panotya by Maharana
Kumbha, Raimal, Sanga and Ratnasingh respectively.

66. दशपुर ज्ञातोय fas पुरुषोत्तम इतेय॑ fea: [bie]

67. The Shatrunjaya Ticthoddhan.Prabandh. Cont.
68, Vir Bhuml Chitor p. 249 by the Author,
 Chapter 77

(a) Maharana Udaisingh

As already stated, Maharana Vikramaditya was assassinated
by Banvir, who in order to perpetuate his rule also attempted to
murder Udaisingh, the brother and succof esso
Vikramadir
tya, But
the dutiful nurse.Pannadhay, saved the life of the above young
prince} and intentionally placed his own son to be stabbed to death
by the said assassin, After successfully removing him from the palace,
‘Udaisingh was taken to Devaliya and Dungarpur, but the rulers of
these places, fearing the consequence of detection, refused to extend
any sort? of help. Thence he was also taken to Tdar. But finding
insufficient supporters there also, he was taken to Kumbhalgarh,
where Ashashah Devapura, the ‘iledar of the place, gladly agreed:
to espouse his pretensions by giving him shelter there, According
to Rawal-Ranagji ri-Bat® (MS), his existence remained hidden there
for seven years and this secret was eventually betrayed by his
aristocratic appearance. But this statement requires some correc-
tions, On the basis of the following copper plates, brought to light
by Dr Ramchandra Ciwari,t it can be said that he was
already enthroned inV.E, 593 (686 AD.) as the ruler of Mewar
with Ashashah as his Pradhan,
(i) The copper plate grant dated the® first day of dark half of
Posk VE. 598 (586 A.D,) mentions the donation of some pieces of
land in village Banasi by Maharana Udaisingh,
Udaisingh was removed with the help of a women af Bari caste, pechaps
Gorough
No. 4 9. 3Lakhotafn $8)Bac, (RavelRanajlr Bar (MS) Li. ७७7 Hid NA
2. Varishayalt
045) (MS) No. 877 Lf. 69/No. 878 Lf. 436/ Rawal Ranaji ri Bat
LE 909.
3. Rawal Ranaj rl Bot (MS) Lf. 93,
4 Journal of theRescareh
uF Uriental UniversityInativute
of PoonaVol. Vol.XXXVIIL.
LV and Journal ofthe Bhandbar-
5. महाराजाधिराज महाराणा उद्देश्मजी आदेशातु पंडतलामा जात ter क्यगांब बड़ी
ret बाजी हे जमीन...स १५६३ (id)
l94
(i) The copper plate grant dated the l5th day** of bright half
of Kartika V.E. 604 records Udaisingh as the ruler of Kumbhalgarh,
(ii) The copper plate datedthe I5th day® of bright halfof
Posh V.E.696, mentions the grant by Maharana Udaisingh to
Derashri Shiv of village Bijagot.
(iv) The copper plate grant dated the 2nd day of dark half of
Phaglun V.B, 607 (040 A.D,)? was issued in favour of ‘Thakur
Ganga and Bagha of Nadol by Maharana Udaisingh.
‘The above plates are very important in shaping the history of
this period, On the basis of these plates, we can say that Udaisingh
was rather busy in reviving his authority in western Mewar,
When the news of Udaisingh’s arrival at Kumbhalgarh
reached Chittor, Banvir,* at first, had no reliance on it, However,
when the spies deputed by him for this purpose confirmed it, he was
very much perturbed, Fearing the adoption of some retributive
measures. a st his life, he built a massive wall to protect his
palaces, Day by day, important chiefs and his supporters started to
alienate him.
‘Udaisingh and his supporters initially refrained from coming
into clash with Banvir and desired to concentrate themselves in
consolidating their power. ‘They took necessary help from the Sona-
garas and the Sanchoras of Marwar, Akheraj Sonagara o! Pali with
Rathor Kumpa, Chauhan Bhagawandas, Sanchora Prithviraj etc,
came for this purpose at the camp Nadol,” ‘The poet Sandu Rama,
who also accompanied them, appeared before Maharana and ver
fied some songs, culogizing the heroic and adventurous deeds of
Maharana Sanga. In order to develop more cordial relations
between them,Sonagara Akheraj gave away his daughter in marriage
to Maharana. It is said that at the time of the celebrating this
marnjage, the Sonagaras and the Sanchoras promised to succour
him in gaining the throne of Mewar,
महाराजाधिराज महाराणा ates आदेसादु देरासरी सिवा te गांव hare
१५६६ ae पोष सुदि १४५F.श्री मुष साह सुरा [ibid]
7. भहाराजाधिराज महाराणाश्रीउद्दे्पंपजी ate आकुर mint ठाकुर बाषा...सं० १३६७
neg af i]
Goal
9. Haji Raat
Vamshavall No, Bo00005
877 (LF, 94-85,
69) mentions that Udalsingh fought with some
Khan at Nadol, But Rawal Rani
54. महाराजाधिराज महाराणा उदरयंघजी आदेसातु..,स॑rl १४९४
Bar doesnot mention it.
कातिक युदि १५ [6]
 ॥98
Soon all the important chiefs of Mewar and Palijoined the
Maharana at Kumbhalgarh, At the same time, he also succeeded in
‘obtaining necessary help from the rulers of Sirohi, Bundi and Idar2%
Two important chiefs of Maholi and Tana abstained themselves in
attending him. Maharana, thus, after collecting the forces'** mar-
ched against Maholi in VE, 597 (640 AD.). Banvir also sent a de-
tachment under Tomar Kunwarsingh, Both these forces came into
a violant clash and fought with great ferocities. Solonky Meda, the
chief
ofMaholi and Tomar Kunwarsingh were slain while fighting.
Proceeding thence, the Maharana marched against Tana, which was
under Sankhala Maloji, who ably defended the place for more than
‘a month, One day, when he was going out alone was seen by the
soldiers of Udaisingh, They atonce assaulted on him and killed him
there, ‘Thus, Tana!® was captured, Now Banvir shut himself in
the capital, Proceeding from Tana, Maharana Ud:
to the fort of Ghittor, Itis mentioned in the Rawal-Ran
that Banvir’s ministers had betrayed him and allowed one thousand
suldiers of Udaising to enter into the fort of Chittor, under the garb
of reinforcement of food supplies. ‘These soldiers, on entering into
the fort, soon killed the soldiers of Banvir and captured the fort.
Maharana Udaisingh, showing magnanimity, did not kill Banyir and
allowed him to go out with his family from Chittor, According to
Amar-kavya-Vamshavali!* he first moved torwards Jawar and there-
after left for central India and settled on the bank of the river Rewa,
‘The date of this event is generally mentioned as V.E. 607,
whic seems to have been taken from the Amar-kavya-Vamshavali!* But
on the basis of the following contemporary evidence, we do not find
this date as authentic one,

0, Rawal Ranajiri Bar (MS) L %.

TOA. allies
Maharana
had Udaisingh
only 0000, was[Porhadet 20,000 cavalry with him, while Banvie’s
see Arya Ramchandra Tiwari’s paper—
Mahsrana Udaisagh and Sur Experors of Delhi H.Q. XXX'No, 4
pil}.
व... Rawal Rana rt Bat L698) Vamshavalt No. 877 Lf. 69/No. 878 Li. 96,
i2. bid.
8, Kavya
ibidLf Vamshoal
99-t00/TheLtVamshavall
Noo at No.877 Lf. 69/No, ५ 873 Lf. Ne. 36//yen
\4. Amar Kavya Vamshavall Lf. No. 24
35. at सष्तनवत्याब्येगते पंचदणे शतते हाडीकरमेती areata few प्रविष्य: (ibid)
496
(9, The colophone of MS, Upasaka-Dashanga-Sutra!, which
was copied at, Chittor on the 8th day of dark halfofPhalguna
V.E, 597 (540 A.D.), mentions Banvir as the ruler of the place.
Gi) Similarly, the colophone of MS. Sthananga-Sutra"”, which
was copied at Chittor onthe lth day of ofAshadh
bright half
V.E. 597 (640 A.D.), also records Banvir as its ruler, Therefore,
it is clear that by the end of V.E, 607 (640 A.D,), Udaisingh
could not have captured Chittor. In this way it can be said
thatthis event took place in V.E, 698(I64l A.D.). The Klyats
शी Marwar!® mention that Maharana Udaisingh presented an
clephant named Basantray with four lakh Firoai coins to Maldeva, in
Jieu of the services rendered by the Rathors. But this account is not
corroborated from any other sources of Mewar,
Invasion of Maldeva
At the beginning of his reign Mabarana Udaisingh had to face
the growing opposition of the Rathors, It that Maldeva was
desirous to. marry his own sister in law, and for fulfilment of his
desire he pressed her father Jhala Jaisingh. Fearing possibility of
retribution against him, Jhala at that time, half heartedly, gave his
consent.But after a few days, he married her to Maharana Udaisingh.
This had sowed the seeds of animosity between these two houses.
‘Maldeva felt it as his personal insult and endeavoured to obtain her by
force.He, therefore, despatched a strong force under the command of
Panchayan Karmasingot and Bida Bharmalot against Kumbhalgarh.
‘Maharana™ successfuly defended the fort and repulsed the invasion,
‘This had given a good name to him, But along standing rupture
manifested between them,
Sher Shah and Chittor है
Abbas Khan Sarawani mentions inthe TarikieinSher Shahi?®
that Sher Shah marched against Chittor in A.H, 960 (643.A.D,),
TG. Gee १५६७ बर्षे rere fe ८ quent थी fuenge दुगे राजाधिराज श्री बणवीर राज्य...
TAM. Shah—Prashastl-Songaraha 7. 96),
WT. ay १५६७ वर्षे आपाड़ ae १० सोम । श्री चित्रकूट eee महाराजाधिराज श्री बनवीर
शाब्पे. . 680
I7A. Mangilal Vyat—Jodhpur Rajya ka Itthas pp. 400-I02.
30, VamshavaltNo.873 Lt 97
ABA. Tarikh-l-Sher Shaki(Dhaka !964) pp. 98~i99/Eltiot and Dowson IV p.406/ 7
BP. Nigar—Sur-VamshakaItihas 9. 25.
 पक्य
after having dispersed Maldeva’s forces. When he ofwastheabout ]2 Kos
from Chittor the Maharana surrendered the keys dingfort toto him, him.
Firistah’s. statement is some what different. Accor
Maharana conchuded!® some settlement with Sher Shah, Abbas
Khan" also mentions that Sher Shah after taking it into his Khan posse~
ssion appointed Shams Khan, the younger, brother of KbawasAccording,
Miyan Ahmad Sirawani and Hussain Khan Khiljistingthere, of 3000 soldiers
to Wagiat-i-Mushtagi®, an Afghan garrison consi Shahan*?
‘was also posted there for its protection, ‘The Afashana-t
adds that Khawas Khan got constructed a masque in the TalahatiHe ofis
Chittor and excavated several tanks and step wells inMewar. Mewar,
also said to have fortified several hillocks in north eastern
A road connecting Chittor with Agra was also constructed. Duri ng
this time, Hussain Khan Tastadar, one of the office rs of Sher Shah,
going from’ Sindh® to Bengal: visited Chittor. All these accounts
prove that not only Chittor, but also the north-eastern’ Mewar was
successfully wrested by Sher Shab.
However the Tarikl-isDaudi and Tarikl-i-Shahi do not at all
mention the Sultan’s visit at Chittor. According to Tarikli-Daudi**
Sher Shah, after bringing the country of Marwar into hispossession
paid his visit to the shrine: of Khwaja Muin-ud-din’ Chisti and
returned” to Agra at the end of AH, 950 (I643 A.D.). In
this way, it does'not mention the march of Sultan towards Chittor.
Col Tod, who had mainly relied upon the Rajput-sources, does not
o, ‘G.H.
‘mention® this event, But modern scholars like K.R. QanungSarawan
Ojha-ete, give due credence to the statement’of Abbas i.
Qunungo® observes that Sher Shah acquired Chittor, without any
49,G. N. Sharma—Mewar and the Mughal Empeéérs pp. 55-86.
20. TarikhelsSher Shaht p. 99. ' .
2. Waglat-l-Mus taa!by Shek Rixkull a Mushta gi (MS) Lf. 99/Bilf ot and
Dowson IV p. 59)
22. fashana.eShahan(MS) by Shek Muhammad, Kable H- 92-293/8.B.P.
Nett ep cep tise
28, Wagiat- Mushtagl (MS) Lf. 97.
24, Tarikh-t-Daudl (Abdullng ah) p.'I29/The Afshan a-e-Shahan mentions that
am ear the marc of Sultan in is ountry, made necemry
t6 meet hin.
25, Todi p.255. vy
26, K, R, Qanungo—Sher Shab, 9४ 329.
 98
difficulty, as no stiffresistance was made by the ruler of Mewar,
who had not yet recovered from the evil-effects of the civil-
dissensions. G.H. Ojha says” that Udaisingh ०० red it unwise
to fight with Sher Shah and managed to surrender the keys ofthe
fort. G.N. Sharma," elucidates the point by saying that Udaisingh,
finding himself unable to drive away the invader from Mewar sent
the keys to Sher Shah, when he was encamping at Jahazpur, ‘The
Sultan wisely accepted and desisted his march. In the words of G.N.
Sharma, Sher Shah’s possession over Chittor remained nominal, Dr.
Ramchandra Tivari® believes that there had been several engage
ments with the forces of Sher Shah between Ajmer and Chittor.
But according to him the guerilla bands of Mewar could not impede
the progress of Sultan, who continued his march up to Chittor,
where no opposition was made,
A careful study of the above chronicles proves that neither the
Sultan nor his chiefs were prepared to fight any battle at that time
with the Rajputs. According to TarikhinSher Shahi®, Sher Shah's
nobles represented to him that as the rainy season was approaching,
it wasadvisable to go into cantonments. Hearing this, Sher Shah
replied “I will spend the rainy season in a place, where I can carry
out my work’ and marched towords the fort of Chittor, This
statement gives an idea of self-conceited feelings of the Sultan,
‘The fact should have been otherwise, This fort, where two important
rivers flow from opposite directions, could not have been succes
fully invested during the rainy-season, We know during the medieval
times, whenever auy Sultan laid a siege to this fort, full preparations
were made for amonth" under his personal supervision, Similarly
the surrendering of keys by Udaisingh,in order to yield himself
before the Sultan, might be an imaginary creation of the Persian
writers, A ruler having three important® strongholds | ke Kumbhal-
27, OjpaT p. 406,
28, G.N. Sharma—Mewar and the Mughal Emperors pp.55-56,
29, LH.Q. XXX No. 4 p. SI,
90.
a
Gujrat and Khilji, Mahmud Kbiljl of ‘Malwa
Akbar when fnveted tis fot, full prepartios were made for
month or two,
32, For details sce Author's paper “SherShahAur Chiltor published in Sodh
Parka Vol. XXIV No. 8-4pp. I05-i07.
 I99
gath, Chitior and Mandalgarh could not have surrendered himself
without fighting, specially when he was having full support of the
chiefs of Mewar, Pali, Bundi, Sirohi etc. Had he surrendted the keys
of the fort, he should have also repeated the same during the time of
‘Akbar, In this way, it can be concluded that account of surrendering
of keys is merely an imaginary creation of the Persian-Chroniclers.
‘The Afashana--Shahan mentions that Maharana, on hearning the
march of Sultan in his country, made necessary preparations to meet
hhim and the fort of Chittor was also repaired, This shows that the
account of Tarikh-inSher Shaki is full of exaggerations and hardly
ee of credence.
{tseems that the Sultan, leaving his army in the suburb of
Ajmer, returned to Agra by the end of A.H.950(543 A.D.), He, after
spending a few months there, rejoined his forces about the middle
of June 644 A.D, The local traditions believe that Sher Shah
remained encamped at Jahazpur, for a considerable period. While
living there his army might have come into clash with some guerilla
bands of Mewar and skirmishes had taken place, The Sultan from
there marched against Khinchiwara and detached his son Adil Shah
against Ranathambhor, This proves that he might not have gone
against Chittor.
Sher Shah and Kumbhalgarh
An inscription of V.E. 604 (546 A.D.) incised in a stepwell
at Toda Rai Singh (Distt Tonk) refers to the name of Solanky
Ramchandra® as a locol chief of the place. It also mentions the name
of Udaisingh as the ruler of Kumbhalgarh and Islam Shah as the
ruler of Delhi, Basing on this inscription, D.C. Sirear observes" that
Udaisingh remained a subordinate vassal ofIslam Shah, According
tohim, mentioning of Rana Udaisingh asa ruler of Kumbhalgarh
seems to suggest that he was staying at this plate till the end of
8. दिल्लीश्यरः
SA. G.N, Sharma—op, cit. pp. 35-56.
aewdee बैरो महानपद |
नम्नोतोदबरिहोपुरइल an
(AmarKeryeVarshavall MS.Lt.24)
95. deg age ee रामचन्द्र राज्ये 'अतंबाने--पाति साहि Ae साहि सुरि।,तस्व
पुत्र पात ergs साहि। को वारो dene |e भूमिको पतन, घोटा aT ११ को
रु राज are Be तस्थ gu उदयविद देव UM भलमेर ee मान,
(Fee deals see Authors paper=The Solankle of Toda published के
6, PREV xxxNo,tp 25,
 while the fort of Chittor continued to be in the possession
Governors. However, his views were challenged by
cording to whom, the above inscription
does not record any such fact, It simply enumerates the names of the
important rulers of Delhi and Chittor, to whom the Solankies of Toda
owed their allegiance. Such inscriptions were® also found from
Rampura, Bundi, Siamau ete., having the names of the rulers of
Mewar and the Maghal Emprors of Delhi, Therefore, on the basis of
this inscription, we can not deduce any such finding. Kumbhalgarh
had remained an important seat of the rulers of Mewar and Godawar
was also governed from there, Most of the coins of Maharana Kumbha
and Sanga” also bear the name of this fort on them, Similarly several
inscriptions of Kumbha’® simply describe him as a ruler of Kumbhal-
gath, On the basis of these, we can argue that the Toda Raisingh
on also mention the name of Kumbhalgarh, probably on the
same lines,
Other Victori
On the death of Sher Shah, his son Islam Shah succecded him,
Adil-Khan, another son of Sher Shah, who was the Governor of
Ranathambhor contested for the thione and intestine feuds ensued,
Khawas Khan, who was the incharge of western Rajasthan espoused
the cause of Adil-Khan, Islam Shah hatched a plot against him by
informing him with solemn oath that he had forgivent® all his
seditious offences and begged him to attend the court, so that he
might be sent against the Rana of Mewar, who had stung into
rebellion At the same time he also despatched a secret communica-
tion to the Governor of Sambhal to put him to death. This statement
is rather interesting and gives an idea to us that Rana had upto that
time attempted for the explusion of the Afghans from his dependencies
in Hadoti, Khichiwara, Kanthal Mandsaur etc, We can fix the dates
37. ibid Vol. XXX No, 4p. भा.
38. ibid Vol. XXXI No.8 9. 274.
39. Roshanlal Samar—The Coins of Mewar (Published in J, N.S. l. Vol.
XXV, Part |, p.67 plate V,
40: Supra9.92 fn. 86.
AU. TarikhvieKhan Zahant-a-Makhazan l-Afghant (by Saiyyid Mubiimiaad
Imamud-din) Dhaka 4960 p. 352,
42, Tarikivl-ShahlbyAbmad Yodgar pp.25-52. ; ft
 शरण
fon the basis of the contemporary Jain sources, Several Jain
MSS, which were copied inRanathambhor, Toda, Nenawa etc.,
may help us in shaping the history of this period. ‘The colophone of
Finadatta-Charita copied at Ranathambhor in** V.E. 606 (849 A.D.)
mentions Khizra Khan as Governor under Islam Shah, ‘The
colophones of Yasodiar Charitatt of V.E. 460. (I563 A.D.) mentions
Solanky Ramchandra of Toda as a vassal of Islam Shah Sur,
But in the colophone of Naya-Kumar-Charita’® of V.E, I02 (855
A.D.) no such mention is available, The Amar Kavya-Vamshavalit®
describes that Maharana Udaisingh, after successfully expelling the
Afghans from Toda, assigned it to Solanky Ramchandra, ‘The above
event might have placed about 554-56 A.D. This was the time
when various Afghan Governors were badly indulged in their own
affairs. The civil dissensions and insurrections had also broken
out in various parts of the state which had weakened the kingdom.
Sujjat Khan, the Afghan Governor!” of Malwa had suffered a lot at
the hands of Islam Shah. These circumstances helped Udaisingh in‘
capturing a vast territory in Basad, Khinchiwara, Hadoti, Merwara
ete, and distributed it among his chiefs. Saindas was granted Gagron,
Barod, Bhesarodgarh and Begam, Ramsah Tomar was gratified
bygranting some territory in Basad. According to Ralel Nama®®
issued by Akbar Maharana was having his possession over this
territory upto 507 A.D.
Maharana Udaisingh seems to have followed a definite policy.
He distributed these Jagirs in order to prepare a strong defence line.
He granted Bundi to Rao Surjan by ousting Rao Suratan, Rampura
was under Rao Durga, who owed his allegiance to him. In this
way he made necessary arrangement in his kingdom by granting
land in profusion to the prominent families.
43, K.C. Kasliwal~Rajasthan-Ke-Jain-Bhandaron ki Suchi Vol, UII p. 69.
44, K.C, Kasliwal—Prashasti-Sangraha p. 463,
45, ibidp.U3,
46... Amar-Kayya-Vamshavli (MS) Lf. 24.
47, Biliot and Dowson—Vol. IV pp. 409-452.
48, Amar-Kavya~-Vamshavall (MS) Lf. 24.
49, Fateh Nama (MS) Abul Kasim Namikin Munshlane Namkin MS, (Aligath)
Taf 25(a) ७३१(७),
 202
Invasion against Dungarpur (556 A.D.)
Maharana, after settling the affairs of the eastern Rajasthan,
paid his attention towards the Vagada and Chappan, He asked the
rulers of Dengarpur and Banswara to owe their allegiance™ to
him, The ruler of Banswara agreed, But the ruler of Dungarpur
‘was dissuaded by his chiefs named Sanwaldas and Karmasi Chauhans
not to accept any such humiliating proposals, He, therefore, resented,
‘Maharana sent his forces under the command of Rawat Jagga against
‘Dungarput, Both these forces came into a violant clash on the bank
of the river Mahi, wherein the Mewar army was disasterously defeated
and its Commander Jagga was also slain, Bagadiya Chauhans
Karamsingh and Senwaldas displayed" conspicuous gallantry and
both met heroic death while fighting. ‘The Baneshwar inscription
of V.E. 67 (500 A.D.) of Maharawal Ashakarna records the
heroic victory of the army of Dungarpur over Mewar forces, ‘Thus
relations® between Maharana and the ruler of Dangarpur remained
hostile for a few years,
Battle of Haramada (557 A.D.)
Maharana Uesisingh’s battle with Hazi Khan is often describe
at length in the Persian Chronicles. The reasons of provocations ared
differently described in the kiyats of Mewar and the Persian Chroni-
cles, According to the Persian Chronicles Akbar, on coming to
throne, sent Pir Muhammad Sirwani against Hazi Khan, who was
then ruling in Mewat, On arrival of the Mughal army Hazi Khan
lefi the place and proceeded towards Gujrat with 6000 cavalry and
480 elephants Abu--Fazl mentions “Rana Udaisingh, who was
a great ruler demanded certain things from him and put™ him to
intolerable troubles.” Similar account is also available in the Mirati.
Sikandari,* according to which Rana demanded from him 40 maunds
80. Amar Kavya-Vamshavali Lf. 24.
5... Prachia-Rejesthanl-Geet (Udaipur) Vor. VAX pp. 40-57.
52, पृष्पोराजात्मणों treme: Praia: | em किकरवरगशमेदपाटपतिजितयु ayer
‘The Buneslwar temple inscription of VE. I6I7,
59. The Amar Kavys mentions “ari वागशादेशों रावलो ee भावकद्‌ | end दागडा
धीशासकर्णादयcar: । शव भूरक्षा wt दंड ददातो...” Dut the ruler of Dungarpur
did not paid any tribut e during that time to the ruler
54, Akbar Nama by Abu-l-Paal (Translated by H, Beveridgeof} Mewar Vol.
,
व pp 2-72
55. fbid. p. 70 fa,
 208
of gold, an clephant named Bichhiya, anda dancing girl named
Rangrai, Niamat-ul-lah in the Tarikh-i-Khan-Jahan Lodi“ repeats the
same facts and adds (hat Hazi Khan was deeply indignated on
unusual demand for Rangrai, who according to him was an insepar-
able member of his seraglio, He was, however, prepared to give
away gold and elephant, but the Maharanadid not agree and a
battle became imminent.
‘The Alyats of Marwar record? some other details, According
to these, when Hazi Khan was proceeding towards Gujrat, Maldeva
intercepted his march by attacking upon him, Finding himself
unsafe he sued for help to Maharana, who responding to his call
marched to espouse his cause, On hearing the arrival of Mewar
army the Rathors left the field and Hazi Khan was saved from an
impending danger, However, when he could not fulfil the exorbitant
demand of Maharana, in liew of the military help rendered by him,
the Mewar forces assailed upon him, ‘This time he requested for
help to Maldeva, who consented and marched against the Mewar
forces,
‘The battle between the (wo contending parties named Hazi
Khan and Mabarana Udaisingh took place at village Haramada in
Jan, 557 A.D, Both these forces came into a violant clash and a
fierce bale ensued for more tha »three hours, “The Mewar forces
displayed conspicuous gallantry, According to Tariklei-Khane Jahan=
Lodi,® not a single Alighan was seen with not less than five wounds,
Perhaps, at this time Maldeva joined the battle in the side of Hazi
Khan, On arrival of reinforcement from Marwar Maharana left
the field, Mazi Klan, according to the Akbar-Nama," soon captured
Ajmer. Although, the Anar-Kayya Vamshavali,® mentions that Maha-
rana had successfully routed out the Afghans and continued his posse~
ssion over Ajmer, but this version does not seem to be correct.
6, ainTartkh--Khave- Lod
(Ditka) p. 35/8.Jehan elt. 95.(dite by8,My Tmamaude
Nianatcul-ab
0.2, byNigat—op.
57. Sndinur
62% Rly 000070,820: (Dagar) alt, 4 Ret—Mowarn
58, Tarikht-Khane Jalan Lodi 9. 72,
89. Akbar Nama I p. 7
60. अजमेर a rare सुरधाणाय त॑ ददौ। रावाय सव॑ वेरांच पठानेभ्यो greta ॥
‘Amar Kaiya Vamshavall Lf, 24.
 204
‘This battle had far reaching results, It had ruptured the
relations between the ruling families of Marwar and Mewar.
‘Mabarana’s obstinacy to fulfil his demand foradancing girl, named
Rangrai, proved ruinous and humiliating to his cause,
Forts of Ranathambhor and Gwalior
During the time of Islam Shah Sur, the fort of Ranathambhor
was under the Govenorship" of Jajjar Khan, whose names as
Sangram Khan and Hijjaz Khan are also mentioned in the Munt-
Khab-ut-Tawwariti®® and Tarikh-i-AUfi® respectively. Akbar in 569
A.D, despatched his army under the command of Habib Ali Khan to
reduce the fort, but he failed. Jajjar Khan desired to vacate the
fort, on getting some ready money, for which the Mughal commander
didnot agree, After a few days, Hada Surjan managed® to take
possession of it, on making requisite payment to Jajjar Khan,
Under the instructions of Maharana he also extended his sway
upto Shivpuri, Abusl-Fazl in Akbar-Nama asserts that Rana Udai
singh’s feudatory Rao Surjan had forcibly seized several villages ia
the vicinity of the said fort, Akbar made several abortive attempts
to wrest this fort. Rao Surjan’s penetration upto Shivpuri is confirmed
by Al-Badaoni. According to him Akbar sent his forces in 560 A.D.
against Hada Surjan under the command of Hussain Khan, who is
said to have performed brilliant exploits at Shivpuri and compelled
him to shut imselfup inthe fort of Ranathambhor, But after a
few days due to rebellion of Khan Khana, Hussain Khan returned
back to Agra and Hada Surjan succeeded in recapturing Shivpuri,
According to Fatek Nama, when Akbar invaded Chittor Maharana
‘was having his possession over Shivpuri, Ranathambhor, Gagron etc,
‘The fort of Gwalior, which was in the possession of the Afghan
Governor, named Suhail Khan (also known as Bahal Khan or Bhil
6. Akbar Nama ¥t pp. 92-93.
62. MantaKhab-ut-Tawarikh (Translated by W. H, Lowe) It p, 25.
68, Elliot and Dowson Vol. V p. 75.
64. Munta-Khab-ut-Tawarikh ता p.25/Akbar Nama IX p, 98,
65. Akbar Nama It 9, '33.
66. Manta-Khabut-Tawarikh Vol. 9. 29:
67. Abul-Kasion Namkin Munshlat e-Namakin (MS) Lf. 2500) to. 32(b)/Bou
Abu:I-Farl and Badioni, mention that the fort of Shivpurt was evacuated
by Hada Surjan, when Akbar invaded Chittor.
 206
Khan), was one of the important fortress of the northen India,
Taking benefit of the weakness of the Afghan Governors, Maha-
rana instigated Ramsah ‘Tomar, who was then enjoying a Jagir in
‘Mewar to recapture his ancestoral seat. He might have extended
necessary military help to him also, Abdul-l-Fazl in Akbar Nama!
mentions that Ramsah succeeded in his campaign and captured the
fort. In Tariki-i-AYf it is mentions! that he took possession of the
fort on making a suitable payment to the Afghan Governor. On
receiving this intelligence Akbar sent his forces under the command
of Qiya Khan against Gwalior, Ramsah Tomar, sallying out from
the fort, fought furiously. Bat at last when Habib Ali Khan and
others came to assist Qiya Khan he was defeated” and fort came in
the possession of Akbar, According to Tariti-i-Aifi, Ramsah
returned” back to Mewar,
These events prove that Maharans Udaisingh, taking benefit
of weakness of the local Afghan-Governors, attempted to protract his
sway over a vast territory and succeeded in consolidating his power.
Foundation of Udaipur Town
The most important work, which Maharana Udaisingh under
took, was the foundation of Udaipur town, ‘The use of gun-powder
had proved the futility of the old strategy of fighting. He was already
well aware of this new development and had seen the fate of Chittor
during the invasions of Bahadur Shalt. While realising these facts he
endeavoured to prepare a new defence line in the mountainous region,
‘The town Ahad was a prosperous site and at that time new Jain
temples were also” built there on the ancient ruines, It also remain-
ed a capital of the rulers of Mewar for a considerable time. Therefore,
Maharana Udaisingh chose a site for Udaipur town in its vicinity,
(8, AkbarName व 9. 8.
€9, Elliot and Dowson Vol. एफ. 467.
70. Akbar Nama Vol, Ip. 8,
3...छत and Dowson Vol. V p. 6.
72: ke १४८३ a mre १४ गुर god थी आशाट gx TERT प्राववाट आतीयसा० BPA...
शांति faa कारित प्रतिष्ठित” (Unpublished Inscription in the Vijaygacheehha
Upasara Bhilwara}.
78: An unpublished inscription of Vi. 585 lying incised in the Digambar
‘Jain temple of Abind mentions that a certain Jain shresht of Dhilwara
attended the renovation of the temple.
 206
having encircled by series of the mountains and dense forests, He
stroved hard in attracting people to settle there, He himself built a
pal cc known as Moti Mahal (now situated on the bank of the Fateh
Sagar Lake) and completed sume parts of the city palaces also,
He also got excavated a lake known as Udaisagar at the same time,
On its completion Maharana performed a silver Tila-Dan and
granted a village in charity to Bhatt Chhitu and Laxman.
Maharana was not satistied with this all. He also desired to
inbabit the entire tract of Girawa, For this purpose, he made
several land grants, Dr. G.N. Sharma has noticed"® such 50 copper
plates also, Itscems that the Maharana allured the people by
ganting land in profusion to inhabit in the Girawa Region. He also
attracted a few families of hhis trusted nobles and other chiefs
belonging to martial races to settle there. These attempts proved
very successful and the entire Girawa soon developed as a bulwork
against the Mughal invasion.
Protection to Certain Chiefs
Maharana granted a sanctuary to Baz Bahadur," dhe fugitive
Afghan Chief of Malwa. Similarly Medatiya Jaimal was given
duc honour by granting him a big Jagir of the villages Kotharia,””
Badnor and Karedi, Mansingh, the fugitive prince of Sirohi, was
given a Jagir of Barakana and Bijawas. Good Jagirs were also
bestowed upon Medatiya Isardas, Medatiya Ida, Rathor Hingaldas
ete, In this way extending of hospitity to the dislodged chiefs by the
Maharana was a hostile action in the eyes of theMughal Empror,
who wanted to crush his power on some pretext,
Akbar and Mewar
Nizamad-din Ahmad,® while describing the main aim of
Akbar’s invasion in Mewar, mentions that several Rajat and Zumindars
hhad become vassals of the Imperial Mughals. But Rana Udaisingh
of Mewar, having confidence in the strength of his forts, did not
7A. Amar-Karya Vamshavall (MS) Lf, 25-26/Ro}-Prashasti TV 7-8.
75, GAN, Sharma—op elt. p 57.
76, Mawta Khab-wt-Towarikh UX 9. 48/739 TL p. 262.
Te abe १६२३ AE माषमासे इध्णपक्षे चहु्यीतियों aware श्रो कोरिया ame et URE
shart राज्ये (M, Shah—Prashast! Sangraha p.|I3).
7. Ojba T pp, 409-400.
78, Tab ll p. 262.
 207
agree to owe his allegiance to Akbar, Therefore, his country was
invaded by the Mughal forces. According to Fateh Moma, Akbar
sent emisssaries to Maharana with a specific proposal for making a
permanent settlement between the two ruling families, But the
Maharana, who was not inclined to enlist himself among the Mughal
Mansabadars resented this offer. ‘Therefore, confrontation of ih se
two powers became imminent,
Several other reasons are also ascribed hy the vatious writers,
for this invasion. Nizam-ud-din Ahmad" and Badaoni® relate it to
the act of Mabarans's hospitality to Baz Bahadur, the fugitive
Afghan chief of Malwa. According to Abusl-Fazi,! aim was to
crush the Rana’s “audacious and arrogant pride”, Tmnmediate
reason of provocation, according to him, was the fight
son Shaktisingh (who was in Imperial Scrvice) fromof theMaharan a’s
Imperial
Camp at Bari, This incident enarged the Mughal Emperor Akbar,
who at once made up his mind to invade Mewar, But this ostensib
ground is not found mentioned in other contemporary Persianle
Chronicles and Fateh Nama, This incident might be! true, but it
would be too much to stretch it to the conclusion that this was the
special pretext or provocation® for a gigantic battle,
While discu sing the reasons, we have to keep in mind some
important points also. Maharana Udaisingh was then one of the
important ralers of Rajasthan, The important strongholds of Chittor,
Kumbhalgath and Mandalgarh were directly under his possession,
At the sametime the fort of Ranathambhor, Shivapuri, Gagron™
Mau Medan, Kotah, ele. were also in occupation of the chief's owing
allegiance to him. Akbar, who was making a plan to stronger his

7A, Fateh Nama—Abdul Kasim Nomkin—Manshate-Nomkin (MS. Aligarh)

Lf, 25(a) to 35 (७).
80, Tab IT p. 262.
8... Munta-Khab-ut-Tawarikh (W. H. Lowe Il) p. 48.
82. Akbar Nama वी pp.44-42.
3, ‘The Sagat-Raso also mentions this incident (MS) verses 3-33,
84... ए. A. Smith—Akbar the Grent Mughal p. 8.
85, The Fateh Nama mentions that Akbat's sim ageinst Chittor was also. to
strengthen the Islam and to offend the Infidels,
96. Surpa p.204,
 208
foothold and carved out his empire, did not like the independence
of Maharana and heartily desired to ke him his vassal by hook
or crook. According to GN, Sharma” hispolicy for giving priority for
reducing the Maharana to extremities was based on “correct under-
standing of the politics of Rajasthan and psychology of the Rajput
chieftains of the time”, No important Rajput ruler, except the ruler
of Amber, had entered into an alliance with him, ‘Thinking of the
respectable and strong position of Rana, he was eager to make him
his vassal first, so that other Rajput chiefs would yield themselves,
without exhibiting any obstinate resistance. The subsequent events
prove that this understanding gave substantial benefits to the Empror.
Soon after the reducing of Chittor, several Rajput rulers tended
themselves to enter into an alliance with the Mughal Empror, even
by negotiations. ‘That was perhaps the obvious reason, why Akbar
was very keen to capture the fort of Chittor and make Maharana
his vassal.
Preparations of the Mughal Empror
Akbar made necessary preparations for his compaign against
Chittor, ‘The Paragana of Bayana” was given in Jagir to Asaf Khan,
who was ordered to collect provisions and materials for army.
The Mughal Empror, then proceeded to Bari on August 30, 607
A.D, with the “avowed intention” of hunting.!® Proceeding thence,
he soon reached Shivputi, Seeing the overwhelming nnmber of
Imperirl army, Rao Surjan’s army evacuated, This fort was then
placed under the command of Nazar Bahadur." The fort of Kota was
similarly captured and given to Shah Mohammad Khan Qandhati.
‘The Mughal army then came to Gagron and encarnped in its vicinity.
Akbar was equally anxious to quell the desturbances caused by Mirza
Ulugh and Shah Mirza in Malwa, For this purpose, he despatched
a part of his army under the command of Shahabed-din® towards
Malwa, At the sametime, Asaf Khan and Wazir Khan were asked
to march towards Mandalgarh," which was under the command of
87. GAN. Sharma—op. ct, pp. 57-58,
88. Munta Khab-ut-Tawarikh U p, 05.
99, Ibid/AkbarNama p, 442/Tab Up,
90, bid,
9t. Akbar Nama p. 44,
 209
Balla Solanky. After fighting for a few days,'the Rajpuls deserted
the fort and went to Chittor.%
Preparations of Maharana
On receiving intelligence of Akbar’s march against Mewar,
Maharana immediately convened the war council, After detailed
discussions, it was resolved that Maharana should retire to the hilly
tract of western Mewar with his family and 5000 Rajpuis, It was
also decided that cight thousand Rajputs be left at Chittor under the
able command of Jaimal Medatiya."® Acting on this decision
‘Maharana retired to the hilly tract after making necessary arrange-
ments for arms, ammunition and food stuff in the fort, The
inhabitants, living in the vicinity of Chittor, were asked to either
retire to the hilly tract of Mewar or seek refuge in the fort, At the
same time he also managed to devastate the villages adjacent to
Ghittor so that the assailants could not procure even grass,
The act of leaving Chittor by Maharana has’ been stigmatised
by numerous scholars, Some of them condemned him as “coward”.
‘All these remarks are perhaps uncharitable. Dr. G.N, Sharma has
correctly analysied the situation by saying that Mabarana “in
obeying” the council exhibited good sense and loyalty to the feudal
order, But unfortunately posterity, aware of theheroic struggle of
Pratap and Sanga, condemned him without making an adequat
allowance for the circumstance,” We may say that the Maharanae
had. correctly estimated his strength and had bowed
decision of the General Assembly of the chiefs. Similar down to the
decision wag
also taken during the second sack of Chittor. In this way, we will
not be justifying in denouncing the Maharana for his timely action of
leaving Chittor and obeying the decision of his council,
Siege Preparations
Marching from Gagron, Akbar arrived at the outskrits of Chittor
on Thursday, Oct, 20, 567 A.D. Next day he came close to the
92, Ibidp.464.
98. Nearly all the,Pe Ghronicles mention that Maharana retired to the
hilly tract teaving fort under the
Tod records the name of Saindas 24comman
the
d of Medatiya Jaimal. Col,
commander Bat thers ios
evidence to prove the same,
338, Amar-Kavya-Vamshavall Lf. 27.
94. GIN. Sharma—op. cit. p. 62.
 20
fort and encamped there, Accompanied by some courtiers, he rode
outand madeacircuit of the fort. The surveyors were ordered to
carry out measurement of its circumference. After making a prelimi-
nary survey, he divided the areas around the fort among his different
nobles for setting up their batteries there. Being desirous of capturing
the Rana, he detailed Hussain Kuli Khan towards Udaipur and
Kumbhalgarh, ia his search. But he rambled in vain and finding no
trace of the Rana, returned back to Chittor after ravaging” the
environs of Udaipur. At the same time Asaf Khan was sent to tackle
Rampura, which was under the possession of Chandrawat Rao
Durga.” He succeeded in his plans and also laid waste the country
adjacent to it.
At first Khan Alam and Adil Khan® dared to reach in close
proximity of the fort and made direct deseparate attacks, But there
were several dexterious artillery men present in the fort, who made
their attempts ineffective and compelled them to recede. In this
‘engagement most of the assailants were severely wounded. Akbar,
finding the direct attacks perilous, ordered for selecting proper spots.
‘Thus, several batteries in the circuit of the fort were established, Out
these following deserve special mention,”
of
(i) The principle battery was set up in front of Lakhota Bari,
where Hussain Khan Chugatai, Rai Pitardas, Ikhtiyar Khan, Quazi
Ali Bagadadi ete, were posted.
(ii) Another battery was established in front uf Surajpole under
the supervision of Sujha-at-Khan, Raja Todarmal, Qasim Khan etc.
(iii) Towards the south of the fort a battery under the command
of Asaf Khan, Khwaja Abdul Mazid ete, was set up,
According to Fateh-Nama,! heavy connons were sent for from
छू. Akbar Nama मी 9. 495/Tab. I pp. 443-44 Muntachab-ut-Tawarikch वा
$.l05/Parieh-t-Akbor! by Mubmmad Aziz Kandhari (Rampur) p, 09.
96, »Ibid.
on ‘a feudatory of Mabarna of Mewar, soon owed his
is bat les with Muzaffar
Nagar are described in the Shah If of Gujeat
Rampura inscriptionandof
‘Akbar Nama वा 9. 465.
Ih, 467
‘Abul-Fazl mentions that sending for large mortars from magazines might
cause
for use. »(Akbar
gceat delay,Namaalarge
Tt p.mortar
467], available
witharmywas placed these
ae
 our
the capital. Meanwhile a large mortar was placed on the hillock
(probably on Mohar Mangari) situated at the southern extremity of
the fort, It seems that the eastern and northern sides of the fort
being faced with hard stones and rocks, batteries from the cannons
could not do much harm, ‘The writer of Tariklei-Aljo™ asserts that
‘even on the southern side of the fort thesmall cannons, Zarb Zans,
Sangrads and Manjaniks also could not prove successful, At last, when
heavy cannons were brought from the capital, they were placed on
‘Mohar Mangari.
Arrangement for defence
All the Persian writers unanimously? assert that the Rajputs
made an excellent arrangement for defence inside the fort. They
were having closest watch on various activities of the enemy and
prevented them from carrying out their work close to the fort.
Senior commandants were posted against the principle batteries to
meet the challenge of the Mughals, Jaymal Medatiya remained at
‘Lakhota Bari to face the battery of Hussain Khan, Rawat Saindas,
who was made incharge of the garrison posted at Surajpole, was
pitched against the battery of Sujha-at-Khan, Ballii Solanky was
posted at Chittori Burj to defend against invasion from the battery
of Asaf Khan, Other chiefs were posted at different places and no
part of the fort was left unprotected. A huge stock! of arms,
ammunition and food stuff’ was provided for. Even after the capture
of fort? the Mughals got a large number of arms and ammunition,
According to Rajasthani sources, a lady named Pema'®* stirred up
the feelings of the inhabitants of the fort against the Mughals and
kindled in them patriotic feelings to do and die for the sake of the
country, Thus, a high sounding moral was seen among the besieged.
Sabats constructed
When it became difficult to reduce the fort by direct attacks,
I0l, Elliot and Dowson Vol. V p. ॥70.
202 Akbar Nama IX p. 467~468/Tab, II p, 345/Elliot and Dowson Vp. 73/
Fateh Nama/Tariki-i-Akbari pp. II0-Ii0,
208. Vir-VinodTIp. 75.
I04, Blliot and Dowson Vol V p. 870.
205, Fateh Nama (Munshat-e-Namkin MS.) Lf. 25 (a) to 35 (७).
06... 808॥ Patrika XXI No. 3 pp. 44-46.
a2
the Emperor ordered to construct the Sabats", two towards the
side of Lakhota Bari and one outside Chittori Burj. Nearly 6000 buil-
ders, carpenters, stone masons, smiths, sappers etc. were engaged in
the work, The defenders, when came to know of these develop
‘ments, were astounded and sent Sanda Silhadar*® and Sahib Khan
to the Mughal camp to discuss terms of treaty. Some Mughal officers
persuaded the Emperor to accept the offer, but he insisted on the एलन
sonal appearance of the Maharana and thus no settlement could be
arrived at. However, on failure of the talks, the defenders were not
disheartened. They prepared themselves to face the consequences
‘at any cost and endeavoured to obstruct the construction of Sabats
‘The soldiers and artillery men, assembling on the walls and bastons
of the fort, exerted themselves by showering balls and arrows
continously on the workmen? engaged in the construction of Sabats,
Although precautions were taken by using the thick roof of the
hides of cow and buffallows, no day passed without loss of two
hundred workmen, The Emperor by paying lavishly” fascinated the
‘gready workmen to continue on work even in such perilous circums-
tances, After strenuous efforts of the Emperor, Sabats were completed
by the middle of Dee, 507 A.D.
On Dec. I7, 567 A.D, Akbar ordered to set fire to these
Sabats, ‘The Sabat constructed™ in the battery of Sujba-at-Khan did
not take fire properly. At the same time the two Sabats, built
towards the Lakhota Bari were also fired simultaneously, But one
of these exploded earlier than the other, due to some technical
flaws, This caused a baston ofthe fort blow into ait resulting in
heavy breach in the walls of the fort. The invading army at once
rushed towards the breach, ‘Then the second Sabat also exploded,
‘This hurled into air several senior officers of the Mughal Army

2 aH
08, Fateh Nama/Akbar Nama XX 9. 467.
7के Matt roms
(09. 06/ElKiot
ebayNama ग pp, 457-469/Tab. ए
and Dowson Vol.V p. 72." SO
untahabeut -Tavarl
MTOR
0, Akbar Noma वा a po. 467-408,i
LL. Ibid.
02, (व
3703 Ap,Felek 945/Muntaehob-ut
Nama docs not mention =
thaieiden
0!Tart bart
 5
together with afew defenders, who were barring theit entry into
the breach. Heavy pieces of the rocks and stones blown into air
caused death ofseveral Mughal soldiers. Nizam-ud-din Ahmad, who
was present on spot, mentions that the stones even of 200 maunds
were carried away by these explosions to a distance of $ to 4 kos and
nearly 800 soldiers of the Mughal Army were killed, The noise of
thesel#A explosions resounded upto several miles and it astonished
those who heard it, The entire scene became quite horrible.According
to Tariklei-AUf, the vast quantity of dust and smoke prevented all
the movement in the army for some time. The entire area surround-
ing the fort was showered with the corpes and dismembered limbs of
the people caught in this explosion,
Despair in the Mnghal Army
‘The Emperor was disheartened by the said event, According
to Tarikh-i-AUi™# the Mughal Army was greatly distressed and was
anxious to abandon the siege, But no one had courage to propose the
same, Akbar, who determined not to relinquish this undertaking,
now became conscious that this renowned fort could not be reduced
without patience and well planning. At this time, he also vowed to
visit the holy shrine at Ajmer on foot, after the reduction of the fort,
‘The Mughal Emperor was also conscious that the walls of the
fort could not be battered down without the use of the Sebats, He,
therefore, decided to construct the same in front of the Surajpole, in
the battery of Qasim Khan and Todarmal. ‘The Rajput, from the
fort, continued to obstruct the above work, Akbar was surprisingly
saved from the balls several times. Once, when he was on ins-
pection towards Lakhota Bari, a ball fell near him and killed Jalal
Khan, who was standing near him. On some other occasion, when
he was towards Chittori Burj, suddenly a ball from the fort fell near
him and killed twenty men. Similarly, a bullet killed Khan-Alam,
who was standing near him, Nizamuddin Ahmad" has also narrated
पछ.. thidjTab.TT p.345.
LI9A. Sut
AkbartheNama mentions that the mentions
dmar-Kavya-Vamshavoll noise retounded
only to to.the theextent
extentof Sails,
of 50 miles
(WeRt महानेव Gama ALS) |
M4. Elliot
78: Eliot and and Dowson
Dowson Vol.Vol. VV p-i73.
pp. 72-I73.
U6. ab.
Lin, Akbar Nanap. 346.IE pp. 470-47!
 श्र
similar incident. Ail these events prove that the besieged persons
maintained a high spirit to meet the challenge of the Mughals,
Death of Jaimal
At last,the Sabat in the battery of Qasim Khan was exploded
(Feb 20, 567 A.D.). But by its explosion no great success could be
achieved. The Rajputs from the fort did sucha fierce firing that the
assailants could not dare to come forward for entering into the
breaches, caused by the above explosion, ‘The besieged persons
attempted to fill them up by the pieces of cotton rags and wood and
set fire, which also™® compelled the invaders to desist from their intru-
ion. The Tarikhei-Akbari#® mentions that the Mughals succeeded to
capture the lower rampart of the fort. But this fact is not described
by any other writer. Quite contrary to this, the Fateh
that no notable success could be achieved even after the Nama asserts
the above Sabat and fierce fring continued for three days, explosion
However,
of
on thethird day, a portion of outer rampart was battered down by
Violent! cannonading. All these activites of the enemy excited Jai-
tal for persuading his men to resist and! ight to their last attempt,
When he was instructing to fillup a breach, he was perceived by
Akbar, who shot him by his musket named Sangram, perhaps in front
of Surajpole!*2 The Persian chronicles mention that he breathed his
lest on that spot. But, according to the Rajput sources he was badly
wounded there and was removed to his house, The Rajputs were
thus greatly disheartened and Gecided to perform Jaukar. Rishabhdas,
a.contemporary Jain poet, mentions that due to shortage of food
stuffin the fort, the people were compelled to purchase the same at
abnormal rates.i% But at the same time the Fatet Nama
asserts
the Mughals succeeded to seize accumulated stock of food stuff in the that

UB, PatelNama/Tarthi-i-Akbarip.\i4,
U9, GN. Sharma op. cit. p. 67.
20. Tavibh-t-Akbarip. i4,
Al. According to, 2 AkbarNama.also fierce fighting took place during these
sits (feb and 22 06200 and 7 47007:tang,these2
both the sides nether tok
Elliot and Dowson Vol. Vp.sleep73. tr food. [Akbar Namait pie
28, Akbar Nama It p. 474.
2s. wernt महमूदीम अन्न Preity मांहि बेचाव।
ae राजा परजा गढ़ मांहि आजुल व्याडुल IL
Rishabda s—Hir-Vay Surl Raso composed in 628 A.D.
 aS
fort after its reduction, ‘Therefore, it seems that the Jautar was
solemnised at various places only due to serious condition of Jaimal,
According to Akbar Nama™ these rites took place outside the houses
of Pata, Chauhan Ishardas and Rathor Sahib Khan. Probably
it was also performed in front of the Samiddheshwar temple.”
‘Jaimal, according to Rajput sources died on the next day, while
fighting between the Bheru Pole and Hanuman Pole, where his ceno-
taph still exists.
Last phase
Afier performing the Jauhar in the night of Feb, 23, 567 A.D.,
the Rajput, becoming reckless of their lives, opened the gates of the
fort and wearing saffron robes they marched to fight the last battle,
The Mughal soldiers atonce attempted to intrude into the fort Several
clephants" in batches were sent in night there through the breach,
First of them was Giribaz Dhokar, who was stationed near the wall
ofthe fort. Then Madhukar, Jangia, Sabdaliya and Kadira ele-
phants were sent, Chauhan Ishardas™, with daring rashness seized.
the tusk of Madhukar and struck him withhis dagger, Elephant
Jangia received the same fate. elephant Kadira ran away’ on
hearing noise and tumult of the kettle drums of the Rajputs cor
to fight towards the breach. Elephant Sabdaliya, that came out-
side the fort, was attacked by the Rajputs and was killed, Accom-
panied by several officers and soldiers, the Emperor entered into
the fort through the main gate, Patta, with his followers, was
posted at Rampole Gate. ‘The Emperor perhaps passed through the
Govindshyam temple! and reached the above gate, when one of
his elephant trampled Pata to death, whose cenotaph still exists
there. Inthe fort there were 8000 soldiers and about 30 to 40
p. 472.
Akbar Namato UkAyul-Fazl
25.(26. ‘According : है
hardly about 300 women were burnt. But this account is
es ald worthy of credence.
the families ofall theCol,chiefs,
Tod mentions
who took that battle,fivePerlahed
in thequeens,
part nine prin«
. igWhile
the lames ofhay
cleaning debrisBrfa front of sethe sammtatonh
Sammiddheshwar templeee. the pieces
U2 bone, ashee, werefound,which also proveltesame.
28. Akbar Nama पा 9. 473,
LBS fa Se a raat Aehakong००८ V 20.
430. ‘The Govind Shyam temple mentioned "in the Akbar Nama could not be
identified ‘with the Kumbl-Shyam temple. ‘There were several temples.
ig at Rampole Gate and it scems that the exsiting Vaishaaya temple,
Facing) north, was constructed on the ruins of the said Guvindshyam
tmplee. .
 6
thousand peasants, The Rajput soldiers collecting in groups fought
deseparate battles at various spots. According to the Rajput sources
‘Jaimal died while fighting between Bheru Pole and Hanuman Pole
Where his cenotaph exists. Chundawat Saindas died while fighting
at Surajpole gate, where his memorial is still visible2™ In every
street, Bazar etc, of the fort fierce fighting continued throughout the
day. Some Rajputs, who assembled in the important temples, pala-
ces, houses etc., laid down" their lives while fighting. Some of the
musketeers, fearing the wrath of the Emperor, ran away and those,
who remained into the fort, were put to great troubles, The Mughal
Army put them with their family members in chains and killed
them, A general massacre was ordered, Rishabhdas, the Jain poet,
mentions™ that Akbar being furious gave orders that no body be
left alive in the fort. Even a group of merchants, who appeared
before him, for begging protection was got killed by him. The
atrocities let loose by Akbar caused the death of about 30,000
people. He was greatly enraged by obstinate resistance and
showed no generosity, which he usually exhibited to the conquerred.
‘Abul-Faz]," for justification of the above action, mentions that when
Sultan Alauddin captured this fort, the peasantry was not put to
death as it had not engaged in fighting. But on this occasion, they
too had shown a great zeal and activity. Therefore, their excuses
after emergence of victory, were of no avail and general messacre was
thus justified, This monstrous massacre was never to be forgotten
by the Rajput race. Dr. G. N. Sharmat* has correctly analysed the
fact by saying, ‘the immense slaughter has left a deep stain on the
memory and character of the Emperor, who scarcely deserves the lax
bour of an apology. The truimph of the great Mughal was sullied by
this act of disgraceful cruelty.” Several temples and palaces were
razed to ground,

BBE, Alar
I3l.
Rama I pee empleo 77777
Tod I 9. 200/Ojha I pp,.4i6~-47/Prachin
77777
Rajasthani Ge ‘ol.
oyAout aad
tis the Snoniddheahwar temple atuated in front ofthe Kirtistamabhe
38. छितोड़ को मत बुत छोड़ों wag’ मारो होरी।
महाजन मिलना rein at Fama age ॥
Hir-Vijay Surt Raso (composed in 4682 A.D.).
434, Akbar Nama II p.475/Amar Kavya Vamshayali (MS.) 28 (b).
95. bid.
296, GAN. Sharma op. cll. 9. 69.
 शा
The above account proves that the Rajput Army-was full of
valiant soldiers. Jaimal and Patta fought “so heroically that even
the Emperor appreciated their valour and their statues™#A» were
caused to be made, which were placed at the most conspicuous
entrance of his palace at Agra, These were subsequently removed to
Delhi, Bernier, who visited Delhi in 663A.D., also witnessed
them.”
‘Akbar remained on the fort for 3days and made necessary
arrangements, He made it over to Asaf Khan™ and left for Ajmer
on Feb 28, 607 A.D. For fulfilment of his vow, the Emperor,
‘accompanied by his courtiers and many of the ladies of Harem,
went on foot to Ajmer. The Akbar Nama mentions that the party
went on foot up to Mandal only.
Udaisingh after the fall of Chittor
After leaving Chittor, Maharana Udaisingh remained for a few
days at Udaipur and Kumbhalgath. He divided his army into two
parts and sent a flank ofitto cut the supply of food stuffofthe
Mughals. But he could not succeed. ‘The Faieh Nama mentions that
during the siege operations he remained strangely inactive in the
environs of Udaipur. With a garrison of 5000 soldiers, he could
have conducted sudden raids on the assailants, specially when they
were badly stricken with panic after the explosion of the second Sabat
in the Lakhota Bari, After the fall of Chittor, Akbar did not risk
another battle with Maharana and returned to Agra. Udaisingh
went towards Raj Pipala for afew days. The disasterous discom-
fiture at Chittor had greatly disheartened him,
‘The colophone of Ms. Sampubla-Katha-Kaunudi™, copied at
‘Kumbhalgarh in V.E. 625 (668 A.D.), mentions that Udaisingh
{86A, ‘Mose
Van Don Broccke,Agra.whileThesewriting
satuena¢ wer in 629 of 630
subsequently femovedA.D. bymentions
बम at se
40 (GN. Sharma—op cit: p. मी.
37. two
Bernier,
great”writing from Delhi inwith
elephants JulyI683 A.D, mentions about onthem="Thete
the frst entry into thetogether
fortress maketwo anresolute men
impression sitting
of Ttuow
tem do at
natSharan
what
reatness and
pct pp. 77 2ta) awial terror.” [V.A. Smith: op. el. 9, 95/6. N.
238. bor Mama Hs.
359. “शं.१६२५ aT शाक १४६० प्रवरतंमाने दक्षिणायने मार्ग शुक्लपक्े eget feet शनों ली
acre weg रा भी cele रा,
79 of(MS)Samuto-Raa-Kaunad Amer Shas Bhan-
la, Jaipur’
 28
was having his possession over Kumbhalgarh, The Bedla™? inscrip-
tion of ५.७, 626(569 A.D.) also records the same account. This
village, being situated near Udaipur, it can be said that he was
having his possession over Udaipur and Kumbhalgarh, But he
rambled in vain for a period of 4 years and did not perform any not-
able work during this period. He could not proceed in help when
Akbar invaded Ranathambhor. On 76७, 28, 572 A.D., he died at
Gogundah, leaving behind him 25 sons and 20 daughters.

MO. eaten sft संबत १६२६ ब्ष श्री महाराजमधराज। रणों it satiny ot
[88084 by RC, Agrawal inthe Weatern Tadian Art 65-66 Rp. 20°43),
(9) Maharana Pratap
When we speak about Maharana Pratap, his equestrian
Prototype figure, clad in armour, catches our attention. He is one
ofour national heros, whose unilinching devotion to hit country
together with unparalleled patriotism inspired the ficcdem fighters.
Mabarana Pratap inherited the enemity of the Mughals. He
made up his mind not to yield, at any cost, to Akbar and so con-
tinued to fight against his coercive measures. For fulfilment of
this plan successfully, he, with boundless selfconfidence adopted a
definite policy by provoking hostility againsc the Mughals and
fighting guerilla-warfares. Moving swiftly throughout his country,
he enlightened the masses and stirred them up for getting themselves
ready to confront the Imperial forces. For this purpose, he succeeded
in registering support not only of the martial races, but also from
the common men, including aboriginal Bhils, His most important
contribution was to prepare an atmosphere of obstinate resistance in
his country against the irrestible Mughals,
Maharana Udaisingh, exhibiing his coolness towards his son
Pratap, wished that instead of the latter, his another’ son Jagmal
be allowed to succeed him, Although, this decision was against the
conventions of Mewar family, but Pratap did not show any sort of
displeasure towards his father. However, on his father’s death a
faction of the nobles, headed by Tomar Rama Shah* of Gwalior,
and Rawat Kishansingh got him ascended to the throne, on Feb,
28, 572 A.D, at Gogundah. The usual coronation ceremony was
performed at Kumbhalgarh, alier a few days which was attended
by all important chiefs of Mewar and Rao Chandrasen of Marwar,
‘There being no supporters, Jagmal left Mewar and sought :efuge in
the Mughal court, where he was honoured by granting to him the
“Tam Kavyaar Vamshavalt (MS)/Rawa! Ranaj rt Bat (MS) Lf. 02,
2. बदी पांच ठाझूरां (sar Feet रो) बांह पकड़ नै दरीपाने ले आया। one
जगमालओ दरीपानै et करे बेठा है शो war नहों। जदी रावत किसने aig पकड़े ने
उठाया... ......-राजा प्रताप सिपजो ने गादी बेठावा [Rawal Ranaji rl Bat Lf. 702].
 220
Jagic of Jahazpur which was subsequently exchanged with a part of
Sirohi state, He was later on,? slain while fighting in the battle
field of Dantani, on Oct, 7, 588 A.D.
‘When Pratap came to throne, only the western hilly tract of
Mewar and Godawar were in his possession, The central offertile the
plain and the forts of Chittor and Mandalgarl* formed partlost many
Mughal Empire. In the great battle of Chittor, y,Mewar
ofits brave fighters and spent its resources lavishl reimbursemenoust
‘of which was practically impossible for him at that time, Mughal Atroci
gmastacre of a good number of inhabi tants done by the s at
Chittor had roused a feeling of indignation and hatred in his heart
st them and therefore, he was determined to wreak vengea nce.
‘The ruling family of Mewar had been carryi ng out its fight
against several Muslim chiefs, Among them, Pratap's victory adversary
‘Akbar was probably the most powerful ruler. After over
Chittor, he refained from pursuing Mahar ana Udaisi ngh, But his
ng that
power increased considerably. Several Rajput chiefs realisito enter into the
power of the Imperial Mughals was irrestible, preferred d
Eiiance with Emperor Akbar. Being over ambitious Akbar desire empire
to engorge the territories of other adjoining states. His
then was perhaps far from commensurate with his ambitiRajput ons, For its
fulfilment, he heartily desired strong support from the dings. them He
carried out his plan of conciliation yet further by persua
to give away their daughters tof the royal seraglio, This sortchiefsof
matrimonial alliances proved very successful and the the Rajput
Soon became close associates and supporters of empire, But
Maher ana Pratap disliked such matriages, raged which might contami-
nate! the blood of his race and rather discou them. In this way,
there was 8 vast difference in the thinki ng of Pratap and Akbar,
‘Sometimes Pratap is stigmatised’ for not extend ing his support
to Akbar in getting so the called National Government formed. But
pee ee 425/G.
a Ip, २४७ N. Sharma~
Faia Shar am—H isto of ryrorsRaj,
Sirohi p.
9. 487/Ojh
75 ae ७७७७७:
the Mugha l Empe
2 ‘Mewar and
a.६ Mndint teadhctar 2० 29.
kabarl Ghiel Rajput।502gules, who(Ht gave away
Mug! was the infrstMarch
of AmesEmperor. AD. Dever
he Kaci dhe, t-AKbari (MS) Lf.
Tisaaa ga If. 240/Belgrami~-Sawanlh 4i-42/Rq), Rat ne” MS)
Amor-Kayya-V
6. rare amshav
Kerre Yama 277oli (MS No.
77 pur) 2077Lf,p.7४व
266!)
82,
जे. . Mahorana Pratap Smritl-Crantha (Udai
 श्श
scholars arguing like this, do not take into consideration the
circumstances under which the Rajputs were required to serve the
Mughal Emperor, The Dalpat-Vilas,® a contemporary work, contains
many details about Akbar’s arrogant and atrocious conduct, It
depicts several incidents, which prove that a self respecting people
would not like to bear such disparaging treatment from the Emperor,
Although the Hindus enjoyed freedom from any religious persecution,
but even then a fecling of religious fanaticism did pervadeand several
senior Mughal officers acted otherwise. A glaring example of this
sort of feeling is the destruction ofseveral Hindu and Jain shrines,
made at Chittor, during the course of invasion by the forces of Akbar,
Therefore, Pratap was not ready to co-operate with the Mughals,
He considered them as invaders, against whom, his father and grand
father had measured swords, Dr, Dashrath Sharma? has correctly
analysed the facts by saying that the stories of Akbars’s treatment
with the Rajputs must have reached Maharana Pratap, which made
him realise the utter ignominy in submitting to Akbar, According
tohim, the Rajput chivalry lived on, after 557 A.D., not in the
persons of rich Rajput grandees like Maharaja Mansingh and
Raisingh, but in the brave fighters like Maharana Pratap and others,
who preferred to live i an atmosphere of full freedom.
Akbar attempts for negotiation:
It seems that Akbar did not make hurry in dealing with Pratap
and deliberately refrained from taking any action against him, He,
was anxious to settle the matier by peaceful negotiations. A question
arises as to why he did not invade Mewar in order to espouse the
cause of Jagmal, whem his father had already nominated as his
successor, in preference to Pratap and who also sought refuge in his
court. It seems that the Mughal forces were then badly engrossed
in quelling distubanées in Gujrat. Akbar, therefore, avoided to
take any action against Mewar, because ofits contiguity with the
disturbed area of Gujrat, Jn marching against Mewar, at that time,
there was a possibility of joint action by the disgruntled element of
Gujrat and Mewar, against the Mughals,
Dale Vise कप wor whichwaswriten during the.eignof
आर Ttvas d l t e d by
my friend Shei RawatSaraswat aad published
‘Sadul Rajasthani Research Institute, Bikaner.
pubs by
9, Maka ana Pratap Smriti Grantha (Udaipur pp. 82-83,
292
‘Akbar’s first emissary, who waited upon Maharana going Pratap,
was Jalal Khan Korachi!” He visited Mewar , while to
Gujrat in August/Sept. 572 A.D, However, no discuss ion on any
matter seems to have taken place and he reached Abinadabad onto
Nov. 27, 572 A.D. In erder to keep the road from Delhi
Gujrat open? and safe from any plundering raids of the Rajputs of
Mewar, Akbar detailed Raisingh of Bikaner for this purpose.
Attempts of Mansingh
‘After victory over Gujrat, when Mansingh was returning to
‘Agra, he was asked by! Akbar to attempt for a settlement with
Mewar by peaceful negotiations (April, 573 A.D.). After defeating
the Maharawal of Dungarpur in the battlefield of Bilapana’ on April
48, 573 A.D. he reached Udaipur via Salumbar. His main aim was
to persuade Pratap to owe his allegiance to Akbar. Maharana Pratap,
who was then living at Gogundah, came to Udaipur to meet him.
Having encamped#* on the bank of Udaisagar lake, Mansingh went
alone to pay. visit to the Maharana. According to Akbar Nama,
Pratap ‘“‘made promises about going** to the Sublime Court, but
raised objections and gave Mansingh leave to depart, while he
himself stayed procrastinate”, This gives a clear hint that the
Maharana plainly refused to attend the Mughal Court, this meet-
‘The Rajput sources narrate a detailed account about
ing According to these chronicles, Maharana Pratap arranged a
feast on the bank of Udaisagar Lake, but he himself avoidedthehisguest. pre~
sence there and sent his son Amarsingh to entertain
without taking
‘Mansingh took it as his personal insult and returnedrecords
meals" This version is also corroborated bytotal other of Jaipur
House. ‘Thus Mansingh’s mission proved a failure.
258.a-Khab ut
Tabs Tip 875/M
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Faves शक, Vol
Kandha5/Tab
uhmmaIl d pp-Arif254-28 972-37rip.
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‘Tavarikh Tt 9. 44-
2. Akbar Nama Val. itबाद9.२57.Sas राज्ल STEHT 5 हथी राजुत राज SAAT
IB eq gene वर्षबेशाबफोन सु जबमुबा चांद सुरज साख डूपस्पुर ना बाढ मुझा
नी ption of Bilapena}
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{6 Amar Karya- Vamsha vall !(MSRanaj (95|)Bat4(MS)42/Rj200/Tui
No. irl s account also
Ge Venza So G)Rewe
corroborated from the records of Jaipur Huse.
 223
Other Missions.
After some days disturbances were again reported in Gujarat,
Akbar had to visit it personally and succeeded in quelling the rebe-
lion there by Sept. 2, 873 A.D. After making necessary arrange-
ments, he lefi Almadabad for Fatehpur Sikari on Sept 3, 573 A.D.
Before leaving he detailed’ Raja Bhagwantdas with some other chiefs
towards Idar and Mewar. After settling the affairs of Rewaliya, a
slave of Sher Khan and reducing Narayandas to extremities, Bhaga-
wantdas paid a visit to Gogundah. Abu-lFaz] records that the
‘Maharana sent his eldest son Amarsingh to the Mughal court and he
himself begged excuse for his appearance" there. But his account is.
not worthy of credence. Badaoni, Nizamud-din Ahmad eto do not
mention it, Jahangir in his Memoirs!” asserts that no eldest son of
the ruler of Mewar had so for visited the Mughal court, before the
settlement of I65 A.D, Thus all these contemporary Mughal records
lead us to believe that the account of Abw-l-Fazl is rather an exagge-
ration, The mission of Bhagawantdas totally failed. Abuel-Fazl
himself records that the Maharana®® said to Bhagawantdas, “A
feeling of desolation had taken possession of him. When his deso=
lated heart should become soothed by lapse of time, he would come
and do homage in person”. This clearly proves that Pratap had
rather clearly refused to attend the Mughal court.
‘An attempt was again made later on, Todarmal, who was
coming back after 2 months’ stay in Gujarat, was asked by Akbar to
visit Gogundsh and mect Maharana Pratap also. No details of his
mission are available. But when he visited Gogundah in Dec. 673
A.D. the Mabarana extended due hospitality to him, According to
‘Rana Raso™ the Maharana agreed to give away his elephant named
Ramprasad to him, But it seems that when no settlement on other
points was arrived at Todarmal refused to take the above offer. Thus
his mission also proved abortive.%*
‘The above account proves that all the missions, to settle the
problem of Mewar peacefully, failed, A question arises as to why
फ़.. AkbarN4TT ama 9.90.
38 d
Ibip.92.
I9. Rogers andBever rt I9. 259.
idge—Tuzuk-i-JahangiVol.
20. ILI pp. 92-98.
Akbar Nama (MS)
Di. Rana-Raso Verses 254 to 260,
2 Abu Turab Ali—Tarlklei-Gujrat p. 94/Mirat--Ahmadi 9. \N,
 शक
asettlement could not be arrived at inspite of earnest desire of the
‘Mughal Emperor, and what were those terms which Pratap disliked
to accept. Although there is no clear hint available, it seems that
Akbar might have insisted on the personal appearance of Rana
or his heir-appa rent in the Mughal court with suitable amount of
tribute, Looking to Akbar’s relations with other Rajput Chiefs he
might have pressed for surrendering of the Rana’s daughter to the
royal seraglio, These proposals were clearly unacceptable to Pratap™,
Similarly, he did not like to enlist himself among the Mughal
Mansabdars, In this way, it became evident, even in December
573 A.D, that he would not yield to the Mughal Emperor and
& confrontation of his forces with the Mughals was thus imminent,
Mabarana’s preparations,
Maharana Pratap made necessary preparations to meet the
challenge of the Mughals. All important outposts and forts of
western Mewar were strengthened, Another important step taken by
him was to desolate the pl All the inhabitants living there
were compelled to retire to the hilly tracts and no crops were allowed
to be sown there, so that the invading army could not procure
food stuff.
In order to boost up the moral courage of his followers, he
interdicted himself from luxury and amourousniess till the fortof
Ghittor was redeemed, Use of gold and silver dishes was forbidden,
He was fortunate that he got complete cooperation from his chiefs,
who not being tempted by the wealth and good fortune under the
Mughals, exhibited a high sense of fidelity. By taking their help,
the Maharana remodelled his government according to the exigen.
ciés* of time and available slender resources, His main work was to
get his country ready for obstinate resistance against the repeated
Mughal invasions in which he proved very successful,
Battle of Haldi Ghati
On reaching Ajmer in first the week of March 676 A.D. Akbar
made necessary preparations for despatchihg his army againsi%#
क24,ेsafara as Saciid re)
GAN. Sharma—op. cit. p. BI.
see ar VcYr ४ ara
29: Tod-I 94270.
26, Tab Ip. 484/Munt Khab-ut Tawarikh वा p, 238/Akbar Nama TI p. 286,
‘Mewar. The Rajput sources narrate that the Emperor being exaspe-
rated at the irsult inflicted on Mansingh at Udaisagar lake, decided to
invade Mewar’, The Rana Raso, however, gives another account of
it, According to this, when the Rana carried out depredations in the
Imperial territory of Sironj, the Emporor was alatmed* and resolved
tomake an attack, ‘But, these seem’ to be the contfibutory causes
‘of the ‘battle, ‘The main reason, according “fo Abuwl-Fazl",
was the disobedience and hostility of the Rana, ‘As already stated
Akbar’s attempt to persuade Pratap'for owing hiv-allegiance to him
failed even in Dec. 573 A.D, He waited for two years more
perhaps to give an opportunity io the latter for cool thinking, But
seeing obstinacy of Pratap, he decided to ithd his forces for
reducing himto extremities, Mansingh Kachhaiva® was nominated
to command the forces which’ were to be Uéspatched for this
enterprise, According to the Igbal-Nama® asd his appointment
was’ made with the specific object‘to.compel the Rana for a pitched.
battle. ‘This understanding was based on the tacts that his ancestors
had owed their allegiance to the'rilers of Mewar for a pretty long
time, It was presumed that thé Maharana Wéuld be provoked by the
inferior status of the commandant ofthe Imperial army and would
६०४० out in person to confront’him for a’ pitched battle, This device
proved yery helpful to the Muighials.
Kachhawa Mansingh was “accompinied® by 5000 regular
Soldiers, Some officers nawied Ghazi Khan Badakhsi, Khwaja
Gyasud-din, ‘Asaf Khan, ‘Saiyid Ahmad, Saiyid Hashim Barha,
Kachhawa Jagannath, Saiyid Raju, Mihtar Khan etc. were sent with
कफ, .Asaf Khan was riciniinated ‘asthe Bakhsi of the army.
‘Mansingh left Ajmer on April 3.576 A.D, and soon reached® Man.
dalgarh where he stayed for about two months to wait for additional
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reinforcement. The Maharana considered it derogatory to allow him
to enter unopposed into Mewar, He was, therefore, impatient to con-
front him at Mandalgarh.# But on a sane advice from Tomar King
Rama Shah he abandoned this idea, Descending from the hilly tract
of Kumbhalgarh, he fortified himself in the defiles of Gogundah,
All important chiefs of Mewar and the Bhils accompanied’* him
there. Among them the names of Chundawat Kishandas, Rathor
Ramdas, Jhala Man (Bida), Jhala Man, Dodiya Bhim, Tomar
Rama Shah Bhama Shah, etc, are noteworthy, Marching from there
Pratap encamped at village Lohsing situated about 0 miles from
Haldighati, Proceeding from Mandalgarh Mansingh also reached
Malela and made necessary preparations there, ‘The Rana’s move-
ments could not be properly noticed by him, Nenasi writes that?*
once Mansingh, when he went on a hunting excursion, was seen by
the spies of the Rana, On getting this report the Rana was persuaded
by Hakim Khan Sur and a few other chiefs for immediate action,
But he did not relish such sort of cowardly act,
‘Account of the battle (June I8, 576 A.D.)
‘The soil being yellow like turmaric, the glen is renowned as
“flaldighati””, which being very narrow even two persons could
hardly pass at a time, The site Badashah Bagh is often quoted as the
bate field, but itis too small a place for an engagement of about 8000
cavalryA and a good nunber of elephants. A, L, Shrivastava’?
while analysing the accounts of the Persian Chronicles, maintains that
ihe first battle took place outside the entrance of Haldighati in the
plains between the said pass and the village Khamnore. Subsequent
fighting, however, took place in the plain south-west of Khamnor
exiending upto the southern part of the river Banas.” Both the inten
ding armies were properly marshalled. Arrangements in the Imperial
34, Iqbal Nama I p. 382/Akbar Nama IIL 9. 244.

36, Nenasi ki Khyat (Dugar) Vol. I pp. 68-69,

Ris Al.
87, Dr. Shrivastava’s
Biaha Sminl
Pratoprana \The
paper.Granthpp.7S-I8,of Haldighati”
battle | abe’ im
 207
army wast like this. Mansingh himself was in the Centre, the Saiyids
of Barba were on the Right wing; Ghazi Khan Badakbshi Rai Lunae
karana were in the Left wings Jagannath, Khwaja Ghyasuddin and
Asaf Khan were in the Van; Madhosingh and other distinguished
men in the Altamsh; Mihar Khan and others were in the Rear”, In
its front line there were about 80 skirmishers called Chuca-t-Harawal.
In Mewar’s army the “Rana was in the Centre; Tomar® Rama Shah
had the right wing, while the left was commanded by Bida Jhala;
Ramdas son of Jaimal was in the Van,”’ ‘The Bhils under their chief
Punja remained concealed and did not take any part in the battle,
The Rana had also not set apart any section of his army as the
Reserve, However,theabove arrangement of his army could not be
acted upon properly as he hiad to come out from the narrow pass.
Hakim Khan Sur from the army of the Maharana suddenly
appeared at the mouth of Haldighati pass in the morning of June
8, 576 A.D. The Rana soon followed him", They made sucha
fierce invasion upon the Mughal army that it had disorganised
the Chickens of the front line under Saiyid Hashim Barha, and
advance guards under Asaf Khan and Jagannath. They mixed up
together and suffered “complete” delat." According to Badaoni, it
was due to the unevenness of the ground, the large quantity of thorns
and the serpentine twistings of the roads, The Rajputs of the Mughal
army led by Kachhawa Lunakarna also fled away. At this time Asaf
Khan and most probably Badaoni also ran to the shelter of the
Mughal centre, Kachhawa Jagnnath fought desperately and was
about to fall but was rescued** by the timely help of the Reserves
sent under Kachhawa Madhosingh. However, they too could
not stand the onslaught of the troops of Mewar and left their posts,
‘The Rana’s right wing under the command! of Tomar
Rama Shah, made a similar effective attack upon the left wing of
38, Akbar Nama Vol. II pp, 244/Muntakhab-nt-Tawarikh Vol. Up. 236,
89. Ibid p. 245/Amar Kavya Yamshavali (MS) Lf. 83(b).
the description given by Dr.A.L. Shi
40, ves that followed
Thave the eye-witness account of Budaon
forreet sequenceofthe events which isto be corrected by Abu-LFaal's
brief but precise description (A.L, Slrivastave’s paper ‘The Batle of
Hlaldighati).
ी.. Muntakhab -ut-Tawarikh I p. 296.
42. akbar Nama UT 9. 245.
43, Munfakhab-ut-Tavariich I 9, 237,
228
the Mughal army. ‘This too proved irresistible and resulted into the
flight of several Mughal officers. The Shekh Zadas of Sikari fled
away: An arrow struck Shah Mansur, who soon left the field, Ghazi
Khan, the Mullah, stood in the battlefield for some time, but later
‘on fled away saying “Flight from overwhelming odds is onesomeof
the traditions of the prophet“*”, The Saiyids of Barha and us
other youths under Saiyid Hassaim Barha displayed conspicuo of
gallantry, ‘They were attacked by Jhala Man (Bida) and inspite the
their obstinate resistance, they too failed to check the progress offield,
‘Mewar army, ‘The fugitive Mughal soldiers, who had left theMewar
had gone upto 0. to I2 miles from Haldighati, Thus the and
forces succeeded in disarraying the front line, advance guards
‘Left and Right wings of the Mughal army. prevailed in the Mughal
‘Taking benefit of the disorder that‘
army, Rama Shah of Mewar army forged ahead towards the Mughal
centre and performed such prodigies of valour against the Rajputs
of Mansingh as baille description. ‘The Mughal soldiers hurriedly
came forward to check his progress but were came thered and
badly defeate
tome of them had to run away. Mansingh soon, ‘The Maharaand na
inspired his soldiers to fight with dashing courage Maha-
then sent his elephants! to break the Mughal Centre. ‘The
clephant named Luna wounded the Mughal elephant named
Gajawkh, who was about to fly,when the Mahabar of the The former was
Killed by a bullet, which compelled Luna to turn back, sad, Maha- who
ana replaced it by another elephant named Rampra elephant named
threw down several Mughal soldiers includiitngwastheseized by Hussain
Gajraj. But due to the dealh of the Mohabt
Mewar
Khan ofthe Mughal army", New the and both the armies army successfully
pushed iself forward to the Mughal Centre raged
Pecre hand to hand fight. Amidastriking such circumstances, the Rana
propelled himself and came within distance of Mansingh,
t
Hii steed Chetak planted its forefect on the head of the elephan
4 Bi glee
iold p. 238) Atbar Namaता p. 245.
Meo
Ibid हू
47,. Told p. 2000246.sources, which only contain, thedetails of it, give different
क. accou Ra ray away,
Toe nt’-g ionkedthat byMansin
radarwhen(MG)it wasssentattac gb' elephant$9 totrum 8),p,
Cheta k,sing| (VII-
h and Prata
Batted orp sil recor
ashaAmar ds the difer ent attacksdetaiofledAmaraccou nt, Accor ding
GEES: Karya (MS) gives & more
 289
of Mansingh, making it easy for him to deliver his blow more ine
furiatedly, Accordingly he hurled his spear towards him but, finding
enough time, the latter managed to dive himself into his
howdak and thus made the invasion ineffective by parrying the
blow, ‘The Mughal army, seeing him in danger, gathered
around him and fought dseperately. ©Madhosingh Kachhawa
inflicted a wound on the Rana, who counver attacked and killed
Bahlol Khan, a senior Mughal officer. Seeing the Rona in danger,
Jhala Man (Bida) took away his royal insignid and pur it on his
own head, All this was done within a few moments, Although
the Rana was reluctant to leave the battlefield, but being badly
wounded, he had to do it, Ramsingh and Raja Rama Shah" with
his three sons fell fighting bravely,
Upto this time a good number of the Mughal soldiers had
‘already left the field and their strong military array was also
completely disorganised, Looking to this, Mihatarang, a Mughal
officer posted in the Rear, carne forward and shouted with a kettle
drum about the arrival of the Mughal Emperor with reinforcement,
Hearing this the fugitive Mughal troops stopped their further
march and soon returned to the battle field, ‘They now assembled in
the plains situated in the south-west direction of village Khamnor,
‘The Imperial army which was completely disheartened, was now
encouraged on hearing the arrival of the Emperor and resumed
fighting, Perhaps the personal exploits related by Badaoni® took
place at this time when on advice from Asaf Khan, he killed the
Rajputs indiscriminately, The soldiers of Mewar, who were fighting
since carly morning were exhausted. The extreme heat of mid
June aggravated their difficulties. They were having no reserve to
meet this challenge. In the words of Abu-l-Fazl,"! the Rajputs, who
were becoming more and more predominant, now lost the heart
to this Dodiya Bhim who was with Pratap, first appeared before Mansingh
to ‘bid im पक्ष, Pratap, thereafter propelled towards hie) and
attacked him,
49. Genotaph
Akbar Nam,of 0p. 240/Ducog
Ramasinh T o m a r was theconstructed
sega, of there
200०0
which Karo
has an ingeripe
tion of VE,68
80, Pratep
A. L,Shrivastava’s
Granth246.paper—“'The
Smriti Tip, (Cdsipuc). Battle of Haldighati” published in the
st, Akbar Nama >>; है
 230
‘on hiearing of the arrival of reinforcement, At the death of Jhala
Man (Bida) the soldiers of Mewar deserted the field.
With regards to the casualties on both sides, our authorities
differ in their estimates, Perhaps a total number of 650 soldiers wasS*
Killed on both sides. Several chiefs of Mewar lost their lives. Promi=
nent among them were Netasingh, Dodiys Bhim, Sonagara Man,
Rathor Ramdas, Sankardas, Tomar Ram Shah and his 3 sons,
Hakim Khan Sur Rama Sandu ete, Of the Mughal Army about {50.
men were slain. Due to excessive heat and incessant fighting since
early morning the Mughal army was so badly exhausted that they
had no energy left to pursue the Mewer soldiers. In the words of
Badaoni, they also apprehended sudden attacks. Dr, R. N, Prasad
maintains that the real reason for not pursuing the vanquished army
was some what else, The Kunwar’s chief aim was to humble the
Rana by inflicting a crushing defeat on him, but he never wished to
harrash or torture him, since the Rana still occupied a position of
respect not only in his own eyes but also in the eyes of the Kachhawa
Rajputs But this statement is not corroborated by any of the
contemporary sources. The eyewitness account of Badaoni® mentions
the real cause of abandonment of pursuit. He says “When the
air was likea furnace and no power of movement was left in the
soldiers the idea became prevalent that the Rana by stealth and
stratagem would keep himself concealed behind the mountains,
‘This was the reason, why they made no pursuit, but returned to
their tents.”? Abdw-l-Fazl also records the similar facts,s#
Both the Rajputs and the Mughals claimed to have emerged
victorious in this battle. The Persian Chronicles specially Munta-
Khab-ut-Tawarikh categorically affirms that the Mughal army afer
this battle did not rejoice this “avowed victory.” Contrary to this
they were badly stricken by a panic of sudden invasion by the
Rajputs. Mansingh even did not dare to allow his soldiers to go in
Sk |Almont ete.allmention
Qube thecontemporary
ths gue writers like Badaoni,
ofthe एड casts. Abuel-Fazl, ७७७७४ Mutami
53, _R.N, Prasad—op. cit. pp. 50-5!.
ot ‘by warikhanITeye
9. witness,
238/Mansingh’s gallantry is hardly
also described
Badaoni, who was
hewas having a soft corner for Pratap, ‘Therefore, we can say’ the
32
546. Akbar Nama TIT p. 200,
55, Muntkhabout-TawarithULp, 289,
 23h
starch of food stuff, Badaoni also mentions an interesting fact, He
says that when he was performing journey with elephant named
‘Ramprasad seized in the above battle, he attempted to circulate the
news ofthe victory at a number of places, But none gave credence
to his statement, Apart from this, no officer was!A rewarded by the
Emperor on the so called viciory. Mansingh and AsafKhan were
called back to the court and for a few days they were forbidden
from appearance! before the Emperor, who did not relish their
incapacities in arranging food stulf'in time and thus getting the army
famished, ‘These accounts prove that the claim of the Mughals
does not carry sufilcient weight. The Rajput sources also mention
fan exaggerated account of their victory, By analysing the fhets we
may say that no party succeeded in achieving “complete victory”
Mansingh’s campaign failed in its primary object viz. subjugation of
Mewar and killing or capturing ofthe Maharana, Thus the result of
this battle was perhaps “drawn
Activities of the Mughals after the battle
Next day, (Ifith June ॥876 AD.) Mansingh with his army went
to Gogundah via Bhutala!® and captured it afier killing 20 watch
men, Even there the Mughal army did not consider itself safe and
fan apprehension of sudden attack by the Rajputs kept on haunting
them As such they barricaded the streets, and dug a trench to such a
depth that the horses could not jump over it, Badaoni® writes that
no food stu could be procured to commissariat, Maharana Pratap
successfully ०७६ dowa the supply line and compelled them to depend
‘on mangoes and flesh of animals, On getting news of such unsa
sfactory condition the Emperor sent Mahmud Khan, aspeci
messenger of the court, to Gogundah to enquire into the matter,
36 hid p.2.
6A. Badaoni mentions that only Ghasi Khan Badakhsi, Mibear Khan,
they fell from the position of confidence were dismissed without
ment (ibid p. 249). ‘ulto corroborates the above statement pute
87, Tabi p. 493.
58, gear करे ख्लता, स्व eet Reve ager srr afenr मानवही विष्णु:
Severs चरणी पराहयुीं ॥४१॥ The Jagdish Tenple InscriptionSiaikas
०3000
cra 0%74 0706 Vi eR 06६ (Ms)
50, Munt-Khabut- Fawarlich Tp, 240.
60. tbid p.243.
232
He remained there for aday and collected necessary information,
According to Badaoni,® he submitted a report favourable to Man-
singh, ‘The Emperor was over all pleased. at this, but was annoyed
at their having abandoned pursuit of the Rana, Nizamud-din#
Ahmad, Badaoni and Abu-l-Fazl, all of them, record that the Em
peror became furious and forbad appearance of Mansingh and
‘Asaf Khan before him, as they prohibited their soldiers from plunde-
ring and devastating the Rana’s lands,
Maharana’s preparations after the battle,
After leaving the battlefield the Maharana moved towards
Balicha, where'his favourite steed Ghetak lost its life.His brother
Shaktisingh® met him there and gave him his horse, After burrying
his horse there, he went to village Kaleda, via Dabuna and Balita,
where soon his followers also assembled, Arrangements were made
to remove the wounded soldiers to Kolyari, a remote place, about
40 miles away from Gogundah, surrorended by the hills of Kamal-
nach, Sarwan and Jhadol, ‘The Maharana with his soldiers remained
in hiding in the hilly tracts of the Western Mewar and carried on
ceaseless guerilla.war fare, ‘The Banjaras were not'allowed to pass
through this territory with foodstuff, After a few days the rainy
jeason set’ in, which impeded operations of the Mughals, In
September 2676 AD,, when Mansingh and Asaf Khan returned to
Ajmer the Maharana recaptured Mohi and Gogundah,*” The ba,tle
of Haldighati could not exhaust his power. In the words" of A, L.
a, id :
G2. ld p. 247/Tab It p.498/Akbar Nama XH pp, 259-260, «
63 Some scholars, have challenged the authenticity of this story (Ojha T
206 Sharmarelevant
Sogat Rasogives op, ot क deialsU/of it (Lf.
Ne Beau
6). op tp 607participation
Shaetisingh's Sut te
inthe battle of Haldighact ibalso proved tromPrashastl
vall (M8) No. 867/Amarkavya-Vams havall,Raj other sources etc, like ‘Pamshac
64, "The following two copper plates found from villages Mobi and (Pipall)
nearMohi corroborateit :
L, भद्दाराजाधिराज महाराणा श्री प्रतापस्पंध आदेशात ग्राम मही महे रहंद ३ उदक आधाट
+कीधा say १६३३ a rrr बदि ६ कु भलमेर मध्ये [The Mobi plat],
« 2, गद्दारामाधिराज महाराणा श्रौ्रतापस्यंप आदेशात ग्राम Age मया [whet] उदके
आटे दता कु
भलमेर मध्ये ney १६३३ AT TAT BPE११ [The Pipall plate].
65, Ad, Shrivastava’s paper, “The Battle of Haldighati"” published in the
Protop Smiriti Granth (Udaipur).
 28

Shrivastava, “It provedto be a blessing in disguise, by giving him

fresh confidence, He now determined to continue his struggle.
Haldighati is a dividing line between Pratap’s policies and activities
before June 8, 876 AD., and after that date........The lessons of
Haldighti became responsible for a change in character of warfare
between Pratap and Akbar.”
Soon after the battle, Pratap strove hard in making a coali-
tion! with Rao Surtan of Sirohi, Narayandas of Idar and Taj Khan
of Jalore against the authority of Akbar. They made a plan to
plunder the royal treasures in Gujeat and carry out depredation in
the Imperial Provinces of Malwa and Gujrat. The Rana might
have helped Duda, son of Rao Surjan, who raised the standard of
revolt against Akbar,
On hearing of these developments Akbar himself came! to
Ajmer on Sept. 20, 070 A.D, At this time Mansingh and other
officers, returned from Mewar and appeared before the Emperor,
‘As already stated, they were reprimanded by him for having aban-
doned the pursuit of the Rana, From Ajmer" Akbar despatched
‘a part ofhis troops against Sirohi, Jalore and Idar under the com
mands of Tarson Khan, Saiyid Hashim Bahra and Raja Raisingh.
Instruetions were given to them to settle the matterbypeaceful
negotiations and always to use soothing and admonitory language in
dealing with these seditious chiefs, This army succeeded in Jalore
and Sirohi, But Narayandas of Idar did not agree to owe his allegi-
ance to Akbar, Joining Pratap, he continued to revive hostility by
conducting desolatory raids in Gujrat, ‘To encounter him ‘Tarton
Khan was detailed to Patan and Raja Raisingh was posted at
Nadot® in Gujart. हे 3 आइ
Akbar’s visit,
Successful escape of Pratap and Narayandas from the grasp of
the Mughals perturbed Akbar, who resolved to visit Mewar person-
ally in order to crush the power of the Rana, Before leaving Ajmer
he sent Bhagawantdas," Mansingh, Qutbud-din Khan cte:'towards
ढ. ठप, Shakmivop.elt.9. 75
67, Akbar Nama UI 9. 259.
99:266-267.,
68, “ibid Bt B24
69, tid p. 267, i
70, bid p, 272/Munt-khab-ut-Tawarikh ! pp, 2402
 234
Gogundah to extirpate the Rana from there, At the same time
Quiij Khan, Khwoja Gyas-ud-din, Ali Asaf Khan etc, were sent
against Idar, ‘They were also instructed to escort the caravan of
the pilgrimage of Sultan Khwaja, the Mir Haji, which was passing
through Gogundah, Panarawa, Khed Brahma and Idar, On arrival
of this army the Maharana went away into the hil y area of
Kumbhalgarh, ‘The outposts of Mohi and Godundah were recaptue
red by the Mughals,
On leaving Ajmer on Oct ,5708,0, Akbar” reached Mohi,
From there he gave orders to Qutab-ud-din Khan and Bhagwantdas
toixemain posted at Gogundah.”® Leaving the caravan at Panarawa,
therefore, both of them returned to the said place while Quliz Khan
continued his march with the pilgrims. From Mohi the Emperor
soon reached Udaipur, While staying there he planned to encircle the
hills with a view to capturing the Maharana and destroying his hilly
resorts, For this purpose, he made the following arrangements,"
l, Ghazi Khan Budakhsi, with Sharif Atka, Mujahid Khan,
‘Turk Subhan Quili ete, was posted at Mohi with 3000 cavalary,
2, Abdur-Rahman Beg, son of Jalal-ud-din Beg, and Abdur
Rahman Beg son of Muyid Beg with 500 troops, were kept at
Madariya.
3, Raja Bhagawantdas and Qutub-ud-din Muhammad Khan,
who were posted at Gogundaly, left the place without permission,
‘The Emperor, therefore, got furious, but after wards granted them
pardon, They, with Saiyid Abdullah Khan, were kept at the
Debari Ghati entrance of Udaipur,
4, Shah Fakbr-ud-din and Jagannath Kachhawa were posted
‘at the outpost of Udaipur city.
However, these Mughal forces couild not succeed in their plan,
‘The physical features of the country greatly hampered their progress.
‘The surprise attacks of the guerilla bands of Mewar suck panic
‘even among the senior Mughal Officers, who desisted from further
TL ibid p. 274/At Mohi, several nobles of Malawa appeared before the
Emperor,
72, Nisanvud-din Almad mentions dat the Empeue desing ७० make the
‘Maborana eaptive posted Bhagwantdasete,at Gogundal (Lb II 9. 498).
78, Ibid p. 495/Akbar Nama III pp. 274-275/Muut-khab-ut-Tawarikh ए. 249.
 285

march in the hilly areas, Being unsuccessful in his primary object

to make the Maharana captive, Akbar left Mewar” for Malwa,
‘The Mughal forces posted at Idar, under the command of Quliz
Khan, also met the same fate, On departure of the Mughal army
the Maharana recaptured Gogundah and Mobi, Hearing this,
Akbar in May 877 A.D., again sent Raja Mansingh, Bhagwantdas
and Mir Bahar Khan against Mewar.” On arrival of this army the
‘Maharana returned to his hilly abodes. This Mughal army remained
in Mewar only for to months and returned thereafter. Maharana
Pratap recaptured these outposts,
Battle of Kumbhalgarh (677-78 A.D.)
Having repeatedly failed in subduing the Rana, Akbar resolved
to undertake a massive campaign against Mewar, For this purpose
he despatched his army on Oct, 5 877 A.D, under the command
of Shahbaz Khan Bukhshi,” He was accompanied by (28४ Khan
Badakhsi, Sharif Khan Atka, Saiyid Kasim, Saiyid Hussaim Behr
‘Bhagwantdas, Mansingh etc, For obvious reasons of akinness to caste
Bhagwantdas and Mansingh were sent back to the Imperial court,
On request from Shabaz Khan, Shekh Ibrahim Fatehpuri, an
officer having well acquaintance with the hill af airs, was sent
with additional reinforcement.
‘On hearing of the arrival of this army the Rana made necessary
preparations, Deserting Kelawara and other towns of this area he
confined himself to the fort of Kumbhalgarh, Shahbaz Khan
proceeded towards Kelawara and took possession” of it, He then
marched towards Kumbhalgarh and encamped” near Haram Khor
‘Tekari, Maharana Pratap, who was then present in the fort, put
7h, Akbar left Udaipur for Malwaatabout the end ofthe year 576 AD. He
passed through Banswara and Dungarpur.
75, ‘Tab वा p. 499/dkbar Nama IIT pp. 280-20I/Munt-khabeut-Tawarleh वा.
pp. 25-252,
76. Akbar Noma It 9. 277.
77. ibid 9. 339/Tab I ७, 56.
78, Wid) Tab TE p. 26. ssful
79. AbuclPadl mentions that the Mughal army made several unsucce
attempts to capture the outer fortification of the fortut failed, Therefore,
the garrison was disheartened, However, by constant efforts the Mughal
army suceceded in eaptuting some part of the fortified area (near Haram
Khor Tekari).
286
up gallant and obstinate resistance, ‘The cannonading ftom the Taraof
Burz and Chogan of the fort completely stemmed advanc ement
the enemy, Shahbaz Khan also, placing the cannon s on Haram
Khor Tekari, situated just in front of ‘Tara Burz, battered the fort, are
Near the Nimbupole of the fort, the inlaids of the cannon-notballs do any
still visible in the walls, However, the Mughals could
substantial harm and failed to reduce the fort, Now Shahbacannon z Khan
‘made up his mind to hatch some plot to destroy Tod imputes"®of the big
the fort and also to damage its water reservoirs, Col,
the charge of treachery to some Devara Chief, who had gone over
to the side of the Mughals, Although Abu-l-Fevent azl, Nizamud-din
‘Ahmad, and. Badaoni do not refer to any such of treacherous
plot, Arif Khandhaci in his Tarikh-i-AKbari™ makes a special mentiong
ofthis, The big cannon of the fort was burst into pieces by adoptin
treacherous"? means, ‘The Rajputs wereplace, thus disheartened and
requested the Maharana to evacuate the Having appointed
Sonagara Bhan*® as the commandant of hisforces, Pratap left the
place by the way of Parasuram Mahadeva and soon reached Ranake
pur, From there, he went towards Chawand. ed near Rampole and
‘The Rajputs left in the fort then collect
the precincts of the temples and opened the gate, ‘The assailants
rushed towards the entrance and a fierce hand to hand combat took
place, The Rajputs displayed stiff resistance but plurality of the
fusailants helped them. Nearly all the Rajputs lost their lives,theThey
tuccessfully dosisted the Mughals from entering the fort till last
कण of blood in thelr* veins, At last the fort fell in temple to the hands of
the Mughals on April Gor 4, 578 A.D. Several s of the
fort were molested. Accasual literary reference is of MS, Bhoj-
Charitra!® of which the colophone mentions usual performance of
pie a अन्कपहंव ७ 373
Toft p27 i pp, 262-263,»
Hest Moha mmad Arif Kandha ri—Tar ikh-t- Akbarl
paper
Auiors(Udaipur),
l ae Granth
FovdotaSmirlit “Kumblal garh ka व published isthe
Pratap पहुंची। राडहुई।गढ हुटतों नहीं। पण भाण Aसोतूगरो are
as, पहegचढयाउठेफोज चढयो।
eae Reet परवाडेiriफोजBatले 9. (08. जदी दौवाणजी ले नीतरया।. fs काम
sun aya[Rawal Ranoj e 2087: 270 egy राम 3
oi ier Namae fg fa, ant
fee OF Ba) harp (MS) Senate ears
सं! ag १९१४ wedes
Rae १ ae Sophos er
‘Bhandar), *
 237

religious rites there, even after the uccupation of the fort by the
Mughals. and of Ghazi
Shahbaz Khan placed this fort underforcethes comm
against Gogundah
Khan Badakhshi, He also despatched the ad Khan, who
and Udaipur under the commandwhoofwasMuhsentammagain st Chawand,
wrested these towns, Farid Khan, was thus dislodged
succeeded in capturing the same, The Maharana d towards Chhapan
from his important hilly retreats, He nowwhermove e he made Kamalnath
and subsequently went to Bhomat area,
Sarawan hills as his retreat, ShahMay baz Khan, after this momentous
victory, returned from Mewar in 578 A. D. and appeared be~
ore the Mughal Emperor in June 578 A, D, at his camp on
Jhelam. D.)
Shabhaz Khan’s invasions (578 to 580 A. Pratap recaptured all
‘After the departure of Shahbaz Khan, Khan, who was
important outposts including Gogundah, Shihba z
again detailed for duty in Mewar, left Fatehp ur Sikari™ Dec 46,
” on
3678 A.D. and soon reached Mewar, On‘Tarec his arrival the Maharana
ayain returned to hishilly abodes, hand Kawadia™ was
‘wounded by Shahbaz Khan, when he was return ing after conducting
plundering raids in Malwa, The latter remain also made unsuccessful at
fempts to eapiure Maharana Pratap. He ed in Mewar for abs
‘out 3 months and returned to Fatehpur Sikari on Aprilagain 6, 879 A.D.
‘After departure of the Mughal army Maha In order tooccup
rana ied
the outposts recently wrested by Shahbaz Khan, atren g
then his meagre resources, he carri ed out depredations in the
Imperial province of Malwa, Shahbaz Khan, who wasr onorder ed by
Akbar!® for launching an invasion, again to left for Mewa Nov, L,
579 A.D. This time Pratap had face great hardships, The
Mughal army chased him persistently, but he keptwason eludi ng aucce-
fatally, Tn the words of AbushFazl the Maharana ‘then dishear-
ened. Every morning he thought that this would be his last day. It
fs क-मकनकाम'
9% Tod I p.27I/Rawal Rana ji rl Bat (MS) p. 08:
a7. Akbar Namaगा pp. 38॥#
390-
op, e elt.
Dr, Ragh usiningh Maha ran Pratap, छा 3637/G.N, Sharma oge
83... Bl'99/Vir VinodItp. 63.
‘89, Aebar Nama TEI pp. 439-60/Tab वा p, $88.
 298
was amid such circumstances (hat Shahbaz Khan (ried hard to make
him captive, Once when he was staying in the house of Tajmal
Sisodiya, he was attacked by the Mughals But he managed to
escape, He was thus beset on every side, dislodged from his impor+
tant hilly retreats and closely pursued by the Mughals from glen to
glen, His chief cause of anxiety was his family. But the faithful Bhils
often gave them shelter and concealed” them at the time of inva-
sion, Frequently, he had to abandon ready meals for want of time
toeat, Col, Tod deseribes an interesting anecdote, according to
which the Maharana was annoyed on hearing a piercing cry of his
daughter, when even a cake of grasslour was snatched out from her
hand by a wild cat, He, therefore, communicated a message to the
Mughal Emperor for his readiness to owe allegiance to him."
However, subsequently he changed his attitude on receiving a letter
containing sterring couplets from Rathor Prithviraj of Bikaner, But
none of the contemporary chronicles of the Mughal court narrate
this incident, ‘Therefore, this anecdote does not seem to be correct,
However, it is (rue that the Maharana was facing great hardships,
Events forced him to leave Mewar and he went towards Jasawant-
pura, Shahbaz Khan was also summoned back from Mewar in
May 580 A, D, by Akbar (० the Mughal court,
Bhama Shah’s timely help
‘The Maharana left Mewar with the members of his family, At
this time Bhasna Shah met him at village Chatiya and made an offer
of his accumulated wealth for the cause of his country. This amount
was sufficient for the maintenance of 6000 men for twelve years.
‘This magnificent offer enabled him to replenish and mobilize his
‘army agein, Bhama Shah was thus honoured for having saved™ his

OrI. Col,PeAAUwar.Viable
Todtoe ery ane ete
90, ibid 9. 480.
mentions that che Bhilsfeequently earsied some of the children
Thein bothe
lts hill anges
rings used
(Tod fofrthe pp.cradles
टी oftheseroyal ७७७ children ape
98, Ibid.
93. बचे
राणाओमर थी प्रतापत्तिघजी Pear मादे steered री फोम जोर दवायो। बावबाे क्युहो
ae शा भामो ech | बारा ee तांई पांच हुआर पोढ़ां नो पावण हाई
चाही wal | सोह यु [Vamshavali (MS) referred to in the Pratap Smrlit
Granth p. \34)+
94. Evthasika Shodh-Sangrah by the Author, pp. 69+
country at such a critical time. Pratap then returned from Sunda
‘Jasawantpura and encamped at Dholan in Mewar,
Khan Khana’s invasion
After Shahbaz Khan,Dastan Khan was appointed as the Gover-
nor of Ajmer, but he soon died at Bali on Oct. 24, 580 A.D, Abdur
Rahim Khan Khana replaced him as the Governor of Ajmer and
Incharge of Mewar affairs, But he was not very active like Shahbaz
Khan, Once, according to /aj Prashasti, Kunwar Amarsingh seized
his Begams and preseuted them before the Maharana, who did not
relish such activities. During the times of Maharana Kumbha and
Sanga, several Muslin: ladies were macle captive in siege operations
and were not returned. But Pratap, whose policy was to fight not
‘as an imperialist, returned these ladies with due honour. After
Dec, 58l A. D. Khan Khana mostly remained at Fatehpur Sikari,
‘Therefore, he could not pay sufficient attention to Mewar affairs and
thus Mughal operations in Mewar were much impeded, The Mughal
commandants holding important outposts in Mewar, were badly
stricken by panic ofsudden invasion by the Rajputs. This state of
affairs provided a few month’s respite to the Maharana, ‘Thus con-
solidating his power he invaded Diber, which was under the charge
of Sultan Khan Ghori as Thanedar®. He was badly defeated and slain
by Kunwar Amarsingh (582 A.D.). ‘This fateful victory changed
the Maharana’s destiny. He also pursued the fugitives and invaded
the outposts of Amet and Madariya which were also deserted by
their Thanedars, Thereafter, Kumbhalgarh was recaptured by
deafeating its Mughal Commander Abdullah Khan (888 A.D.), In
this way within a short span of time the Maharana gained the
entire western Mewar.
Invasions of Jagannath Kachhawa (584-85 A.D.)
Sceing that Abdur Rahim Khan Khana had failed to subdue
Pratap, Jagannath Kachhawa was appointed to chastise him, A
big army was sent under his command, Jafar Beg was appointed
as its Bakhshi, After making necessary arrangements, they left
Fatehpur Sikari!? on Dec. 6,584 A.D. When they reached
Gate: छजबानादाराणां हरण॑ व्यधाद सुवास्िनी eer श्रेवयामास ताः केga:
RoyPrashasti IV verses 32-33.
96. HIV Rhee. verse 36/The full name ० Sultan
[gare सेरिमाब्य eater पज
Khan Gori wat perhaps Seria
Saltan
 Mandalgarb, Jagannath, leaving a part of the army there, went
in pursuit of the Rana, Saiyid Raju, one of his lieutenants also
marched with a part of his army, Both of them made futile attempts
to trace the Rana, and subsequently left Mewar being unsuccessfu l,
‘Afresh attempt was again made on Sept 7, 585 A.D, by
sending Jagnnath Kachhawa against Mewar. This time he strove
hard and invaded the hilly abodes of the Rana and plundered them,
Proceeding further, the Mughal army reached Dungarpur and
invaded the place where it could collect a large amount ofbooty.
In Mewar however, nothing substantial could be achieved,
On departure of the Mughal army Pratap, made up his mind
to regain his authority over Chhapan, Vagad ete, He, therefore,
detached his army under the command of Rawat Bhan against Sur
Khand. A successful encounter was held on the bank of the
river Som,
Last days of Pratap
After 585 A.D, Mughal pressure was considerably reduced,
During these years Akbar was engrossed in other affairs of his empire
and found a new field for his ambition in the South, Pratap soon
managed to recapture all the 86 important outposts of Mewar
excluding Mandalgarh and hittor, Several copper plates, color
phones of MSS and inscriptions coroborate this fact, A perusal of the
copper plate!” of V.E, I644 (587 A.D.) of Rikhabdeva, the colo-
phone of M.S, Gora Badal Qhopai!* copied at Sadari (Godawar) in
‘V.E, I645 (688 A.D.), the copper plate of Pander’ (Jahazpur)
dated V.E. 647 (590 A.D.) etc. all pertaining to his reign, prove
that a considerable territory was regained by him, whichhe
managed to enjoy throughout the latter part of his life,
छा tbid pp. 7
92: The Khan nigion of V6 088 A.) ler tt का
महाराजाधिराज अतापत िगली से राठउ का राज परानि कर। सिसीदीयाण का राज Te
aT आ सूरघंड Avan se s
00, vihasika Sodh Sangrah p. 67,
ol. deg सलोलसई ATT) TT gfe पंचम सुविश्याण।
वृष्वी ree राण प्रताप । eg दिन दिन अधिकप्रताप॥
‘Phe colophone of Gora Badal Chaupal,
og, fw श्री महाराजाधिराब महाराणाजी थी प्रहाप्िगजी आदेशादु ae बहाजपुर है wT
Re Nader करे दीचा भीपुदे। बाह भाषा | बए ९४५ खो पुरीLT
 wl
Anotable occurrence ofthisperiod was the desertion of his
brother Sagar, who sought refuge in the Mughal court. The main
reason ofanimosity between the two brothers was the proposal cf a
matrimonial alliance with the ruling family of Sirohi, which Sagar
disliked,
Maharana Pratap breathed his last at Chawand on Jan. 9,
१907 A.D. He was cremated on the bank of a stream near the
village Bandeli, where his cenotaph still exists,
Bhama Shah and Tarachand
ur information about the ancestors of Bhama Shah is meagre.
His father Kavadiya Bharamal served as the kiledar of Ranathany-
bhor under Maharana Sanga, Ratnasingh and Vikramaditya. Afier
the second seck of Chittor, the events changed rapidly in the eastern
Rajasthan, The family of Bharamal left Ranathambhor during this
period and settled at Chittor. While living at Chittor, this family
soon turn as millionairs.’® Maharana Pratap invited Bhama Shah
and his brother Tarachand to serve under him. Bhama Shah was
appointed asthe Prime Minister while Tarachand was made the
Hakim of Godawar. Both these brothers were good generals, They
took active part in several battles and also successfully carried out
plundering raids in Malwa, The biggest service rendered by
Bhama Shah was the presenting of allhisaccumulated treasure to
Maharana Pratap, at the time when the latter resolved to leave
Mewar for want of money. By this generous offering Pratap
succeeded in enlisting a good number ofsoldiers again, Thus this
endowment had changed the fate of the country. Maharana Pratap
was fortunate thathehad such loyal followers whom the Mughal
could not allure. Tarachand'* was the patron of art
His son Suratan got costructed a stepwell at Sadari, The
Gora Badal Charitra™™ was composed by Hemratan under the patro-
7 ४ महादु्वे refered) भारमल धनी तथा के
की net re suf te Nepenge Lenora Fie,
NOH, EET १६१४.......--महाराजाधिरान महाराणा श्रो अघरविह दिजपराज्ये उसवाल art
काबडिया wha भास्मल साह श्री ठाराचन्डभ्य एकादश खूती सहित myer श्र श्री
ताराबिमान कारित तलुत्ेण arg श्री सरत्तान... [The stepwell inscription of Sadari
05. eer सोलह रह amare श्यवण छुदि पंचम सुविसाल । साममिधरभि घुरि भागूताह made
Regan Uy | तस लघुभाई ताराचल्द जवनि आाणि saz wz The Gora Badal
ध
Chrla 02 १० थक
242
nage of Tarachand. ‘This family was the staunch follower of Lunka
Shah (Bais Sampradaya) and spent lavishly for the development of this
sect. Bhama Shah's son Akshyachand also remained Prime Minister
during the peiods of Maharana Amar Singh, Karnasingh and
Jagatsingh, Though his successors could not reinain on the above
post, they were held in high esteem throughout the country,
Inscriptions and Copper plates
Only afew inscriptions and copper plates of the reign of Maha-
rana Pratap are known, The Pratap Museum inscription of V E,
680, seems to be a spurious record as its date does not tally with the
Ephemeris. The Surakhand inscription of V.E. 642 has been
challenged on the basis of its language and contents, But these
remarks do not have sufficient weight. Comparing its language with
that of the Mandal inscription of the cenotaph of Jagannath
Kachhawa, we may hold it asa contemporary one, It refers the
defeat of Mansingh at the hands of the Rana which is also mentioned
in the other records of Mewar. The Maharana also remained in hilly
retreats which are adjacent to Surakhand, Therefore the grant can
hardly be termed as spurious one, It has some exaggrated account
only Among the copper plates, the Santhana plate of V.E. 33, is
an important one, as it refers to the event of some plundering raids
{by the Mughals]. The patta of Delawara of V.E. 639 seems to be
a supurious record, as the baule referred to in it (ook place during
the reign of Maharana Amarsingh I.
(0) Maharana Amarsingh
After the death of Moharana Pratap his son Amarsingh I, born
on March 6, 55) A. D,, succeeded him on Jan. 0, 4697 A.D,
Numerous inscriptions found from Jiran (Distt, Mandsaur), Nana
Bera and Sadari (Distt. Pali), belonging to the carly years of his
reign, prove that his authority extended over Mewar, Godawar and
Northern Malwa, According to Col. Tod, he remodelled the
administrative setup and revised the assessment of Land Revenue.
Treading on the footsteps of his father he resolved not to yield to
the Mughal sovereignty.
Invasion by Salim (600 A.D )
‘As mentioned earlier, Akbar failed to subdue Maharana
Pratap, On the latter’s death, he got another chance to fulfil his
ambition. For this purpose he despatched a strong force? with Raja
Mansingl, Shah Kuli Khan and other senior Mansabdars under the
nominal command of Prince Salim. Abu-}Fazl mentions that Prince
Salim, used to luxury and diunkenness as he was, spent much time
at Ajmer. His licutenants exerted themselves in capturing impor-
tant? outposts of central Mewar, The Maharana, following the
policy of his father, took shelter in the hilly tracts of western
Mewar, His forces too offered gallant resistance and made surprise
attacks on the newly established outposts of the Mughals, Sultan
Khan Ghori, posted at Bagor, was suddenly invaded by the Mewar
troops and was slain, Afier a few days, Prince Salim arrived at
‘Udaipur and directed his commandants to chase the Mewar contin-
gents more actively. When these activities of the Mughals were
geared up, the Maharana made a counter attack in the imperial
territory near Malpura‘ and plundered several towns. ‘The Prince
पर Tod Tp. 257/G.N. Sharms-Mewar aud the Mughal Emperors 90. 408-09,
2. HLJahangir
Beveridge-Akbar
9. (73. Nama Vol, IIT p. 53/Beniprasad—History of
8. Vir VinodV.U pp. 27-28,Rawal RanajriBat (MS) p. 08.
‘A, व Vol, वाthe p.linperia!
AkbarNona waste Rajasthani ofSources
05. fiterritory the Malsarana is sid
Malpura and Toda.
है me भण्णा भालपुर जसपुर we ताक arme दोड़ा
euerar । ते भडVol,VIM/Am हृद्याया ॥
P achin Rojasthan’ Geet (Udaipur) Kavya (MS.) lt, 38 also
contains the similar information,
4g
at once sent Madhosingh Kachhawa with troops to drive him out.
Meanwhile, the Maharana made a sudden night-attack upon the
‘Moghal garrison and fought with Raza Kuli, Lal Beg, Mubariz Beg,
Aliph Khan etc, The Mughal outpost of Unthala, which was under
Shamsh Khan Kayam Khenif, was captured by a shrewd device.*
‘This dealt a death-blow to the hopes of the Mughals.
Man singh Kacbhawa, who was then serving as the Governor
of Bengal, had to return on news of disturbances breakingout there.
Ou his departure, major part of the Mughal army also left Mewa:
‘The Maharana then recaptured all the outposts which were se.zed
by the Mughals in this expedition, In this way, the Mughal army’
failed to achieve any notable success. Some Mughal officers were
left at Mandal, A Bhati chief named Isardast and Abdulla Khan*
were slain there in 4608 A. D.
Other attempts to invade Mewar,
Prince Salim, weary of waiting for succession, broke into open
rebellion, but having reconci'ed soon, he was again sent against
Mewar. Several senior Mansabdars were ordered to accompany
him, But the Prince did not warch towards Mewar and stayed at
Fatehpur Sikri”, He thus totally refused to under take this march
and left for Allahabad. Akbar became furious at this seditious con-
5 हेल्लीपते-मुत्यवरजप्ने remarrymy उच्ठालावायु (Roj. Prashast! V 4)/Kyam Khan
Raso p. 59 and I22.
6. teStissnid
who that both
should resctvethetheChundawats
right to guard andthetheVanSsktawrats
of Mewar. wereThecontesing
Msharsns as
gate
fiest beh reserve
would thee ial the cameo
above that
r i g h t . onewhorodawatsentered the fort of initUntil
succeeded
they
iso continued conspicuous
displayed to guard the gallantry.
Van of theOneforces of o! Mewar
their lead न
पल mate of thesaid byfortpatting
and goths opened by ago with the the‘harphelp iron
‘ofl spe ofthe
Vinod pp. 27-238/0jbaI 475). 52७७
7. doar
Akbar Nome Nama Vol. TIE p. 455/Rogers and Beveridge—Tuzug.Jahangir’
8. dag १६६० fer विसपतिवार बर्षे काठिवद ११ oath tafe wet राजधानपति ओलिया
अकबर जलालुददीन.........-महाराज at दौवान माध्ोम्रिहजो राड थी ईंसरदास जो राजी
भाटी बेसलमेर we (Unpublished inscription of Mandal)’ Por Tasrdas,
ce Nenasi Vol. II pp. $83,
8. eg १६६० Arnie १9: विल्पतनार:eager are.
{unpublished
Telecred to in theinscription of cenctaph
above cenataph No.I ofof Mandal Mandal].was.aAbuiialy Khon
Of Ssiyyid Muhmad inscription descendant
tL-Khavwanta Jaunpur
by Farid,ofedited andwas Moinal
by Saiyyid a leaderHaq of Mabdawis
(Karachi) p.[Zehr
[5 fo.
0, Akbar NamaVol,ता pp. I253-34/fg6al Nama (Persian text) Vol. II p. 496,
 245
duct and resolved to make a fresh attempt by sending Khusru,
Sagar etc. against the Maharana, But this plan too could not be
executed 88 the Emperor breathed his last on Oct, I3, 605 A.D.
Invasion by Par wiz (606-4606 A D.),
On Akbar's death his son Salim ascended the throne and
sésumed dhe pompous title of Jahangir.On gaining power he strictly
followed the policy of his father and seut a large force consisting of
00U0 cavalry against Mewar, under the nominal command of his
26 year old son Parwiz. ‘Phe actual supervision, however, was entru
sted to Asaf Khan, the Wazir, Alidur Razak Mamuri was appointed
asthe Bakhshi. Some senior Mughal officers and Mansabdars viz,
Raja Jagannath Kachhawa, Sagar, Madhosingh Kachhawa, Raisal
Darabari, Shekh Ruqunuddin, Sher Khan Afghan, Madhosingh
Sckhawat etc, were also sent. The prince was instructed to settle
the matter by peaceful negotiations and not to chastise the Maha
rana, provided he agreed to owe allegiance (o the Mughal throne.
‘The Mahatana made necessary preparations (0 meet this army and
shifted his eapital (० Chawand, which is situated in the hilly area,
‘This town was then in a prosperous condition, The fa
Ms, Ragamala, having carly Rajasthani miniature paintin
pleted at Chavand by the artist Nisaradi in I005 A, 0, very well
the hills, the
speaks of its glory. After closing all important passes of
Maharana posted chiefs of his army to protect them. Several battles
took place. ‘The Mughal army! Jed by Khan-Khana was badly
defeated by the Mewar army near Diwer pass. At thesame time,
the Bhils of Panarva had a successful encounter with the Mughal
army which was posted between Unthala and Debari ard carried
depredations In the territory.
Afier afew days Prince Khusru raised the standard ofrevolt
(April 606 A.D.). Jahangir had to proceed in his pursuit. In such
disturbed circumstances, it was quite unsafe for him to leave Agra
unprotected. Therefore, he conveyed @ message (0 Parwiz to return
to Agra immediately by abandoning Mewar At this time, Jain
गा Fazag-Lohongiri (8ng.) Vole p26.
Wee gee, १६६२ 8F बेशाल GPE २ निश्चित Harel चाढड Hed? (The colophone of
the Ragamala)
8. Vir Vinod AK pp, 222-228/0$ha T p, 400/O.N. Sharma ००५ elt pp. H2N8,
246
merchant named Khamesara Khinwab, allured prince Bagha of
Mewar, posted at Mandalgarh, to scck xefuge in the Mughal court.
On his advice, Bagha visited the Mughal court, without taking per-
mission from his father Maharana Amarsingh and appeared before
the Mughal Emperor at Lahore.!? After remaining therefor a few
days he returned to Chittor with Sagar. Jahangir in his Memoirs
smentious that the Maharana seat this prince as the hostage, but Rana
per+
Raso clearly records that he Jefi for the Mughal court without
with
mission from his father and remained in the hostile camp
Sagar at Chittor for a few months.
Appointment of Sagar at Chittor.
‘As stated earlier, Sagat the son of Maharana Udaisingh, left
Mewar and sought refuge in ne Mughal court, during theof last
days of Maharana Pratap. In order to disconcert the unity the
Rajputs of Mewar Jahangir appointed him at Chittor*# byRanapromoRaso
ting him to the rank of 3000 Zat and I000 Sawars, The
mentions of the grant of Panch Hazari Mansab 3? But it does not
the setile-
seem to be correct, Generally, the rulers of Mewar, afier
Hazari Zat.
ment of 65 A.D., were given this Mansab of Panch
perhaps used this
‘Therefore, Dayaldas, the writer of the Rana Rasorecogni
word in the sense that Sagar was having official tion by the
Mughals. He was granted the Poraganas of Sadasi, Begun, Bogor,
not
Phuliya, Kapasin etc, in addition to Chittor. However, he could
Dayaldas
attract important chiefs of Mewar to joinmonaste him,
ed as an isolated ry,!* where
mentions that Chittor develop
Bagha, Khames ara
no important chief we ‘nt. Only Kanwar Chittor, but the number Khinwa
and a few others rer ained with him at was
insignificant.
The ge ok(MS) हूँ बाहि। धोंवा खॉबसरा fresh ne पंक Reve ॥
भिलयो ताहि क65
verse
‘The RanaRaso i (MS.) Vol. T 9-79.
(5. Tucug &-Sohangir
46. Moldp.2.
Wie ewe पांह जहांगीर हंसिकरि भपरि पीडि पदई दई।
हजार पंच मतसव(MS.उच्च क्रपान निज कर दई 8 हि :
‘Rana Raso ) verse May355. It, H6I3 A.D. by Jahangi to Karnasingty i ie
the02firma8n issuedकिon 77 7778 77700 sitetमहक
57 7श(pack inca Sagar, ‘Therefore, it proves that these were
mentionedto himWerals,
granted
49, *Rana-Raso (MS) verses 556-509,
 7
When no importont chief extended his support to Sagar the
iritended schism could not be ereated, On the mher hand the
Maharana became furious and made necessary preparations to carry:
out depredations in the imperial territory of Sironj, Malpura and
Gujrat? Kunwar Bhimsingh was detailed for this purpose in
Gujrat, while Prince Karnasingh was sent against Sironj. The Rana
Raso mentions that both of them got rich booties. The Maharana
again shified his capital (o Ghawand* from safety point of view.
Invasion by Mahabat Khan (608 A.D.)
Being alarmed by the above developments, the Mughal
Emperor decided to undertake a gigantic campaign against’ Mewar
by deputing Mahabat Khan, A strong army consisting of |2000
fully armed cavalry, 500 Ahadies, 2000 musketeers, 60 elephants
and 80 pieces of artillery, was also sent with him. In order to
encourage him, his Mansab was raised to 3000 Zat and 2500 Sawars,
and a sum of Rs, Twenty lacs was placed at his disposal,
Mahabat Khan left for Mewar on July 28, }608 AD. Some
‘important chiefs and Mansabdars named Zafar Khan, Suja at Khan,
Bundels Raja Birsingh, Kachhawa Narayandas, Bahadur Khan,
Muizsulemulk etc. also accompanied him, ‘The Mughal army seems
‘to have come in Mewar via Mandal and Chittor and made Unthala
asthe base. From there, the Mughals succeeded to establish their
‘outposts® at various places, On the report of Mahabat Khan, Raja
Kishandas of the Mughal army was awarded by the Emperor for
displaying conspicuous gallantry. His mansab was thus raised to
2000 Zat%# and 000 Sawras, At this time, on a complaint that the
Rana’s family was staying at Sojat, Jahangie?® consficated the
said paragana from the ruler of Jodhpur and granted itto Rathor
Karamsena Ugrascnot, Saktwat® Achaldas and his son Naraharidas
invaded the outpost of Mandal but were slain in the encounter.
Jagannath Kachhawa was wounded and ran away from the battle-
WO, Ibid verses 867 ७ 575.
2 हि gar,mae gn चॉबड a aay । गहि Fgh विरोज की छुदी eg
22. Tuzug-! Jahangir! (Bng.) Vol. I pp. 46-I47/Rana Raso (MS.) verses 572.597,
2. Ranu-Raso (MS.) verse 637.
24, Tuzugei-Jahongirl (Bng.) Vol. Tp. 53.
25, Gafa Gun Rupak-Bandh by Guan Keshodas Lnteo, pp. IG-L8/Marwar-Ra
Poroganan ti-Ligat Vol. Up. 390.
26. Rana Raso (MS) verses 629-630.
 248
ficld. Kunwar Baghsingh, who had returned from the Mughal camp,
displayed conspicuous gallantry, Chundawat Meghsingh made!? a
successful sudden attack on the Mughal army. It is said that he
carried some buffaloes, having oil soaked rags fixed on their horns,
Reaching near the Mughal camp, he set fire to the rags causing great
panic in the camp of the enemy. The Mughal soldiers soon ran away
leaving their camp equippage Lehind them, The early success of
Mahabat Khan thus changed into a disgraceful defeat, He totally
failed to check the desolating raids. This is also proved from a
‘contemporary Duteh®® Chronicle of Mughal India and the Rana
Reso? Mahabat Khan was called back and was posted in Decca
He left Mewar leaving Sagar at Chittor and Jagannath Kachhawa’
at Mandal. The Emperor now resolved to send another general
who could blockade the Mewar army in the hilly abodes,
Abduliah Khan's invasion ( 609 A.D. to 46{i A.D.)
‘Abdullah Khan was made®? incharge of the Mewar campaign
and was posted in place of Mahabat Khan in June 609 A.D.
He was awarded the title of Firoz Jang, Abdur-Razaq was appointed
asthe Bakhshi, According toa contemporary Dutch Chronicle,#
the Maharana first sen! a large number of Rajputs to check his
progress, but they were defeated and had to return to Chawand, The
Mughal army soon succeeded in establishing its outposts at
various places, Gazani Khan Jalori was posted at Nadol,99 whose 3
inscriptions of 609 A.D, are known from the place. He got the
citywalls of that town repaired and molested the famous Jain
templ les of Ranakpur,*# Nadol, Nadlai, Barakana ete. His manasab
27, Vir Vinod UU 9. 223.
28. BiIndia Narayan and Shri Ram—A contemporary Dutch chronicle of Mughal
p. 44
29, Rana Raso (MS.) verse 638/Abdul Hamid Lahori also records a similar
“aecount.
30. Rano Raso(MS.) verse652.
BI, Tucug-t-Jahangiri (8०8-) Vol. I 9. 56
32. Brij Narayan and Shri Ram—op. cit. p. 44.
सलेम साह नूर दी महमद जहांगीर
33. संबत्‌ १६६३ वर्षे ज्येष्ठ सुदि १४ बुधवासरे पातसाह ot lished
fon) गजनोपांजी, बाडलोरा aiele.......{Unrub inscription of Shiv
temple of Nadal],
462L D, by Parawal Hemra)
44, and temple
‘The Vanjiy of Ranakpur
during the reign Maharanain Karn singh.
was ofrenovated
ftion inThethe temple s of
NadnlyNadlai etc.
Mabarana Jagatsingh 7. were undertaken fot Fen reign. of
 249
therefore, raised by the Emperor. Subsequently, Kanwar
Gajsingh of Jodhpur replaced him, He also succeeded in defeating
the Mewar forces at several places.®
Chawand Captured
Alidullah Khan succeeded in establishing his outposts at
Unthala and Goguneah from where he managed to blockade the
Mewar forces in the narrow passes of the mountains, Once he
seized a few elephants of the Mewar army'® and compelled the
Rajputs to evacuate their western hilly abodes. They reassembled
at Chawand. According to a Dutch chronicle,” Abdullah Khan
50 invaded the said place, “which was the residence of theit,
Maharana, No king of Delhi had even attempted to reduce and
owing to its strong position and vast wilderness; high mountains were
deep valleys.”” Bul he got the forest cleared and narrow passes the
opened by employing a number of stone-cutters & masons, When and
Maharana heard of these developments he deserted the place
went towards the western hilly tracts, AbdullahRajputKhan" centralised
his forces, in order to save himself from sudden to clear raids, When
he came in proximity of Chawand, he ordered the jungle of
bamboos. Thereafter, he laid a siege to the fort. About 2000 to
3000 Rajputs staying there, displayed memorable resistance and
nearly all of them lost their lives lighting a fiereethe hand to hand
battle, At last, Abdullah Khan succeeded in seizing place, where
upon he demolished the temples. Large size icons of Hindu Gods
and Goddesses®® were removed from there and sent to Agra, On
hearing this momentous success, the Emperor raised his Mansabe
to 8000 Zat.
Hardships to Maharana (I6I0 A.D)
‘Afier leaving Chawand the Moharana faced great hardships
for some days. According to a Dutch Chronic le! Abdullah Khan
closely chased him, covering $0 to 40 Kos daily, Keshavadas
ee eek-Bandh pp. I6-8.
हा Gaj-Gun-Rupa 57.
96, Tuzug-t-Jahangirl (Bng.) Vol. of¥ 9.Great Mogal (928) (Translated from De
$7, JS. Hoyland.witten‘The inEmpire
T63! A.D.) pp, 80-84.
Tete work
38... Brij Narayan and(Amar 44...अब्दुलहara: a चावण्ड प्राप्तो--
Shri Ram—op.(MS,)cit. Lt.0: 37.)
गोगुन्दायां तपोष्यसत्‌ Kavya
99, Brij Narayan and riVol Shri Ram—op. eit. p. 44,
40. Tuaug-t-Jahangi I. p. V78. p. 44.
AL, Brij Narayan and Shri Ram op. elt
250
Chauhan displayed conspicuous gallantry. The Rana Raso! con-
tains many details of his exploits, By the end of 60 A.D., the
Maharana reorganised his army and instend of posting at variour
places he centralised it in the western hill-ranges of Kumbhalgarh,
From there he continued his activities of sudden attacks upon the
Mughal army. At this time he made an unsuccessful attempt to
plunder the imperial treasures being carried from Ahemadabad to
Delhi. A fierce fight took place with the Rathors near Bhadrajun®
(Marwar), wherein several chiefs named Dodiya Sada, Suja, Agra,
Gopaldas, and Jagmal, Duda Sangawat, Rathor Haridas etc, of
Mewar army were killed. In spite of this the Maharana did not
lose his heart and determined to fight again.
Battle of Ranakpur (I6I A. D.)
‘At Ranakpur fierce fighting" took place between the forces of
the Maharana and the Mughals. Several important chiefs of Mewar,
namely, Duda Sangawat, Narayandas Sonagara, Surajmal,
Ashakaran, Puranmal son of Sekha, HaridasMedatiya, Jhala Deda,
Keshavadas Chauhan and Mukanddas Rathor laid down their lives
and the Mewar army emerged victorious. Abdullah Khan’s expe+
dition thus proved a total failure. ‘The Emperor himself was busy
with the affairs of Deccan, He wanted to mobilize a strong force
from Gujrat, He, therefore, transferred Abdullah Khan there in
I6} A.D. who left Mewar for Gujrat in August I6 A.D,, leaving
Basu Tomar as Incharge of the Mewar campaign,
Other Events
Suspecting his collusion with the Rajputs of Mewar Raja Basu
Tomar was soon called back. It is said that he took away from
Chittor an icon** of Girdhar Gopal, worshipped by Mirabai, Mirza
2. छतछतछन गोरीगहीजन जनजनहन फृट् ि। aroha अख्युलहलिय ae
RanRareगे 0 पल FEE gh
48, Goj-Gun-Rupak-Bandh pp. I6-I8.
44, Rana-Raso (MS) verses 677-727.
45, reg सो कलिजुत भयो गयो नवाब seg (ibid 77)/The Rana-Raso describes the
various herote deedsofKesodss
happy. geat केसवदारू सुनि ge पायो Chauhan,
जहागीर [ihidOn727).his death Jahangir felt
46, ‘hinthiyen
Vir Vinod वाinp. charity
228/Keviraja believes that Maharana gave away vill
iwas teat, But the copper toplate
the Purohit
menticnedof below
Basuwithdoes whom the above
not supply any. 086
‘Sach
informalen, qrraiicrs महाराणा थी अमर artery पुरोहित
दाम etch रेवाली रोपालढी को उदक आधाट करे मया दीधो Howe १६६६ व्याप a
wea
सावण
wer et
 श्डा
Aziz was appointed in 63 A. D. to command the Mughal forces
posted in Mewar. Khusuru Bi-Uzbeg was‘appointed Fauzdar of
Mewer by raising his Mansab to 000 Zat and 00 Sawars. But
they also failed in achieving any notable success. Abdul Hamid
Lahori has rightly remarks that all the Mughal commanders,
namely Parviz, Mahabat Khan, Abdullah Khan ete. could not
succeed in reducing the Maharana to extremities. According to a
Dutch chronicle‘ the Maharana soon recaptured Udaipur, Mandal,
Puretc, In a fierce baile at Mandal, Jagannath Kachhawa,!?
Narayandas* ete, were slain, whose cenotaphs were erected there
in 6I3 A. 0.
Khurram sent against Mewar (6i3 to 6i5 A. D.)
When a number of important gen:rals failed to cow down the
Maharana, the Mughal Emperor resolved to proceed himself to
supervise the campaign, He left Agra on Sept. 7, I6l3 A.D.
and reached Ajmer on Nov. 8, From there he sent prince Khurram
against Mewar on Dec, 7, I6l3 A.D, He was accompanied by
many Manasabdars and important Rajput rulers named, Raja
Sursingh of Jodhpur, Raja Kishansingh of Rupanagar, Rao Ratan-
singh Hada, Surajmal Tomar, Vikramaditya Bhadoria, Nawajis
Khan etc, Fidai Khan was appointed as the Bakhsi of the army,
Necessary arrangements {or reinforcement by 2000 cavalry were
alsomade, Khan Azam, the Subedar of Malwa and Abdullah
Khan, the Subedar of Gujrat were also asked to reach Mewar with
their forces. Similar instructions were given to Deccan from
where a part of the Mughal forces headed by Birsingh Bundela,
Mahmud Yakub Khan etc. arrived in Mewar. [n this way, the
Mughal Emperor planned a gigantic campaign against Mewar.
Khurram reached Udaipur via Chittor and Debari. The
Maharana left the central tract of Mewar and sought refuge in the
47. GIN Shurma op, elt p. 6/Beai Prasad op. cit pp.206-27.
48. Abdul
pas. Hamid Labori—Padasiak Nama Persian Vo. Ip. 467/¥ Vinod
49, Brij Narayan and Shei Ram—op. cit, p. 46/J.8. Hopland—op, elt ७. 86,
50. पातिसाहि सलेम भहांगीर विजयराज्ये पातियाहि Restके मुगल व ant उमराब जगस्ताव
‘oat at ser हुई......संबद्‌ १६७० (Inscription of Bath पहिया cenotorh
‘of Mandal).
SL. ang १६७० बैशायमाते शुक्लफ्के.........सारावणदास तिवारी eal. [iascription
of cenotaph No. 5 of Mandal
252
hilly tracts. He instructed his chiefs! named, Chauhan Ballu and
Prithviraj, Rathor Sanwaldas, Jhala Haridas, Panwar Subh Karna,
Chundawat Meghsingh, Jhala Kalyan, Rathor Kishandas etc. to
make sudden attacks on the Mughal forces and plunder their food
stuf, Looking to this, Khurram made an efficient arrangement for
timely supply of food stufl® by appointing Jamal Khan ‘Turki, Dost
Beg, Saiyid Hazi, Arab Khan and Saiyid Shihab at Mandal, Kap
५, Unthala, Debari and Nahar Magara respectively. They were
instructed to keep a vigilant watch and escort the carvans coming
from Ajmer or Malwa, From his camp at Udaipur®, Prince Khurram
wrote a letter to the Maharana to settle the matter peacefully. But
the Maharana continued his resistance against the Mughals. During
this time Narayandas, one of the chiefs of Mewar®, lost his life in
‘an encounter with the Mughals (Jan, I6l4 A. D.),
Kham Azam’s non-co-operation
Khan Azam, the Subedar of Malwa, was anxious to assume
the command of the Mughal forces sent against Mewar. On appoint
ment of Prince Khurram he became furious and did not pay respect
to him. Thereupon, the Prince lodged a complaint with the Emperor,
On receiving such news, the Emperor at first made an attempt to get
them reconciled, He sent Ibrahim Hussain to inform Khan Azam
that this expedicion was undertaken on his advice and therefore he
was expected to extend his whole hearted co-operation. When no
progress was seen by these admonitory instructions the Emperor
sent Mababat Khan®, who made the Khan captive at Udaipur and
sent him to Gwalior. His family residing at Mandasaur was brought
by Mahammad Taqi, In this way this difficulty was removed,
Mughal’s penetration into the hilly tracts (644 A, D.)
Dividing his army into four flanks'*, Prince Khurram appoited
Abdullah Khan, Dilawar Khan, Saiyid SaifKhan and Mahammad
‘agi as the Incharge of each fank, They were directed to encircle
ine hilly-teacts of Mewar (Feb,, 6l4 A.D). ‘The Maharana was
Tuaag-TTahangirl (Eng) ¥ pp 285-256,
Vir Vinod W pp. 284-2%2,
| RadekNana(ee) Vol. Xp. 207i} Nanya and Shei Rim ope
53. RanaRaso(MS) Me,
56. Ibid verses 48-745,
87. Tuzup-t-Jahangirt (Kg) | p. 258.
58, Padshali Nama (ver) Vol. U Part A p, I08,
 253
then living at Chawand, He was invaded by Abdullah Khan. ‘The
Rajputs displayed gallantry" and prowess, But the plurality of the
Mughals compelled them to desert the place and proceed towards
Idar. While evacuating the place, the Maharana’s elephant named
Alam-guman, together with some other elephants, fell into the
hands of the Mughals (March I6I4 A.D.) ‘These elephants were
sent to the Emperor at Ajmer on March 2], I64 A.D, During this
time, on recominandations of Prince Khurram, the Manasab of Saif
Khan® Bahra and Dilawar Khan, who displayed conspicuous
gallantry while fighting against the Rajputs of Mewar, were raised
to 500 zat and 200 Sawars each,
‘The Maharana’s son Bhimsingh attacked™ Abdullah Khan’s
army and displaying dashing courage he reached in front of the
latter’s camp, The Mughal army was surprised at it, Abdullah
Khau was so ashamed by this event that he did not come out for
several days to fight with the Rajputs, The forces led by Mahammad
‘Taqi were also badly defeated,
Mughal outposts in the Hilly-tracts
Prince Khurrum resolved to establish various outposts in the
hilly-tracts so that the desolating raids of the Rejputs could be
checked properly. ‘These were the places, from where routes for
hilly tracts originated, At Kumbhalgarh he appointed Badisnjejum
Khan with some dexterous arullery men, Similar outposts were also
established at Jhadol, Gogundah, Anjana, Oguna, Chawand, Bijapur,
Jawar, Madari, Panarara, Kewada, and Sadari where senior
officers, Mansabdars and chiefs named, Saiyid SaifKhan, Sagar,
Dilawar Khan, Ferud Khan, Hada Ratansingh, Beram Beg, Ibrahim
Khan, Mirza Murad, Sajawar Khan, Jahid Khan and Raja Sursingh
of Jodhpur were appointed respectively,
‘After leaving Chawand, the Maharana went towards the
hillytracts of Idar but continued making sudden attacks on the
Mughal army, At this time, Jhala Shatrusal, serving under the
ruler of Marwar, returned to Mewar. He with Jhala Kalyan and
Bhopat,made a sudden attack on the army of Abdullah Khan posted
near Chawand, wherein they got severly wounded, Jhala Kalyan

0.
GL, Ojha Lp. A00-9I/G.N, Sharma op. cit 0५
62, Padshah Nama Vol. I Part A (Awal Daur) pp I-2,
254
took refuge in a deserted temple and did not allowremain the Mughal
soldiers to make him captive till even a single he would edno longer
arrow in his
quiver. When all the arrows were exhausted slain in the battle at
save himself wassent to Gogundsh and was r son Kanha was,
village Rewaliya (near Gogundah), His younge by Mabarana
therefore, subsequently granted Gogundal: in Jagir in I6I5 A.D.
‘Amarsingh after the settlement with the Mughals
Difficulties of the Mabarana
‘The entire hilly tract of Mewar was closely encircled by the
Mughal forces, All important towns were badly ruined. Sir Thomas
Roe", who passed through Mewar while going to ntAjmertowns by the
end ofthe year 6l4 A.D, mentions that all importa was alsoof
of Mewar were depopulated. Chittor, which he visited, fighting
then compeletely ruined, A small state like that of Mewar, of Mabarana
comtinuosly against the Mughals from the timecompar ed to the
Udaisingh, was having only meagre resourc es as
Mughals. In spite of this the Mahara na was not ready to owe his
allegiance to the Mughals. But according to Jahangir, on’ a maligna nt
disorder prevailed in the troppsof Mewar and deserti became na
frequent. The Mughal officers were closely pursuing the Mahara his father
and it became apparent that he might leave Mewar, to settle thelike
‘Maharana Pratap. The Mughal Emperor, who wanted m to make
matter of Mewar once for all asked Prince Khurra
earnest efforts to this effect. According to Rana a Raso Khurram
wrote a letter to the Maharana for arrivin g at settlem ent on
moderate and honourable terms. On receipt of this letter, the
Maharana discussed the mater with his chiefs. He was persuaded
by some his chiels, his Pradhan Dungarsingh and Puronit Kasidas
to accept" the proposals. The Maharana, therefore, sent Shabib
Karan and Jhala Haridas to the camp of the Prince for asking him
to send his persons to assure the Maharana of the honourable terms,
‘The prince received them showing due respect and sent them to the
Hmperor with Mirza Shukrullah and Sundardas. Jahangir
narrating the event in his Memoirs writes”, “My lofty mind was
jam Foster-~The Embusy ofSirThomas Ree to the Great Mughal
p. 50.
Thaug-t-Jahangiril p. 273.
‘Rana Raso Verses 750-770,
Tuaug-F-Jangirt p, 274.
 255
also desirous not to destroy the old familes, therefore, as per request
of my son, I gave a gracious firman to satisfy the Rana by impress
ing a Panja on it.” But quite contrary to this, Sir Thomas Roe,
writes! “the tue descended heir of Porus called Rana, is lately
conquerred by composition than force, the king having rather
bought him than won him’, ‘This independant source is very
important. This shows that the Mughal officers had devised some
plan and allured some important officers, Pradhans & Purohits ete,
to make the Maharana agreed to some permanent settlement, Prince
Khurram as per request ef the Maharana, sent Raja Sursingh and
Raja Narasinghdeva to assure him of honourable treatment,
Meeting of Prince Khurram with the Maharana (Feb., 5,
465 A.D,)
The Prince held a court at Gogundah on Feb,,
which was attended by Mahorana Amarsingh, Acco5,65 rdin the
A.D,
Memoirs of Jahangir the Maharana tonched the feet goftothe
Prince and the latter lifted him up and gave due
Mutamid Khan”, who had witnessed the entire respec t to him,
meetin g,” also
men.ions of the same fact in his Igbal Nama. ‘The Mahar
prosented a ruby* costing Rs. 50,000/- to the Prince, who ana
gave a valuable Khilliat, a sword, a jewelled dagger, a horse also
and
an clephant to him. After the visit of the Maharana, hiseldest son
Karna also waited upon the Prince, He was also granted a khilliat
and other valuable objects. The following terms of treaty were
mutually agreed to between” them,
(0) The Maharana would send his eldest son tothe Mughal
court to wait upon the Emperor.
(2) The Maharana would provide a contingent consisting
of 000 sawars to fight under the Mughals,
(3) The stronghold of Chittor would not be repaired by the
Maharana.
69. Foster op. tp,et,276,p. 90.
Tuzag--Jahangir
70,
गा... यहIgbal ruby
Namaoriginal
(Bee0) 9. 886,
uring the time of ly
his belonged
trouble to theit torulersMahafan
of Jodhpur , RaogsChandea Sena
“Amarsingh presente d it to sold
Khurra m a ntlyUdnisin Mihara
7 ag wage Re SOD. ang macegor she who, subseque it over arate
scription engraved on it. “argeara quae होनेगुलाजम owing
१ (Tueua-blahongirTp.286). ™
Catअमरसिह
त Mere
Tid श5-77/ Vinod XL pp. 287-238 0jhap, 497/G.N. Sharma—op,7 elt,
 256
‘The Rana Raso mentions of someextra details of the settle-
ment,” But the same are not corroborated from other sources,
Prince Karna was taken to Ajmer (o ratify the above treaty, Mirza
Shukrullah and Sundardas were ordered to escort him and a sum
of Rs,,50,000/~ was sanctioned to defray expenses on his journey.
Prince Karna in Ajmer
Emperor Jahangir being happy with hisson Khurram on
his vietory of Mewar ordered his chiefs and Mansabdars, who were
present at Ajmer wait upon him at his camp at viliage Deori,
neat Ajmer..On Sunday, Feb, 5,l65 A.D,, Khurram” reached
‘Ajmer‘on horse-back in a huge procession. He appeared before the
Emperor and presented 000 Asharfis and 000 Rupees. A similar
amount was presented as offgering’™, The Emperor embraced the
Prince and gave duc honour to him. To celebrate the victory a
ceremonial Darabar was also held at Ajmer,
‘On request of prince Khurrum, the Emperor called Prince
Karna to appear before him, Sir Thomas Roe, who witnessed” this
meeting, telle that Karna paid due respect by kneeling three times
and touching theground with his head, Jahangir embraced him and
permitted him to stand on the left side ‘and also hohoured him by
granting a rich Khilliat, While staying at Ajmer, the Emperor
attempted to win him over. According to him, Karna” having wild
nature had never seen big Assemblies and courts, Therefore,
during his stay at Ajmer, fresh grants were bestowed upon him. On
Feb , I6,65 A.D, he was taken to the Royal Female Apartments
where he waited upon Nurjahan Begam, who geanted hima
Jewelled sword, ahorse and an elephant. The Emperor also
ook him for hunting excursions and displayed his feat of the
hunting craft, On June 5,6l5 when Karna left for Mewar, all
presents received by him at Ajmer totalled”® to Rs, 2 lacs, besides
0 horses and 5 elephants. Mubarak Khan Sajjawal was appointed

28, Dr.et Brthesetlenitat

ij Mohan Jawatiya
done. believes
(Varoda that
Vol. RangojiRoliya
अत N o . 3 ) ” also
D u t madeatoms
lie attempts
५7722: 7 77.4१५“० el” ७७७
74, Tuzup -Johongir! pp. 276-277.
75. Ibidp.277
26) Wil insn Fostes—op. ef 9. 27.
गो, Traug-bJohangir’ 9 277.
 357
to accompany him, Jahangir also conveyed a verbal message to
the Maharana for maintaining cordial relations.
Firman granted to Karnasingh
On May Il, I65 A.D,, ५ firman’® was granted to Prince
Karnasingh, According to this the Maharana was given a Mansab
‘of 6000 zat and 0000 Sawars. ‘The fort of Ghitor along with the
Paraganas of Phuliya, Ratlam, Bunsawara, Jiran, Nisuch, Arnod
ete, was granted to him, Rana Sayar was removed! from Chittor and
the paragana of Nagaun® was granted to him, In this way the entire
territory of Mewar was handed over back to the Maharana,
‘Jahangir, in order to admire the valour of the Rajputs, got
marble statues of Maharana Amarsingh*! and Prince Karna
prepared from Deccan, which were installed in his garden at Agra
cordial
near Jharokha-Darshan, ‘The Maharana in order to maintain
relations with the Mughal Emperor sent Prince Jagatsingh® with
Haridas Jhala to Ajmer. The Prince appeared before the Emperoi®
with a horse,
who granted hima khilliat worth Rs, 20,000/- together
fan elephant etc, Jhala Haridas was also given a Khilliat ete.
Rehabilitation in Mewar
‘After the settlement with Mughals the Maharana paid his
auention towards the rehabilitation programme.given The chiefs, who
hhad displayed conspicuous gallantry, wereestranged himsel good jagirs.
While doing this, Rawat Megha of Begham f from
the Maharana, as his ancestral Jagir wan granted to Chauha n Ballu,
He went to the Mughal court, where he was entlygranted the Jagir of
Malparatt on March 6,I6I6 A.D, But subsequ the Maharana
javited him to come back to Mewar, where his ancestral
Jagit was restored to him, Chauhan Ballu was granted Bedla and
का bid p,BA.
480 YarePinod i pp. 240-247.76 Brom Nags» fw scription eonng
80. am an Ray 0० vere
ito dhar
. e areMurli
Bet
The temp Nagaur 5 ontains an inscription of I8th day
ofle
Gt bright half नि, V.E- IG7!, mentioning Sagarasthe ruler of
.a inscription mentioning Rana Sagar
2... Tuzug-t-Johangirt Vol. Xp, 396] William Foster op. elt. pp. 245, 246, 258,
82, राणा अमरतिहेद्रो जहांगीरस्य Geet जगतति ह प्र पितवान Amar Kavya (MS)
89. Tuzug.t-Jahangi rl Vol. 9. 290, 80, 3U
BE. Vir=ViUi 9.252.
nod
258
Gangrar instead of Begham. Similarly Gogundah, an important
‘outpost, was granted to Jhala Kanha, son of Satrusal, All other
chiefs also got their ancestral jagirs restored with slight alteratiot
Now regular contact with the Mughals resulted in necessary
administrative reforms, The first Kaji appointed at Udaipur was
Mullah Jamal Khan, who is referred to ina Persian inscription
dated V.E, 673(06 A.D.)at the Badipole* of Udaipur.
Prince Karna in contact with the Mughals
Prince Karna visited the Mughal court at Agra in 67 A.D.
and after staying there for one month and 23 days he returned to
Usaipur, Prince Khurram, while going to Deccan, passed through
Mewar where the Maharana welcomed him and presented 6
elephants, 27 horses and some precious jewels, The prince however,
retained only 3 horscs and returned the rest, The Maharana
sent his son Karnasingh with a contingent to the Deccan, who
remained® there for a period of 7 months,
‘The Maharana breathed his last at Udaipur on Jan., 26,
3620 AD. and was cremated at Mahasatiyan in Ahad, He had 6
sonsnamed Karnasingh, Surajmal, Bhim, Arjunsingh, Ratansingh
and Baghsingh,
Col, Tod mentions that Maharana Amarsingh, on coming to
the throne, was badly addicted to luxury and it was only on being
instigated by the chief ofSalumbar that he took to arms. But this
statement is not worthy of credence, He was a good warrior and
fought several battles He followed the policy of his father and
always avoided pitched battles, He employed guerilla tactics of
warfare so effectively that the Mughal forces were baffled,
When his resourees were drained by incessant fights, he
agreed to come to a settlement with the Mughals quite unwillingly,
We can hardly stigmatise him for this. This was perhaps the most
suited step according to the circumstances. ‘The Mughals had
become formidable. It was practically impossible for the ruler of
Mewar to confront them single banded.
OS. wea १९७३ वर्ष are बदीठुरकी ४ gw राजाधिराज महाराणा श्री अम्रसिहणी चिरंजीब
महाराज नु
आर भरी करणजी-- ere लिखा काजी Qarr जमालखां (The Inscription
of Badipole, City Palace Udaipur).
26, Tuaug-t Johangiri Vol.48. Tp. 90.
87, Told Vol. I pp. 344-8
हे. Ibid
hayVol. Xp.
we 70.
 259
According to Amarsar (MS) Maharana Amarsingh was a
great patron of art and learning, The famous artist Nisaradi flourished
under him, who completed the famous set of Ragamala (MS) having
early miniature paintings, A palacz named Badal Mahal was got
constructed by him in Udaipur. The Amar Kaya mentions that he
gave away a village Holi to Bhatta Laxminath,
‘The Gaduliya Luhars
It is believed that the Gaduliya Luhars left Chittor after its
fall in 668, They continued to help the ruler of Mewar during
their battles with the Mughals. They also promised not to enter
Chittor छो it was recaptured by the Maharana, Afcer the settlement
of 468 A,D., when they left the hopes for re-gaining Chittor by
measuring swords they left Mewar and preferred to lead a
nomadic life,
But there being no authentic evidence in support of this
tradition, we can not say anything definitely. However, their asso-
ciation with Mewar’s struggle with the Mughals can not be denied,
After independence, at the instance of Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, the
Prime Minister of India, they entered to the fort of Chittor in
4956 A. 0.

90, Amarsar (MS) I verse 90.

 (व) Maharana Karansingh
After the death of Maharana Amarsingh, his eldest son
Karnasingh succeeded him on Jan,, 26, 620 A.D, at the age of 42.
The Mughal Emperor Jahangir sent a robe of honour, a horse and
aan elephant? to him with Roja Kishandas on Feb., 28, 620 A.D,
‘As already stated, during the life time of his father, Maharana
Karna also participated actively in many engagements against the
Mughals, In order (o relieve his father from pecuniary embarrass-
ment, he carried out depredations in the imperial territory of Malwa
and collected a heavy booty, After settlement with the Mughals, he
visited the Mughal court several times and got chances (० learn their
administrative, judicial and revenue systems, On coming to the
throne he did several reforms.? Ancient divisicn of the paraganas was
reorganised, ‘The palaces were enlarged and the defence of the city
was strengthened by constructing walls around it, Dr, 0, N, Sharma
has correctly* mentioned that the construction of the buildings and
walls increased the employment potentiality of the dislodged persons,
Poet Bidur# says that the Maha’ ana strove hard to restore peace and
prosperity to his country. The predatory activities checked by him
helped very much in brisking the (rade in his country, All the
towns, which were desolated by the repeated Mughal invasions were
now in a stage of floushiring prosperity,
Renovation of Ranakpur temple (l62] A.D.)
An important event ofthe reign of Maharana Karna was the
renovation of the Jain temple of Ranakpur. Gazani Khan Jalori,
the Mughal commandant of Nadol, molested several Jain temples of
Godawar, including the Ranakpur temple, After settlement with
the Mughals the renovation of this temple was attended to by
Rogers and Beveridye—Tuzuy-/ Jahangir( Vol. pp. 823-t44,
Vir Vinod IK 9. 269.
GN, Sharma—Mewar and the Mughal Emperors p. I26,
Prachin-Rojasthant-Geet (Udaipur Vol.) XI p. 42.
 mr
Porawal Hemraj and Vanji,the sons of Biradha,as per instructions of
Vijaydeva suri of Tapagachchha,
Sirohi Affairs
After the death of Rao Suratan of Sirohi, his son Rajsingh
succeeded him. But he could not manage the affairs of his state
properly. His own brother Sursingh and one of his ministers named
Prithviraj Sujawat, estranging themselves, adopted a hostile attitude
towards him. As he was the grandson of Maharana Amarsingh fom,
his mother’s side, Maharana Karnasingh was apparently anxious for
his wellare, He, therefore invited him together with his adversaries
named Sursingh and Prithviraj at Udaipur in order to reconcile their
scores. ut it could not give any Fiuiiful results, After a few days,
Prithviraj a sassinated Rajsingh, But she latter's sun Akheraj success
fully escaped from Sirohi and sought refuge at Udaipur, ‘The Mahi
rana became furions and in order to punish the assussin, he sent a
detachment against Prithviraj ‘The Mewar army, after curtailing
the power of the disgruntled chiefs succeeded in instating Akheraj on.
the throne of Sirohi,
Help to Khurram (623 A.D,),
‘The most important event of Maharana Karnasingh’s reign
‘was to extend necessury shelter ३० prince Khurram, After disastrous
defeat of the Mughal army in Kaudhar, Khurram was detailed ०
the place for a massive camgaign, But he did not relish it and showed
his reluctance in proceeding there, asa fear Jurked in his heart
that his reputation might be ruined if perchance he had to face defeat,
Circumstances compelled him to raise the standard of revolt againse
his father.Afver plundering Agra he moved further towards north and
‘was defeated at Bilochpur (March 623 A.D.). He now decided to
seek necessary help ftom the Rajput prinecs and so came to Udaipur.
‘The Maharana received him displaying utmost hospitality® At first
he was lodged in the Delawara Haveli, Subsequently he was shifted
AA day १६७८ वर्ष पैशाखसुदि ११ बार बुध मेदपाट राजाधिराज राणा भी क्षति विजम
cit meat विजपवेबसूरि उपदेशेन do बेला पं० विजब प+ तेअहंस प्रतिष्ठा nesta
sree जातीय बीरधा eye ute हेमराज बनजी कारिता [Copubliied foe siption
Df Rawakpur temple.)
3. fala Sitaram History uf Sirohi, Raj», Prachin RejaschaniGeet Vok, Xt
p48.
Raj Prashasi! Mohakavya V-verse |,
+ 362.
to Jagmandir palace at his desire, In order to maintain lasting
relations both the Maharana and Khurram exchanged their turbans
with one another. Even today, the said turban of Khurram is
preserved in the Pratap Museum Udaipur, It is believed that the
mosaic work of art available in the Jagmandir palace attracted the
prince’ so much that he also got the same pattern executed at Agra,
‘The Maharana’s younger brother Bhim remained with the prince
throughout the adversities. He successfully measured sword for his
sake and secured the provinces of Bengal and Bihar for him after
fierce fighting. But he soon died in the battle-feld of Damadama.,
‘The Prince on coming to throne granted the big Jagir of Toda to
Bhim’s son Raisingh, According to G. N. Sharme Prince Khurram
lived in Mewar® for about 4 months, between March 623 A.D. to
August 623 8.00. ‘There after he proceeded towards the Deccan via
Hado‘ and obtained necessary military help from Gopaldas Gaur of
Lakheri also. According to poet Bidur, the Maharana also extended
necessary help to Mahabat Khan’, a senior Mughal officer, when
he rose into rebellion against the Mughal Emperor, After staying for
‘afew days in Mewar he moved towards Devaliya. The events
changed rapidly. Jahangir expired and Asaf Khan, the father-in-law
‘of Khurram messaged him to reach Agra soon, While returning from
the Decean Kburrain passed through Mewar and stayed at Gogundah,
‘The Maharana paid a visit to him there on Jan,, 2, 628 A.D, and
saluted him asthe Emperor! of India. He also sent his brother
Arjunsingh with the Prince, However, he could not see his reign for
longer time and breathed his last only after 2 months in March
628 A.D.22 leaving behind him 7 sons and 2 daughters.
‘The Maharana had enjoyed eight years’ reign of complete
repose. But he failed to bring the rulers of Dungarpur, Bansawara

8. पोरजाबाई चावण Tart भौसजी वदगावर री......संवद्‌ १६५३ Tad पोष ge ५ gg.
जी भीमनी बाराणदी we यूत [The ८०५०/०७७ inscription of village Machind
Fittareeipion was exested after ॥ few months from the death of Bhim]
§. G.N. Sharma—op. 4. 7. Xt pp. क-8.
\0, Prac Rojathant Geet Vol. and =Manohursingh Ranawat)
ae ‘Sieh felon Nema (Tr. Dr, Raghuvirsingh

mentionswheretbathe fll
Bowe BidurChitor,
ja Beaute Matarana
feydaysसरग ofरो hisपारुबी308fhetheपारी)
before w (ager
 268
and Devaliya under his subjugation as per finman of the Mughal
Emperor, The prosperity of the Mughal court also allured them to
get themselves enlisted as nansabdars. Thus, their ambition brought
about a conflict with the ruler of Mewar, But no decisive action
was taken from any side,
According to the Rampole inscription® of Ghittor dated V.E.,
2078 the Maharana fgave away three villages namely Mansabo,
‘Tharawali and Jadana to Rohadiya Barahat Lakha, ‘The palaces
known as Janana Rawala, Karna Vilas, Toranpole, Bara Datikhana,
Ganesh Dyodhi, Chandra Mahal ete, were got constructed by him,
(०) Maharana Jagatsingh
‘After the death of Maharana Karnasingh, his son Jagatsingh
succecdal him, ‘The usual coronation ceremony was preformed on
April 28, I65 A.D, The Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan sent a robe
of honour and afurman for him with Badagujar Virearayan? Unlike
his father, he was an ambitious and enterprising ruler, who resolved
to assert his authority over the neighbouring states, that were included
in the firman given to his father by the Mughal Emperor.
Battle with the ruler of Dungarpur (628 & 0.)
During the last days of the Mughal Emperor Jahangir, Maba-
rawal Punja® of Dungarpur visited the Mughal court and succeeded
in getting himself enlisted as a Mansabdar. Immediately afier the
accession of Shahjahan, he also waited upon him and received the
‘mansabof 000 zat and 500 sawars which was subsequently enhanced
to I500 zat and 800 sawars.! Whiledoing sohe resolved to estrange
himself from the ruler of Mewar. Although he visited Udaipurat
the time of the coronation of Maharana Jagatsingh, he immediatly
left the place without attending the said function due to some
misunderstanding.® The Maharana being enraged at this detached
his forces against Dungarpur, under the command of Akshayaraj
Kavadia in April 628 A.D, A fierce battle was fought on the bank
of the river Som, wherein Chauhan Suja, the commander of the
L. Shal-Jah Noma by Munshi Devi Prasad y(Rdited by९ Dr. Raghuvitsin
‘nd Ranawat Manoharsingh (MS ) 9.7. है ee
2. The
inves ruler of Dungarpur remained hostile to the rulers ofMewar for
ao
BetweenMaharana Udaisiogh
the two 00७४७ could iavaded Dungarpur, ‘Thereafter the relations
not be improved.
3. Shah-Jhan-Nama p.7.
4. Toid/Ranawst Mancharsingh-Shak/ohan-ke-Hindw-Manasabdar9.5.
5. Afaceilone
contemporary
tet ta writer Bidur fid
Mabarawal givesnot a offer
detatled description
suitable: proses ofto४५it, newHe
Maharana.” While entering Udaipur City, he used the royal insigain,
kettledrunisctc. which provokedtheMabarana, who insisted upon him to
paysufficient amountn form of Dandom (qe दिया. विष जाओ. मती दीवाण
sq), The Maharawal, thereupon, replied that hie country isquite
Separate and be was not subordinate to the Maharana. ‘Therefore, no such
Sharge
Would of Dondam
86 settled wastheposible.
on attleield.If any(Prachin-Rofasthon-Geet
demand was presed VolsuponXLit
pp. 54-56).
 205
forces of the Maharawal, displayed conspicuous gallantry and met #
heroic death.® The Mewar army emerged victorious. Proceeding
thence, it laid a siege to Dungarpur town. The Maharawal came
out to confront it, but finding himself unable to resist he left for
Delhi to lodge a complaint to the Mughal Emperor, The Mewar
army plundered Dungarpur town and demolished a section of the
palaces built of sandal wood,’ ‘This ruptured the amicable relations
between these two houses,
Battle for the territory of Basad (628 A.D.)
As already stated, the faragana of Basad was also granted to the
ruler of Mewar at the time of settlement with the Mughal Emperor
jn l6I5 A.D, ‘The ruler of Devaliya was having a covetous eye on
it, But he avoided to come into direct clash with the Maharana and
so induced Jan-Nisar, the Mughal Fauzdar of Mandsaur, to manage
‘a patla of this territory. By constant efforts the design bore fruits,
Jaswantsingh, the ruler of Devaliya, instigated him to wrest this
territory furcibly.* Acting on his advice he sent a large force against
the out post of Modi (Pan Modi), which was then under the possession
of Saktawat Jasawantsingh (Ancestor of the Chiefs of Bansi), a
feudatory of the Maharana, Although, the Mewar contingent put
forth a stiff resistance, the plurality of the assailants gave them
victory. The Maharana lodged a complaint to the Mughal Emperor,
who did not like to displease him on such petty accounts, and so
issued a firman? on Nov.,20, 628 A.D, asking Jan-Nisar to hand
over the above territory to the Maharana, As such, this tere
ritory came back in the possession of the Maharana. But it adversely
affected his relations with Jan-Nisat and Jasawantsingh of Devaliya,
Murder of Jasawantsingh of Devaliya (628 A.D.)
‘The Maharana became arrogant on the hostile attiude of
‘Jasawantsingh of Devaliya and heartily desired to wreak vengeance
jagdish temple inscription verse54 (E:I.Vol.XXIV_pp. 56-64/Rey-
Prachag
battle withए6 280 Renatar (MS) 42 (0) vase ke Mentionote
Chauhan Suja is available in it (woearराज्यपदनिहुत्य
FOG.
चौद्याण gut), Poet Bidur also mentions of his battle with the Mewar
army,
7. Raj PrashasttV'8-9,
8, VireVined 9. I057/Ojha
I
I P.p, 522/Ojha—Pratapgarh
22/0} Rojya ka Iithas
pp. 28-I29,
8. Vir-Vinodpp.I058-59.
266
of the death of his commander at Modi: His success against Dungar-
pur had emboldened him, He hatched a plan and invited!*
Jasawantsingh to Udaipur. On arrival at Udaipur with his
party, Jaswantsingh was accorded a rousing reception and was lodged
at Champa Bag with his 000 soldiers. ‘The Maharana asked him to
shun hostile activities, But when no satisfactory reply was forthcoming
the Maharana was persuaded by his chiefs to teach a proper lesson to
him, Accordingly, Rathor Ramsingh was detailed for this purpose,
All sources of the Mewar history (ell us that Ramsingh invaded him
during midnight and put him to death with all his retinue. But
Horibhushan Mahakavya"* mentions that the battle took place only when
the Maharawat was returning to Devaliya, This latter account,
however, is not worthy ofcredence, The Maharana definitely got him
murdered at Udaipur, in a midnight attack, This action of the
Maharana, however was hasty and proved ruinous to his own cause,
Tt antagonised a section of the Mughal nobles and resulted in
consequent loss of the sympathy of the Mughal Emperor. Rathor
Ramsingh", after putting Jaswantsingh to death, proceeded towards
‘Devaliya and captured the place without any opposition, Harisingh,
the son and successor of Jaswantsingh had already been taken to
the Mughal court by Jodhsingh of Dhamottar, where Devaliya was
conferred upon him by disiliating it from Mewar, This grant was
made possible with the help! of Mahabat Khan between 630-633
A.D, Devaliya could remain in possession of the ruler of Mewar for
few months only and the entire area, except the paragana of Dha-
jad, was recaptured by Harisingh,
Action against Banswara and Sirohi
‘The Maharana had to send his forces against Maharawal
Samarsingh of Banswara, under the commad of his Pradhan Bhag-
chand Kayastha, as the former did not agree to owe his allegiance to
him, ‘The Mewar force laid a siege to Banswara.3* ‘The Maharawal
कक een 72777 30,090 feI tp Ste SUURPah
Pont V 2- ,
i (Chandrase
Rare pcens-Ugraven
eres tana of as Caen rE?and
Sopa a
oieBe पक ar महा -Karmasena-Ramsingh)" He camcto Mewar
Bak Fa ibaa acne MeGoMA मी
ih. पल tapes Mier2nd slo5206
43. Ojha—Pratapparh-t Repke her . 48-344.
conta « a spe
iny |. 725 (669 A D,
r feference है
ECE at
of poner of Bhatnagar Bhagch:
 267
evacuated the place and went to the hilly area, Chauhan Bhimsingh
of Arthuna put a stiff resistance, but he could not impede the
progress of the Mewar army, At last, Samarsingh appeared before
the commander of the Mewar forces and sued for peace. According to
the Bedawas inscription, he surrendered ten villages together with
the gross income of the custom of the state. But the Raj Prashasti
mentions the levy of Rs, 2 Lacs. We may, therefore, presume that the
gross income from the custom of the state, together with that of the
ten villages might have been about Rs. 2 lacs. The Bedawas inscription
also mentions that the Mewar army stayed there for about six
months. It also laid a siege" to Sirohi and devastated the place.
Some territory adjoining to Godawar, belonging to Toga Balicha,
was also annexed by the Maharana to his state,
Attempts to appease the Mughal Emperor
The Maharana’s activities against Dungarpur, Banswara,
Devaliya and Sirohi displeased the Emperor, but he avoided
taking any active steps, The Maharana sent Jhala Kalyan of
Delawara, who visited the Mughal*® court on Dec, 23, 633 A.D,
‘and remained there for a few days. The Euoperor sent him back on
Feb, 9, 4634 A.D. with valuable presents for the Maharana,
‘The contingent sent by the Maharana under the command of
Bhopat Rai (the Ancestor of Dhariyawad family) to assist the Mughal
Emperor in the Deccan campaign displayed conspicuous™” gallantry
in Ambarkot (March 28, 683 A.D), This contingent also took part
against Shahj# (Feb. 8, 036 A.D). Rajsingh, the heir-apparent of
the Maharana, waited?” upon the Emperor athis Ajmer camp on
Dec. I, 636 A.D. and presented 7 horses. The Emperor relieved
him on Dec, 4, 636 A.D. with some presents for the Maharana,
Rao Ballu Chauhan and Rawat Mansingh Chundawat, who accompa
nied Rajsingh, received khilliats from the Emperor. Jhala Kalyan
appeared before the Emperor on Dec. 3, 637 A.D, to congratulate
him on behalfofthe Muharana on his victory over the Deccan, He
was relieved on Jan, 90, 637 A.D. Rajsingh", the heir-apparent of
5. Raj Prashasti ए 25.
3. Vol.
Shah IJahan-Nama
pp. 66-67, ५
(edited by
i
Drs Raghuvitsingh
ga है
and Manohassin eb (MB)
7. Ibid
ia pp.60-64,
8
tid © -6,64-65,
Ibid t
 268
the Maharana, again waited upon the Emperor at his campat Jogi
ka Dera near Ajmer on Nov. l0, 634 A.D. and was relieved on
Nov. 9, 684 A.D.
The Padashak Nama and Tarikh-i-Salatin-i-Chagatai mention
that the Emperor, becoming’ furious with the Maharana, despatch+
ed a part of his army against Chittor but the Maharana took a wise
step by sending his heir-apparent to the Mughal court with presents
and thus averted the calamity. Jhala Kulyan was again sent to the
Mughal court*® in Sept. I644A.D, He was sent back by the
Emperor on Sept. 30 with various presents, In this way several
attempts were made by the Maharana to appease the Emperor by
sending presents with senior chiefs and the heir~apparent,
Some Chiefs enlisted as Manasabdars
Sujansingh, the ancestor™ of the ruling family of Shabpura,
was enjoying the Jagir of Palana, in Mewar. His relations with the
‘Maharana became strained and he went to the Mughal court, where
he got a patta of paragana Phuliya with a mansab of 500 zat and 300
sawars, with the help of Raysingh* of Toda on May 0, I68] A.D.
His Mansab was further raised to 000 zat and 400 sawars (Jan.
9, 644 A.D), when he accompanied prince Murad in the campain
of Balkh and Badakhsah. Garibdas® and Jhala Raisingh® also went
to the Mughal court and succeeded in enlisting themselves as
Imperial Mansabdars. Garibdas received the Mansab of l600 zat and
700 sawaras, while Raysingh received 00 zat and 200 sawars, They
returned to Mewar after the death of Maharana Jagatsingh,
Pilgrimages done
The Maharana’s mother Jambuvati performed pilgrimages to
Mathura, Gokal, Sukarkshetra, Prayag, Kasi, etc, in 648 A.D, with
his grandson Rajsingh and maternal granddaughter Nand Kumari
(Daughter of Maharaja Karnasingh of Bikaner). At Soron, she
झा... GIN, Sharma—Mewar and the Mughal Emperors p. 92,
220, ShabeJahan-Nama II p, 77.
i Sigh
80Le) Dr,walBAM,aybnJavaliga,
ck ax hasioalpublaiedm
av कल नleaseपर wanesमकर Amar
Seeeecoal,
GERUTNG PaCS)Sumas Borucaele r able be luc wenionng he
ate,
24 Shahpura Ralya ki Xhyot (MS) (Sitamau) Vol. I p. 20.
Mewar
25. Ranawat Manohassingh—Shah Jahanke Hind Monasabdar 9. 45.
26, Ibidp. 47.
2B, RefPrashast! V 30-44/The Jaga temple inscription slab III verse 27,
 269
together with Nand Kumari were weighed against silver, while
Rajsingh was weighed against gold,
In I64] A.D, Jambuvati again went on pilgrimage to
Dwarika%®, where she was again weighed against silver, ‘The
‘Maharana himself went with a big retinue of cavalry and infantry
to Onkareshwar® and erected a Tulaslambh there on July 6, 647
A.D, An inscription of this date, incised at the outside of the said
temple records this pilgeimaye and other charities of the Maharana
While returning, he was confronted by some petty officer®® of the
Imperial army posted in Malwa, but no battle was fought,
Charities given
The Maharana performed several Tuladans, In early years of
his reign, he weighed himself’ against silver, but from the year
648 A.D, he did Tuladanas ofgold, In Onkareshwar, he weighed
himuelf against gold on 22nd June, I647 A.D, On his birth day on
August 26, 648 A,D. he performed charity of Xalpauritsha. On his
another birth anniversaries® falling in V.E, 707 (600 A.D.) and
V.E, 708 (I68] A.D.) he gave saplasagar and Vishiachakra charities,
There are cight Tulustanbhas of beautifully carved stones
erected on the left side of the Badi pole gate ofthe city palace at
‘Udaipur, which were raised by him in order to commemorate
Tuladon ceremonies, Similar stambhas were also erected in the
Elling temple, Several inscriptions recording these annual Tuladans
are alto known, In V.E, !700, when the installation of the image
of Jagannathray (०७६ place, the Maliarana gave away the charities®
of golden Kalpalala and a thousand cows etc, to she Brahamins May
33,652 A.D.) In Raj-Ratna ar (MS) Pandit Sadashiv has given a
detailed account of® this event in canto VIL,
Jagdish temple and Jagmandir
‘The Maharana got the famous temple of Jagdish®* constructed
at Udaipur, The job was entrusted to Pancholi Arjun, the son of
28. IbidV8-82
29. BT. Vol XXIV pp. 56-64 fn,
30. ‘The Mughal
(S.R, Sharma—Mat
Bt, RojPrashasti V. 35-36.
82. Zid V-37-30/Jaydish temple Inscription, alab I, verses LI0-HI],
83, Jagdish temple Inseription slals IT, verses I6-I7.
34. Raj Ratnakar (MS) Lf. 48 (७47.
35. RajPrashasti V-48-49.
270

Kamal, The chief masons were Sutradhar Bhana and his son
‘Mukand, Facing towards cast, this temple has a raised platform. The
main temple in the centre has an exceptionally high shikhar, The
image of Lord Jagannathray, styled after the name of the
Maharana, was installed in the temple, on May 3,653 A.D, It is
a good specimen of the वक्‍त century architecture prevalent in
Mewar, Another important work completed by the Maharani
the Jagmandir palace, Tt_ is believed that some part of this palace
Was constructed during the time of Maharana Karnasingh, but it
was brought to completion by Maharana Jagatsingh,
Inscriptions
Several inscriptions and copper plates of the reign of Maharana
Jagatsingh have been known, ‘The Jagannathray temple (Jagdish
temple) inscription® of V.E. 709 is a very important record of his
reign, Out of three different parts ofthis inscription incised on four
slabs, two belong to the reign of Jagatsingh. The genealogy of the
rulers of Mewar has been given from Ram, from whom the rulers of
Mewar claim their descent, But the description is more poctical
than historical. However, it gives valuable information about
Maharan Sanga and Pratap. The only historical information availa
ble about Jagatsingh pertains to his invasion of Dungarpur, In part
4B? of this inscription, the details of various pilgrimages done and
charities given away by Maharana Jagatsingh are available, Other
inscriptions of his reign, the Shantinath temple inscription of Jawar
dated V.E. 604, the Ranakpur inscription of VE, 705 and the
Barakana, Nadol and Nadlai Jain temples inscriptions, mention
about the manifold activities of the Jains, The Maharana granted
remission of custom duties during®” the local fairs of Ranakpur and
Barakana. The Rameshwar Prasad (Now known as Chechaniyon ka
Mandir) Prashasti® of ५.8, 700, composed by Bhatta Mathuranath,
gives information about the Maharana’s younger brother Arisingh,
whose Dhaya (foster mother) got the said temple constructed, The
Ekling temple inscription of V.E, 708 mentions about various

96. BT. Vol. XXLV pp, 56to

87. The Rora-Bhunith-Vans
intereacon h-Prokashtan)
(Natta Caliection (MS) alo wntaine
ea theace‘similar
38, Mir-Vinod, pp. 994-400,
 27.
activites of the Shaiva ascetics. One of his officers named Mohansingh
Saktawat® got some MSS. copied at Aurangabad in V.E. 7707
(4650 & 0.), having miniature paintings, Similarly, his purohit
Garibdas was a good patron of learning. A good number of MSS
were copied at Udaipur under his orders. Manohar was also an
of this period.
Gr t of Jahazpur to Rathor Maheshdas
Rathor Maheshdas (Ancestor of Sitamau family) was enlisted
as Imperial mansabdar on Jan, I6, (635 A.D, and granted the Jagit
of Paragana Jahazpur. Soon alter the grant he shifted his head-
quarter from Pisangana to this place, He made several land-grants
in this paragana between the years 638 A.D, to 6% A.D, In 642
AD., when the paragana of Jalore was granted to him, he moved
his family there, Therefore, this faragana was taken back from
him by the Mughal Emperor

wfc ३ we...
By क्लद १७०७ we arifire अवरंगवाद सौशोदया सरतायत महाराज ae
aR मोहनसिहजी soar | wel (Lalit Kala No, ।5 9. 20),
 (f) Maharana Rajsingh
Maharana Rajsingh, born on Sept, 24, 629 A.D., succeeded
his father? on Oct. 0, 052 A.D. He performed a Kutna-Tula-Dan®
immediately after coming to the throne, His traditional coronation
ceremony was observed with much of festivities on Feb. 3, 658 A.D.
and a Rajat-Tula-Don? was also performed at that time, After afew
days he gave away his sister in marriage to Anupasingh of Bikaner.
On this occassion, he spent lavishly and also managed the matriages
of several girls of his relatives with different Rajput Chiefs, But
these celebrations could not be continued for a long time, as his
relations with the Mughal Emperor developed adversely.
Mughal Invasion (654 A.D.)
During the last days of Maharana Jagatsingh, relations
between the Maharana and the Mughal Emperor became strained,
although no military action was taken from either side, On April
49, 653 A. 09. Emperor Shah Jahan also sent a robe of honour
ond a jeweled dagger, along with elephants & horses, for Maharana
Rajsingh. A firman conferring upon him the usual mansab of
8000 Zat und 5000 Sawars was also sent with Gaur Naradaman*
and Jhala Kalyandas, But, inspite of this official recognition, their
relations could not remain cordial, as the Maharana did not discon-
tinue the repairs to Chittor fort, started by his father, This was in
contravention of the agreement made by his ancestor Maharana
Amarsingh with the Mughal Emperor, according to which none of
his posterity were to fortify® the stronghold of Chittor, without per-
mission from the Mughal Emperor, Before leaving D: thi for Mewar,
the Emperor received reports of the above renovation on Sept, 4,
/0jan 0-55-832,
'याणा aft बगस्सिहवात्मण थी cafeg नृपतिः प्रीस्येकलिगाआतों wi: पूर्ण" gat कृहि
epee Pratap Nese “Udsipur"interinvon” of एक 70)
hotat harm
a l objectsof i.to it itby this
menticn sayinginscription,
that. RajPrashasti ००० Ra/ Vilasdo
Rajsiogh’s reign, can hirdly be questioned, being the earliest record of
3. RajPrashastl V 2-3.
4. biaशा 2--
5, Devi Prasad-Shah Jahan Nama ILE 9. i,
6. Robect and Heveridge—Tusug-Jahangird Vol. L pp. 275-277,
 273
654A.D, Some other reasons have also been ascribed to his dis-
pleasure, It is said that when the Emperor was busy in the affairs of
Kandhar, the Maharana went on a pilgrimage with a huge retinue
of Cavalry and Infantry, in the Imperial territory of Malwa, with
out secking permission from the Emperor, ‘The Maharana reduced
his fighting contingent in Kandhar frorn 2600 to ,000° Savars in
063 A.D, He also gave sanctuary to Garibdas, an Imperial fugi-
tive Mansabdar (Dec, 3653 A.D,), All these activities displeased
the Emperor who resolved to settle this matter under his personal
supervision,
‘These reasons, however, do not seem to be very sound, The
coounts preserved by Munshi Chandrabhan mention that the
‘Maharana had catried out minor repairs to the fort. In the
words of S, R, Sharma’ “a new wall 6 yards high had been added
on the side of the fort, where it is easy to climb the hill, ‘This
wall was I6 yards wide at some places and 3 to 34 yards only in
other places.” Thus no major repair was undertaken, Similarly,
reduction in the contingent, fighting in Kandhar, was also a flimsy
ground. It seems that the Emperor was perhaps inclined to take
He also delayed his official
recognition for about six months. He also sent a firmax on Sept I8,
654 A.D. to Mirza Raja Jaisingh to reach Ajmer with his forces.
‘When such developments came to the notice of the Maharana,
he at once sent a mission of his leading Chiefs, including Chauhan
Ramchandra of Bedla, Jhala Raghodas, Ratnor Sanwaldas and
Purohit Garibdas, to the Mughal Emperor by the end of Sept, 654
AD, ‘They waited upon the Emperor on Oct. 4, I654A.D., in
the camp at Khalilpur® and attempted to dissuade him from invading
Mewar, They also requested Prince Dara to act as an intercessor,
Munshi Chandrabhan in Mewar
On a request from Prince Dara, the Emperor sent Munshi
Chandrabhan to the Maharana with a message to send his eldest son
to the 0007: He also insisted? upon early despatch of l000 Sawars to

rn Sharina—Malarana Riajsingl and bis tines p, 23,

8. bidps23 fn
9. Ibud p24
JU, Elliot and Dowson Vol VAL ps 00.
 24
the Deccan, Chandrabhan" reached Udaipur on Oct. 28, 084 A.D,
and remained?® there for a few days, When Sadullah Khan invaded
Ghittor, he was present! at Udaipur,
Invasion by Sadullab Khan
In order to demolish the repairs done to Ghittor, the Emperor
despatched a large army consisting" of several Mansabdars and 500
‘Musketeers, under the command of Sadullah Khan, Necessary pre-
perations for reinforcement were also made, Orders were given to
Sayasta Khan to keep his troops ready if required, Prince Aurangjib
was instructed to post his son Sultan Mahmud" with 000 troops
at Mandswur, ‘The Mughal army, on entering into the territory
of Mewar, commenced plundering and devastating raids, It soon
reached Chittor on October 27, 654 A.D, and laid a siege to the
fort, ‘The Maharana did not like to fight a pitched battle and so
removed his forces from there, He sent Bhatta Madhusudan to
Giscuss the terms of treaty with Sadulla Khan at Chittor. The Raj
Prashasti Makakavya contains a very interesting’ account of the
conversation held between them. The Khan denounced the actien
of the Maharana in extending his shelter tothe fugitive imperial
‘Mansabdars and arranging extensive repairs to Chittor, for which the
Bhatta gave categorical replies to him, §.R, Sharma has objected
to the historicity!” of the above statement of Ranachhod by saying
“It is preposterous to believe that the Rana would send a mission
to the Mughal commander at Chitor, when a negotiator on behalf of
the Emperor was present at Udaipur”. But, itis clear that the
Maharana wanted to settle the matter by peaceful negotiations.
‘This matter was already being discussed at Udaipur with Munshi
Chandrabhan, ‘Therefore, in order to save Chittor from distruction,
it can be argued, that he might have also sent a mission to Sadullal
Ti. Munshi Chandrabhan was the rosident of Patiyala. He was a scholar of
Pertian, His letters known as Insa-e-Brahmin ave very famous,
42, S.R. Sharma op, ct,
48, ‘The Raj Prashast/ is ilent about his mission.
I4, Elfiotand Dowson Vol. एवा p. 03/Beni Prasad—History of Shah Jahan
BinS20). ShacimaN, op.Sharma—Mewar
थी. 9. 62. andthe Mughal
ee Emperors p 336/
45, GAN, Sharmop.ett. 9० 88,
46. RefPrashast! VI pp. lo 24/Debart Ynscripion of VB, (743 ver
की... S.R, Sharma—op, cit. ps 62.
 203
Khan, But the latter was not satisfied with his arguments and
ordered to demolish*®therepairs done to the fort of Chittor, by
employing a large number of workers with pickaxes and spades,
In this way, within a short period of I5 days, the Mughal army
succeeded in the above work, This action of the Mughal army was,
perhaps, very hasty.
Settlement with the Mughal Emperor
The Raj Prashasti docs not give any specific information aso
how the hostility was terminated. It seerns that Munshi Chandrabhan
succeeded in settling tho matter with the Maharana, According to
Shah-Fahan-Nama™ the Maharana sent a letter on Nov. 2, 654 A.D.
to Prince Dara for sending an officer from the Mughal Court with
‘whom the heir-apparent might be sent. According to these prope
sales, Shaikh Abdul Karim, the Diwan of Prince Dara, was sent to
Mewar. Munshi Chandrabhan also despatched four letters fromm
Udaipur, as known from Insa--Brafmin, A perusal of these letters
shows that he had succeeded in persuading® the Maharana for
settling the matter. According to the second letter, the Maharana
expressed his readiness to send his heirapparent to the Mughal
court, provided the Mughal forces were recalled from Mewar, The
third letter shows that the Emperor sent a firman, having some
asiurances in it, Thus the young prince of 6 years was sent from
Udaipur with eight leading chiefs, who waited upon the Emperor
at his camp at Malpura®’ on November 20, 654 A.D, The Emperor
received them demonstrating due respect, He named the prince as
“Sohagasingh!™”, After sixdays’ stay at the Mughal camp, this
party was allowed to return to Udaipur on Nov, 26, 654 A.D,
Seqoustration of territory (654 A.D.)
‘The Raj Prashasti mentions that a gift of Id towns was awarded
by the Emperor through the good offices of Sadullah Khan, 8, R,
Sharma believes that out of these, Badnor was given to Arjun son of
WH‘anWaris exaggerated
mentions thataccount,
the entire fort wasmention
Ghandeabhan raved tothe
that ground,
only the’ But this
adden
wore dentoyed. (S.R. Sharma op. elt 9. 24॥ 8).
\9.. Shah Jahan Nana पा 9. t03,
40. Vir Vinod pp. 408-42.
‘Shah Jahan Noma TK p. 06.
Ref
(0४030Prashast’
of Sobagsi(९९ 24-25) mentions
hha, the the
name aimegivenof by.prince
liked by the Maturana who changed ie ty Saltansigh.
श6
Vithaldas, But, on the basis of the firmant® dated August 7, I658
A.D., given by Aurangjib to Maharana Rajsingh, it apperas that
Badnor was not in the possession of the Maharana at that time. The
account of Raj Prashasti, therefore, does not seem* to be correct.
Quite contrary to this, we find that when Rajsingh undertook his
military campaign of Tikadaur in 7058 A.D., the towns Dariba,
Mandal, Mandalgarh, Banera etc. were not in his possession This
shows that the sequestration of territory including the paragans of
Pur, Mandal, Mandalgarh, Badnor ९०, was actually effected. Per-
haps it was done by the Mughal Emperor immediately after the
invasion of Sadullah Khan, The fort of Chittor alone was, however,
returned to the Maharana at that time, This sequestration of land
was taken seriously by the Maharana who resolved to wreak venge-
ance at opportune time,
Tikadaur (658 A.D.)
During the illness of the Emperor, his sons Dara, Suja, Auran-
giib and Murad were busy making desperate attempts to contest
intestine feuds, Each of them wrote letters to the Maharana asking
for his help to them, Taking it as a golden opportunity, he resolved
to revive warlike activities of Tika Daur and to launch for an_offens
sive expedition in the Imperial territory. The revival of hostility by
hhim was thus in retribution of the humiliation done by Emperor Shah
Jahan, In Raj Prashasti his invasion*® upon Mandalgarh is mentioned
fas a separate event, but in Rojasingh Guna-Rupaka (MS) it has
been linked with the events of Tika Daur The Maharana left
Udaipur and reached Gogundah* with his several important chiefs,
From there he sent Raghavadas to drive out the Rathors from the
fort of Mandalgarh, while he himself proceeded towards Malpura,
His exploits were" as under :
, Destruction of Dariba town.
28, Vir Vinodpp. 428-43}.
24, Bal. XXX No. 2 Appendix p, 99 fh:
25. RojPrashastl VI The Dariba Inscription of V.B. क्‍748 verse 25.
26, Rajsingh-Guna-Lupak (MS) contains a detaited account of Tika Daur
Te was edited by Shri Soblagyasingh Sekhawat in Mafhamika (Gdaipur)
Vol: Typ. 220-I28.
27, RajPrashastt VIL,ए. 24 to 45/Ral Vas VI/Ra) Ratnakar ee) (MS) Can ity
Gene
Rajsingh-Guira-Rupak.
 27
2. Levy af Rs.22,000 from the residents of Mandal, Rs. 26,000
from the residents of Banera and Ks, 22000 from the residents of
Shahpura.
3, A sum of Rs, 20,000 was realised from Raysingh Sisodia of
Toda, Kayastha Fatelichand was sent with the forces against him
ashe had accompanied Sadullah Khan when the Mughal anny
had invaded Chittor.
‘The Raj Prashasti mentions of a levy of Rs, 60,000 whereas the
Bedawas Inscription of V.E, 725, speaks of Rs. 36,000, but the
latter seems to be convincing, asit was got engraved by the family
of atehchand, The Sayii, an independent contemporary source,
mentions of the destruction of food stuff in huge quantity at Toda,
by the forces of Mewar.
4. Phundring of Malpura town for 7or 9 days and collecting
of a heavy booty from there, which was under the Gaur# Rajputs,
5, Carrying out of plundering raids on Jalazpur, Sawar,
Phuliya, Kekri, ‘Lonk, Sambhar, Lalsot, Chakasu ete.
‘The Maharana seems to have taken? the route leading through
Pur, Mandal, Banera, Shahpura, Kharawada, Jahazpur, Sawar
and Kekri, At Kekri he also received a Nisan from Prince Dara
asking him for necessary help, But the Maharana refrained from
obliging him, From there, he went towards Malpura and a detach-
‘ment was sent against Toda. From Malpura, he seems to have gone
towards Chakasu, By the end of May, 658 A,D,, when he reached
the bank of river Chichani (Distt. Sawai Madhopur), be was
informed of the victory of Aurangjib, He then resolved to send his
brother Arisingh and his son Sultansingh® to felicitate him on his
victory, with a view to maintaining good relations with him. From
there he returned to Mewar. In this way, he tactfully completed
his Tika Daur.
War of succession and Mewar (658 A.D.)
During the war of succession, the Maharana was requested by
all the princes to support their pretensions But he remained aloof,
Hie was against Prince Dara, as the expedition under Sadullah Khan
‘and sequestration of his territory were conducted under his advice,
We १७१० बर्ष...मालपुरा नगरे श्री arg whe राज्ये [Unpublished inscription},
Ramaka
मेolदह शत , LE. 8809).2
r (MS)
 28
However, Prince Aurangjib remained in close contact with the
Maharana, He wrote five Nisans during this period. Ina Nisan
written in February, I658 A.D., itis mentioned that Udaikaran
Chauhan and Shankar Bhatt were sent back to Mewar and Mahavir
singh Sisodiya, as desired by the Maharana, was placed in charge of
the detachment retained in the Deccan, Indra Bhatt was also asked
to convey some message to the Maharana, as is evident from
Nisan No, 2 (Feb, 658 A.D.). A Khilliat and a Jewelled ring were
also sent by Aurangjib to the Maharana, The reply might have been
given by the Maharana but the same is not available to us, However,
‘a perusal of Nisan No. 8 & 4 reveals that the Maharana asked for
the territory of Mandal together with other adjoining areas having
‘an annual income of I crore 30 lacs Dam, ‘The Prince, according to
these proposals, asked the Maharana to send promptly hisheir-
apparent, with his forces, to support his pretensions, The Maharana
however, resolved to maintain neutrality and continued to carry out
Tika Dour operations, It seems that Aurangjib, though wanted to
have some active help from the Maharana, was also pleased at his
neutrality, In Nisan No. 6 (May 658 A.D.) he communicated® the
news of his victory at Dharmat, The Maharana’s emissaries, sent
to convey felictations to Aurangjib, paid a visit to the Emperor on
July 2I,658 A.D. at Salimpur, when he was pursuing Dara,
Prince Sultansingh® was releived, but Arisingh with a part of his
contingent was asked to accompany the Emperor. He was later
on relieved from the Imperial Camp at Ray Rayan kiSarai, on
August 7, 058 A.D. As per promise, the Emperor issued a firman'
on August 7, 658 A.D. by which the states of Dungarpur and
Banswara, together with foraganas of Gyaspur and Basad, then
SI. VirVinodpp.445-426,
32, Onthe
The Persian other sourees
hand Refmentio
Prashntl ofamission n under Arisingh andonkyLal Ania anya
‘went tothe Mughal 2000 (VIII
Beince Lal 08)
Sardarvingh sayy that
was"the Psentenis eae
et‘Aurangjibaga
sigh
ine Shujs, (Vil
periapeulaningh
weno the 5-6)"
Par Vinod Kana
(ihm. 26) of menans hat ran,
Pree
93. Vir Vinod II pp. 424-425,
C o ur ena fo mmpained pitas
Aria
4. iS'arisingh
RajPrashast who (VIIade3-4) them
mentions
overt that Aurangjib gran7777
ted Dungarpur
text ofthe fran. dated Aug. 7,858.A.D., तक
we Gnd that it was origiaally 77777 a
fasted
ranted 6t Ragin Ragiogh. Arsiogh,ib, ethaps, peshaps,frou brought the the flmanpersonally orl
 om
forming part of Devaliya state, and also the faraganas of Mandalgarh
and Badnor, formerly snatched away from the Mewar state, were
granted to the Maharana, His status was also raised to 6000 at and
6000 Sawars, Prince Sardarsingh fought inthe army of Aurangjib
against Suja at Khajawah (January 5, 659 AD.) Prince Dara,
after his sad liscomfiture at Dharmat, fled towards the Punjab and
subsequently sought refuge in Gujrat, On reeciving an invitation
from Maharaja Jaswantsingh of Jodhpur, he later an went towards
Sirohi, From there he addressed a letter (७. the Maharana’® on
January 5, 4659 A.D. soliciting his help. He also insisted that ax
Prince Sardarsingh, sent with a detachment to help Aurangjib, had
reurned now, he could be able to support his pretensions. But the
Maharana did not pay any heed and continued to help Aurangjib,
He also presented two swords to Aurangjib,
Dungarpur, Banswara and Devaliya
‘The Maharana despatched his army under his Pradhan
Kayastha Patehchand against the rulers of Bauswara, Dungarpur and
Devaliya. At Banswara Maharawal Samarsingh ((625-I660 A.D.)
was vanquished, who offered Rs. one lac in cash, a couple of male
and female elephants and 0 villages, together with the right to
collect the custom duty from his state, But the Mabarana® simply
accepted the elephants together with Rs, 5,000 and returned all
other items to him. It seems that the final settlement took place in
the time of his son Maharawal Kushalsingh®, as is apparent from
-the Debari Inscription of V.E. 743. From Banswara, Fatehchand
moved towards Devaliya, Maharawat Harisingh was defeated and
he fled away from the battle field. His mother presented her grand-
son, named Pratapsingh, before Fatchchand alongwith Rs, 5000 and
acow-elephant *, The Maharawat went to Delhi and lodged a
complaint against the Maharana, but the Emperor paid no attention
3536, Pod pr(VII482-48
RalProhat 2) oPmets 0 levy of Rs, 20,000, But the
आ. sat
"The napa
Vere?CherMaden
ofthe Dein Rats Re आ0/
ierptionst70 {748» (ea
Tet meations of Ra jeingh’s
auvfore) GH. 008 belies ७ bes tp we वॉसवाला
श ा ल ा . But featitienot
गुपति
777 ByTie Prosar ater 22008
VU eo
0०08 eta terion oho ७०६iy [08ta vee
Sica of BR00 awa cripseedot ४328
38,
a 27 SD
 280
to it, However, the Maharana attempted to reconcile with him,
White going towards Basad (June, 659 A.D.) he called the
{Maharawat through the leading chiefs of Sadari, Salumbar, Bedla
and Bhindar. According to Raj Prashasti*® the Maharawat agreed to
owe his allegiance to the Maharana by offering Rs, 20,000 and a
couple of enw and hull elephants, But their relations continued to
Maharawal Girndhardas of Dungarpur visited remain strained,
‘Udaipur in 650 A.D.!" and expressed his willingness to owe allegi-
ance to the Maharana. He unfortunately breathed his last in
366 A.D, and his suecessor Jaswantsingh also maintained cordial
relations with the rulers of Mewar.
Marriage with Charumati 660 A.D.)
‘The relations between the ruler of Mewar and the Mughal
Emperor, which had improved toa considerable extent at the tine
of the accession of Aurangjib, were again affected adversly only after
2 short period of two years, It was due to the fact that the Maharana,
on her request, eloped with Charamaci, the daughter of Roop Singh
Rathor of Kishangarh, who was to be married to Aurang)
‘The Mughal Emperor considered it a hostile action and orders
were therefore, issued to confiscate the paraganas of Gyaspur and
Basad. These paraganas were then granted* back to Maharawat
Harisingh of Devaliya.
Maharana’s attempts to get the paraganas hack (664 A.D.)
‘The Maharana made attempts to get the paraganas of Gyaspur
and Basad back, He sent Udai Karan Chauhan to the Mughal
‘court for the purpose, but could not succeed. The Mughal Emperor
algo sent a senior officer to pacify the Maharana, Maharawat
‘Harisingh also attempted to capture these paraganas but the Maharana
did not withdraw his troops posted at the outpost of Semaliya, situe
ated in the Basad terriotory. A complaint in this respect was also
lodged by the Maharawat with the Mughal Emperor throtigh his sons
Pratapsingh and Amarsingh. ‘Che Maharana was asked by the
Mughal Emperor* to vacate the said outpost and remove his contin-
gent posted under the commend of Kushalsingh of Bansawara, as
39. The RajPrashasti VILL v. 9 to 5.
40. Ibid verse30.
4... Vir Vinod गा p. 439/Ojha II p. 582,
42, 0, Ojha-Pratapgarh Rajya ka Itihasa pp. \6\-I62.
 श्शा
is apparent from letter dated April 0, I682 A.D., sent to the
Maharawat by Raja Raghunath from the Mughal Court, After a
few days, the contingent posted there was removed by the Mewar
state, as is confirmed by the letter written by Saiyyid Nawajis
Khan. But the Maharana did not lose his heart and resolved to
carry on attmepts to get these paraganas back. The Maharawat of
Devaliya also sent an application through Qutubuddin Khan to the
Mughal Emperor, requesting him not to grant these paraganas back
to the Maharana, An assurance was givent# to him vide letter dated
May I6, 664 A.D. But in spite ofhisbest attempts thr Maharana
could not regain these paraganas
Help to Altheraj of Sirohi (668 A.D.)
Devara Akheraj of Sirohi was dethroned and made capiive by
his son Udai Bhan, The usurper also sueceeded in getting the
support of his chiefs, When the Maharana came to know of this,
he despatched his forces under the command of Ranawat Ramsingh,
who succeeded in driving out the usurper and reinstating Algheraj!,
‘Vaishnava Icons in Mewar
‘Aurangjib, in order to follow strictly the policy of iconoclasm,
issued a general order to demolish all important Hindu temples
‘Atimely action was, therefore, taken to remove certain Vaishnava
icons from Mathura, Gokul and Brindawan, The icon ofdueDwarka- the
Ghish had, however, been removed earlier in 663 A.D, oftoKan
family feuds between the ancestors of the present Tilakayats
iroli and Surat. When the Tilakayat appeared before the Malarana,
in Jan, 604, A.D. he renewed the grant of village Asotiya,®* which
the former already held, being given away by Maharana Jagatsingh,
‘yhen he visited Mathura on a pilgrimage. He also ordered to cons:
{ruct a temple at the village which was completed in 665 A.D?
‘The above icon was installed there in !669 A D. on its arrival from
ee BNE
Tid p. X63.
Ibid p. 62.
Lala Sitaram—History of Sirohi Raj 9. 20५ शाम १
BSES भहायजाधिराज महाराणा af cvfegd) stg पाई ..संबत्‌ steered कलETT
मोहीरै- उदक आधा कर Tarde
आदोटियों cent rplate No.2 of the Kankol tinge. कौधो.... १७२१
Gene Lite coppe atl
47. dee १७२२ वर्ष महावुदी CTW ATपेहणों स्पाइआ ५०० लाया ashofatthe am
tepwel
Feces}. ctr हंसराज बंधाई गंगादास [Inscri ption
of Asotiya
282
Ahmadabad, It was received by Rajarana Sultansingh of Sadari and
was kept in a Noha, before it was taken to Asotiya (Kankroli).
‘The icon of Shei Nathji was removed from Goverdban in I660
A.D, and was kept at Agra for some days, where the Annakuta was
celebrated, Goswani Govind Raiji took the above icon at various
places, but no ruler, fearing the wrath of the Mughal Emperor,
agreed to grant shelter, In 07] A.D., when this icon was at Chopa-
sani (near Jodhpur), the above Goswami visited Mewar and secured
assurance for its safety from the Maharana, Thereafter, on December
6, (67L A.D, it was brought to Mewar, The Maharana himself
received the party, when it entered his state and offered due respects,
It was installed on March 0, 672 A.D. at Ghaser, which later on
became known asNathadw
‘The icon of Vithal Nathji was also brought to Mewar by
Tilakayat Hariraj, At first he remained at village Khamnot® for
some days, but later on he also settled at Nathadwara, These
events of granting shelter to the Vaishnava icons created misunder-
standing in the mind of the Emperor, but no action was taken in
this respect,
Events of Marwar
Maharaja Jaswantsingh of Marwar breathed his last at
Jamrud (Kabul) on November 28, 678 A.D, The next day, the
news uf the sad demise" was communicated to various rulers includ:
ing the Mughal Emperor and Maharana Rajsingh. ‘The two queens
of the late Maharaja, who were pregnant, gave birth to his two pos=
thumous sons at Lahore in February, !679 A.D, On hearing of
the death of the Maharaja, the Mughal Emperor resolved to annex
Marwar to the Mughal Empire, With this view, he personally
moved to Ajmer and supervised the siege operations from there,
Practically no resistance was offered at Jodhpur and within a short
span of time, the entire territory of Marwar®! wae subjugated,
Preparations in Mewar
It was evident that Aurangjib was bent upon curtailing the
power of the Rathors, in order to wreak vengeance of the batile of
हू Sampaday
“Sampradaya-
a-Kolpadrum
Kalpadr (MS) Lt 09/ AR.8.R. ॥ Sharma०;
१३ elt, 2 29,
30: 2508० Khyat Lf,T 276/V.8,Dharguva—Marwar and the Mu
Si; Masir-i-dlamgiri (translated by J.N, Sarkat) pp, 06-07,
 288
Dharmat, wherein the late Maharaja Jaswantsingh had measured
swords against him. He not only deprived his lawful heir from
his state, but also plotted a strategem to apostalise him from his
faith, Mewar being contiguous to Marwar, the Maharana appre-
hended aggresion from the Mughal Emperor and so made neces
sary preparations to meet the same. According to a report sent
by Gangaram® at Ajmer on January 4, 670 A. D., the Maharana
had already made necessary «preparations to fice the possible
danger and Sanwaldas was depited with 5000 soldiers to protect
the northern borders, But at that time he avoided to provoke
hostility in open and waited for further developments,
‘The prince sent to the Mughal Court (679 A. D.)
‘The Maharana sent his vakil to the Mughal Emperor, then
staying at Ajmer, He also assured the Empror that the heit-
apparent could also be sent to the Mughal Court, if desired. The
Mughal Emperor, desiring to have the follest support of Maharana
Rajsingh, issued a firman on March §, according to which
Muhammad Naim, ‘the Bakshi of Prince Kambukish, was sent
to Udaipur for escorting the Prince to the Mughal Court, On
arrival of Muhammad Naim at Udaipur, the Maharana sent his
son Jaisingh with Jhala Chandrasen and Purohit Garibdas. On
reaching Delhi, Rathor Indrasingh, son of Raisingh, went to the
Mewar tent and took the prince before the Emperor on April Il,
3679 A. D., who offered a cordial reception and granted hima
pearl necklace, a brocade, an elephant and a horse, Similar
presents were also given to Jhala Chandrasen and Purohit Garibdas,
‘The party left Delhi on April 29, 079 A.D. Having taken a bath
in the Ganges at Gadh Mukteshwar, they visited the holy shrines
at Mathura and Brindawan®® and returned to Udaipur on May 26,
via Chakasu, where they were scen* on May 2.
Enforcement of Jaziya (I679 A.D.)
‘The Mughal Emperor enforced the Jaziya tax on the non-
Muslims, Orders to this effect were promulgated on April I2,
Wagiya-Sarkar-Ranathambhor (MS) {.. \9l.
Vie Vinod वा pp. 55-58.
Jedanoth,Sarkar- Mair ighlamgiri yp. I07-I08/Raj Prashasti (XXTI—4)
waited upon the Emperor, when the Iaiter
aecoop ne Det(दिल्लीतः lamprey अर्थाक शिविर उत्तमे)
55, Raj Prashastt XXII-5/Mesl-l-Alamgir p. \80)S.R. Sharm on.
36, Wagiya-Sarkar-Ranathambhor (MS) Lf 2
 284
679 A. D, The Maharana protested by sending*’ a letter to the
Mughal Emperor, There are 3 copies of this letter known so far.
JN, Sarkar believes that it was originally written by Shivaji and
not by Rajsingh, S, R. Sharma also agrees to this by saying
that when Jaziya was enforced Prince Jaisingh was present at Delhi,
and as such the Mabarana could have hardly protested. t cannot,
however, be totally denied, that it was @ matter of common concern
to all the Hindu subjects, It can be argued that copies ofthis
letter might have been distributed among important Hindu Chi
for being commvnicated from their sides to the Emperor, As the
Maharana of Mewar always claimed to be the chief of Hindu
subjects there were more grounds for his writing such a letter,
Disturbances in Mewar (679 A. D.)
‘The intention for sending the heir-apparent to the Mughal
court was (० remove any misunderstanding and also to prepare an
atmosphere of mutual faith, But there was a great tension existing
‘on the border areas, According to the reports received at Ajmer
certain chiefs of Mewar invaded** the imperial territory on April I2,
7679 A. D. and looted it, Similar disturbonces were also reported
from Mandal and Hurada, Mansingh Rathor (of Kishangath), the
Thanedar of outp st Mandal, was replaced in May, I679 A. D, by
Nuram Ali, the Divan! of Suba Ajmer, The latter deputed an
Ameen as his representative: But he also could not check the
plundering raids of the Rajputs-Oa May I8, the Chundawats—
Vijaysigh", Fatehsingh and wh of Bhadu, made a sudden
attack on village Pithawas and carried away booty worth
Rs, 8000, However, their further advancement towards Mandal
was checked. ‘The Quei of Mandal despatched a report of this
incident to Ajmer after making a detailed enquiry. Nazim, a
subordinate Mughal Officer at Ajmer, 0 Udaipur"? on June
2, He reported that the Maharana had repaired the Debari-gate,
He also added that somebody mutilated the icon in a temple at
‘Tod | pp. 803-804 Por dot ils of the letter see, Historical fragments of the
Muga Empiee pp. 87.
58, SR. Sharom—op,el. 67-69.
59, Waglya-Sarkar-Ranathombhor (MS) Lf 90.
60, bid L223,
Gl. Iba LF228.
62, bid Lt239,
 285
Kankroli, which created a great havoc and the whole atmosphere
became tense and anti-Mughal, linking this incident with the
Emperor’s policy of inconoclasm,
Exchange of letters
The Maharana extended his support to Rathor Prince Ajitsingh
and granted © twelve: villages, including Kelwa, (० him as an
appanage, Khan Jalan reported the matter to the Emperor in April,
4679 A.D, when the Mewar Pri Jaisingh was in the Mughal
Court, On receiving such alarming news the Mughal Emperor sent
a firman* on July 2, 079 A, D. with Rashid Beg asking him to
remain loyal and not to harbour the Rathor fugitives. The
Maharana communicated his reply through Tahawwar Khan station-
ed at Aimer and sent presents consisting of ॥ horse with gold trap:
pings, 78 robest* of honours, and an embroidered Kashmiri shawl,
However, as he had _made up his mind to estrange himself from the
Emperor, he continued to encourage his chiefs to createdistur-
bbances in the imperial territory,
On seeing the situation out of control, the Emperor proceeded
to Ajmer on September 256, 3670 A. D. to supervise the afliirs
personally, On his instructions ‘ahawwar Khan wrote a letter on
October 2,"" to the Maharana asking him to stop his seditious
activiti The Maharana sent a reply® which was received at
Ajmer on November 2, 670 A. D. through Asad Khan the wazir.
In this letter he mentioned that the Hadi queen of Jodhpur
visited for a day only and thereafier moved to her homeland, He
also added that Hasan Ali, a Mughal Officer, when came in search
of the said queen, was also provided with all facilities ‘The third
letter was written on November 4, to him by Asad Khan the
Wazir, asking him to find out the whereabouts of the said queen,
By this time the Emperor had already resolved to invade the
Rana in order ६० subdue him. ‘The Maharana, however, did not
wre कज्ज सुविचारि ny AF द्वादस प्राम। नगर कैलबासों reir अबति सकल
अभिराम | Raf Vilos IX 203.
Wagiya-Sarkar-Ranathumbhor (MS) Li 240,
hia Lf. 29
Ibid Lt. 375,
Akhabarat year 23 pt । (Sit
Ibid 6.37.
 take a serious notice of it. This exchange of letters is also proved
by Raj Vilas of poet Man. The Emperor wanted to dissuade
the Maharana from extending any sort of help to the Rathors. But
he could not achieve any success.
Invasion against Mewar
Soon after his arrival at Ajmer on Sept. 26, 070 A. D.,
Aurangjib despatched a part of hisforces on Oct, 27, under the com=
mand of Tahawwar Khan with a stringent order to make Ajitsingh
captive. When Tahawwar Khan reached Gedawar, an advane party
under Qurawal Khan was despatched” 0 lay waste the country
of the Rana near Desuri pass. The advance party was badly
defeated by the Rajputs in an encounter which took place near Desuri
pass, pethaps near Nadlai. Tahawwar Khan also rushed ६० help
hhim, but he too could not succeed in curtailing the power of the
Rajputs and drifted towards Raj Nagar. The Raj Vilas” contains
the details of this battle, According to this, Rathor Gopinath
of Ghanerao and Solanky Vikram of Rupa Nagar displayed cons-
picuous gallantry, They not only defeated the Mughal army but
also plundered its treasures. On getting such alarining news the
Emperor resolved to procceed himself towards Mewar, Before
leaving Ajmer he made elaborate preparations,” He gave orders
to prince Muazzam posicd in the Deccan, 0 reach Uijain
immediately. Similar orders were also issued to prince Muhammad
‘Azam, posted in Bengal, to reach Mewar with his army. Hussain
‘Alv® was posted at Jelaran and Sojat to keep a vigilant watch
over the activities of the Rajputs. Por his help, Medatiya Sujansingh
was posted as the Fauzdar of Jetaran, ‘The Emperor left Ajmer on
Nov. 30, and encamped at Deorai, (Near Ajmer), Prince Akbar,
coming from Medata joined him there. He was ordered (०
proceed towards Mewar and ‘fahawwar Khan was placed under
“छा BelWas verses5
70, Fatuhati-Atamgiri (MS) 770).
TA. देवpa सूरि दुर्घाद
oaयबतसेनातितजिशिय।लुट्टि
& feoer अनेकदिधि
शव राणाराणा राजैसर ge |
72. Blot and Dowson Vol, VIL p, 29,
73. Akhabarat yeor23pt. I (Sitamau) LE
Mk माला
(00/07/8666 Le TH),
02000According
Rian ० ५५Ualladue,
Jahn abe “02000,
date
tnd Aa Kaa also waited upon the छा
 987
him, Proceeding from Deorai, the Emperor reached Mandal and
encamped there for afew days, Prince Muhammad Azam, who
joined him there (December 6), was also instructed to procceed
against the Maharana,
Preparations by the Maharana
When the Maharana heard of these developments, he imme+
diately convened the war council, and on its recommendations he
deserted Udaipur and moved to Nainwara (Distt, Udaipur) with
his treasure, members of the family and followers", He resolved to
depopulate all important towns of Mewar, so that the Mughal
forces could not procure food stuff. ‘The citizens of Pur, Mandal,
Rayala and Hurada, the towns then held in possession by the
Mughals’, were reported to be panic stricken, Although the Mughal
officers. were quite cautious, they were always altaid of the possible
sudden attacks by the Rajputs. The Maharana also made elaborate
preparations to resist the invasion, which were as under :
l, Singhvi Dayaldas was posted towards Mandalgarh,
His pillage-activities™ were brought tothe Imperial notice in the
last week of October, 679 A.D, by the Wagiya Navi, He
chastised the Mughal officers and ravaged important towne
namely Nenawa, Toda ete, (December 30), The Maharana asked
him to keep a close watch on the activities of the Mughals in
that area and see that no food stuff is allowed to pass
in their hands. From April I¢80, he concentrated activities”
in the Northern Malwa.
2, Medatiya Sanwaldas was instructed to have his camp in
the hilly tracts of Badnor in order to keep a watch over the territory
extending from Mandal & Raysla to Badnor, He successfully
ravaged” Rayala (January 9, 680 A. D,), Kareda!® (March 23,
680 A.D.), Pur, etc. and fought with Rubilla Khan, the thatedar of
Badnor.
75, ‘Jouney
Roj Prashast!
of theXXUIMaharans.
verse 22/The Raf Vilas contains more detail
amp near the hill of Devimoata,According to it, the
where several chiefsMaharana
of Panorva,held Merpur,
his fr
का Judo, with ity tiousnd Bhi’ appeared beforehim,”मेक
anaafter posting thematdifferent places went toNainwars,
76. Waglya-Sarkar-Ranarhambhor
7 409. Lt. 875, 300, 380,
हे ॥04
78, Raj Vilas XXII verse 88,
23.Hid
Waniya-Sarkor-Ranathombhor
bt 23, Lf 4l\-
Bi, Raj VilasXVI.
 288
4. Rajkumar Bhim was ordered to carry out depredations in
the Northern Gujrat. He successfully penetrated into Gujrat as
far as Badanagar and ravaged it. He also succeeded in collecting
a booty of Rs, 40,000/- from there. Similarly a sum of Rs, 2,00,000/-
‘was extracted by him from Ahmadnagar.**
4, Rajkumar Jaisingh was posted in Basad territory.
5, Rathor Gopinath, Solanky Vikramaditya, ctc, were posted
at Debari.
6, Purawat Sabalsingh with the Chundawats was posted in
Rajnagar territory.
व... Jhala Pratapsingh was posted at Chirawa.
Events of Udaipur Area (January, 680 A.D.)
‘Aurangjib left Mandal on January 3, 680 A.D. for Debari
and attacked it the other day, A fierce battle was fought in which
Rathor Gorisingh, son of Baludas' of the Mewar army, was killed
along with a number ofhis soldiers. The Mughal army succeeded
in occupying the place, The assailants now resolved to lay waste
the country around Udaipur, On Jan. 6, 680 A. D., Prince
Muhamad Azam and Khan Jahan were ordered to visit Udaipur,
Two other senior Mughal officers, named Ruhilla Khan and
Yakataz Khan were detailed to demolish the important temples of
that area. On reaching Udaipur, they besieged the Jagadish temple
which was protected by 20 Rajputs. When the Mughal soldiers
came to molest the temple, the Rajputs came out of the temple one
by one and killed a good number of the Mughals. It seems that the
Mughal soldiers could only disfigure® some icons fixed inthe outer
walls of the temple, The Raj Vilas mentions of some other details.
According the this Rawat Udaibhan and Chauhan Amarsingh
were posted at the outpost of Udaipur. Being pleased with the
activities of Udaibhan, the Maharana granted him twelve villages,
82... [bid XV/Raj Praskasti XXII 20-29,
83. dag १७३६ वर्ष पोस सुदी १४ पातिसाइ ओोरंगस्ाइ देहवारी and बढे राठौड़ गोंरास्ंग बचू
‘arate काम्त आयो [The Debari Inscripticn].
84, Eliot and Dowson—Vol, VET pp. 87-I88/Faruhat -Alamgirt (MS)
Lf. 7908).
85, 2Masir-I-dlamgir!
good number ofmentions oftheweredestruction
Jain icons unearthedof thefromimagesDelawaes
only. (Mewar),
Recently
wich accms to hava hidden ut the time of the invasion of Aurangjib,
86, Raj-Vilas Chapter XII,
 289

Prince Akbar and Tahawwar Khan had to fight ६ fierce battle

with the Mewar army at Raj Nagar, According to the Raj Prashasti®”
several Rajputs met heroic death while fighting with the Mughals.
After letting loose atrocities and carrying out depredations in
that area, Prince Akbar left for Udaipur. From there, he™
resolved to see the (emple of Eklingji, but could not proceed beyond
the Chirawa Ghat fearing sudden attack by the Rajputs. Having
seized two clephants from the army of the Mughals, Jhala Pratap
singh presented them to the Maharana, ‘The Ballasof Bhadesar
(Distt, Chittor) brought a pack of horses, a herd of elephants and a
string of camels and presented to the Maharana when he was staying
at Nainwara, The Emperor himself proceeded towards” Udaipur
on January 24, 080 A.D. and encamped at Udaisagar where the
Rajputs made a sudden attack on his camp in the night,
Hasan Ali in Hilly Tracts
Hasan Ali Khan, who was ordered to chase the Maharana,
proceeded towards Udaipur with 7000 picked soldiers. But he lost
his way and went towards Jhadol. From there he could not contact
the main Mughal army, Aurangjib became anxious! to know of
his whereabouts. Even the regular scouts refused to goin reconnaic
ssance for fear of the Rajputs After persuation, Mir Shihab-ud-din
went in his search and brought necessary information about him
afier a couple of days, According ‘ the Raj Vilara battle wa
fought at Nainwara,” between Hasan Ali Khan and the Mewar
‘Army (Jan, 22), Rawat Ratansingh (of Salumbar), Rawat Mabasingh
(of Begun) and Rao Kesarisingh Chauhan (of Parasoli) displayed
conspicuous gallantry and defeated Hasan Ali, According to the
Raj Prashasti®® the casualty on both the sides in the above batile
was of about 00 persons, According to the Persian chronicles,
Hasan Ali emerged vietorious and the Mabarana left the place. He
carried away enormous quantity of grain, which he presented to
XXII vrs I2 to.
हू.
88, verse 20.!
Ibid Proshaat
Ry
Vol. VII 9. 88,
89. Fallot Dowson (MS)
8॥ ०५0७0I-Alamgirt 79.
SV. A'period
rearonable, of 20 days ‘mentioned in the Fatuhat-ldlamgir seems to be
है; . Ray Vilas Chapter
Rep-Prashnsd! SIC XT.
verses 23-24,
94, Elliot and Dowson VIL p. I88,
 290
the Emperor on Jan 80. While living at Udaipur the Emperor
completed his religious obligation by dismantling 73 temples
situated in the vicinity of Udaipur, Now it became apparent
that direct attacks in the hilly areas would be ruinous to the Mughals,
Most of the commandants were unwilling to undertake such perilous
campaigns pleading the difficulty of transport. According to the
Raj Vilas they requested the Emperor to have their camp near
Chittor from where the Rajputs could be easily chased in the plains,
Events of Chittor
Leaving Udaisagar on Feb, 22, Aurangjib reached Chittor
where 68 temples were demolished, Shaktawat Gangadas (of Banasi)
suddenly attacked* the Imperial army at Chittor. Several ‘Mughal
soldiers ran away and 9 elephants were seized by him which were
presented by him to the Maharana. In order to check these raids
by the Rajputs the Emperor posted Hasan Ali and Prince Akbar at
Chittor, who reached there on March 6. Khan Jahan who waited
upon the Emperor was granted 500 Asharfis. Having tired with these
fruitless activities the Emperor left Mewar on March 6 and reached
Ajmer on March 22, 680 A.D, The Udaipur valley was evidently
abandened by the Mughals upto this time.
Peace Negotiations
‘The Maharana pretended to open peace negotiations in order
to dupe the Mughal authorities. ‘The Thanedar of Pur reported that
the Mabarana sent Nilakanth Mahajan of Nolait on April 9
for making peace negotiations. Dodiya Mahasingh and Madhosingh
Chauhan also accompanied him. Padashah Kuli Khan invited the
Vakils of Mewar and the matter was discussed with Garibdas and
Sabalsingh. Aurangjib was informed accordingly. He however,
refused to entertain the overtures (May 30). The Raj Prashasti!®
contains some more details, According to this the Mughal Emperor
demanded three districts of Mewar and Rs, Three lacs in cash as
indemnity which not being agreed to by the Maharana no settlement
could be arrived at.
25, हक एक Obapier XII Verses 27 to 35,
30, IbidChapter
8. Sharma XIV. ७, 74.
op.ct
87. | pt TT, 83,
99,|
Aidiahara
SR Shnerm a—op.28 cll. 75.
r year
Waglya
Raj Sarkar XXL
Prashastl Ratarhambhor
45-46, (Sitamau) Lt 480.
{0l,
 Surprise Attacks by Mewar Army
‘The Maharana also continued his sudden attacks. He divided
his army! into three flanks and posted them in the areas of (I)
‘Raja Samand (2) Neemuch and (8) Mandsaur (April 8.) The subedar
of Malwa, not being able to check the pressure of the Rajputs, was!®
degraded (April 0) by the Emperor by reducing his title by 500 Zat
and 600 sawars, Singhavi Dayal Shah and prince Jaisingh carried
out depredations in the Imperial territory. Dayal Shah also sucess
fully plundered several towns of Malwa, Thus, the Rajputs
succeeded in creating a terror in the hearts of the Mughal Officers,
who one by one refused to enter the hilly tracts, saying that the
army was motionless due to fear,
Events of Badnor Area
‘The Mabarana deputed Medatiya Sanwaldas to fight against
Ruhilla Khan, the Thanedar ofBadnor. The Raj Vilast°® mentions
that Sanwaldas laid a siege to the fort of Badnor and defeated the
‘Mughal army. Soon after, Indrasingh was appointed as the Thaneder
‘ofthat place. Medatiya Sanwaldas went on creating disturbances,
‘The Wagiya-Nawis!® reported on April 8 that he plundered several
villages near Badnor while having his headquarter in the hilly area
of Karera, Similar information about him was also reported"?on
April 22. The Mughals, however, allured his sons Amarsingh and
Arjunsingh, who appeared before Medatiya Mokhamsingh, the
Thanedar of Pur, for getting themselves enlisted in the Imperial
army. Indrasingh failed to check the sudden attacks! and pillage
activities of Sanwaldas and left the place (May 22) ‘Thereafter,
‘Mansingh of Kishangarh was appointed as the Thanedar of Badnor,
Kuli also came there and returned after staying for a few
Sanwaldas successfully carried on his activities and even
threatened Akbar’s communications with Ajmer.

202, Wagiyat-Sarkar-Ranathambhor Li. 450.

03. Abhabarat year 23 pt. IIL Lt. 2I2.
04. Rej-Vilas Chapter XVII.
05. Ibid Chapter XVI.
08. Wagiya-Sarkar Ranathambhor Lif. 442.
प0.. Ibid 445.
208, Ibid 482/Akhabarat year 25 pt. TV Lf. (8.
Y09. Ibid 489.
292
Difficulties of the Mughal army
‘To wage war with the Maharanas was cne of the biggest
headaches to the Mughal Emperors, They had to make necessary
preparations by mobilising their resources to a great extent, When
‘Aurangjib failed to achieve any success, he made drastic changes in
the organisational setup, The outpost of Neemuch was put directly
under the charge of Prince Akbar (March 27), Mukhtar Khan,
the subedar of Malwa, was instructed?" to mect Prince Akbar with a
part of his army (March 28) Hasan Ali was sent towards Neemuch42
for ravaging the country (April 8), The Thanedari of Garoth was
bestowed upon Abdullah#? Khan who was made responsible for
despatch of foodstuff (April 4), ‘He was subsequently replaced by
Hasan Ali Khan (April 7). Sabalsingh was appointed ast?
Thanedar of Neemuch while Medatiya Mokhamsingh was appointed
at Pur.
Rabamuttulah, the KiledarofMandalgarh,* reported on
April 22, that the laboures engaged for the repairs of the fort rane
away fearing sudden attacks by the Rajputs. The Thanedar appointed.
fat Begun did not join at all, Pur was invaded?” several times by
the Rajputs (April 8 and April !2), Mcdatiya Me khamsingh, the
Thanedar ofthat place, cvuld not succeed in checking these activities,
His slender resources were exhausted. He requested Padshah Kuli
Khan for immediate financial assistance, Similar cireumstances prev-
ailed in Mandal, Kachhawa Haranath let loose atrocitics there and®#
“Killed several Innocent persons making fictitious allegations against
several residents left the place (May 22), The Rajputs
successfully seized the food stuff being carried trom Malwa on 0,000
packoxen, Instructions were, therefure, given by the Mughal Emperor
0, Tho out post of Neemuchetwesthis very
topolnted 2४ Thonedar page: important. Raglivnath
Chlarch i,66) who, Medatiya.
Was klled wason
MarchforI3,tupeevinmng
ted (AWobarattrasyport
year 28ufpt,98000
Ifa, 63to anChior,
d IGS), ‘This outpost
se was
UL, Akhabarat yeax 23 Pe, LIE f, 50,
42, Bidf,99,
U3. Ibid6.2.
AM. lbid £239,
5, fbidf.0,
ANG, Wagiya-Sarkar-Ranathambhor Li. 46+
M7, Ibid£445,
LB, Tod F482,
 203
to keep a strict watch aver? the movement of the provisions. It ws
also ordered to avoid the route through Kosithal (May 22). Muhae
mmad Amin Khan, the Subedar of Malwa, was ordered to take
up position between Ahmadabad and Mewar, In spite of this,
Prince Bhim of Mewar carried out depredations in Badanagat® and
Ahmad Nagar and extracted a heavy booty from there!#, These
effective raids created panic in Ahamadabad. He was called back by
the Maharana,
Re-shufiling of the Mughal Commandants
Prince Jaisingh madel#? a sudden attack on the Imperial
army stationed at Chittor and put it to a tremendous loss. By this
unexpected cvent the position of prince Akbar became precarious,
He was made responsible for the unsuccess of the Mewar campaign
(June I7). Thereupon the Emperor, in high wrath, transferred him
to Marwar and made Prince Azam in charge of the operations in
Mewar, Qasim Khun and Sujaat Khan were posted at Chittor to
assist him, Mansingh Rathor!®® of Kishangarh was posted as shanedar
of Pur and Padshah Kuli Khan was asked to reach Jodhpur while
Prince Akbar was directed to have his camp at Medata, Hasan Ali
who was ordered to reach Chittor (July 2,) joined there on July 8,
Plan to encircle the hilly tracts
Aurangjib, living at Ajmer, was controlling the entire war
operations. He made a plan to encircle the hilly tracts from three
sides for capturing the hillabodes of Rajputs, Prince Akbar was
instructed to mvade from the side of Desuri while Azam and
Muazzam were instrucied to penetrate through Debari and Raj-
Samand respectively. Prince Akbar reached Sojat on July 6 and
made extensive preparations for procuring food.stuff.425 He wanted to
establish outposts at Someshwar and Sadari, but the Emperordid
not permit him to do sn, Padshah Kuli Khan also did not obey his
orders to proceed to Sadari where the Rajputs were creating
पड, Tid 488.
'20. tome
Ibid€. 442/Reports
village were(ld
2 Gujeat alsoreceived
EAT). thatthe ruler of [dar also ७७४३
plund
Ro-Vilas XV [Ro]Proshastt XXII verses 26-29.
Bia Xvutt.
Wagiya-Sarkar-Ronathundhor Uf. 489]Adab-i-Alamelr etter No. 683.
Athabarat year 23 pt, LV f. 249.278.
‘Adabi-Alamgirl Letter No. 734.
 204
troubles.2% Other senior Mughal Commandants, named Shujaat
Khan, Salabat Khan and Mukhtar Khan, 50 refused to proceed
there, Prince Bhim was reported (० have engaged in creating distur
ances in the western Rajasthan and northern Gujrat where peo
ple were panic-stricken, He also invaded the camp of Padshah Kuli
Khan at Khod (September 24). The Maharana closed all the passes.
Similarly the progress of Prince Azam was also checked by the Raje
puts, Akbar reached Nadol(September 2) where a battle was fought
on October I, in which the Rajputs were defeated##", Meanwhile,
Maharana Rajsingh breathed his last on October 22,, It is said
that poiton was administered to him, but there is no positive evie
dence to prove this fact. Some contemporary'2* writers mention
of his death due to fever or illness,
‘The Mabarana espoused 8 queens from whom he had 9 sons
and 9 daughters. It was prevalent that he was responsible for the
death of one of his queens, a Purohit and ason, A strategem was
plotted against his life by his queen Chandramati who desired to
install her son Sardarsingh on the throne, The plot unfortunately
could not be carried through and the intriyuers were put (० death,
Prince Sardarsingh also committed suicide, knowing the evil inten-
tion ofhis mother, while his wife Amar Kumari became sati at her
paternal abode at Ratlam in V.E, 727 (670 A.D.)
Construction of works of public utility
‘The Maharana was deeply interested in construction of temples
and palaces and excavation of tanks, Some of these deserve special
mention, viz (i) Sarva-Ritu-Vilas Garden (ii) Renovation of
Debari Gate with its walls (ii) Ambamata temple of Udaipur (iv)
Rang Sagar tank (v) Jana Sagar tank (vi) Palaces on Nawchauki,
Raj Samand (vii) Raj Nagar town (viii) Renovation of Indra Sagar
at Eklingji (ix) Trimurti Bawadi at Debari. In V.E. 707, when he
‘was the crown prince he got built a palace known as Kumar-Saudh
having fine paintings, )e also brought to completion the erection
26, ‘The, Waaiva (Ltidh
कद Plunderings §0)mentions that MedatiyneteGopinath and Sona
tn the Gatawes
27, Rof-Rupak pp. 62-90/Fatwhat-lAlamair! (MS) f.Gaping and
770 78 nang were
28, The beWagiyarnavis
22080 hi Chaandran Msonsiya’s
Shiv thewriterof paper:
5000 havepublisuedmentioned
iya’s paper published on oeaig
itfueKy 00
this subject iy
 295
of four small temples dedicted to Siva, Ganapati, Surya, and Shakti,
situated in the permises of the Jagdish temple of Udaipur.
Raj Samudra lake
Originally the idea of constructing the Inke was conceived when
the Maharana went to Jaisalmer for his marriage in the year V.E.
I698 (I04I A, D,). But it could not be acted upon before V.E.
478 (I66l A.D,). The dam was constructed accross” the
river Gomati, Originally the plan was to submerge about 6 villages,
but only 6 were completely submerged, Its Mulurt was done on
wednessday Jan, |, 068 A.D. Strenuovs efforts were made in making
the bed of the river dry, Several persian wheels were commissioned
for this purpose, After a period of 3years the foundation was laid
on Monday, April 7, 065 A.D, About 60,000 workmen were
employed for this purpose. Temporary structures were built in its
vicinity which lateron developed and formed part of Raj Nagar town,
‘The Maharana laid its foundation in Feb., 609 A.D. On June 26,
3670 A.D,, the main dam was completed. Other construction work
continued for a few years more, A big boat constructed by the
shipwrights of Surat, Lahore and Gujrat was launched on August 26,
674 A.D, Its consecration ceremony was done with much pomp
and show in Jan, 676 A.D. Invitations were sent to all important
Rajput rulers. The Maharana and his Purohit Garibdas weighed
themselves against gold, while afew others were weighed ag
silver, On Jan. 5, 676 A.D, the Maharana undertook a journey
around the lake with large retinue and completed it within 6 days,
‘The naming ceremony of the lake was done on Jan. 20, |676 A D.
Various donations and charities were given away on this occasion
which were distributed among 46,000 Brahmins present on the spot.
Several gifts were also presented to some important rulers,
‘The Mahorana’s younger brother Arisingh was sent on pilgri-
mage™ to Gaya in V,E. 733 (676 A.D.)
Inscriptions
‘The Ekling temple inscription of V.E. !709 is the earliest one
of the reign of Maharana Rajsingh, It records his weighing against
precious stones, ‘The Jagdish temple contains an inscription of his
कि. "GR,Share op ll. Chapter LV and V/ajPrashasti Chapters IX ७
90. Raj Ratnakar (MS) Chapter XXI verses i8-I9,
296
reign recording tne construction of Kumar-Saudh palace and Sarbat
Vilas garden. The Bedawas inscription of VE. 725 mentions of
Bhagehand and his son Fatehchand, who served as the Pradhans of
the state and commanded the Mewar armies sent against Bansawara
and Toda respeetively, The Badi Tank inscription of V.B. 7726
mentions that a sum of 2,0],000 was spent on its construction, ‘The
Maharaua performed Rajat-Tula-Dan at the time ofits consceeration
ceremony and gave away the villages Gilund and Devapura to
Purohit Garibdas. The most important inscription of his reign is
the Raj Prashasti, which was engraved during the reign of his son
Jaisingh, It is one of the biggest inscriptions and contains 24 cantos,
Tts major part records the construction of the dam, the summary of
which has already been given in the preceeding para. It also con-
id description of
the reign of Maharana Rajsingh and Jai-~
singh] The Digamber Jain temple (Bada Bazar) inscription of the
V.E. 726, a few inscriptions of V.E. !709 and 736 of the temple of
Bafna Gotra at Udaipur? and four inscriptions of V.E. 732 at Raj
Samand throw sufficient light on the manifold activities of the Jains,
Several Copper plaies containing the account of land grants are also
known,
Literary activities
‘Maharana Rajsingh was a great patron of art and learning,
‘According to the verse composed by him and engraved ona slab at
Raj samand, he preferred to give due respect to the poets. Sada»
shiv, Bhatt Rancbhod, Mansingh, Kishordas, Shrotiya Mukand,
Bhatta Shrilal etc, were the important poets. Sadashiv’s work Raj
Ratnakar, isvery useful for the study of the reign of Maharana Raj-
singh and Jaising, Bhatt Ranchhod son of Madhusudan was a Telang
Brahmin of Kathundi family. This family frequently received several
donations from the rulers of Mewar. He was a good scholar of
sanskrit and gave a detailed description of the construction of the
8, Shri
ie, forBhanwarlal Chitiora
which T feel obliged.of Udaipur sent a copy ofthis inscription to
482, eo १७०६ बर्षे माधमाते शुक्ल पक्ष त्रयोदशयां Hea उदयपुर गगरे महाराणा ft afk
राज्ये--बाकणा Se सा गज भा? AFT ऋषनदेव बिवश्य TUT [Unpublished
0] Ke १७३४ Eulerशुक्ता ७--उदयपुरे धी राणा Tale Tear,
'विवयशिह -गरोमंधरfee कारापित (Unpublished inscription),
 297
dam at Raj Nagar, Mansingh was a Jain-Yati who composed
Roj-Vilas having minute details of the reign of Maharana Rajsingh.
He breathed his last in the latter part of the year 080 A.D, Kishor.
das’s work the of Raj Prakash was completed before V.E, I79,
as he confined his work to the description of Tika-daur only and its
copy was got prepared in V.E. 279. Bhatt Shrilal’s work Rojsingh-
Varnanant is not a work of histotical value, Several Jain poets,
namely Tejsingh, ‘'ejmuni, Lalchand, Mansagar, Maheshmuni, Pad-
mavijay, Muni Kheta, Kanakvijay etc. flourished during his reiga.
 (8) Maharana Jaisingh
Mabarana Jaisingh, born on Dec 6, 653 AD, succeeded his
father Maharana Rajsingh
Battle with Aurangjib continued
At the time of the death of Rajsingh, the battle with the
Mughals was at its full swing. Prince Akbar, who was then | esieging
Desuri pass, had to face a stiff resistance from the Rajputs under the
commands of Prince Bhim and Solanky Bika. The Raj Prashasti® me-
ntions that they had successfully checked the progress of Tahawwar
Khan fora period of 8 days. However, by constant efforts, the
Mughals succeeded in crossing the pass (Nov. 22, 680 A.D.)
and reached Jilawara. While crossing the pass Prince Bhim success-
fully encountered and slew several Mughal soldiers, Akbar’s plan to
invade Kumbhalgarh remained abortive as the physical condition of
the tract compelled him to desist from his further march with heavy
artilleries, He was having? only 6000 soldiers and 3000 match-
lockmen, who were quite insufficient for such an ambitious plan,
Having stationed at Jilawara, he ordered to let loose atrocitiesint
the area. (Nov. 30, 680 A.D,) A good number of residents were
made captives, who were distributed as slaves! among his soldiers.
However, he totally failed to check the surprise attacks by the Raj.
puts, Having continuously failed in Mewar and Marwar, he was
smarting under disgrace and even discontinued writing letters to his
father.
Dayal Shah's activiti
Singhavi Dayal Shah took courageous steps and successfully
carried out depredations in Malwa and collected heavy booty from
Sarangpur, Mandu, Ujjain, Chanderi etc, He thus succeeded in
‘The dent eain ofthis pceKanda, wheres covnation tookplace
can not be done, correety. ‘The Re imply mentions that
हतः aR ak free ध्यतनोई बली जयशिहो....,..राणातिहासतरियिति ॥
2. Raj Prashasti XXIXI Verses |3-I5.
3, 8.R.Sharma—Maharana Rajsingh and his times p. 62/Jadunath Sarkar—
Hvar of Aurangi किats "7०७9:£2/Jedunath Sar
4. Adabrl-Alamgirl letter No. 700.
5, IbidletterNo,728.
 bd
repaiting the slender resources of the Maharana.* He also made a
sudden attack (Nov. 27, I680 A.D.) on the Mughal army posted at
Chittor under the command of Prince Azam.’ A fierce battle took
place. During the battle, circumstances compelled him to slay his
‘own wife in order to save her from being carried away by the
Mughals, Although his daughter was seized by the Mughal soldiers
they had suffered heavy loss at his hand. A goo! number of them
‘also managed to escape,
Diler Khan’s activities
Azam Khan deputed Diler Khan with I5000 soldiers to chase
the Maharana and his commandants. He entered into Mewar thro
ugh the ranges of the Chhapan and reached Gogundah, Rawat Ratan.
singh Clhundawat was posted to protect the western Ghat of Mewar,
Diler Khan? could not get out from there. No focd stuff could also be
collected by him, His forces were badlly defeated by the Rajputs,
He could hardly save his life by getting out in anight with the help
ofa Brabmin.
Rebellion of Prince Akbar
After disastrous discomfitures st Nadol (Oct. 4680 A.D.)
and Desuri (Nov. 680 A.D,) the Rajputs realised that it was quite
difficult for them to continue pitched batiles with the Mughals, The
assailants were also facing great hardships, The physical condition
of the country debarred them from successful penetration, The
shortage of food stuffalso endangered their lives. In this way, both
the parties were realising the futility® of prolonging the battle,
Maharana Rajsingh and his allies hatched a plan to createa rift in
the Mughal army by sponsoring a rival claimant to the throne of
Delhi, They first made negotiations with Muazzam posted in
Mewar, but failed owing to timely and sane warning from his mother
Nawabbai.? They now tempted Akbar to rebel against hisfather,
‘The Rajputs first induced Padshah Kuli Khan for this treasonable
act. Later on, they abetted Akbar for this seditious offence by
saying that his father’s bigotted attempts to root out the Rajputs had

6. Tod P. 32.
GA, Fatuhatei-Alamgir (MS) 80
7. Raj Prashasti XXUT I6 to 26.
8, Dr, Raghuvirsingh—Rathor Durgadas (MS) pp. 45-44.
9, Elliot aad Dowron—Vol. VIT 9, 300,
300
threatened the stability of the Empire, But due to the death of
Mahrana Rajsingh no action could be taken. Soon after the acce-
ssion of Maharana Jaisingh, these negotiations were resumed. It seems
that when Padshal Kuli Khan reached Jilawara the Maharana co-
mumunicated the message to the Prince through him by saying,““If you
wish that the honour of Hindustan should not be totally lost, we
clasp the skirt of your robe and hope for deliverance and happiness
at your!® hands.” ‘The Maharana’s agent Kesarisingh also visited
him urging him to accept the above proposals. The Prince attemps
ted to dupe his father by writing that the Rajput emissaries had
visited his camp and he might bring them to court provided the
matter wat settled,
When all preparations were ready, Akbar declared himselfas
the Emperor at Nadol on January |, 68] A.D, Aurangjib learnt
about this rebellion on January 7, I68! A.D. at Ajmer. Except fora
few guards", he was having no army with him, ‘Iherefore, he was
much annoyed and afier strengthening his position and arranging for
reinforcement from various places, he reached Dorai (Near Sara-
dhana Railway Station) on January 26,68! A.D, Akbar with the
Rajput army also encamped near by. Aurangjil cunningly devised
a strategem by writing a forged letter to his son Akbar wherein he
applauded him for betraying the Rajputs successfully and directed
him to follow strictly the pretended scheme to annihilate them. This
plan proved successful and the Rajputs, apprehending danger, deta-
ched themselves from Akbar and#* retreated, Next day Akbar also
pursued them and took shelter with Durgadas. He was first taken
towards Western Rajasthan, but thinking him unsafe he resolved to
move towards the Deccan through the defiles of Mewar,!? where
the Mabarana also provided escort to him,
Peace Negotiations
‘When Aurangjib came to know that Prince Akbar could not be
captured, he endeavoured to make settlement! with the Maharana
0. JN. Saka TIT (I928) pp. 855-856,
पी: Jadunath Sarkar—Masi-t-dlamgirt p. (23,
2, Fatuhati-Alomiri £ 82 (b) to 83 (a)/Mastr--Alam@iri 9. '25/Ra) Rupak
a, Rkbar
fsDecean ina leuertotohim, Shombba
hospliaity But j asserted
seeing that unsafe
himself the Moharina
there he hadcameextended
to. that
the
(J.N- Surkar-House of Shivaji). But S.R. Sharuia believes
the Rajput sources do not reveal any such fact (SR. Sharma op. eit. 9.84).
I4, SIR, Sharma—op.cit. 9. 86.
 0
‘on whatever terms agreeable to him. Shyamsingh, son of Garibdas,*
and grandson of Maharana Karnasingh, who was then serving in
the army of Diler Khan, started overtures for settlemen', He paid a
visit to the Maharana and requested him to utilise the opportunity
of Akbar’s rebellion by making a settlement with the Mughal
Emperor, On his advice the Maharana sent Rawat am Shak-
tawat, Rawat Rulmangad and Kesarisingh to Ajmer. ‘The Maha-
ran alsy put forth certain claims, the important points of which
are as below. This letter was presented to the Emperor through
Sursingh and Narabari Bhatt,
I, Let Chittor with the Paragnas uf Malwa adjacent to it be
restored.
Let the conversion of Hindu temples and palaces into
miosqucs be discontinued.
3, No extra commands be imposed regarding deputation of
‘Mewar forces in the services of the Mughal Emperor,
4. Let the Marwar State be restored to the descendant of
Maharaja Jaswantsingh.
‘The Emperor issued a firmant? on February 23, 68! A.D. to
the Maharana, through Prince Muazzam, wherein he agreed to
maintain his status as per settlement made by Maharana Amarsingh
with Jahangir in 6l5 A.D, As regards his other demands, he assus
red to consider them sympathetically, provided he would appear
before Prince Azam in token ofhissubmission, When these negotia-
tions were in progress, 'rince Azan?® wrote to him on April 8, 68]
to make Akbar,the fugitive prince, captive, who was then proceeding
towards Mewar. The Mughal Emperor insisted upon his son Azam to
use his influence and dissuade the Maharana from extending any sort
of help to Akbar, Diler Khan, one of his commandants posted in
Mewar, took active part in these overtures, It seems that the
Mabarana apprehended some foul play on the part ofthe Mughal
5. सुशील हितीवलनयों बच wecrtarge: erg: af Prasat
XXII 2-5
6. Meeting to the leer publised in Vir Vinod (pp 659 to 6806 Miaka
ana alto
approval put
on somecondition
the demandsthat.before
le’ prince
would Avam. them,
follow fThe whea
Princefullgave.powersbis
were vested in him,
वा... पु Frman(ld
Maharana datedIfSofor I4, year 24 (rb. 23, 68I) from Muazzam to the
9. 65I-632),
38, ibid IL 9. 653.
 302
Emperor. Diler Khan, therefore, extended his assurance by writing
aletter?® on June 0, 68! A.D, Even then the Maharana still hesi-
tated and so Diler Khan surrendered his sons as hostages®® to the
camp of the Maharana, On his thus winning over the Maharana,
the Emperor was much pleased with Azam,20A
Meeting between Azam and the Maharana
‘A mecting between Azam and the Maharana was arranged at
Rajsamand! on June 4, 68i A.D, The Maharana with 7000
cavalry, 0,000 Infantry and leading chiefs attended that meeting,
Prince Azam alongwith Diler Khan,Hussain Ali Khan, Rathor Ram-
singh of Ratlam and Hada Kishansingh of Kotah welcomed him,
‘The Maharana?? made an offering of 500 Asharfies and 8 horses with
gold and silver trappings. The Prince embraced him and desired him
to sit on his lefi side. A Khilliat, an elephant, a dagger etc, were
given to him. The Prince also gave some assurances about restoration
of the Paraganas and reduction in the contingent. A sum of Rs. one
lakh was fixed as Jaziya. According to Masir-i-Alamgiri the Mabarana
agreed to surrender three paraganas namely Mandal, Pur and Badnor
in lieu of the Jaziya, But this arrangement seems to have been done
after August 68] A.D, and not at the time of the settlement, An
indemnity of 3 cror Dams was also fixed against the Maharana, Out
of this 40,000 were excused,
Grant of firman
On July 4, 68] A.D, the Maharana®® sent a letter to the
Mughal Emperor, which was duly acknowledged, As per agreement
‘a firman was granted on July 8, 68 A.D, (Rajjab 2, Sanneh Fulus
24), According to this, the Maharana was granted’? a Manasab of
5000 Zat and 6000 Sawars, The paraganas namely Pur, Mandal, Mu-
barakpur, Mar dalgarh and Badnor were granted to the Maharana,
79. ToldTKp. 653-654,
20, Masir-t-Alomgir!p, 328.
200. Arzdast from the vakil
(Indian Historieat to Maharaja
Records Commission of Jaipur dated August
I95t catalogue 23, I68]
of papers p. 85).A.D.
al. Maslr-indlamgir! p. 28/ RafPrashasti XXAIK 8I-5,
22. Tod
238, Akhabarat year 24 (Sitamau) Lf, 24,
eagh een
iene ne00 a220 perhaps on50 tie basof theede
Zar abd S000snare, 02%
298, Mabarana Rajsingh was having a Mansab of 6000 Zat and 6000 sawars
Maiti
ment of 6/5 A.D. oer sie phe sett
 305
Out of the indemnity payable by the Maharana the Emperor
granted remission of | cror and 40 lakh Dams. Instalments were
fixed for the balance. The Peslkask sent® by the Maliarana, consis
ting of4swords, | horse with gold embroided trappings, 6 swords
व Jamadhar ete, was received by the Emperor on July I6, 084,D,
Bakshi Muhammad Naim, attached with Prince Kambatthsh,
was detailed for delivery of thefirman to the Maharana, Before his
march, nine robes of honour, an elephant costing Rs. ॥0.000 & Janae
dhar costing Rs, 6000, and a horse with gold trappings were also
sent by the Mughal Emperor to the Maharana, On July 20, 68!
A.D. similar presents* sent by the Maharana to Prince Azam,
Muazzam, Diler Khan etc, were received. Muhammad?” Naim
started for Udaipur on July 25, 68] A.D, He remained there for a
few days after delivery of the firman and returned on August 3,
68i A.D, A sum of Ra, 4,000 was givent® to him as a reward by the
‘Maharana,
Relations with the Mughal Emperor (68 to I698 A. D.)
In spite of the settlement referred to above, Aurangjib avoided
his march to Deccan®* through Mewar, fearing sudden attacks by
the Rajputs, (Aug. 27, 68! A.D,). However, after the settlement of
268] A.D, relations between the Maharane and the Mughal Empe-
ror remained cordial, ‘The following points only remained as bone
of contention between them.
(0) Timely payment of Jaziya,
(2) Despatch of a contingent to Deccan,
(8) Restoration of three paraganas.
‘The firman granted to the Maharana doesnotcontain
any
specific order about the payment ofJaziya.® Prince Azam wrote a
letter to the Maharana, wherein he assured to recommend his
व ऋषएओ2«

ey ere
34, Pir-Vinod I 9. 656.
304
above claim, But, perhaps the Emperor was not prepared to give
any concession on this religious obligation. The Mahara na, there-
fore, in order to liquidate the payment of Jaziya paid some gold
coins worth Rupees | lacto Prince Azam. On Aug. 4, officer, 68l A. 00.
it was reported by Mubammad** Khan, the Mughal that
there was a difference of Rs. 3000 in the exchan ge value of these
Asharfies, However, this difference was waived, ‘This Peshkash of the
Maharana was sent to the Mughal 0.).. Emperor through Sanwaldast
and Kriparam (August 6, 068॥ 8. When the Mabarana did
not despatch his contingent to the Deccan,A.D.Prince Azam wrotet* a
‘Nithan to the Maharana on July 27, 684 for this purpose. He
comma
Jnsisted on early despatch of l000'sawars underisnotthe clear whethe nd of
some relative or atrustworthy chief, But itHowever, in 694 A D.,r
‘hese sawars were despatched at thatin time,
the Deccan."
the Mewar contingent was present ted paraganas namely
‘Asalready stated, the Empe hadto gran
ror
the Maharana, But the
por, Mandal, Mandalgarh, Badnor etc. a few or®® was
actual possession was not given. Afler ।7, 08days,A.D.Badn ). Ona false
granted to Sujansingh Sisodiya, ar,(August
Complaint from Muhammad Anaw theMaha chen Diwan of the paragana
of Par, about the invasion of the rana, his mansab w
. 20, I682 A.D.). When the
eraucedt™ by 00 Zat and 20 sawars not(Novgive
osersion of the Parogonas was In 690 A.D. n ¢o the Maharana, he
Fpcontinued payment of Jaziya, (Pur, Mandal) theandMugh al Emperor
granted Paraganas of Pur Bedn or to the
Rs, One lakh annu
Sraharana® in lieu of paymententof could ally towards
Gaciya. ‘Bot when this paym not be arranged regul arly
Jiece were again taken back, laia In 694 A-D., Badnor was undealr
Sujantingh Sizodiya, Ona comp t from a merchant about illeg
e 25,
seisure® of his hories, his mansab was reduced by 00 Zat (Jun
‘3h, Aihabarat year 24 LE 79.
38: Ibid Lf82.
St The Nishon (Joly 27, 68 A.D.) fom A am to the Maharana Vin
VinodXIp. 685-£rra66.
35, Akhaba yea 38Lf t94.
36. Ibidyear 2425Lf
32, Told year L349.
38, ‘The firma dated
n sawwa
669 sannch 34 from wasir Asad Khan to the nhMaha
lto9, 67).
‘Tans (Pir -Vin pp.
od
33, Akhatarat year 98 Lf 25
 305
694 A.D.) Similarly Mandalgarh also continued under the Mughal
Emperor. For afew years this poragana was taken on Izara by
Kunwar Amarsingh. ‘The Maharana failed to recover all these
paraganas, He remained badly engrossed in the domestic problems
during the Inter part of his life and did not show his earnestness
towards these affairs
Revolt of Prince Amarsingh
Prince Amarsingh, the eldest son and successor of Maharana
Jaisingh rose into rebellion against his father, Several causes are
ascribed to it, It is said that during the absence of his father he let
loose an infuriated clephant into the city, On such activities,
father reprimanded him, Being infuriated he went towards! Bundi,
"The chiefs of Mewar were divided, Amarsingh was joined by Rawat
Kesarisingh, Rawat Mahasingh, Maharaj Suratsingh, Udai Bhan
‘Jhala Sajja ete, ‘The Hada auxilliaries of 0,000 men of Bundi also
joined him, He also wrote two letters to Wazir Asad Khan‘? for
‘espousing his cause. But no active support from the Mughal Emperor
was received With the helpofhis army hesuccessfully captured
Udaipur city, ‘The Maharana, who desired to avert the civil war,
retired to Ghanerao, The Rathor contingent consisting of Durgadas*,
Sonang etc, also came forward to help him, The chief of Ghanerao
was sent to expostulate the Prince, At this a scitlement** was
reached according to which Amarsingh was given an esponage at Raj
Nagar and the Maharana agreed not to intercede in his affairs,
Bhim at the Mughal Court
At the time of this settlement with the Mughal Emperor the
Maharana’s younger brother Bhim was not present, Azam wi
anxious to know of his whereabouts. ‘The Maharana informed him
that he was no longer having good relations with him, The Emperor
attempted to win over Bhim, and Diler Khan was asked to contact
him, Afier much persuation Bhim met Diler Khan on July 26,
768] and gave his consent to serve under the imperial order, On
40. Vir-Vinod pp.732-24,
Al, Ibid pp.674to 680.
42 Prince Amarsingh sent Kushalsngh Sitodiya to enlist the support of the
smperor,
43. Prince Amarsingh appointed Kesarisingh Chauhan as Musshib and
Goverdhiandas Bhatnagar as his Pradhan,
44. Dr. Raghuvirsingh—op, cit. p, Me
306
recommendations of Diler Khan the Emperor granted him Bhatinda,
He was taken to the Emperor at Ajmer by Fateh Mamur‘, the son of
Diler Khan, where he waited upon the Emperor on August I!, 268),
He was received by some senior mansabdars namely Gajanfar Khan,
Muzzafar Khon and BakshinlsMulk Ruhilla Khan. The Emperor
bestowed the title of Raja!® upon him and a mansab of 4000 Zat and
3000 Sawars was given to him, He also attempted tomade have Mangrol
‘as Watan-J ugir but it was rejected . Therefo re, he a fiesh ap-
plication for Mou Maidan, which was granted afier much persuation
(December 24, 68! A.D.). He was kept at Ajmer and no active
service was given to him for some days, On his request he was
allowed to go to the Deccan but he could not reach there till August
Ll, 686 A.D, and died on August 26, 694 A.D, His son Azabsingh
waited upon the Emperor (August 2), 08] A.D.) who received him
favourably.
Bhagwantdlass”, the son of Arisingh, the younger brother of
Maharana Rujsingh, also desired to serve in the Mughal army and
requested for the same. A Jinan was issued to him on September
38, I68! A.D. for the above purpose, He was given audience on
November 24,!68! A.D, and was enlisted in the Imperial army,
Invasions upon Banswara (l686 A.D , 69l A D, and 698 A.D,)
Maharawal Azabsingh of Banswara remained hostle and did not
extend any help to the rulers of Mewar during their struggle with the
‘Mughals, In the years |600 A.D. and 69t A.D. the Mewar
‘army invaded his state aad defeated him badly. Again in the year
I698 A.D., the Mewar army gave him a crushing defeat, It seems
that the Maharawal was attempting to capture the Dangal territory,
‘The fighting came to an end when he had given an undertaking for
surrendering the said territory (0 the Maharaoa.
‘The Maharana expired on September 23, 698 A,D,, leaving
4sons, namely Amarsingh, Pratapsingh, Umedsingh and Takhtasingh
and four daughters behind him,
Abliabara9,t your 24 p. Lf. 49.
Te ibid.
Tid yearLe 303.
hid 25 Lf, 490,
१5 .हिल AeA ees रे फोज गाह काम RT [TheSonrpur
weeveription
BS eo 3४%a बाजी दोबाणमी वो oe काम ST (The Lobia
S255
iption).
(0) Maharana Amarsingh Il
On the death of Maharaua Jaisingh, his eldest son Amarsingh,
at Raj Nagar, proceeded towards Udaipur on
September 20, 698 A.D, for assuming seeptre, At Debari,
Damodardas Paucholi, the then Pradhan, with leading chiefs, senior
officers and notable citizens accorded hin a warm welcome, From
there Amarsingh proceeded towards Udaipur and entered the City in
ahuge procession, His usual coronation ceremony was observed
after ॥ few days in January 690 A.D,
Maharana Amarsingh possessed inborn greatness asa general
and administrator having enterprising ambitions. ‘The early years of
his veign were distinguished by the feats of his arms, He contrived
to chastise the rulers of Dungarpur, Banswara aud Devaliya, as these
rulersdid not present! themselves at_the timeofhis coronation, with
suitable offerings. He also intimated the Mughal Empernr® of this
impertinence on their part.
Invasion against Dungarpur (699 A.D.)
‘The Maharana despatched his furces against Dungarpur, under
the command of Damodardas Pancholi and Suratsiugh, ‘These
forces, on reaching Vagad, successfully laid waste the country and
defeated the forces of the Maharawal in an engagement held on the
bank of the river Som, An inscription’ of the 9th day of the dark
halfof Baisalh V.E. I755 (May 609 A.D.) incised on a pillar of the
Deva Somanath temple contains the accounts of this battle. The
Akhabaral® dated July 23, 609 A.D, also mentions the defeat of the
Te Aceoring to vere 74 the dmarsingh Abie Karyam (MS) i wan
Pesformed
Recording to. the Akhaborut dated July Wb, (635 A.D.(an. a4999
on the. Sth day dark half of Magh V e t s (736. rep AD.)
conveyed:
and fromof “Ranathamblor
accesion Amarsingh. Dutabut thetodeathbeincorect.
it seents of Malarana Jatsingh
2, Vir-Vinod pp. 755-76/Ojha II 9. 596.
3. Letter
‘Sanneh from Wazir28, Aud
43 (July (699) Khan to Maharans
(Shyamatdas CollectionAnuesingh
70.3...) ested Satur 0,
+ dec १७५६ eed fara धुदि ६ ge meres भी yueg ste amercraat
“गरपुर Bia (लेने) TAT जद इतरी AT शफल,..... «०0४ Deva Somanath
मत] I26(a).
8, Akhabarat year#3
808
forces of the Maharawal at the hands of those of Mewar. After
disastrous discomfiture, the Maharawal requested for peace and a
‘settlement was acrived at according to which he agreed® to pay a
sum of Rs, ,75,000 as booty. Out of this, Rupees one lac were
required to be paid in cash immediately and for the balance the
following instalments were fixed.
(7) Rs. 36,000 to be paid in V.E, 766 (I699 A.D.) at summer
harvest.
(2) Rs, 40,000 to be paid in V.E, 757 ((700 A.D.) at winter
harvest.
‘Ie seems that the cash payment of one lac, required to be paid
immediately, could not be liquidated by the Maharawal. Therefore,
‘Rawat Dwarkadas with a part of Mewar army was left in Vagad for
effecting the above recovery, All persuation having failed he adopted
vigorous measures and exerted pressure upon the Maharawal for
arranging early payment which resulted in recovery.
Complaint of the Maharawal of Dungarpur
‘Feeling indignated on ferocious activities of the Mewar army in
his state, the Maharawal lodged a false complaint to the
Emperor against the Maharana, wherein he stated that the latter bad
undertaken repairs to Chittor fort by violating the terms of the treaty
conducted’ by the ancestors of the Maharana with the Mughal
Emperors, He further added that the Maharana had chastised him
ashe did not agree to accompany him with his forces for carrying
out depredations in the Imperial territory. This complaint was
lodged? through Abdur-Rauf, a senior Mughal Officer. It was
conveyed to the Emperor by Ruhilla Khan.? The Emperor desired
to write astrong letter to the Maharana reprimanding him on his
hhostile action. Accordingly a letter}? was addressed to the Maharana
on July 28, '699 A.D. The Maharana’s छा named Ramray,
Baghmal and Prithviraj, who were then present in the Mughal court,
6 REvmansioghdated(MIEJethVinod
Agreement (75७0 executed byby Maharawal
5 ५.8, I755_(I756)
Sudi 90 जल]
2. Supra. 255.
8 Lette
Warlr dated Rabi T, 4Saftawat
fo रपये Sonneh 43(yasnidasCa
(August 20, lecton
[699 A.D.) RSA
from yee
Aund 70 Khan
9, Akhabarat year 44 Lf, 26(a).
{0 Sanneh
Letter from
48elyWasi23, Arad Khan Shyamaldas
to Maharana Calecon
AmartinghRS dated
60 A.D.) ay SaturAT!
 309
pleaded his case. As the Mughal Emperor was badly engrossed in
the affairs of the Deccan, he could not pay sufficient attention to it.
He also issued stringent orders to the Subedars of Malwa and Gujrat
to find out the facts When these officers enquired into the maiter
they found the complaint to be capricious and baseless,
Invasion against Banswara
Asalready stated, the relations between Maharana Jaisingh
and Maharawal of Banswara remained strained and the Mewar
army made invasio.s in Banswara state for occupying the Dangal
territory, According to an inscription’ of V,E.I754 (698A.D.) some
military officers of
the Banswara state were slain, while fighting with
the Mewar army. This shows .that the Mewar forces were already
engaged in Sighting in Banswara before the coronation of Maharana
Amarsingh IT.
On coming to the throne Maharana Amarsingh II invaded
Banswara state and in order to restrain the hostile activities of the
Maharawal, he captured the Dangal territory. Maharawal Azabsingh
could not makea stand against the Mewar army and lodged a
complaint to the Mughal Emperor against the intrusion of the Mewar
forces into his state. ‘The Maharana successfully pleaded his case in
the Mughal court by producing an agreement entered into by
Maharawal Kushalsingh, the father of Maharawal Azabsingh. The
Mughal authorities were satisiied by it. Wazir Asad Khant®
directed the Maharawal not to provoke hostility for restoration of the
said territory.
Invasion against Devaliya
‘The Maharana’s relations with the Devaliya state were also
strained, But no details of any engagement are known, Only a
reference to the Maharana’s invasion! into that state is available in
the letter dated 699 A.D. of Keshavdas Kayastha, written from the
Mughal court, wherein he advised the Maharana to shun the

IL. Letters datedto Farail

‘Asad Khan Muharram
Khan I,andSanseh 44 (Juneof 8,Gujeat
the Subedar 700.A.D.)
[ibid] from Wazir
Wa १७५४ बरवे बहाल वदि २ दिने नायक सरदार काम आब्या eres नी फोब आबो
हारे [The Satipole inscription of Banswars
I8, Letter from Wazir Asad Khan (o Rawal Azabsingh dated Zilkad Sannch 46
(April II, 702 A.D.) Vir Vinedp.747.
M4. [etter from Kayasth Keshavdas to the Maharana dated AJH. III] (I699
AD) ((0ldp.735).
$i0
aggressive attitude towards the Maharawat of Devaliya, According
to Akkabarat'® dated Dec, 4, 609 A.D., Maharawat Pratapsingh,
when detailed for duty to accompany Mukhtiyar Khan, the Subedar
of Malwa, informed the Emperor that the Maharana might intrude
in his state during his absence and he, therefore, wanted to continue
on his present posting at Kirach-Ghat. The Miperor acceded to
these proposals, The Maharana seems to have suspended his aggre-
es in that area looking to the displeasure of the Mughal
‘Tikadaur (699 A.D.)
Tn order to accomplish Tikadaur the Maharana collected a
large army sind marched towards Malpura via Bundi in 699 A.D.
His march towards Bundi was reported to the Emperor. (Sep. 0,
609 A.D.) On receiving the above news the Emperor was much
annoyed, He instructed his wazir to write a strong letter tothe
‘Maharana asking him to adhere to the old treaty with his house.
The Mansab of the Maharaja of Bundi was reduced by 500 Zat
and 200 sawars, The firman and Ahilliat, which were to be sent to
the Maharana, were kept in abeyance. Wazir Asad Khan" wrote
latter to the Maharana asking him as to why he moved with such
& large army without the approval of the Mughal authorities, (Sept,
699 A.D.). ‘The Maharana replied that he simply proceeded'*
toundertake a pilgrimage and was having no evil intention (Oct,
699 A.D.), The Mughal authorities were not pacified with his reply,
‘Asad Khan, the Wazir, instructed the Maharana not to move outside
his state with such huge army, without the permission of the
Emperor. In this way he could not carry out depredationsinthe
imperial territory of Malpura.
Mandalgarh, Badnor, Pur and Mandal
‘Another important factor which affected the Maharana’s
relations with the Mughal Emperor was of the paraganas of Mandal-
gath, Badnor, Pur and Mandal for which the Maharana had a rea-
sonable claim, This territory” was retained by the Mughal Emperor
TE Fei n EO ete ofofAer ned
7278No 02000/ ६of Wagiya -Nawis Ajmer dated Sa आ
RajabaN I,NsSale
Bsv7, {Bel D7 iad.
लि 0 Waste Asadee Khan to the’ Maharana dateddatedRabiK { Some 43
हद ughal 788). Emperor dated Karta
he Mps Sud
48.. §Ptioin
48 TSG (Oct /698 AD.)fo t(ld
the 20,Matarana ales
:
ta, Suprap302.
 al
in liew of the payment of Jaziya-tax, In the year I589 A.D., it was
agreed to by the Mahurana to pay asuin of Rs, one lac in cath to
have the paraganas redeemed. But this amount could not be paid in
stipulated time. Therefore, these Paraganas were taken hack by the
Emperor in 60 A.D, ‘The faragana of Mandalgarh®® was taken on
उद्भव at Rs, 3,03,000 per annum for the period 269 to I602 A.D,
and at Rs, 2,00,000 p.a, for the pericd 694 to 697 AD. by
Amarsingh himself during the life time of his father Maharana
Jaixingh, ‘The management of this paragana wus entrusted to his
nominee Mahasingh, Due to natural calamities in the years l692
and l694 A.J), the amount of /zara was reduced by I4000 and 44800
respectively. Later on the paraganas of Mandalgarh and Badnor were
assigned on May 28, 699 A.D. to Karansingh son of Jujarsingh
Rathor, raising hismansab to 700 Zat and 800 sawars, ‘The Maharana
who was desirous to get these paraganas back, became furious and
sent his forces against the Rathors, Saiyid Abdullals Nazim* managed
to check the above army by sending a strong force (Nov.
AD), The Maharana requested® the Emperor to cither keep24,699 these
paraganas under his direct control or grant them Lack ७ him, In
V.E, 750. (009) A.D. he wrote to some Mughal prince about the
ferocities of Rathor Ramsingh, the agent#of Karansingh Rathor
posted at Mandalgarh, Wazir Asad Khan also! wrote to the
Subedar of Ajmer for checking unlawful tresspass by the Rathors
of Mandalgarh in the udjoing territory of tne Mewar State, In
spite of growing opposition from the Maharana, the Rathors conti«
nued to have their possession over Mandalgarh, According to
Akhabarat its Fauzdor was Firoz Khan (July 6, 707 A.D.)
Similurly the paragana of Mandal was granted to Jagatsingh
Rathor** on August l4, 609 A.D,, who reached there on Aug. 30,
‘The Chundawats of Bhadu invaded Mandal and put him to great
difficulties. However, this paragana continuously remained under the
20, Vir=Vino ? pp. 732-794.
शी... Akhabarat dated May 3 and May 28, 699 A.D. (year 43,Lf.I0I(a) & 06),
22, Ibid Lf, 32 (b)/Vir-Vinod 9, 739.
28. Vir-Vinod pp. 789-40,
24, Arzi from the vakilsof Mewartothe Wazi Asad Khan V.E, I756 (700
‘A.D. (ibid 9, 740).
25, Letter from Wazit Asad Khan to the Subedar of Ajmer dated Zikad 4,
Sanne 44 (Apeil M4, I700 A.D. (ibid 742-48),
26, Akhabarat year 43 Lf, I98(b).
 झ2
possession of the Rathors for a considerable time. Nizam-ud-din
son of Khwaja Ali was appointed as the Thanedar of Rayala*”
(paragana Mandal) on July 25, 703 A.D., which proves that upto
that time this paragana was not under the occupation of the
Mabaran,
Mewar contingent in the Deccan.
The Maharana’s V.:sils Ramray, Baghmal, Kushalsingh Sak-
tawat, Jagrup cic. who were present in the Deccan, repeatedly
requested the Emperor to restore the paraganas Mandal, Pur,
Mandalgarh and Badnor, On July 24, !609 A.D,, a mansab of ॥00
Zat and I00 sawvars was bestowed upon Ramray.""* The Mewar con~
tingent present in the Deccan was detailed against Dhanaji Jadava
and a battle took place wherein Prithviraj,** one of the military off-
cers, displayed conspicuous gallantry. Soon afier this the contingent
relured to Mewar, ‘The Emperor again asked the Maharana for
sending 000 sawars to the Deccan, Wazir Asad Khan® also
laid stress on early despatch of the contingent, He also assured that
the firman and the paraganas would be granted thercafier, The
Maharana despatched a few sawars under the command of Mokham-
singh to accompany Azam Shah, ‘This contingent reported to the
above prince at his camp Nolai (BadasNagar) in Malwa, This
contingent, on reaching the Deccan, was detailed for duty on ¥eb,
44, 4708 A.D. under Nasarat Khan. Subsequently it was posted
under Islam™ Khanof Rampura on June 43, 703 A.D, to escort
the royal treasures going from Deccan, On its return from the above
service, this contingent was again posted under Nasarat Khan in the
Deccan.
‘The Mughal Emperor, who was present in the Deccan, did not
Jike to come into clash with the Maharana, On August 8, 699 A.D,
he sent the usual presents consisting of a horse and 200 Mohars to
the Maharana.™ On July I5 and 6,700 A.D. he also instructed to
keep ready the firman and Khilliats to be sent to the Maharana, But
27. ibidyear46 LE233,
QUA Ramray the Wakil of Mewar was given a mansab of }00 Zat and 00
‘Sawars (did year 49 L£29(b).
28. bid year48 E58)
29. Vir-Vinod p. 74L.
30, ibid.
SI. Athabarat year 47 Lf 229,
32. bid 47 L345,
33... ॥6 43 LE I24(a),
 8
‘except for an elephant, which was sent through Saiyid Azim ul-ullah,
the grant of other presents! and firman was deferred. The Maharana
also sent an elephant and 46 horses to prince Azam Shah, which®*
were received by him on Sept. 3, I70l A.D. In this way the
Maharana’s relations with the Mughal authorities were not very
satisinctory, although no military action was taken from any side,
Abu and Sirohi
‘The Maharana was also having a .covetous eye on the adjoin-
ing state of Sirohi, He managed to take this principality on Jzara
at Lcror Dams per annum (March 703 A.D.). But due to active
support of the Rathors, Devara king Durjansal of Sirohi interdicted
the Maharana from collecting the land revenue, On the Maharana’s
complaint the Subedar of Malwa wrote to Yusuf Ali, the Fauzdar,
igh from extending any sort ofhelp against
attempt bore no fruitful, result ‘The local
chaudharies and qanungos of the Sirohi State, who were also against
the authority of the Maharana, mongered mischievous news among
the public that the area had been taken back from the Mal
‘The Subedar of Malwa also instructed Ali Muhammad, the Fauedar,
to keep a strict watch on such sort of activities, But due to non-
support from local revenue-authorities, revenue could not be collected
fully and the Maharana had to handover the area back,
Rampura Affair
‘The Chandrawat Rajputshad been ruling at Rampura,
Gopalsingh, the then Chief, was dethroned by his son Ratansingh,
He lodged a complaint to the Mughal Emperor, who gave instruc-
tions to Mukhtiar Khan, the Subedar of Malwa, to make Ratansingh
captive (April 30, 699 A.D.). However, Ratansingh apostatised
from faith and embraced Islam, on the advice of Mukhtiar Khan,
On receiving the news, Gopalsingh with his 3 other sons left the
Mughal army without permission (April 27, 700 A.D.). The
Emperor appointed Sher Afghan on April 29 to make him captive,
Gopalsingh, however, managed to reach Malwa where he collected
34. tbid year 44 Lf 290(b) 277(a) 290(a)..
35. Vir-Vinodpp.46-77.
36, Ibidp.749.
37, Ibidp.749.
 34
a sizable army.®* (June I0). The Maharana® and Hada Ramsingh
also agreed to espouse his cause, Gopalsingh made an unsuccessful
attempt to capture Rampura by force. The Maharana gave shelter
to him and also asked the Chiefs of Malaka and Bajana to render
necessary help, Ratansingh (Islam Khan) intimated the fact to
Sayasta Khan, the Subedar of Malwa, Baghamal, the vakil of
Mewar was asked to report inthe matter. On constant pressure
from the Mughal authorities, he also executed a bond that the
information about active help of the Maharana to Copalsingh
supplied by Ratansingh (Islam Khan) was not altogether correct,
Te seems that the Maharana did not extend his whole hearted support
to Gopalsingh. At last, finding no supporter, Gopalsingh surren-
dered himself and appeared before the Mughal Emperor‘ (Octo-
ber, 6, 703 A.D.), His mansab was restored to him on February
3, 704 A.D.
‘War of succession and Mewar
On the death of Aurangjib in 7707 A.D. his surviving sons
plunged into bitter fratricidal struggles against the bequest of th
father, Both Muazzam and Azam wrote letters to the Mabarana
for secking necessary help. But the Maharana sent customary
presents and letter of congratulations to Muazzam only (April !7,
3707 A.D.), Prince Azan‘ succeeded to register necessary support
of big Rajput grandecs like Jaisingh and Ajitsingh. Col, Tod
mentions that the Maharana sent a contingent under the command
of a Shaktawat Chieffor the help of Muazzam. He also adds! that
a settlement was reached by the Maharana with the latter on certain
‘For want of the original document, nothing can be said with
ty on this point. It can be argued that when Azam had
granted many favours to the Rathors and other Rajput chiefs,
38. Akhabarat year4 L,6252.
39. Ibid L£254.
40. Vir-Vinod p.748.
4... Avhabarat year 47.6207.
42, TodLp, $6/Tevine-Later Mughals I pp. 22-23.
43. Thefollowingpoi (0(Tod, Ipp.3I5-845].
"व... Thereestablishment ofChittor asin the timeof Shah Jahan,
2° Prohibition of kine-killing.
3. ‘Therestoration of all thedistricts heldinthe reignof Shak Jahan,
4. Freedom
whose nestofisfaith (Akbar). worship as during the Govt, of
paradise and religious him
5. the king. shallbe
Whoever I receive no coutttenance from
6, The abrogation of the contingent of the service of the Deccan.”
 आ5
Muazzam could have also done the same to gain support from the
Maharana, Inthe battle field of Jajua, Prince Muazzam emarged
victorious on June 6, 707 A.D,
Invansion upon Mughal territory
During the war of succession the Maharana‘ proceeded in
June 707 A.D, to devastate the Mughal territory. Like his grand
father Rajsingh, he also proceeded via Pur, Mandal and Shahpura
etc. Perhaps he also succeeded to capture Pur and Mandal, He laid
fa sieges to Shabpura, but due to some amicable settlement he
raised the siege. On the request of Brahman Dalaram, he proceeded
towards Malpura in order to devastate the place and its adjoining
territory. Meanwhile, the war of succession came to an end and the
Maharana returned to Mewar. While he was on way, Umedsingh
the heir-apparent of Shahpura appeared before him at his camp at
Gurala and attempted to reconcile the scores, The Maharanatt
granted him the village Paroli. As per firmangranted to him on Nov,
I4, I708 A.D. the chief of Shahpura succeeded to seize Jahazpur by
ousting the Jagmalot Ranawats But he maintained cordial
relations with the Mabarana,
‘Tripple-Alliance (4708 A.D.)
Bahadur Shah, on coming to the throne made announcements
to follow the policy of conciliation and agreed not to punish any one
for fightihg against But Maharaja Jaisingh of Amer was not
allowed to keep his entire ancestral state and some part of it was
geanted to his younger brother Vijaysingh. The former attempted to
seek support from the Mabarana and Rathor Ajitsingh. On July 22,
and Aug. 25, 707 A.D. he communicated co the Maharana that
the Emperor was not happy with him, as he joined the side of Azam,
‘The Maharana gave him assurance for supporting his case and also
attempted to winover the support of Ghaziud-din Khan a powerful
Turani noble. At the same time, the Emperor was not happy with
Ajitsingh, who after the death ofAurangjib captured a major part
of Marwar including Jodhpur having expelled Imperial forces from
there (March 707) and was still having a rebellious and reftactory
44. Sodh Patrika Vol. XX No. | pp. 68-69,
45. Shohpura Rajya kl khyat (Sitamau MS.) Lf, 80-84.
48. Ibid.
47. V,8. Bhatnagar-Sawai Jaisingh and his Times pp. 43-45.
48, J, N, Sarkar—History of Jaipur (Sitamau MS) Chapter XIII p. 8.
 to this, in order to curb the power ofthese chiefs
the Emperor left Agra on Oct. 24. From his camp at Bhusawar
he appointed Mihrab Khan, as the Faugdar of Jodhpur. On
reaching Amer on January 7, 708 AD. the Emperor ordered for
its confiscation. Lateron, its mame was changed to Mominabad
(March l), Jaisingh’s request to have it on zara was also turned
down, Proceeding thence the Emperor reached Ajmer,
‘The Maharana was havingaclose watch on the activities of
the Mughals. Durgadas Rathor, who was then living in Mewar
since April 27, I707 A.D., was asked by the Maharana to proceed*?
towards Jodhpur. ‘The Maharana, looking to the grim political
situation, gave sane advice to Ajitsingh to refrain from fighting and
reconcile with the Emperor, When the Emperor was at Ajmer
Aijitsingh sent Mukandsingh and Bakhatsingh with a written request
of apology. Durgadas also made a petition for allowing him to attend
the Mughal court. The Emperor issued firmans to Ajitsingh and
Durgadas in the last week of January 708 A.D. Ajitsingh appeared
before the Emperor on February 72: and Durgadas on February 29.
Apart of Marwar State was granted to Ajitsingh, except Jodhpur
(Aprii I3), ‘The Rathors were notsatisfied by it, The Maharana
also sent his brother Takhatsingh with some presents, who waited’?
upon the Emperor on February 2l, at Medata, The Emperor in
return sent a jewelled dagger costing Rs. 5000 as a present to the
Maharana, The Emperor soon returned to Ajmer, ‘The Maharana
sent his heir-apparent® who waited upon him on March 2l, The
Emperor insiseed on the personal appearance of the Maharana,
which he avoided. His vakils, Baghamal, Jhala Kanha etc, requested
the Mughal Emperor, for the grant of the paraganas of Pur, Mandal,
Mandalgarh and Badnor, but their request was not acceded to, The
Emperor passed through Shahpura and Chittor, The Maharana
went towards the hilly tract inspite of the written assurances given
by Asad Khan videhis letter dated March I8, 708 A.D, As the
Maharana, defying the orders of the Mughal Emperor, did noe
present himself before him, the Emperor was much vexed, But as
49. Dr.Rabuvirsingh’s
Rahuvirsingh's paper
paper Rathor Durgadas
irgadas published ismimNeNagari Pea
published 2
50. Irvine-Later Mughals-I pp, 45-46.
Si. Achabarat of Babadur Shab’s reign Lif, L40.
52, Tevineelt. -op.9.49.
 any
he was busy with march towards south he avoided any battle at
that time,
Maharaja Ajitsingh and Jaisingh continued their march with
the Emperor in semi-taptivity with a hope to regain their ancestral
ates, The Emperor wanted to keep them away from their respective
states, so that they might not be able to creat any (rouble in his
‘absence, Durgadas, Champawat Mukanddas and many other nobles,
following Ajitsingh and Jaisingh, requested them to return without
waiting for any favourable response from the Emperor, They argued
that it would be quite difficult for them to return after crossing the
river Narbada, The Maharana, who was watching the entire
developments, intimated the same fact to them through Pancholi
Biharidas, On April 20, the Emperor left his camp"® at Mandaleshwat
for the next halt, Acting on the advice received, Maharaja Jaisingh
and Ajitsingh accompanied the Emperor for a few miles and having
deserted thereafter soon reached Devaliya, ‘They also informed the
Maharana that they were reaching Mewar for soliciting his help.
Proceeding from Devaliya, they reached Sadari on April 25, A lettet
was written" from there by Mukanddas to Bihatidas Pancholi, stat«
ing therein about the peaceful journey. Baghmal, the vakil of Mewar
in the Mughal court, also reached there, ‘These two rulers soon
reached village Gatawa (near Debari) where the Maharana came
in person to receive them, From there these rulers were taken to
Udaipur demonstrating due respects. Ajitsingh was lodged at
Krishna Vilas palace, while Jaisingh at Sarvaritu palace, On the
second day, ceremonial darbar was arranged by the Maharana,
wherein befitting welcome was accorded to these rulers, While
living at Udaipur, these rulers decided to regain their states by the
strength oftheir arms, ‘The Mal
hearted help to them, In this way a tripple alliance was effected,
Marriage of Ghandrakumari
Im order to cement their friendship, the Maharana agreed to
give away his daughter Chandrakumari in marriage to Maharaja
Jaisingh. Before solemnising™ the marriage certain (erms were
58. Tid Vie Vindp.70Jedipur Khyat वा 2. 82/Ojha-Hatory of Jodhpur
P.
54, Letter from Mukanddas to Pancholi Bibaridas dated Jyenth Vadi2 Vil
Yfo4 (April28 708 A.D) (Shyamaldas Collect. Leer No I064 ROA)
85. Vir Vinodpp.769-70.
36, Kapadadwara Jaipur Document No. I460.
 als
affianced to in writing by Mabaraja Jaisingh (May 26, 708 A.D.).
‘According to these the offspring ofthisqueen was to succeed him to
the throne irrespective of age and seniority among his sons. Besides
this, he also agreed to give her all other privileges admissible to a
chief qicen, The term of succession agreed to by Maharaja Jaisingh
was clearly a violation of the rule of primogeniture prevalent in the
Rajputs. It created a great trouble resulting ino a civil war,
Jaisingh, who was then in great need ofthe support of ‘the Maha-
Tana, accepted these terms,
Attempts for Negotiations
‘The Mughal Emperor, apprehending disturbance by the
Rajputs, issued a firman to Raja Jaisingh on the day he left the
imperial camp, wherein his mansab and patromony was restored to
him, But he doubted the sincerity of the Emperor. At the same
time Prince Jahandar Shah" wrote a Nishan on April 24, 708 A.D,
to the Mabarana asking him not to harbour the fugitive Rajas, who
had left the camp without permission, He added that these rulers
be asked to send their petitions apologiging to the Emperor, Nawab
Asafud-daula also wrote a similar letter to him, ‘The Maharana
sent®* x categorical reply stating that until the Watan-Jagirs were not
fully restored to them, Jaisingh and Ajitsingh would creat trouble.
Action against Jodhpur and Amer
‘The Maharana, on receipt of the Nisan from Jahandar Shab,
sent the applicationsofthese rulers through Mir-Sukraullah for
granting their patromonies to them, He waited for a period of2
months thinking that the Emperor might grant their states back to
them, But when no progress was seen, the alies decided to take pos-
session of the territories by the strength of their arms. The combi
ned Rajput forces laid a siege to Amer but failed. On June 9, the
Emperor was informed of the possibility of the joint action of the
Rajputs. He directed the Subedar of Mathura to suppress the distur-
ances of the Rajputs. On July 5, Jahandar Shah wrote a Nishan
tothe Maharana asking him to advise the Rajas to sit silent and
also to dismiss Chhabara Ramchandra, who’ made an abortive
attempt to capture Amer. On receipt of this letter, the Maharana
57. VirVinod pp. 773-774,
58. ‘The Maharana menioned clearly in his reply. “ght atta (waite और
अबीतसिह्) और दुर्गादास राठोड फसाद से जल्द बाज नहीं आवेंगे” [ibid 9. 778},
 झ9
stnt a customary reply. He, however, made it clear chatuntilthe
Watan-Jagirs® of the rulers were not restored to them the disturbance
might increase.
The next step of the allies was to lay a siege to Jodhpur.
Mihrab Khan, the Faugdar left the place as no reinforcement coald
be made available to him. (July 3,708 AD.). After afew days
Chhabra Ramchandra and Sanwaldas of Mewar again invaded Amer
and succeeded to capture it, afier defeating Saiyid Hussain Barha,
in the battle field of Kaladera®,
Battle of Sambhar
‘The Saiyids continued their attempt to capture Amer, For this
purpose, they collected a huge army. Necessary financial assistance
was also provided by the Emperor. Hearing of these developments,
Maharaja Jaisingh, Ajitsingh and Durgadas assembled" at Pushkar.
It was resolved that Durgadas be sent to Mewar for bringing the
Maharana himself to lead the army. But he could not proceed. The
combined army proceeded towards Ajmer and encamped near it,
but had to leave soon there being no proper*? arrangement for food-
stuff, and they were repulsed by the Subedar Shoja-at Khan Barha
‘Durgadas also joined them after 8 days, A battte was fought at
Sambhar which continued for about 4 hours, The Rajputs kept
themselves in ambush near the Devayani tank and made surprise
attack on the Saiyids. Several Mughal soldiers were slain including*®
Husain Khan Barha, Sanwaldas, the commandant of Mewar army,
also displayed conspicous gallantry.
59. ‘The Maharana alo replied to the Prince “असल हकीकत यह हैकि wa में जागीर
पाये बगैर इत कषौणों को ret नहों होगी और a pT aT है कि दिखुश्तान मे बड़ा
‘ware gar [ibid 9. 777].
60. Ajitodaya XVII pp. 34-35 /Suraj-Prakash U Chapter VI, p. 8l.
608. Narendeasingh-‘Thirty
P. Decisive Bate of Jaipur pp. 67-68/evine op ४/
Gl, Letter
465os (OctfcomiesManatani SieChaturbhuj J to BibaridasdatedKaul Budi IE VE.
[63 (ibid ।09] These rulers loft Pushker on faseKati dated
Budi, Kati
9. Budi? 0
entry No. 058 R.S A./Letter

GIA. the
According
Subedar to ofSatshehandra
Ajmer. thse(op.७॥ p.85) these
gta Rajputabeter
i were 0 repulsed
200४५ by
कणabasngt Chutucbhuj
cestin mention
No the’ noncarragemeat
‘also stated theof samme
food fat (dd
stall
058 R.A
62, एड
Letter768from[WdMahasani
No, 068Chaturbhuj
RS. As) to Pancholi Biharidas dated Kati SudiT
 320
Pur & Mandal captured
Sanwaldas, while returning from Sambbar was opposed by
Firoz Khan, the Fauzadar of Pur and Mandal and was slain while
fighting, Firox Khan, however, could not successfully confront the
Rajputs and left the field, In this way theseparaganas were recap-
tured by the Mewar army in 708 A.D.
Durgadas in Mewar
‘Afier the battle of Sambhar, Ajitsingh and Jaisingh
returned to their capitals, Durgadas was sent to Udaipur for conve-
ying some message to the Maharana, On reaching Udaipur,
looking to Ajitsingh’s resentment towards him, he did not show his
interest in returning to Marwar, Therefore, the Maharana allowed
him the Jagir of Vijaypur with a maintenance allowance of
Rs. 5,000/+, After a few days the viilage Sadari in Godawar ws
granted to him where he shifted his family.
Negotiations
‘As mentioned above, the Rajput rulers, clearly defying the
authority of the Mughals, successfully carried on their campaign.
Their success was a great blow to the Imperial prestige. Shuja-at-
Khan, the Governor of Ajmer, who failed to supress the disturbance of
the Rajputs, was replaced by Abdulla Khan, On receiving report
ofthe march of Abdulla Khan with his army, Jaisingh wanted to
intercept him on his way, But the Maharana gave him sane advice
not to indulge singly, but to take action in concert with Ajitsingh.
However, Shoja-at-Khan was reinstated in his office at Ajmer, In
the Mughal court a group of'the nobles headed by Munim Khan,
underestimating the strength and resources of these Rajput chiefs,
was in favour of adopting a stern policy towards them. But after the
battle of Sambhar, the Emperor himself was willing to settle this
problem. At the intercession of Prince Azim-ush-Shun, and Asad
Khan, on Oct. 6, 708 A.D. the states of Jaipur and Jodhpur were
restored to Jaisingh & Ajitsingh on the condition that they would
abolish their Thanas at Didwana and Sambbar" and accept appoint-
ment in Gujrat and Kabul respectively. This brought about an
uneasy truce, These Rajput Chiefs’ were not ready to go on their
63, TodTp,38.
64, -Raghuvirsiogh—Durgadas (MS)Lf,$9-f00,
65, Satishchandra—op. ६. pp. 35-36/V.S, Bhatnagar—p, cit, pp.
 अश
appointment to such far away places, Fresh negotiations were made
‘on this point, The Maharana,® who was actively supporting their
cause, also held correspondance with Ghaziud-din Khan and other
Mughal chiefs
After defeat and death of Kam Bakhsh on January 3, 709
A.D. the Emperor soon returned from the Deccan, News of the
rising of the Sikhs in the Punjab forced him for aspeedy solution
of the Rajput problem, He soon appointed Ghaziuddin Khan as
Governor of Ajmer, who was having cordial relations with the
Rajputs, On receiving report of the arrival of the Emperor, these
Rajput rulers made » plan to undertake a joint action against the
authority of (06 Mughals, ‘The Maharana, leaving Udaipur under
the charge of Rathor Durgadas, went towards hilly areas, Aji igh
and Jaisingh collected a huge army consisting of 70,000 cavary
which was ready for Iaunching an attack on Ajmer, The Emperor
did not like to indulge intoa war with the Rajputs. He, therefore,
sent a robe of honour and a horse to the Maharana on Jan. 7,
ITl0 A.D. He did not mind the Maharana’s hostile action in not
sending his heir apparent to wait upon him, when he was passing
so close to Mewar, At the request of Baghmal, the Vakil of Mewar,
he also changed his direction and did not pass through Mewar. On
reaching near Tonk, the Emperor gave orders to Mahabat Khanfor
‘and Chhatrashal Bundelato persuade Ajitsing® and Jaisingh was
their audience in the court. Afer much persuation a meeting
arranged on June ,I7l0A.D near Toda, Prince Azim-ush-Shan
was sent to escort both these rulers, A ceremonial darbar was held
wherein the rulers pretented themselves before the Emperor, After
the meeting they were allowed two month’s leave, However,Maha- their
appointment orders in Kabul and Gujrat were not cancelled,
raja Jaisingh consulted the Maharana, who advised him to settle
the matter after discussing with Ajitsingh, When these development
were going on the Maharana breathed his last on Dec. 0, 70 A.D.
Colo Tod has'* rightly mentions that the Maharana died “leaving
the reputation of an active and high minded prince, who well upheld
छा Lewter from the Mabarana to Jaisingh Kartik Budi 9 V. ४, I766 (Oct. 0,
4709 A.D.
Bideret000)
८८.867. Ailaha /00et
of‘Bahadur Shah's
0 bis ipod hades Bat
dated Jan, 7, 7i0,

4 (767,(Vir-Vinad pp. 78-83]- 5

69, Tod I pp. 32-22.
 322

his station and prosperity of his country notwithstanding the

anarchy of the period.” He played an important role, “Probably”?
he might have prevented Ajitsingh from drifting apart from other
Rajput princes—He played the nobles role of his life when he led
theKachhawa and the Rathors out of the storm to success and
victory.””
Construction of Kankroli Temple
During the reign of Maharana Rajsingh, when the icon of
Dwarkadhish was brought to Mewar, it was installed at village
Asotiya, In V.E, 75 (604 A.D.) due to heavy flood, the temple
was enshrouded with water. The icon was removed from there
with difficulty. Kunwar Amarsingh, who was then ruling at
Rajasamand, managed to installed the icon ata Haveli situated
between Darikhana and the Mangari, Maharana Jaisingh gave
away the village Amaloi to Goshwami Brij Bhushanji in V.E, 763.
The work of construction of the temple continued, which was
completed in V.E. 756 (700 A.D.)
The Maharana also granted a village Dadhalya to the
डाक temple in V.E. 765(708 A.D.). On the bank of Pichhola,
Dhaneshwar temple was got constructed by the family of Soni
Kasidas in V.E, l76l. The Vaidhyanath temple inscription of
V.E. पार mentions of construction of some palaces by the
‘Maharana.

70. V. 8. Bhatoager—op, eit. pp, 89-84,

 (0) Maharana Sangramsingh Il

After the death of Maharana Amarsingh II in I70 A.D. his

son Sangramsingh II succeeded? him, His coronation ceremony was
observed in April, 7Il A.D.
Relations with the Mughal Emperor
Maharana Amarsingh IT attempted to get the firmanof the
Paraganas of Pur, Mandal, Mandalgarh and Badnor, which he had
successfully seized in 708 A.D, and were still in his posses sion, On
persistant efforts by his Vakil in the Mughal Court the firman
granted, but before it could reach him, Maharana Amars
breathed his last. At this, the Mughal officer on way for this ingh duty,
was recalled? After the death of Maharana Amarsingh, the poss
lity of the invasion of the Mughal Emperor against the Rajput states
of Amer, Jodhpur and Mewar increased. Maharaja Jaisin gh® appre-
hending the invasion, strongly urged the new Maharana to contact the
Marathas for intruding into Malwa, As already stated, Mabarana
Amarsingh strove hard to get Ajitsingh and,Maharaja Jaisingh recon-
ciled with the Emperor. But both of them were not satisfied on the
point of their postings. Therefore, inspite of repeated summons from
the court, they were relunctant to appear. Even after
Narnaul in Jan, 744, they leisurely covered a distance ofafewreachi miles
ng
upto Delhi, within a period of about 6 months. Such
of these rulers were seriously noticed by the E..peror.defianThet activit ies
Vakil present in the Mughal court reported this matter Mewar
Maharana, The whole atmosphere in the Mughal Court had todeve. the

|, Gol: Tod mentions the date of accession of Sangramsingh as I7I6 AD, but
the Vaidyanath inscription specifically mentions it in the year V.B, 767
(ITIL A.D.) which is also corroborated from other contemporary records,
Vir-Vinod Uf, 9. 938.
Letter from Jaisingh to Biharidas dated January9, 77॥ A.D, (J8A)
4. The Mewar Vakils report dated Bhadawa Sudi I2 V.E. 768 (Vir-Vinoad
pp. 943-58). Letter from Kanhaji Jhala to Biharidas (Shyamaldas collec-
tion RSA No. 25),
$24

loped against the Rajput Chiefs.* Except the usual mansab no firman
of the paraganas ofPur, Mandal etc. was bestowed upon Maharana
Sangramsingh II by Emperor Bahadur Shah.
Invasion by Ranabaz Khan Mewati.
The Paraganas of Pur, Mandal and Badnor were granted to
‘Ranabaz Khan Mewati and Mandalgarh was bestowed upon Rathor
Indrasingh. (February/March I7I A.D.), Indrasingh, knowing that
the paragana granted to him was a bone of contention, did not
attempt to take possession, But Ranabaz Khan, at the instance of
Prince Muizud-din and Zulieigar Khan, proceeded against Mewar.
Prince Azim-ush-Shan communicated a massage’ to the Maharana
that he should not be allowed to take possession of these paraganas.
‘According toa contemporary work Mahava-Yasha-Prakash Ranabaz
Khan was accompanied by Sardar Khan, Nahar Khan, Firoz Khan,
Dale! Khan ete. On receiving intelligence of his march, the Maharana
decided to intercept him on the border of Mewar. For this purpose
he despatched a large army headed by the Chiefs, Chauhan Deva-
bhan (Kothariya), Rathor Suratsingh, Sanga (Devagarh), Dodiya
Hathisingh, Gangadas (Bansi), Jhala Sajja (Delawara), Rathor
Jaisingh (Badnor), Samantsingh (Bambhora) etc, In an engagement
held at Bandhanwara Ranabaz Khan together with his chiefs w:
slain and the Maharana succeeded to retain the paraganas in his
possession.
A divergence of opinion exis as to who killed Ranabaz Khan.
Jaisingh of the family of Badnor, Samantsingh ofBambhora and
Mahasingh of the Kanod family are described in different sources to
have killed him. But the contemporary work Mahava-Yasha-Prakash
composed by Asiya Mansingh, in 768 (I7I| A.D.), mentions
‘Mahasingh as the killer of Ranabaz Khan whom the Mabarana had
also honoured by making some grants.
5. Some incidents
carrying a tookofthe
letter placewhichalso
Mabarana added
were made fuelcapative
to the fire. Some Sikhs
fara, his mater was alo broughtfo the atic of heby 82000, the Governor
Jab of
ar Sbah made complaints ofthe h o s t i l e activities
Othergrosp,wa aie active,Aum shanequated the Meharaoa ofthe Rajput Ohi
srranging a largescaleMaratha depredations in Malwa (V. 3. Bhataa
Life and Times of Sawai Jaisingh pp. 97-89). ee
6. Vir-Vinod
pp.438-39,
4. Whid/Ojha TE pp. 6-6i4/Varada Vel. XXII No, 4 pp. 40-4.
8. The Vaidyanath temple inscription also mentions of the same fact
इरेलबानो रणरंगघीरस्त मानरिहो gf संबदात ।
 ड़
When the news ofthe defeat बात death of Ranabaz Khan
Mewati reached the Emperor at Lahore a group of the Senior
Mughal Officers was much annoyed, But no concrete action could
be taken against Mewar as Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah brea-
thed his last (Feb, 27, 72 A.D.) and_his sons soon plunged into a
bitter fratricidal war ofsuccewion, ‘The leading Rajput rulers did
not show any inclination to take sides in it, Raja Pratapsingh, the
uncle of the Maharana, was already present at Lahore and was
tryingtopropitiate the Emperor, But he too refrained from taking
any sides, Jahandar Shah emerged successful in the battle,but remaie
ned in power only for a period of 8 months and was subsequently
defeated by Farrukhshiyar with the help of the two
Relations with Farrukhsiyar
‘The Maharana maintained cordial relations with Farrukhe
shiyar, Soon after his coronation the Maharana sent due presents
with Thakur? Kushalsingh of Vijaypur, The Maharana’s uncle
Pratapsingh was granted Toda Raisingh by the Emperor, At the
instance of Maharaja Jaisingh,the firman originally granted by Bae
hadur Shah to the Maharana was also ratified by the new Emperor!
(April, 778 A.D.) Moreover, a firman of paragana Haveli was also
issued on Nov, 9,)7I6A.D, granting a Jagir of 7,27,60,000 Dams to the
Maharana®, Biharidas Pancholi of Mewar remained in close contact
with the Emperor, By his efforts the Maharana could get the firman
of Paragana Rampura®® and the permission to construct ‘Tripoliyal®
gate in the palace of Udaipur. So far the rulers of Mewar had rema-
ined isolated from the affairs of the Mughal court. They had no
Iucrative ambitions for the territorial expansion and confined their
demands to the ancient states of Sirohi, Idar and also of Dungarpur,
Banswara and Devaliya, Maharaja Jaisingh played an important role
9. V.S, Bhatnagar—op.eit. 9. L00.
40, (bidp..04,
IL. Kapadawara Document (Jaipur) No. 644.
I2, tld
of Dec.No, 5,647.722 Teas35६७७ to havein. beenthe Descriptive
mentioned issued on March
lit ofI2. ‘the7)4documer
A.D. instead
the Kapadadwara
document contains collection ofJaipur
the mention of 3rd(N.A.L.)
fegaalI97l
year,p. which
07.. ‘Thebelongs.
originalto
the reignof Farrukhsiyar. Similarly document No, 656 issued in the 5th
regaal year sccm (o have been issued on Sept. I6, (7I6 A.D. instead of
June, 4724 A.D. (ibid p. 9]
3, 'Vir-Vinod9.956,
 326
and had predominating influence on the Maharana, By his efforts,
the Emperor granted the firman of the states of Dungarpur, Bans-
wara'¥ and Devaliya to the Mabarana, in the 6th regnal year, When
the Emperor reimposed abnoxious tax of Jaziya, he wrote a firman
mentioning of the circumstances that compelled him to take the
decision under the instance of the Sharif of the Mecca,
Rampura Affairs
As already stated, Ratansingh son of Gopalsingh had embra-
ced Islam and was known as Islam Khan, He was given the title
of Muslim Khan! by Bahadur Shah on August 3, 707 A. D.
Gopalsingh’s other son Himatsingh made an unsuccessful attempt
with the help of the Maharana to capture Rampura (September 4,
I709A.D.). After the death of Ratansingh in the battlefield of
‘Sunera (Nov. 8,7I2 A.D.) his son Badansingh succeeded him, Soon
after some disturbances were reported in the area, It was then
granted to the Maharana on the condition that he would pay!” &
sum ofRs, 50,000asPeshakash and would suppress the rebellion,
‘At the instance of the Maharana, Gopalsingh made an attack upon
Rampura and captured it (December I7I4 A.D.). Maharaja
Jaisingh attempted ६0 reconcile! between Gopalsingh and his
grandson Badansingh (January 7I5 A.D.). But Badansingh was
not satisfied with this arrangement and broke into rebellion. He
soon recaptured Rampura. (March 76 A.D.), In the vicinity of
Mandsaur, Rubella Dost Muhammad and Prithvisingh of Devaliya
created troubles. Taking necessary military assistance from Ruhella
Dost Muhammad, Gopalsingh recaptured Rampura by killing
Badansingh®® (May 76 A.D.). Reconciling with the Maharana,
he also succeeded to get the rman of this area from the Mughal
Emperor (July 70 A.D.). The Mughal Emperor granted this
‘paragana to the Maharana on payment of Rs. one lakh as Peshakash
My Mirat-l-Ahmadt (GOS. Nu. 43) p. I90.
45.._ Vir-Finod pp.954-955.
i6. Akhabarat Bahadurshahi dated August 3, 707 AD.
47, Kapadadwara Jaipur Document No, 647/See also supra fa, 2..
48, Athabarat (Farrukhshiyar, (Sitamau) Vol. I f. 273/ए० If. 08,
I9, bidp.246, 225, 294-5 and 32.
20, Letter from Maharana Sangramsingh to Maharaja Jaisingh dated
Sawan Budi Il, VE, 4774 (August I77) J.8.A,
 उश
(Sept. 6, 76 8,0,), The Maharana heartily desired to remove?
the Chandrawats from Rampura, He therefore wrote a letter to Mae
haraja Jaisingh urging him for the same, The Maharana despatched
his army under the commands of Pancholi Biharidas, Bharatsingh®
of Shahpura, Rathor Durgadas etc. This army marched via Dungar-
pur, Maharaja Jaisingh also sent Dhabai Roopram# and Kiratsingh
to Rampura to help the Mewar army, ‘The Ruhella, on receiving
information of their arrival, soon evacuated the place which was
captured by the Mewar army. For purpose of having effective
control by the Maharana, Gopalsingh was persuaded to surrender a
part of his state to the Mewar Govt, He was, therefore, takento
Udaipur, where he entered into an agreement on August 270, I47
A.D. with the Maharana, according to which land yielding a total
revenue of Rs. 8,76,775 was made over to the Maharana, Another
refractory element was Ratansingh’s other son Sangramsingh who
was then living at Bhanpura, Durgadas! persuaded him to
surrender to the Maharana like his grandfather, He was taken to
Udaipur in August I72] A.D, where he agreed to owe his allegiance
to the Maharana, In Nov, 727 A.D, while pursuing Chittarsingh
Hada, Durjansal Hada penetrated into Rampura territory and
created trouble, Sangramsingh, escaped and maniged® to get
the Jirmanof Rampura from the Emperor, but while on his way he
was killed at the instance of Maharaja Jaisingh, Thus the Maharana
retained a part of Rampura till it was granted to Bhane)
208, Kapadadwara Jaipur Document No. 656,
24, Tt seems that Bharatsingh was asured of a geant ofapart of Rampura on
July 2, ॥77 AD (Shahpura Rajya Kt Khyat MS I pp. t0%-I08),
2, Letter from Kiratsingh to Mi Iaisingh dated July 47, ॥70 A.D.
(Indian Historical Records Commission, Catalogu eofRecords (Jaipur
session) p88,
28, Kavirajn Shyamaldas collection No. l04# (RSA) Vir-Vinod pp. 975-76/.
‘According to this apportionment, the Maharana received the parapanas
of Haveli, Amad, Pathar, Dantoli, Antari, Sanjet, Chandawas, and
Sankhodar having45 villages and Rs. 3,76,778 as revenue,
retained the Paraganas of Rampurs, Kamala, Garoth, and Gopalsin
a part
gh
of
Sankhodhar having arevenue of Rs; 40000L.
238. Kaviraja Shyamladas collection (RSA) No. 044,
24... ए. 8, Bhatnagar Op-ct ps 93,
 338

Madhosingh®4 (son of Sawai Jaisingh from Chondra Kumari) in

738 A.D,
Relations with Dungarpur +
According to the fiman ised by the Mughal Emperor, the
states of Dungarpur, Banswara and Devaliya were assigned to the
Maha ana, ‘The Maharana sent an army to Dungarpur under the
‘commands of Rathor Durgadas, Biharidas, Bharatsingh of Shahpura
etc, in May* 7]7 A.D. When it reached Dungarpur, the Maha-
rawal agreed to pay a sum ofRs,I,26,000. Biharidas immediately
left for Rarapura and after settling its affairs, he returned via
Devaliya and Banswara, When he reached Phalod in the territory
of Dungarpur, an agreement was entered into by the Maharawal on
September 27, I77 A.D., according to which he agreed to surrens
der an elephant named Dantila® together with Rs, 25,000, When
Maharawal Ramsingh expired and Shivsingh succeeded, he visited
‘Udaipur after his coronation and agreed to pay a sum of Rs, 4,00,000
as Talawwar Bandi.
Relations with Banswara :
Pancholi Biharidas, while returning from Rampura in Septem-
ber I7I7 A.D., visited Banswara and compelled Maharawal Bishi
singh to pay a sum of Rs, 26,000 together with an elephant™, After
few years when the Maharana sent his army against Idar in 728
A.D,, the Maharawal did not join it. At this the Maharana vent an
army under the commands of Dhabhai Nagraj and Pancholi Kanha
against Banswara, ‘The Maharawal could not resist it and agreed
to pay a sum of Rs, 85,000 to the Mewar state.
Relations with Pratapgarh :
Maharawat Prithvisingh of Devaliya was very ambitious, At

TatsiAccordlag
248. Kapadadwara
i803) tr to Parawona, 77777
dated Cites ४0 7 ४8.786 (Mae ej29
Jaipur Document No. 428, 35, 9, 437, 479, 493 and.
7777
ranted whimandonthe condition
(600 "३६0०0 i000 hres fortl pp. mentese would
sx 975-976, auive toe sate
nnd’ therea(tes with wit
S000
‘Sawars and 3000 horses./ Vir-Vinod
26, विश महाराजाधिराज महाराणा श्री संवक्षिष बी आदेशादु age पंचोलो बिहारीदास
काका! भारयसिहुनी we १७७३ नेठ बदि (४ (Deve Somnath, oserpticn)
{also see Kaviraja Shyamaldas collection Let er No. I058 (R S.A.)
28. Vir-Vinod 9. \0I0/tbi4-2035) p. I0I4/tbid-I085 pp, I034-85,
27. Ibid-r038.
(39, Ibid-t08s.
28. bid-t085,
 329
first he maintained good relations with the Mughal Emperors,*?
Bahadur Shah granted him a firman of the paragana of Basad
(August I, 709 A,D,). His Mansab was increased to 000 Zat and
700 sawars, He also received 8 firman from Jahandar Shah on
April 2, 72 A.D, Farrukhshiyar also treated him favourably as
is evident from the firman dated March 4, 7I4A.D. But soon
alier he changed his mind and adopted a hostile attitude towards
the Mughal authoritiesofMalwa, A complaint was lodged against
him on November 8, 76 A.D, by Maharaja Jaisingh. He was also
assisted by the refractory Chief of Rampura, The Emperor ordered
Kutab-ulMulk to enquire into the matter. Meanwhile, the
Maharana received the firman of this state, His army sent under
the command of Rathor Durgadas and Pancholi Biharidas visited
Devaliya, while returning from® Rampura, Prithvisingh, the
Maharawat of Devaliya, agreed (० surrender, but no details of the
agreernent are available, The Maharana granted the paragana"® of
Dhariyawad to his son,
Relations with Shabpura ;
During the last days of Maharana Amarsingh the paragana of
‘Jhazpur was bestowed upon Bharatsingh, the chiel’ of Shahpura'
(November [4, 708 A.D). Jagamalot Ranawats, who were living
in the area, protested against the authority of Shahpura, However,
Bharatsingh succeeded to capture Pander, Beri, Sakargarh etc.%
‘The Chief of Banera also attempted to take Jahaypur"* on Jara,
Similarly, a dispute between both these families wrangled about
the boundaries of village Musa etc, Biharidas Pancholi urged both of
them 0 come to an amicable" settlement (I7 A.D.), The
‘Maharana sent Biharidas Pancholi to bring the ObiefofShahpura®*
to Udaipur, A usual Peshawai was given to him (I7l7 A.D.). ‘The
Maharana was in need
ofhis help for suppresting the rebellion of

80, G. मे, Ojha Pratepgarh RojyakaIihas pp.202-203,

3I. Akhabarat (Farukhsiyar) dated Nov, 8, I7/6 A.D.
32, Letter from Durgadas to Biharidas dated Ka Budi 6, V.B, ॥774
(Shyamaidas collectionNo,078 R 5.8.).
33. G. मे, Ofha—Pratapgarh RojyaKaIiihas9.203.
34. Shahpura Rajya Ki Khyat MSVol., P. 80-84,
35, Ibidpp. 90-94.
36, Letter from Sultansingh of Banera to his mother Indrechi dated Nov. 0,
¥709 A.D.
37, Shaipura Rajya ki-Khvat MS Vol, I, £98,
330
the Chandrawats. Therefore, he also agreed to grant some
villages of Rampura® to him. But Bharatsingh was not satisfied
and desired some land in the vicinity of Shahpura. The Maharanay
therefore, granted the pataganas of Jahazpur and Phuliya’® and a
village Devali (Paragana Bhinai) to Kunwar Umedsingh of Shahpura
on making payment of the Peshakash of Rs. 7,000,700! and 200!
respectively. The Maharana also requested Sawai Jaisingh'? to
help Umedsingh in establishing his authority over these paraganas.
Help to Abhaysingh :
Maharaja Ajitsingh’s son Bakhtasingh abetted by his elder
brother Abhaysingh to commit patricide, assassinated his father
(724 8,0.)... पक heinous murder was very much resented by the
people. A group of chiefs boldly supported Anandsingh and
Raisingh, the sons of Ajitsingh. A malignant disorder prevailed in
Marwar, Abhaysingh was then present at Delhi, The Emperor
recognised him as the ruler of Marwar and granted him a mansab of
7000 Zat and 7000 Sawars, with the title of Raj Rajeshwar, Sawai
Jaisingh, who played an important role, openly supported the
pretensions of Abhaysingh and detached alarge army against
Anandsingh and Raisingh. On the request of Sawai .Jaisingh"
the Maharana also sent his forces under the command of Pancholi
Kanha (October 724 A.D,). This army remained in Marwar
for a few months and was called back* in June 725 A.D.
Idar-Affairs +
‘The Mabarana was desirous to take Idar in his possession, On
the advice of Sawai Jaisingh, he also sent a Hund! of Rs, | lac to him
and requested him to handover! its patla to Solanky Ramsingh
being sent for this purpose (August 722A. D.), But it could not.
materialise. Meanwhile, Anandsingh and Raisingh succeeded in
making their hold on Idar. On the advice of Sawai Jaisingh,

38, Ibid pp. I0I-I03.

39, Muchaika
pp. 972-973).of Kumat Umedsingh dated Kati Sudi I2 Vk. (785 (Vir-Vinod
40, Letter from Mabarana Sangrarasingh to Sawai Jaitingh dated Sawan
Budi 6 V.E. I788 (J.S.A.),
4L, Letter fromMaharajaSa ४ Jaisingh to Dhabhai Nagra} dated Magasir
304 6 V.E. I78) (Nov. inagar op.ell. ps |
42, V.S. Bhatnagar op. cit.
43. Letter from Maharana Sangramsingh to Sawai isingh dated Bhadaws
Bodi V.E. 779 (Shyamaldas Collect
 (|
Abhaysingh agreed to handover this place to the Maharana on the
condition that the latter would put Anandsingh and Raisingh to
death, The Mewar army sent under the commands of Saktawat
Jaisingh (Bhindar) and Dhabhai Nagraj captured Idar, However,
‘Anandsingh and Raisingh managed to escape from there and went
to Sirohi. ‘The Mewar army chased them and compelled them to
leave the said place, After carrying out plundering raids near
Jetaran, both these rebel brothers surrendered before the
Maharana.* ‘They were taken to Udaipur, On persistent efforts
of SawaiJaisingh Idar was granted back to them, on their giving
the pledge that they would not create disturbances and would not
Teave Udaipur,
Maratha raids +
In 7! A.D, the Marathas crossed the Narmada and penetra-
ted into the Northern India. Vigorous resistance was deemed
necessary to save the imperial territory of Malwa from their regular
inroads. In October 7!6 A. D. instructions were** sent to the
various chiefs for sending military contingents to the Deputy
Governor of Malwa, The Maharana despatched his forces under
Pancholi Biharidas. According to the Kiyat of Shahpura the
Maharana sent his forces under the command of the ChiefofDhikola
also against the Maratha free booters, and succeeded in expelling
them from Jiran, Gangdhar etc. Biharidast” with a contigent of
25000 soldiers was having his camp near Rampura, where the
Ruhillas were also taking position (Jan, 778 A.D.) At this time
Dhabad, a Maratha officer entered into Malwa. In an encounter
with them, wo officers of Amer named‘ Ruparam and Bhatia
Himatrai, were made captives. But they managed to get free with
the help of Biharidas (February 778 A.D.), In 724 A.D. and 726
A.D. the Marathas again created disturbances in Mewar, The
‘Maharana sent his Vakil to Sawai Jaisingh for taking necessary!
“44, Letters dated Asad
the Maharana Budi of7 V.E.
and letter 784 from
thisdate from Maharaja
Maharaja Abbaysingh
Sawai Jaisingh
to theto
‘Mahargna (Vir-Vinod p. 967-99),
45, Letter from Maharaja Abhaysingh to Maharana dated Bhodawa Budi 2,
३.8. 785 (ibid 9. 970).
46, Dr. Raghuvirsingh’s paper inSardesai Commemoration Volume, p. 64,
47. Letter from Keshavadas to Maharaja Jaisingh February 20, !7I8 (Jaipur
records Hindi Vol. V (Sitamau) p. 00.
48, KS. Gupta—Mewar and the Maratha relations p. 2,
48 Kapadedvara. Jaipur, Document No, G54, (Desh Budi 5, 7B (ow. 24,
724 A.D.) Jaipur Records (Sitamau) Vol. V p. 78.
 332
steps against the Marathas. In I725 A.D, Gopal Pant and
Appaji Pant, two Maratha envoys, visited Udaipur to persuade
the Maharana to use his influence in the Mughal Court for recog-
nising their claim for collecting Ghauthin Malwa, In 726 A.D,
Jadu Rai a Vakil of Shahu visited Udaipur and requested the
Maharana to convass help in the Mughal court for securing the
chauth of Gujeat, His proposals to get Shahu enlisted as Imperial
Mansabdar with a Jagir worth Rs, Ten lacs in each of the provinces
of Gujcat and Malwa were recommanded by the Maharana and
Jaisingh, Shabu also urged to his officers named® Udaji Panwar,
Khanderao, Pilaji Gaikwar, Udai Kanwar etc, not to creat any
disturbance in the territory of Mewar. In spite of this appeal wide-
spread disturbances of the Marathas took place in Mewar. The
Mabarana apprehending further expansion of the activities of the
Marathas requested Sawai Jaisingh to take timely steps against™
them, But no such action was taken. In order to maintain good
relations with Shahu, the Maharana sent Deepsingh, Mansaram and
Baghsingh to his court. On his request a copy of Bkling-Stawan
was also sent to him,
In 732 A.D., when Sawai Jaisingh was appointed as the
Governor of Malwa, he entered into an agreement with the
Maharana, According to this, the Maharana was required to con-
tribute 9000 sawars and 9000 pyadas as against! 24000 sawars and
24000 fyadas to be contributed by Sawai Jaisingh, The division of
the revenue ofthis province was agreed to at the ratio of ] : 2 bet-
ween the Mewar and the Jaipur States, But this agreement could
not be acted upon for a long time, Due to pressure from the
Marathas this confederate military arrangement proved unsuccess-
ful. A battle was fought at Mandsaur in February 733 A.D. in
which the Rajputs were badly defeated. They were required to pay
& sum of Rs, 5 lacs to the Marathas,
Bundi-Affairs :
Hada Budhsingh lost his state and served under Sawai
in Malwa (I7I5 A.D.), Though with the help of Sawai Jai
he got back the firmanofhis state (May 76 4.D,), but could not
maintain peace in his territory. His relations with his Kachhawa-
50, Tbid Documents No, 306, 508, 509, I5I0 and 543,
Si, Jaipur Records (Hindi) (Sitamau) Vol V, f, 65-68.
52, Tid,
 333
queen, on the point of his son Bhawanisingh, remained strained.
Sawai Jaisingh, lateron, got him dethroned and instated Dalelsingh
‘on May I0, 730 A.D. Budhsingh first visited Udaipur, but the
Maharana did not relish his esoteric activities of Kaula-Sampradaya
and opetily declined (o help him against the designs of Sawai J
singh. Therefore, he went to Begun. His favourite queen attempte d
to secure help [rom the Marathas and on April 22, 734 A.D.
Bundi was regained (or a few days. The intenstine (ends created a
great trouble and encouraged the Marathas to take active part in the
family affairs of the Rajput chiefs. on Jan. ], ।734
‘Maharana Sangramsingh breathed his lasthuma ne behaviour,
A.D. Many ancedotes are pupular about his
charitres etc, During his reign, greater portion of the alienated
territory of his state was regained,
Inscription:
‘The inscriptions engraved in the Vaidhyanaih temple of Sisa-
rama and Dakshinamurti temple of Udaib ur and stepwe ll inscriptions
of Eklingji and Bedla are notworthy,five ‘The Vaidh yanat h' inscrip-
tion of V.E,॥777 is divided into parts (prala ranas) , lis first
rulers of Mewar, In the
part refers to the traditional account of theis descri
‘second part the battle with the Mewatis Mnharbed, ‘The third part
describes charities given away by theKaralakant etc,to The
ana Brahmins
Dakshnamurii, Sukhanand, Pundriksha,ors of Devakumari, the mothe fourth
part contains the account of the ancest e constructed. The pratisthar
of the Maharana, who got the said templ and show in V.E. 772,
ceremony was observed with great pomp d to attend the same, The
when several chiefs and rulers were 770 invite
Dakshanamurti inscri ption of V.E. mentions of ‘the installation
of the icon of Raj Rajeshwar (Shiv). It has 29gh.lines ‘The containing =
traditional account of Maharana Sangramsin chiefs of Bedla stepwell
inscription of Bedia contains a brief account of the ell inscription and
of their spending of Re. 73,780 on it.The Ekling step-w
having 32 verses contains a detailed account .ofi themarri Dhay' Bhila of
the Gujar family attached with Chandra Kumar ed to Sawai
Jaisingh, ‘The Swah inscription of Brahmapuri Udaipur dated
It is edited by Shei Sivacharan Menariya in Anwesfiana Vol. I No. 2
pp. LI3-I5.
54, rain केशवबाल get. atid —aenid कर्मादितमेब कूड
[Unpublished inscrip
 334
V.E. 78I refers to the order of the Maharana that no brahmin'®
should sell his land situated in Brahmapuri to Non-Brahmins, ‘This
shows the Maharana’s interest that the Brahinapuri be solely inha-
bitated by the Brahmins, ‘The Humad Jain temple inscription of
V.E, 78] mentions of the construction of the temple and installation
of an icon of Shitalnath! under instructions of Jayaratna Suri of
Tappogachehha, Several landgrans of the Maharana’s reign"? are also
known,
‘The Mabrrana’s sons and their families
Maharana Sangramsingh II had four sons. His eldest son
Jagatsingh succeeded him, His other sons named Nathsingh, Bagh-
singh and Arjunsingh received the jagirs of Bagor, Karajali and
Shivrati, respectively. Maharaj Nathji had 5 sons namely Bhim-
singh, Suratsingh, Zalimsingh, Bhagawatsingh and Bakhtasingh,
‘The descendants of Bhimsingb, later on, were adopted as the Maha.
ranas from Sardarsingh to Sajjansingh. Baghsingh of Karajali had
son named Bherusingh. Arjunsingh of Shivrati had 2 sons namely
Shivsingh and Bahadursingh. Maharana Fatehsingh and Bhagawat
singh were adopted from the descendants of Shivsingh, In this way,
these three families played an important role in the succession cases
of the Mewar House.
Artists Jagannath
Artist Jagannath flourished during the reign of Mabarana
Sangramsingh II, His miniature paintings of Mewar school known
as the Satasayee (I720 A.D.), Gita Govind (I724 A.D.) and Sundar
‘Shringar (726 8. 0.) are quite attractive. At the foot of one of the
paintings he had specifically mentioned that he had executed this
work for the amusement of the Maharana, He often quoted good
verses which prove that he was not only an artist but a poet also,

अरशराजाधिराज महाराणा oy संधामतिह आदेशातु--बामणधर वेचेगा tare are है

23 तीन बरण में बेच gy नहीं [Unpublished inscription}
56. शव उदय महाराणा मी eur सात eee de आग हब
जञातीय - संधवो गांधी wootal eter gf उपदेशात श्रीसीतलबिब प्रतिष्ठित
[Unpublished inscription)
3%, The Maharana gave away the villages Chalawa and Rathana to the Eling
temple, [Edited by the Author in the Majjhamika Vol. I pp, 77-79),

a
 Chapter V

(a) Maharana Jagatsingh It

Maharana Jagatsingh, born on September 9, 7709 A.D., came
tothe thtone of Mewar on January Il, I784 A,D., at the age of
26 years, Elis usual coronation ceremony was observed on June 3,
3784 A.D,
As already stated, the concerted efforts of Sawai Jaisingh and
Maharana Sangramsingh to drive out the Marathas from
Malwa failed totally. The Marathas nnder the command of the
Holkar,swept away the said province and humiliated Sawai Jaisingh
in the battle field of Mandsaur, ‘The latter had to purchase peace
by making a payment of Rs. flakhst in cash and grudgingly
conceding to assign 28 paraganast in Malwa, tothe Marathas in
lieu of the Chauth, This agreement practically promoted the interests
ofthe Marathas in Malwa. As already stated, they were pressing
their demand for regular payment of the Chauth from the Tmperial
territory, ‘This grant clearly proved to be an excuse for their
territorial aggrandizement.? The Rajput rulers were also greatly
alarmed by their active participation in the intenstinet feud of Bundi
(April-I734A.D.). The Rajputs now resolved to find out some
solution to their increasing menance.
Hurada conference
A conference of the important tulers of the Rajputs states was
convened at village Hurada (District-Bhilawara) to devise measures
to keep the Marathas away and also to decide the course of possible
action to be adopted against them, Before the commencement of
the conference private meetings between important chiefs also took
place and one such was held between Sawai Jaisingh* and Abhay-
singh at Ajmer, The Maharana alongwith Hada Durjanshal of
According totheagteement mentioned in Vir-Vinod(p.924) sum of
Re, five lacs only was paid instead of ४. six lacs,
2S. IV ४, 7, 9/%0, 6.0. 6. ighe—Peshawa Baji Rao and the
Maratha Expansion 9. 22.
8. Dr, Satish Chandra—Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court p. 29.
4. Vamsha-Bhaskar pp. S2I2-I4,
5, Haglgat Bahi No. 2 Jodhpur (R.S.A.) £35 to 36/Marwar ki Khyat (MS)
वो fh 442-43,,
336
Kotah came from Udaipur, Sawai Jaisingh came furward upto
village Rupaheli, in a mark of honour, to receive the Maharana,
‘Thus, on July 7,734.A.D,, the conference was held under the
chiarmanship ofthe Maharana, wherein the following points were
unanimously agreed to!—
>पु, All are united in good and in evil and none will withdraw.
therefrom, on which oaths have been made and faith pledged which
will be lost by whoever acts contrary thereto, The honour and
shame of one is that of all and in this is every thing contained,
2, No one shall countenance the traitor of the other,
3, After the rains the affairs shall commence and the Chiefs
of each party assemble at Rampura and if from any cause, the head
cannot come, he will send the Kunwar or some personage of weight.
4, Should from inexperience such Kunwar commit error,
the Rana alone shall interfere to correct,
5, In every enterprise, all shall unite to effect it.’*
Moreover, it was agreed to by all that the command of this
confederate army be given to the Maharana,
Ingpite ofthe fact that the conference was attended to by all
the important Rajput rulers of Rajasthan it could not bear any
fruitful results, A question arises as t why it failed, specially when a
similriar tripple alliance between Maharana Amarsingh II, Maharaja
Jaisingh and Ajitsingh could produce successful results, The reply
is very clear, In 708 A. D., when the tripple alliance took shape,
there was no clash of mutual interests, which could debar the rulers
from taking effective steps, But the political condition was quite
different now. Sawai Jaisingh, being an opportunist,” wanted to
impose his supremacy over smaller states. His relations with
Abhaysingh were also strained. Although the Maharana attempted
to reconcile their differences but personal vanity and egoism refra-
ined them from taking any joint action, Their positions in the
6. Tod pp, 829-890 ir-Vinodpp I20-24. (Kapadadwara Jaipur, Docu-
7. iJN, Sarkar—History of JaipurJaipur Sate
ory of State (MS,(MS, SitaSmiaut)a8)Chapter
wapter XYXVf,f, 37,
8: Mularna
das ‘letterAcinig
dated Ato} te uaSr Diva'e20, Cminundy
Sawai Jisingh have wrote fo into
etered the
erms ofMaharana
{ole friendahip Go
withAso}Sul 86787
6, G.I? Similarlyy Raja27] Abbnysingh
08.) wrow wrote
2. का
concerted avers
efforts wereto drive otthe
alzo made Maratha
several tes fromduringRaju by maki8
the years 8,
{788A.D, But motualclashofioterentsalwys proveda handicap.
 387
Maghal Court often brought their jealouties into conflict, The
Maharana himself wasquite young and was not a competent diplo-
mat like Sawai Jaisingh. In this way the Hurada-Conference bore
no fruitful results,
Action against the Marathas (734-35 A. D.)
The Mughal authorities were also conscious of the danger of
the penetration of the Marathas into the north, Therefore, they
alto attempted to chalk out some programme and directed the
Rajput rulers to partake, By the end of I774 A. D., the Mughal
Emperor despatched two forces under the command of Qamar-ud+
dint and Bakhshi Khani-Dauran. ‘The Rajput-Chiefs of Jaipur,
Jodhpur and Kotah joined with theirforces. ‘The Maharana also
despatched a contingent under Bibaridas Pancholi to Rampura (07%
join the same, But this compaign also proved unsuccessful, The
Marathas not only successfilly resisted the above invasion but
succeeded to penetrate! in Jaipur territory, which was then left
defenceless. Jaisingh with his army had to rush up to Jaipur to
save his State from depredations (February 28, 785 A, D,). On
his advice, Wazir Khan-i-Dauran induced the Marathat? to retire
beyond Narmada, on getting a payment of Rs, 22 lakhs, This
agreement was, however, not ratified by the Emperor, The policy of
appeasement followed by Jaisingh was adversely observed by many
senior nobles of the Court including Abhaysingh of Jodhpur. The
Emperor was deeply annoyed. The stigma of discomifiture was shifted.
upon Jaisingh. In order to wreck vengeance, he invited:Peshawa
Bajirao tothe north to discuss further programme, offering him to
bear his expenses and assuring him to secure for him the Chaulh of
Malwa, In this way, Sawai Jaisingh directly promoted the inte-
rests of the Marathas in Malwa and northern India,
Invasion upon Shabpura (I735 A, D.)
‘As already stated, Maharana Sangramsingh granted Jahazpur,
Phullya ete. to Umedsingh ofShahpura. Soon after his death the
9, Blot apdDowson VIII9.5/5.8:0. XIV No. 23.
है Leer fram Naren Jogtiogh ७ Pancha arias dated Aro} ud
unTi, SEDI
89 XLV2008Not il
23 and
No,KAV"p 2(Yamata
and jue
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Daftorct Z/iatory of ipar dated
tra Hamm tg Zornonrl State
6007
4, SID. XIV No. $9and 47 i4, VE: 792 (March 26, 785),J.8,A.
Ti esity Toot neceaasy
थे User,belp fa fromwatingShritis
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chapter Ojha Retearch Scholar, Wate
 388
latter adopted a hostile attitude towards the ruler of Mewar, His
relations with Mabarana Jagatsingh were strained due to some
misunderstanding.*® According to the Klyat of Shahpura, he
carried out depredations in Bhilwara town also, At this the Maha.
rana invaded Shahpura, On hearing his march against that place,
Sawai Jaisingh also sent a detachment for the help of the Mewar
army, ‘The Chiefs of Mewar could not develop their reliance on
this step of Sawai Jaisingh, At the intercession of Devisingh of
Begun, Umedsingh agreed not to fight. He surrendered himself
before the Mewar army and also agreed to pay a sum of Rs, three
lakhs as* an indemnity.
Marriage of the Maharana’s daughter (735 A. D,)
‘The Maharana gave away his daughter in marriage to kunwar
Vijysingh of Marwar. At the time of marriage, Vijaysingh gave an
undertaking that the male offspring from this queen would succeed
him irrespective of age and seniority among his sons, In case of the
daughters, they would not be given in marriage to any Moha
rmadan,
Attempts of the Maratha to settle Chauth
Failure of the Hurada Conference, followed by the discomtiture of the
Mughal army, resulted into increasing pressure from the Marathas on
the various States of Rajasthan in general and Mewar in particular,
‘They now attempted to settle the terms of Ghawh with the Rajput
rulers, The Peshawa attempted to persuade the Maharana through
his envoy to settle the terms of Ghawh, Pancholi Biharidas informed
the Maharana about some understanding!” with the Marathas, but
his letter in question contains no details, It seems that when the
Mabarana came to the throne, cordial relations existed with the pes-
hawa, ‘The Mewar vakils Dhabhai Nagaraj and Munshi Shobharam
suggested to Maratha chief Shahu and his Otficer Lala Bhagirath
Sia iat
Eat a Rint ses ells eiie eordd,
77/77/7777 ovstan According.
cash to rs
0200
०0400: 0 :0% 740mare frdee ep ofints adini
she B a l i naive
we
ee
22604 2070es 0 2eeजग तक 720 77707 sme males ः
Hdeus oa se atoa eed40000
eeककoar6200oF 00 ratsingh
wat
ent a8paid
व6.. Accor
tothe Kyat
dingofShahpura, only a sum of Rs. .00
epee chm the
to
व Letter from Pancholi Bibaridas (othe Mabarana (Tod, I p.p, 834-885)
 389
Munshi to send formal presents" to the Maharana. Accordingly
presents were sent with Lala Bhagawandas, son of Bhagirath Munshi.
Shahu’s Vakil Sadashiva Ballala sent by him to Mewar for settling the
terms of Chauth, intimated him*? vide letter dated November 7, !785
A.D. that the Maharana, though he had expressed his readiness to pay
some token amount to the Marathas, was unwilling to sign any treaty,
He added that Sanwatsingh, one of his Chiefs, also visited his camp
in this connection. While concluding his letter sent to Bapuji Panta,
he advised to press the Maharana for entering into a written agrees
ment with the Maratha authorities, The Peshwa® also wrote to
Biharidas Pancholi for an early settlement of the Chauth. But these
overtures did not yield any decisive results and no agreement was
signed at that time, However, Sadashive reported that he received
Rs.6, 96, 000| - from Kotah and Mewar* States, and asum of Rs,
60,000/ - was still outstanding against Mewar. But it is not clear as to
how this amount was computed. During the time of Maharana
Sangramsingh, the Paragana ‘Budha’ was assigned in Jagir to Narayan.
Rao, a relation of the Holkar, Even after leaving Mewar, the®?
Maharana used to send the income of this paragana to him. But the
amount calculated above might be different from it, as it was
payable to the Peshawa, and not to the Holkar.
Visit of the Peshawa’s Mother (735 A. 0.)
‘The Peshawa’s mother Radhabai, while performing pilgrimage
to various shrines in northern India, visited Udaipur? on May 6, 735
AD, The Maharana received her graciously. From Udaipur, she
moved to Eklingji, Nathdwara, Kankroli® etc.
Visit of Bajirao Peshawa (786 A. D.)
‘The warm reception to Peshawa’s mother accorded by the Mah
arans helped in maintaining cordial relations with the Peshawa, Still
the Maharana was not inclined to finalise any written agreement.
प8. SPD. XIV No.
49. Ibid XXX No, 42 and 43.,43/The Journal of Bharat Ttihas Samshodbak
20, K.S.Gupta—op. cif. 9:
‘Mandal (Quarterly) Vel. XXXVI July-October I952 9. 80,
शा, De. Raghuvirsingh 's paper—Peshaw a Bajirao's visit and first financial
settlement of Mewar MS),
Nos. 079-80. According to there Zaraof
22, ‘SBudha’ fixed at Rs.(RSA)
was collection
Shyamaldas ),73,000 in the year V.E. 798,
Letter from Hemraj to Zorawarsingh dated Chaitra Sudi I4, V.E, 7792
"Gs
us, fiWN. Sdekar—The वा of the Mughal Empire Vol. Tp. I59.
 340
‘The Peshawa, on the advice of Sawai Jaisingh, was willing to visit
northern India to discuss the problems with the latter. He made up
his mind to take the route through Udaipur. When the news of his
visit reached, great anxiety was felt at Udaipur, The Maharana was
not happy at it and wanted to avoid his meetihg with the Peshawa,
Assuch, he informed Biharidas Pancholi by a letter" that “il a mect
ing is to take place at all, it should be arranged beyond Devaliya”,
But when the Peshawa was on his way to Udaipur Rawat Kesarising
of Salumbar was sent by the Maharana with 8000 picked soldiers**
to invite him to visit the place,
Peshawa Baji Rao reached Udaipur via Dungarpur by the end
of January I736 A 0.8 He was accorded suitable welcome and was
lodged in Champa Bagh. The main objective of his visit was to settle
the long pending issue of the payment of Chauth’ He was advised by
cone of his friends to be liberal and® to accept whatever the Maha-
rana agreed to pay.
His meeting with the Maharana was arranged in the first week
of February 736 A.D, Proper care was taken in arranging his seat
which was placed near the Rajagaddi, The Mabarana himself cameto
the gate of the Darbar Hall to receive him. The Peshawa removed
the chair which was placed for him. At this the Maharana asked
hhim as to what he wast* doing? He humbly replied that he wanted
to be treated as one of his Chic
started, he insisted upon the cession of Paragana Banera permanently
ftom Mewar, which the Maharana resented. But after much per
suation a sum of Rs. ), 60, 000/- was agreed to, be paid annually
to the Marathas for aperiod of 8 years. No copy of this agreement
is now availble, Butin the financial settlement of 766 A.D,, an
annual sum of Rs. 4, 60, 0002 was recorded to have settled during
the Peshawa’s visit to Udaipur in 736 A.D. Therefore, it seems
that for the period of 8 years Rs 2,00,000/ - were fixed. As against
this aggregate amount of Rs I2 Lacs, Rs, ,25,000/- was required
to be paid as under and the™ balance was foregone.
कप रूस नवल उापाफा७०« Jogatsingh to Pancholi iharidas dated September
केBB,8.
26. ६2८%0.xiv XIVएड,No.0 30300 No,० 08, 42.
Wd 780Bhaskar
Bio. 58000 No, 42/S.P.D. (Newope3०५०)pe l@2I No, 27
25: Yamsha
Jib Sanep. oi p. 3236-39,/J. N. Sarkar
isVinod (06.3.AL Gupra opt. 2. 45.
 34L
Rs. 2,00,000 Mijamani
Rs, 45,000. एक crop of V. 8, 792
Rs, 00,000 for the year V, 8, 703
Rs, ,20,000 for the year V. 8, 704
Rs, 2,50,000 for the year ५४. 8 795
Rs, 6,20,000 for the years V. 8, 796 to 799
Rs, ,26,000/~
‘The payment of this amount was made as below:—
Rs, 6,600,000 through Sadashiva Panta
Rs. 0,000 through Pandit Ram Chandra
Rs. 4,46,000 through Govind Rao from the Revenue of
Banera from V. 8, 796 and 799
(730-42 A, 0.)

On perusal of the payments made, it is known that the amount

could not be liquidated in time. Several letters were written by the
Maratha officers for this purpose.% Pandit Ramchandra sent a
letter to Pancholi Biharidas in July, 7736 A.D. and the Peshawa
himself worte to Devichand, a senior officer of Mewar, for arranging
carly payment. The work of the Receiver-General of Mewar
tribute was originally entrusted to the Holker, Lut latier on the
Sindhia was made incharge, In this way, Peshawa Baji Rao’s
visit to Udaipur brought fruitful results and helped a Jot in creating
mutual understanding between Poona and Mewar houses. The
Maharana presented" two horses to Baji Rao, who also receproca+
ted by sending presents through Gopalsingh of Devaliya,
Jagamandir Episode (4-2-796 A.D.)
‘The Peshawa also visited Jagamandir palaces, In Vamshae
Bhaskar it stated that the Maharana invited the Peshawa
to these lake palaces, Considering it to be a foul play ogainst hi
life, Peshawa Baji Rao became furious and gave stringent orders
3I, KS. Gupta lt, 9:46.
32. §.P.D. XXX 42I/The Journal of Bharat [thins Sarmshodhak Mandal July=
Oct. ॥952 9. 56.
328. Vamsha-Bhaskar pp. 2363-68.
98, 8.P.D, XXXIIT No. 980,
 $42
to carry out plundering raids in Udaipur city. In order to pacify
him, the Mahorana had to pay a huge amount. But this account
does not seem to be correct. This alleged incident is neither recor-
ded by any contemporary Maratha writer nor by any Persian
historian. Quite contrary to this, in the despatches of the Maratha
officers from Udaipur to Poona, it is recorded that every" thing
was going quite peacefully there, Had the city been molested, it
might have been narrated at length in the letters. Therefore, the
episode may be taken as an imaginary creation of Suryamal
Mishrana, the writer of Vamsha-Bhaskar.
In fact, the Peshawa visited JagamandironFebruary 4,736
A.D, He spent the following amounts there™ :-—
Rs. 4. incharity
Rs. 90 tothe boatmen for carrying the party to the lake
palaces.
Rs, 5 tothe gardeners
Rs
The Peshawa with his party left Udaipur and proceed
towards Jaipur via Eklingji, Nathdwara, Bhilwara and Jahazpur, ed
Nadir Shah's invasion
On hearing of the rapid advancement of Nadir Shah the
Mughal Emperor urged the various Rajpu
their forces to save the imperial capital.® t rulers to hasten with
Peshawa Bajirao was
also anxious to take some concerted action against the invader,
Accordingly, he wrote to the Maharana"
for a joint action by Mewar, Jaipur and on theMarch Marat
28, 239 A.D,
has. But no
action was taken from the side of Mewar,
Relations with Sawai Jaisingh
When Abbaysingh of Jodhpur invaded Bikaner, Sawai
Jaisingh, in response to Bikaner
Jodbpur with large army. ’s‘The appea l for help, set out against
Mabarana also, in” response
to an urgent call from Sawai Jaisingh,
immense army. On hearing of the concereach ed Ajmer with an
ntration of these forces,
ऋ
SPD.XXKNo. शा.
5. 738
LeiterA.D.from(Vir-Vinod
Mehta p.
Gulab to Mabaraja oftants Shatpurs. dated
da
'223). Sree
36. The Journal of Bharat Itihas Samshodbak Mandal July/Oct, 20% 39,
37, V.8, Bhatnagar ~ Sawai Jaisingh and his times p. 260, 952 p, 64,
 248
Abhaysingh was compelled to make a treaty on humiliating condit-
fons on July 25, 740 A.D. Abhaysingh’s younger brother Bakbta-
singh, who remained an active supporter of Sawai Jaisingh upto
this time, rejoined his brother. He made an abortive attempt to
defeat Sawai Jaisingh in the batile field of Gagawana. Uowever,
relations between Sawai Jaisingh and Abhaysingh remained strained.
The Maharana attempted to reconcile their differences, Abhaysingh
wrote to Jaisingh on June 9,I74! A.D. that he had reconciled
his scores with him, as desived by the Maharana. But despite this
assurance, they covld not maintain friendly relaiions, When Sawai
Jaisingh performed Ashwa-Media Yajna, in \74) A.D., the’ Maha.~
ana sent his congratulations on the occasion.
Rising of Prince Pratapsingh (743 A.D.)
‘The Maharana’s relation with his eldest son Pratapsingh
remained strained, Pratapsingh, who adopted a defiant attitude,
gave sanctuary to several Hada Chiefs, This act also displeased
Sawai Jaisingh. On the orders of the Maharana, Nathji of Bagor,
Jasawantsingh of Devagarh, Raghavadeva of Delawara, Umedsingh
of Shahpura and Bharatsingh of Sanawad laid a trap and made him
captive. His supporter Padmasingh was! given due punishment,
Saktawat Umedsingh, on hearing of the captivity of the prince,
came forward to fight for hissake, As per orders of theMaharana,
his own father Suratsingh killed him. Pratapsingh was not released
from imprisonment through out the life of the Maharana.
Firman granted by the Emperor (743 A.D,)
Mabarana Sangramsingh captured Shahpura, Similarly, the
ChiefofBanera also agreed to serve Maharana Jagatsingh, These
Chiefs were Imperial Mansabdars and therefore they were also
required to pay Nazarana to the Subedar of Ajmer. On the
request of the Maharana, the Emperor issued‘ a Firman on
September 3, 7:3 A.D. asking the Subedar of Ajmer to forbid the
levy of the Nozarana, for the paraganas of Shahpura, Banera, Jahazpur
38, ibid p. 262.
39, Letter from Maharana Jaga jingh to Sawai Jaisiogh dated Ashadh Sudi
0, ४. 8. 4798 (J. §. A.)
40, Letter
2, V. from
8. 4799Maharaja
(J. 5. A) Juisingh to Maharana Jagatsingh dated Posh Sudi
408. Firman ) from Kamirude
din Waxirdated(Vir-Vinod)
Sth Shabbanpp. ATL.
242 to56T244.(Sept. I8, 743 A.
 S44

and Sawar, Maharana Jagatsingh also renewed the patta of Jahaz«

purtt, Sawar ete, amounting to Rs, ,00,000/- (January 7,745 A,D,)
Shahpura, He
also gave orders to the residents living in the vicinity of Shahpura
state not to tresspass inrhe Kherad territory, which was then in
the possession of the Chief of Shahpura,
Madhosingh’s claim for Jaipur State
As already stated, Sawai Jaisingh at the time of his marriage
with Chandrakumari, affianced to allow her male child to succeed
him, irrespective of his age and seniority, "This was done in different
circumstances, under pressure, for secking help from the ruler of
Mewar, When Madhosingh was born in 728 A.D., Sawai Jaisingh
apprehending possible intenstine feud, managed to have a patta of
Rampura for the said child from Maharana Sangramsingh, with
whon he maintained cordial relations, When Madhosingh grew up,
Maharana Jagatsingh asked Sawai Jaisingh to transfer .the posse-
ssion of Rampura in favour of Madhosingh, the original grantee.
Accordingly, its possession was handed over to Rawat Kubersingh
on behalf of Madhosingh, as desired by the Maharana. Sawai
Jaisingh, ashe desired to keep Madhosingh away from the throne
of Jaipur, got an agreement executed! by some leading chiefs of
‘Mewar for not espousing the cause of Madhosingh (March 9, l744
A. D.). But this was not abided by them,
Concentration of forces at Jamoli
Afier the death of Sawai Jaisingh in 743 A. D., Ishwarsingh,
being the eldest son, succeeded him, The Maharana made elabor-
ale preparations to wrest the throne of Jaipur for his nephew,
Madhosingh, At the same time, Hada Durjan Shal was also anxi-
ous to secure the throne of Bundi for Umedsingh, the son of Budh-
singh, Both of them were thus anxious to measure swords against
Tshwarisingh, After Annakula, the Maharana invited Hada Duyjon
Shal to Udaipur and a meeting was arranged at Nabara-Magnara,
where it was settled ६० march against Ishwarisingh * By the end
of year 743 A, D., the Hada and Mewar forces were concentrated
44. Shakpura Khyat WI p, U5.
4la, Kepadadwara (Jaipur) Document No. 495,
42. Letter from Raja Bakhatsingh (o Maharaja of Amer dated December 5,
TASA.D, (J.8.A\)
 Bab
at Jamoli near Jahazpur. Ishwarisingh also marched simultane:
ously, But he avoided to fight and his forces remained inactive
at Pander for about 40 days, Meanwhile, overtures for settlement
started, By the attempts of Raja Ayamal Khatri, the Minister of
Jaipur, Ishwarisingh agreed to part with some territory of Tonk
and Toda having an incoma of Rs. 5.00 lakhs annually, (Decem=
ber I9, 743 A,0.) The truce could not last long. It seems that
the parley was not done with full consent of the Hadas, They
continuously created“ disturbances in the Hadoti (January l744
A.D.). On April 2, seventy seven persons were killed in a
skirmish held between the Kotah and Bundi armies, Madhosingh
who grudgingly accepted the above settlement, now pressed the
Maharana for seeking support from the Marathas. The Holkar’s
forces were reported to bet present near Udai sagar lake (Mewar)
in June 744 A. D.
Battle of Toda
The Maharana and the Hadas soon collected their forces near
‘Jahazpyr'® (August,l744 A.D.). They succeeded to seek support of
Fagar-ud-daulah, the newly appointed Governor of Gujrat- Several
Chiefs of the Jaipur State, also went to Toda and met Madhosingh,””
‘The allies successfully captured Khandar, Alanpur, Barawara
etc, (Sept.), which were subsequently! receptured bythe Jaipur
forces. Maharana Ishwarisingh was then present at Delhi, The
unexpected success of the allies, compelled Raja Ayamal to proceed
to the Maratha camp for secking active military help. The Maharana
alsosent his envoyst*, named Ranawat Sanwantsingh and Kuber-
singh, to the above officers, It seems that Maharaja Bakhtasingh® of
rs Vanisha Bhaskar p. 3220.
44. Letter from Ajitsingh to Ayamal dated Jan 26, !744 (J S.A.)
45, Letter from Dalelsingh to Ishwarsingh dated May 8, I744 A.D. (J.S.A.)
48, An interesting account of this period fs mentioned in a leter dated August
27, 744. दीवाण को कूच भादवा बदी (4०४५७) में छो शो हाल हुओ नहीं । core
भारबलिद dere ora है। लिया guegiy भी यां ते ३ को हुर हे acl को
कामदार छै।बीसनहिष
चास्यो (Amer महाराज
record safer कने गयो छे। राणावत सामर्ठतिष eam रीतरफ
No. ।80]/4 D.C.8..No, 297). 880 from Hlemraj ९०
Vigyadbar dated Augost 90, 744 (J.8 A.)
4. ated Sept. 4, 744, (J
$.
49 shar to Ayamal dated Nov. 7, !744 A.D.
50, pationto of the Rathors,
singh jadhar Ishwarisngh
taled” Sept. also attempted (Letter
Kiyat Tl, 9. V4) की हर I. 744), Shahpurakt
 46
Nagaur also accompanied them, No Maratha General, except the
Holkar agreed to espouse his cause, After attending the Annakutae
ceremony at Nathdwara, the Maharana also set out towards Toda,
He alvo despatched a part of his army against the Chief of Sawar,
who had adopted a hostile attitude and seized the village Devali from
the Khalsa area, On arrival of the Mewar forces in November
3744 A.D, the above Chief showed his willingness to transfer the
possession of the village, but hisson Salimsingh displayed stiff resi
tance and fought til his body was smashed to pieces, ‘The village
was ultimately taken into possession by the Mewar forces, The come
bined forces of Mewar and Hodoti soon proceeded further and suc
cessfully carried out plundering raids in Jaipur State, Seeing that no
Maratha firces were forthcoming for help, the Chiefs of Jaipur state,
in the absence of Mabaraja Ishwarisingh, who was then at Delhi,
made a plan to dupe the generals of the combined forces of Mewar
and Hadoti, ‘They entered into an agreement on Nov, 2, I744
A.D., according to which, they assured to insist upon Ishwarisingh to
spare ।/8 ६ of his state in favour ofMadhosingh and to shun his
hostile activities against Kotah state, A separate agreement wast!
entered into by Sardarsingh of Uniyara and Jagatsingh, wherein they
assured to persuade Ishawarisingh for the above agreement and in
cave he might be rigid, they would stand in the side of Madhosingh,
Next day, they also intimated Ishwarisingh as to how they successfully
beguilded** the generals of Mewar,
Soon after thit settlement, the combined forces captured?
Malpura (November 22). In this way, most of the Nagatchal ter
tory was wrested from Jaipur, Raja Ayamal went to the Maratha
camp for securing necessary help. On returning to Jaipur,
Ishwarisengh, soon set out with his armies towards Jahazpur,
On Nov. 80, both the confronting armies reached near Banathalt
हा, Latter from Daulatram to Ajitdas dated 0०. 6, I744 (J.8.4.)
52, VireVinod 9. 23
58, Amer Records 804/4 D.C,8, No, 39 (J.8.A.)
54. Napaddawara JaipurDocuments No, I!I3 and 872,
85, Ibid. No. 720.
56, Lette from Hemarajto Vidhyadbat dated No. I8, 4744 (श्री. mar
छठशा वाहहरि edt reward लिबावेशा को लिवदियो ७.
‘ from Zalimsingh
37. Leiter Rathor to Vidhyadhar dated Nov. 22, 744(J.8.A )
58, From Hémraj to Vidbyadbar dated Nov. 30, 744 A.D, (J.S.A.)
 $47
(on the bank of the river Banas, near Devali), but no fighting took
place, The Mewar envoys, who had gone to the Maratha camp for
scouring help, failed in their attempt, The Maratha leaders gave
categorical replies that they could extend their help to Madhosingh,
provided the latter was satisfied with a Jagir® of Rs, five lakhs, On
receiving this reply, the Maharana exhorted the chiefs residing in
the Paraganas ® of Mandalgarh, Badnor and Jahazpur to reach soon
with their forces, By the attempts of Kubersingh of Salumbar, a
settlement was made between the Maharana and Ishwai
according to which Madhosingh had to remain si
Jagir of Rs, 5,00 lakhs (Dec,), Raja Ayamal assisted by Jayappa
Sindhia, cartied out plundering raids in Hadotl, The Apaji of Kotah
army was wounded. ‘The Vamsha-Bhaskar narrates that the Jaipur
forces suddenly invaded the mewar army then encamped at Toda
and put it to heavy losses: The Maharana had to purchase peace
‘on making ४४ payment of Rs, 22 lakhs, But this version. does not
seem to be worthy of credence. The Marathas demanded Rs, 22
lakhs from the Maharana for getting Madhosingh enthroned at
‘Jaipur, No contemporaray Maratha record imentions the levy of
this amount, The Mewar army had to retreat on arrival of large
Maratha forces and to satisfy itself with the settlement made by the
attempts of Kubersingh,"? Elated with this success, Ishwarisingh
displayed his resentment against the Hadas, His army sent under
Raja Ayamal against the forces of Umedsingh was initially defeated
at Bichodi on July 20, 745 A.D., but subsequently emerged victori-
ons in the battle held at Devapura on Aug, 0, 746 A.D.
59, Hlgne-Daftar Vol. I Letter dated Jan, I!, 745 A.D,
60, Letter from Devakaran to Umedsingb, the cheif of Shabpura dated Jam.
28, I745 (Shahpurack-kliyat.)
6}, [ein interesting to note that a heavy amount of
the Nazarana was imposed
‘upon Kubersingh for not obeying the orders (Mehta Sangramsingh callec-
tion No, 33/739 (R.S.A.). But according to the letter dated Maha. audi
32, V.B: 80॥ (Feb. ॥742A.D.) Kubersingh did strive ard. for settlement,
राजा ईशरीसिषजी gor wher करार सारी बात रो लौदो जी। राजा श्री माधोसिषयी रो
cere तथा are सरदारा रो एक dere weenart जतत तो इंशरीक्षिपणी की दो--
महारावजी पण CHIR हुआ छ।
62... Vansha-Dhaskar p. 3328 and 3560,
63. Vir-Vinod 9. (233,
 348
Battle of Rajamahal (74 A.D.)
Raja Ayamal went to Udaipur in November, 746 A.D, to
settle the matter, but no amicable settlement was reached, Both
the contending parties made attempts to secure the Maratha help.
‘The Maharana sent! Kanirarn to the Peshaws, who offered an
amount of Rs, fifteen lacs provided active military help was given
to Madhosingh. The Holkar also wrote to the Peshawa in August
I746 A.D, for espousyng the cause of Madhosingh, But due to
severe famine®,when all importan towns were desolated and even.
the Maharana shified his capital to Dhebar, action had to be
postponed. Inspite of this, Madhosingh and Durjanshal Heda
pressed him for early action, They also held a mecting at Nathd-
wara on October 4, [746 A.D and decided to register the Maratha
Support, Accordingly, Kaniram was again sent to the Holkar at
Kalpi. Bue due to resentment by Ranoji Sindhia and Ramchandra
Baba, no substantial Maratha help could be obtained, However,
Malhar Rao Holkar agreed to send his son on receiving Rs. two
Jaichs for fulfilment of the following demands-
l, Four paraganas of Tonk, Toda, Malpura and Niwai be
given to Madhosingh.
2, The state of Bundi be restored to Umedsingh.
Early in February ॥747- A.D. the Mabarana and
Ishwariringh despatched their forces. The Mewar army sent in
advance was led by Bharatsingh, The Jaipur forces were” command:
ed by Harnarayan, Sivnath, Jinad: ‘Terapanthi and lal.
On reaching Raj Mahal, Rawat Kubersingh, Takhtasingh etc. of the
Mewar" army paid a visit to the camp of Ishwarisingh. The Peshawa
also sent Nimbaji Khatake and" Munshi Ramray to his camp
GH, Latter from Ayamal to Vidyadhar dated Magasar
Shahpura ‘Kipat IT 9. 423-429, ~
Sudi 7, I802 ३७७७४ (Nov,
6. SPD. XXVIT No. 7, ॥8 & |५.
66. (bid XXI No. I9t Vamtha-Bhaskar pp. 3446-49.
67. Letter from Ayamal to Vidyadhar dated Sept, 30, I746 (J.8 A.)
68... Buhashik-Pura-Vyahor
‘Itihas-che-Sadhane
No. 63/76 8.2.0. XXVII No I8 see!
Vol. \V 4,
Sinde Shu
50.70. SPD.
Leer from TNs
from लए [ & 2. io Hiralal dated Moreh 3१770 (S.A,
AM Eater
हि Harihar अपto VidyedbarCo dated
AjebrameApril-I7,
dated(JS.A.)
Maret है, पीके A.D Letter
72. 47,SPD.
refersIENo,
to ६ Theletterincident
tome-early No. 68 about
of Btthasika PatraVyahar dated March
towards the Mg thas,
the resentment of
ane DFthe Mak
t h e Males
 349
for having an amicable settlement, According to the Vamsha Bhaskar"
Ishwarisingh invaded the advance guard uf the Mewar forces and
severely defeated them in March, 747 A.D Elated with this success
he advanced upto Bhilawara and ravaged the place, But this account
dose not seem to be correct, ‘The conternporary letters available in
the Jaipur records prove that no battle was fought. On the request
of Rawat Kubersingh and Takhatsingh, Ishwarisingh, did not
proceed against” Mewar and stayed at Rajmahal. A Kolanama was
ade” between both these parties on April l0, 747 A.D,, according
to which Toda was given to Madhosingh on the condition that he
‘would not disporsess the Narukas living in the arca, For fulfilment
of this agreement, Madhosingh would come to Tonk on July 29,
I747 AD, Similarly, settlement of Bundi was also made" on April
23, 747 A.D, But the Maharana was not appeased, The armies
of Jaipur, Udaipur and Kotah left the field in the last week of April
without any fighting,
Attempts to secure Maratha help
Now the Maharana resolved to secure active Maratha support,
without whichitwas quite difficult for him to get his nephew enth-
roned at Jaipur. Kaniram’ Pancholi and Jaisingh Saktawat were
sent to the camp of the Holkar, ‘They offered heavy amount as cost
oftheir support. The Peshawa at first consulted Baba Ramchandra
who did not relish the active participation in the family feuds of the
Rajput chiefs, But succumbing to temptation” the Peshawa agreed
to espouse the cause of Madhosingh (October I4, '747 A.D.) The
Holkar also urged the Peshawa” for this case, ‘The Mewar envoys
remained in the camp of the Holkar upto January 5, 748 A.D. The
Peshawa, during his journey to northern India iu 748 A.D, also
attempted to settle this matter, He invited Ishwarisingh for discuss
ion, But due to his flight from the battle field of Manpur on
March ll, I748 AD,, Ishwarisingh did not like to meet the
73, Vamsha-Bhaskar $460-68/J. N. Sarkar-op. cit. 9, 79/8,P.D. वा No. 3, 4.
74, Letter froin Santoshram to Ajabram dated March 26, I747 A.D, (J.8.A.)
75. Amer Records No. I804/2 0,0.3, No. 80.
76. (Ibid.
77. $.P.D. (New series) I No. 88, 89/8,P,D. XXI No. 77.
78. S.P.D (New series) No. 89.
79 Sinde-Shaht lhas-che-Sadhene Vo., No. UT letter No, I98,
 350
Peshawa, who was then present at Niwai, He not only rejected his
offer to spare® half ofhis state in favour of Madhosingh but insisted
upon him to espouse his pretensions reminding of the cordial relat-
ions that existed between the Peshawa and his father. However
the four paraganas in question were captured (April 20, l748 A.D.)
by Malhar Rao Holkar and Gangadhar Rao.
The combined forces of Mewar and Kotah were advancing
towards Jaipur with the Holkar, Ishwarisingh also made elaborate
preparations, He succeded in securing the help of Surajmal Jat to
encounter them, A battle was fought at Bagru (August, 748 A.D.)
in which he was badly defeated and was compelled to take shelter in
the fortress, It is said that Maratha leader Gangadhar, who was won
over with gold by Jaipur Ministers, induced the Holkar to conclude
a treaty, according to which Bundi was to be restored to Umedsingh
and the 4 Paraganas were to be granted to Madhosingh'*, At the
same time a heavy amount was also agreed to to be paid to the
Marathas,
Payment to the Marathas (i748 A.D.)
‘The financial settlement of 736 A.D, expired in 744 AD, In
74 A.D, Malhar Rao Holkas visited Mewar to collect Chauth, but
due to other urgent engagements! he had to return, He again
came in I740 A.D, and ravaged some villages, but this time also he
had to move to Bundelkhand on an urgent call from Jayappa:
Sindhia.
‘The Peshawa came in I748.A.D. to Aspur, Rawat Kubersingh
of Salumber and Pancholi Bhawanidas were sent to receive him,
They discussed the payment of Ghauth and renewal of the financial
settlement of I786 A.D. According to a Baki of Dakhanies, available
in the collection of Mehta Sangramsingh, the following payments
were made by the Mewar Government.§
‘Total arrear accumulated Rs. 6,33,000/-
Amount paid on 27.4.749 Rs, 4,08,000/-
“Rs.2,25,000/-
Abatement allowed (IRs. 48,7,000/
Net outstanding Rs. 7,07, 000-
©, 752D, 3:00
0: XXVIT0,200
No 90.
‘Maratha lias che
83, है ‘Gupta-op.
Sotho byReajwade oe Vol. es
elt.9, 63. हे
No. Aah
92| Vanth-Bhatk
Yate ia
 aot
Suicide by Ishwarisingh (75 A.D.)
After tho battle of Bagru, misfurtune felled upon Ishwarisingh,
s chiefs were divided® into two groups. Raja Ayamal Khat
died on February 9, 747 A.D. His son Keshavadas suffered the
wrath of Ishwarisingh, Suspecting h collusion with Madhosingh, i
he was ordered to commit suicide by swallowing * poison. Vidhya-
dhar, another senior minister of the time of Sawai Jaisingh, was
६७० ld to perform diplomatic duties, Similarly, another minister,
Shivnath Bhaya, was taken into custody due to intrigues of his
rivals, Now only Har Govind Natani remained in office, The
condition of the state had also became diplorable. The amount
agreed to be paid to the Marathas could not be liquidaed", At
the same time the widow of the deceased minister Keshavadas
made a pathetic appeal to the Maratha leaders for taking vengeance
ofthe foul murder of her husband, ‘This also added fuel to the
fire, ‘The Maratha leaders Mahar Rao and Gangadhar Tantia
marched against Jaipur on September 29, }760 AD. from Khandesh
and laid a siege to Jaipur Ishwarisingh, seeing himself helpless,
committed suicide on December I2, [750 A.D, for which he got a
cobra to bite him, ‘The devise having proved futile, he sucked
the diamond in the ring which resulted in instantaneous death,
Madhosingh was immediately summoned to succeed him to the
throne, On his succession, the Marathas put forth exhorbitant
demands, Due to pressure from the Marathas for early payment,
quarrels wrangled, On Jonuary 0, 75l A.D. a massacre" of
the Marathas took place in Jaipur city. However, in order to
propitiate the Peshawa the paragana of Rampura®® was given to
him, ‘The Mewar state had to spend its resources lavishly in this
succession case for seeking the Maratha support,
Nathdwara Conference of Vaishnavas
‘At Nathdwara, a conference of the Vaishnavas was held, It
was attended to by the rulers of Kotah, Jodhpur, Jaipur, Bundi,
Rampura, Dungarpur, Banswara, Sirohi & Pratapgarh along with
VE No. १५
6, Narendrasingh-op. et. pp.86+I57.
87, SPD. IENo. I5,
‘88, Vamsa Bhaskarp,96(0/J.N . Sarkar op. cits ¥303,
IL No, 8/200शा No. 65,
90, K,S. Gupta op. cit.9. 64.
 352
other 60 important chiefs of Mewar. It is not known as to whi
decision was taken at that time, A controversy centers around”!
about the date ofthis conference, Pravin Kavi mentions itin the
year VE, 796, In Vamsha-Bhaskar the date of this conference is
mentioned as V.E. 798, while in some other worksit is stated to
have held in V.E, 805.
Jagat Vil
‘The Maharana constructed Jag-Niwas palace, Its account of
construction is preserved in Jagat Vilas Kavya composed by Nandram
Its foundation was laid on April 22, 743 A.D. and the work was
completed after 85 months. ‘The consecration ceremony was per-
formed with much pomp and show.
‘The Maharana breathed his last on June 5, 75 AD.

a ‘ofthe information supplied by Dr. B, Mi Jawaliya

 INDEX
A Arjun Hada 88, 89
Abdulla Khan 239, 244, 249, Arisingh 62
250, 257, 252, 253 Arisingh Sisoda 705
Abdur-Rahim Khan Khana Asad Khan Wazir 285, $09 to
239 32, 335
Abhaysingh Rathor 330, 33], Asaf Khan 208, 209, 2), 247,
885, 337, 343 225, 227, 229, 23, 232, 245
Achaldas Khichi 6, 8, 29 Asok Paramar 64, 77, 78
Aditya Vardhan 26 Azabsingh 306, 309, 32
Ahmad Shah 8, 9, 43, Azam 286 to 288, 293, 294,
24, 26 302 to 305, 34
B
285, 286, Babar 54, 68 to 78
3I3 to 323, 330, 336 Babhat 69, 70
Alauddin Khilji 69, 89, 90, 93 Baghmal 308,32,34,36,32]
to 96, 99 to I0), I04, 306, Baghsingh Devaliya 86, I87,
वा9, 89 389
Allat 43, 44, 52 to 54, 58, 59 Bahadur Shah (Gujrat) 66,
Akbar Emperor I9, 204, 202, 269. 79, 8 to 87, 205
204 to 20, 2I4, 26 to 224, Bahadur Shah (Mughal) 35,
283, 234, 285, 244 322
Akbar Prince 286, 289, 293, Bajirao Peshwa 339 to 342
299, 800 348 to 350
‘Amarsingh Maharana-I 222, Baladitya 32, 49, 73, 74
289, 242 to 244, 252 to 268, Ballu Solanky 209, श]
259, 260 Bakhtasingh 334, 342, 345
‘Amarsingh Maharana-II 305 Banvir Maharana 80, 98 to
to 307, 309, 3I3 to 322, 98
336 Banvir Songara 03, 06, 07
Ambaprasad 58, 65 Baz Bahadur 206
‘Amin Sbah 09, 40, I2I Bhagchand 266, 290
‘Amritpal 76, 78, 79 Bhagawantdas Kachhawa 223,
Aparajit 39, 43 233 to 235
364
Bhama Shah 22], 238, 24], Dayaldas 207, 20i, 208
242 Devagana 69, 70
Bhan Dodiya 87, 88 ‘Deva Hada 08
Bhan Hada [22, 380 Deval Devi 98, 99
Bhan (Idar) I56, 73 Dhanik 29, 33, 73, 74
Bharatsingh (Shahpura) 928, Dbarmakirti I2
345 Dharmapal 47
Bharttripatta 33, 34, 72, 78 Dharana I4I, 44
Bharttripatta (Mewar) 48, SI Dharani Varah 47
Bhim Dodiya 229 fn., 230 Dilawar Khan Ghori l0
Bhim Chalukya वा 76,78,80,8 Diler Khan 299, 30] to 306
Bhim Rajkumar I 247, 262 Dungarsingh Tomar !24, 80
Bhim Rajkumar II 288, 298, Durjanrhal 327, 335, 344
306 Durga Chandrawat 20], 20
Bhoj Poramar 59, 60, 6॥, 42 Durgadas 300, 36, 89 to 32
Bhoj Pratihar 49, 60, 74 F
Biharidas 33!, 337, 839, 340
Biramdev Medatiya 62, 73, Fatehchand 277, 279, 296
490 Farrukhsiyar 385
Firozkhan (Nagaur) 25, I34,
c वउ5
Firoz Khan Sultan ll
Chach ॥9, ॥2] G
Chachigdev 87 Gajani Khan Jalori 260
Chakrayudh 47 Ganga 62, 73
Chandrabhan Chauhan 70, Garibdas Purohit 972, 283, 290
273, .74 295
Chandrabhan Munsbi 273,275 Gayakarna 62
Chandra Kumari 37, 385,344 Gayasuddin Balban 86, 88
Chitrangad Mori 28 Gayasuddin Malwa
Chodsingh 62 32, 37, 38, 47 to 49,
Chunda 22, 94, 437, 727,74 54
Gayasuddin Tughlug 08
D Ghorghatta Swamy 70
Damoderdas Pancholi 307 Gogadeva l04
Dantidurga 45 Gopalsingh 53, 34, 326
Dantivarma 65 Gopinath Rathor 286, 288
Dara 273, 276, 277 Gunraj :6, 30, T44
 $55
H Jagannath (Artist) 384
Hakim Khan Sur 226, 227 Jagatsingh-I 264, 268, 270,
Hamie 0।, 03, 05, 07, 08 272, 28L
l44, 63 Jagatsingh-II 335, 886, 387,
Hamir Chauhan 80, 93, 98 346, 947, 348 to 952
Hansabai l4 Jagmal 99, 22
Hanspal 6] Jagga Rawat 202
Haribhadra 30 Jahandar Shab 8i8
Haritrashi 40, 4] Jahangir 243, 244 to 246, 262,
Hariyadevi 52 30
Harishchandra 78 Jaimal Medatiya 206,209,20,
Harsharaj 49 24 to 2I7
Harshavardhan 36, 37, 7] Ji pal 58
Hasan Ali 285,287, 289, 290, ingh 289, 285, 288, 203,
293, 802 96, 807, 309
Hasan Khan Malik 88, 80 ingh Sawai 34 to 82,
Hasan Khan Mewati (70.72, 390 to 388, 885, 836, 838,
273, 74
842 to 844
Hasan Kuli Khan 2॥0 Jaisingh Sidhraj 64, 74
Hazi Khan 202, 203 Jaisingh Suri 8), 82
Hemratan 98 Jaitrakarna L08
Hosang Shah !8, |23
Jaitrasingh 2,75, 79 to 85,
Humayun 86, 87 88, 90
Jalaluddin Khilji 99
I ‘Jambuvati 268, 289
Ibrahim Lodi 57, 58, 66, Jayakirti 64
469, 70 Jayatalldevi 87, 0
Ibrahim Sarawani (58 Hun 5]
Ututmish 8॥, 83, 90 Jessal ४4
Indraraj 60 Jija Bagherwal 92
Ishanbhat 73 Jinadatt Suri 64
Islam Khan Sur 200, 20I, 204 Jinoday Suri 2
Tsardas Chauhan 2I5 ‘Jinprabodh Suri 2
Ishwarisingh 344 to 35I Jodha 34, 53
Jotingbhatt 5
J K
Jagannath 227, 234, 289, 240, Kalyan Jhala 267
248 Kanh Bagadiya 62
356
Kanga 85, 86 Mahap 04
Karkraj 29 Mahapa Panwar !9, 2]
Karmachand —52, 54, 74, Mahayak $0
५. 89 fa. Mahendra 39
Karma Shah 067, I8], 84 Mahendrapal-I 5i
Karmavati 77 Mahendrapal-II 52
Karansingh 229, 242, 256, 257 Mahipal 52
258, 260 to 262, 208 Mahmud Begda 54
Kedachi 70 Mahmud Kbilji-I 22 to 25,
Keshavdas Chauhan 309 उश, 30, 3I, 36, 47
Khema 7, 2I, 46 to 48 Mahmud Khilji-IT_00, 56,
Kheta 32, 09 to LI2 359, 60, I64, 65, 78,
I79, 83
Khizra Khan 00, 0! Maldeva Rathor 9, 96, 97,
Khuman-I 40, 43, 46, 47, 48 203
Khuman-II 46, 50 Maldeva Sonagara 0!, 02,
Kbuman-III 48, 50 403, 06, 07
Kishandas 8 fn. Malhar Rao Holkar 946, 348
Kitu Sonagara 78, 79 to 35I
Krishnaraj 74 Malik Abu Muhmad 40॥
Kshemsingh 76 Malik Bias 65 to 60
Koubersingh 844, 947 to 950 Man Bida 226, 228, 229
Kumar Gupta 25 Man Mori 28, 20, 44
Kumarpal 64, 76, 77 Mansingh Kachhawa 222, 225
Kumarsingh 77, 80 fa. to 282, 285, 248, 244
Kumbha 7, 30, 27, !9, 2 Mathansingh 79, 90
to I45, 47, I54, 393, 92, Medani Ray 56, 57,69,63,
200, 239 64, 73, 75
Mirabai 00, 90, 49
i: Miyan Hussain Famuli 58, 69
Lakha I]2 to 6 Miyan Makhan 38, 69, 70
Laladevi 6, 8 Miyan Maruf 58, 59
Laxmansingh 97, 04, I82 Mohammad Bia Tghlag 09,
Laxmidhar 85
Mohammad Khan Lodi 69,
M 70, 75,
Madhosingh 328, 344 to 35I Mokal Guhilot (Abu) 67
Mababat Khan 226, 228, 229 Mokal Maharana li4, 6 to
‘Mahadev Hada 09 to ।] 22, 27, 35, 39, l44¢
 357
Munj Pararnar 57 Q
‘Muzaffar Khan Sultan 56, Qasim Khan 20, 23, 24
56, 67, 6, 63, 66 to Qutliuddin Tbak 80
268, 84 20 fn. Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah 02
Muzahid Khan 8 Qutbuddin (Gujrat) 95, ॥9,
N 38, 54
Nadir Shah 342 Qutlug Khan 86
Nagaditya 36, 37 R
Nagbhat Pratihar 42, 44 to 46 Raghavachetan 00
Nagbhat II 48 Raghavadeva 05, 06
Narayandas 223, 233, Raghavadeva Lakhawat 2,
Narpat Hada 73 वाह
Narvahan 54 to 56 Raimal 46 to 53 92
Narvarma Gubilot 58 Raimal (Idar) 55, 6], 62
Narvarma Paramar 63, 64 Raisingh (Toda) 268, 277
Nasarat Khan 56, 6] Rajsingh 267 to 269, 272, 28),
Nasiruddin 47, .64 282, 296 to 207, 308, 373,
Nathji 334, 343 322
2 Ramabai I6), 53
Padda 68 Ramdeva I22, 5
Padmasingh 80, 88 Ramray Wakil 308, 82
Padmini 93 to 00 Ram Shah Tomar 20!, 205,
Pannadhay {00, 90 240, 226 to 230
Parviz 245 Ramsingh Rathor 288
Patta 85, 207 Ranbaz Khan 324, 325
Pema 2l) Ratna Prabh Suri 88, 9]
Prabhachandra 86 Ratnasingh Maharana 93 to
Prabhakar 25 99, 04
Pradhyumna Suri 54, 88, 9 Ratnasingh (Rampura) 3I3,
Pratap 4, 209, 29 to 225, 23, 34, 326
235 to 243 246, 270 Rumi Khan 85, 86, 87
Pratap Maharawal 30, 326, s
328 Sadullah Khan 274 to 277
Prithviraj (Rajkumar) 049 to Sagar 24I 245 to 247, 257
53 Sahasmal 23
Prithviraj (Amer) ।74 Sajja Chudawat 74, 88
Puranmal |54, 466, [77 Sajjan Dandnayak 64
 358
Sajjansingh Sisoda 05 ‘Tarachand 287, 24)
Saindas 96, 209, 9. 22l, 2I6 Tatanath 38
Saktikumar 34 fn, 40, 56 to 58, Tatar Khan 84, 86, 87
65, 7 Tejsingh 86 to 88
Salivahan 56 Torman 26
Samantsingh 75 to 70 Tribbuvanpal 8!
Samarsingh 88 to 9 93 ‘Tribhuvanpal (Vagad) 75
Samarsingh of Banswara 297,
279 U
Sanga 7, 52, 54 to 79, 90, Uda Hatyara 39, 46, 47
92, 94, 200 209, 289, 24 Udayaditya 6i, 62
270 Udaisingh 888०8... 55, 63,
Sangramsingh IT 323 to 334, 368, 73
336, 387, 344 Udaisingh Maharana 77,
Sankargana 50 I86, 89, 90, to 220 246
Sanwaldas 273, 287, 29, 39, Ulugh Khan 90
320
Shahbaz Khan 235 to 239 ‘Umar Khan 23 to to 25
‘Umedsingh Hada 338, 346
Shah Jahan 2I7, 25] to 256 Upendra Bhatt 73
26I, 262, 272, 276 Upendra Paramar 46
Shahu 382, 338
Shaktisingh 207, 232 v
Shamsh Khan I35
Sher Shah 96 to 200 Vairat 57, 6L
Shrigandh 25 Vairisingh 6.
Shringardevi 53, Vakpati 58
Silnhadi Tomar 54, 58, 64, Vastupal 85
473, 774, 78 Vatsaraj 46
Sikandar Lodi (55, 57, 70 Vijaypal 62
Skand Gupta 25, Vijaypal 74, 75
Som dev 62 Vijaysingh 62.
Som Sundar Suri ]2, 5, 6 Vikramadiya —86, .78, ॥77,
al, 44 48), 82, I89, 90,93, 242
Sujansingh 268 Vikramsingh 62
Surajmal Hada 66, ॥77, 8L Vikram Solanky 286, 288
Tr Viradhaval 82
‘Tahawwar Khan 285,286,289, Vishaldev Chauhan 64
298, Vishaldev Chalukiya 8!, 86
 359
Y Yograj 56
Yasho Gupta 26 Yograj 69, 90
‘Vashomati 39 Zz
Yashovardhan 26, 27, 73 Zafar Khan 4 to iI3
‘Vashovarma 20 Zahiral Mulk 55
 ERRATA
Page line Incorrect Correct

29 श his overlord overlord

30 0 8th A.D, 8th century A.D,
38... 96 ajeda ejada
54. 9. 6 मूल पूसिक
68 9.8 Fra थी गहराज frat भरी grr
Tf. 2 ‘The delete
i057 Ajaysingh Ajimsingh
im 8 (Perhaps Narawar) delete
Am fo. 6 mention mentions:
wrt ‘The Dodiya Narasing —_‘Dodiya Narasingh
33. 24 The Sultan Mahmud Sultan Mahmud
I33 48 ” "
I36 98 न ”
330 Agree Agreed
i37, श ‘The Sultan Qutbuddin Sultan Qutbuddin
38«8 न a
wo 9 a Inferior inferior
463 as captive
482 38 who
ws 4 Risked
220. 9 Insignid
259. 9 3508 2668 AD. oie
396. 99 Jaisingh Jagatsingh I
97 4 the of Raj Prakash Raj Prakash
22 8 Installed Install
822 4 (b) Maharana (i) Maharana
Sangramsingh Sangramsing
346 n.56 720 872
0 84 ,8000 378,000
ra Sassi
Listes: Spm Mean a
Mewar — isto 4
 Central Archaeological Library,
NEW DELHI

Call No. V5 4.3

Author BOWLwtRRV
V
tue Hr
शक 200]0५ ६९बं
/५७,प
७०३
Borrower Ne. Tasue |Date of Return