THE DALIT SAHITYA MOVEMENT IN MAHARASHTRA : A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

Author(s): Uttam Bhoite and Mrs. Anuradha Bhoite

Source: Sociological Bulletin , March 1977, Vol. 26, No. 1 (March 1977), pp. 60-75
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/23618293

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 THE DALIT SAHITYA MOVEMENT IN MAHA
RASHTRA : A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS*

Uttam Bhoite and (Mrs.) Anuradha Bhoite

Marathwada University, Aurangabad

Social movements are instruments of social change. Boskoff empha

this point when he defines social movements as . organized attemp
effect one or more basic institutional changes" (1957 : 278). Heberle
specifies the aim of a social movement as "to bring about fundame
changes in the social order" (1951 : 6). A review of the various studi
social movements leaves the impression that sociologists so far, have stud
mainly social movements of economic, religious and political types. I
paper an attempt is made to analyse a social movement of a very diff
nature: The Dalit Sahitya (Literary) Movement. The movement is not pur
a literary movement as it sounds to be; a deeper analysis reveals that
basically a social movement. It can aptly be described as a socio-lite
movement. The students and critics of Marathi literature have studied the
movement's literary aspects and implications. But a study of this move
ment from a sociological point of view, to bring out its social significance
and implications would also be worthwhile.
A frame of reference for a study of any social movement comprises of
its historical background, its social basis and organization, its ideology in
cluding its objectives, strategies etc., and response-patterns of other social
groups in society to the movement.

In the modernizing societies the communities which have been hitherto

suffering from the socio-economic inequalities inherent in their given social
structures have now directed their concentrated efforts towards changing
the conditions imposed upon them. The principle of equality is a domi
nant element in the modern culture. For these communities or groups,
modernization mainly means equality. The situation in most of the
modernizing societies is such that these suffering groups can no longer
hold a belief in the liberal evolutionary ideologies. They no longer feel that
wisdom would ever dawn automatically upon those who constitute the

Sociological Bullletin
Vol. 26 No. 1 March 1977

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 THE DALIT SAH1TYA MOVEMENT IN MAHARASHTRA 61

'establishment' in these social structures. Conscious as they are now of

forlorn conditions of their life more than at any other time before, they
running short of their patience to wait any longer for their emancip
at the hands of those who are at the helm of affairs. This consciousness
of their plight and the possibilities which they envisage of their emancipa
tion in the modern democratic culture activate them to protest and revolt
against the social structures which have caused them much of their suffer
ings, humiliation and agonies.
Even a cursory glance at the Indian Scene during this century can easily
grasp the revolting tendencies among the India's ex-untouchables at all levels.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar who initiated and led this struggle provided it with its
ideological content, organizational set up and direction of action. Now
this struggle is continued to be led by the incoming generations of the elites
among the ex-untouchables, constituted by the educated among them.
These educated ex-untouchables are more self conscious and active as a
group than their forefathers were. They have lost their belief in the
reforms as measures of change in the traditional caste-ridden Hindu
Social Structure. The reforms are gradual and slow in their effects. What
they now want is an immediate and radical change. They seem to be
convinced that the traditional Hindu social structure can not be reformed.
It needs to be destroyed. But they also seem to be aware of the tremen
dous tenacity of the caste system to persist.
The sad and insufferable plight of the ex-untouchables has been conse
quent to their social position and situation which the Hindu caste system
has defined for them. So long as they would not challenge the legitimacy
of this definition of their social position and situation they would have no
other go except to continue to suffer. The social identity and the social
existence of the ex-untouchables have been defined by the tenets of the Hindu
caste system. A group in such a situation needs to discard such an imposed
social identity and redefine its social position and situation vis-a-vis other
groups in society if it wants to get rid of the whole situation. Creation
of a new socio-cultural identity for itself would go a long way to help it
in its attempts for emancipation.
There have been several attempts by the ex-untouchables, in the past,
towards redefining their social position and situation. They wanted to
have a new identity for themselves as a group and still wanted to continue
to be in the Hindu fold. Ambedkar must have sensed the inner contradic
tion in it before he took the decision of religious conversion to Buddhism.

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62 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

He fully realised that it was by divorcing themsel

that they could evolve a new and separate, socio-cult
selves as a group. "This lack of separate and dist
order irritated Dr. Ambedkar at every step in the st
of the Dalit" (Dhale Raja 1976 : 3). The conver
thousands of the ex-untouchables, mainly the Mah
as one of the most potent ways available to them
against the Hindu tradition and at the same time for
position and situation vis-a-vis the caste Hindus.
version of the ex-untouchables took place at Nagp
of Dr. Ambedkar in 1956. Because of this and the
the percentage of the Buddhists in the total pop
raised from 0.01 in 1951 to 7.05 in 1961, whereas
population show that the increase in the Buddhi
from 0.5% in 1951 to 0.74% in 1961. As estimate
converts are from the Mahar caste. This is mostly
the champion of the cause of conversion was Am
Mahar.

But the religious conversion of the ex-untouchables by itself could bring

about only the formal end of their Hindu-untouchable identity. Their sub
stantive identity remained the same. Therefore, there emerged the crisis of
identity for these Neo-Buddhists.
A crucial problem for the Neo-Buddhists is that of how to evolve and
maintain their distinct and independent social existence as a group. Prior
to the conversion movement their leaders knew it well that it was impossible
to lead the liberation struggle to success without quitting the Hindu religious
fold. As long as they remained Hindu, there was no possibility of any
change in their position in the social hierarchy and consequently that of
getting any fair deal from the caste Hindus. Neo-Buddhists are not now
Hindus and they do not consider themselves to be untouchables. Theoreti
cally, they constitute a separate group or community. Through conversion
they have redefined their social position and situation vis-a-vis the caste
Hindus. Their main concern is, to carve out a separate and distinct social
existence for themselves. For them nothing is as important as how to
evolve a new socio-cultural identity for their group. The Neo-Buddhists
are suffering from the crisis of identity, the old one is deliberately discard
ed and the new one is yet to be evolved (Patwardhan 1973). This crisis of
identity is more acute in the case of educated among the ex-untouchables

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 THE DALIT SAHITYA MOVEMENT IN MAHARASHTRA 63

(Issacs 1972 : 375). Inspite of a considerable degree of modernization in

India there has been no change from the Hindu identity of the caste Hindu
elites to an Indian identity. Consequent to it the coalescence between the
Hindu elites and the ex-untouchable elites has become a hard nut to crack.
This has inevitably driven the elites among the ex-untouchables to evolve
a new socio-cultural identity for themselves and for their community to
seek the coalescence with the caste Hindu elites at some other plane. Assum
ing of a new identity is equally important for the laity also. If the Neo
Buddhists, despite their religious conversion bear resemblance to the main
body of the caste Hindus in socio-cultural, intellectual, religious and other
matters, then their efforts to redefine their social position and situation are
likely to go in vain. If the resemblance between the Neo-Buddhists and the
caste Hindus in these matters continues, the laity among the Neo-Buddhists
are not likely to experience any real change in their social position and
situation despite conversion. So delinking from the Hindu socio-cultural
system as far as possible has become imperative for them. And at the
same time the Neo-Buddhists, in order to create a distinct social-existence
for their group, have to build up a new socio-cultural ethos for their group.
But the new cultural order would not emerge unless the old one is done
away with and earlier the better. So in the case of the Neo-Buddhists some
degree of cultural nihilism has become inevitable. The new identity would
not emerge if the old one is not wiped out.
The elites among the Neo-Buddhists are making all sided efforts to an
nihilate the legacy of the old Hindu tradition. This cultural nihilism of
the Neo-Buddhists, even though resented to by the caste Hindus, is func
tional for them. The Neo-Buddhists no longer worship the Hindu pantheon.
They have discarded the Hindu customs and festivals. They have abandon
ed the Hindu birth, marriage and other rites. They now do not name their
children after Hindu gods. They no longer greet each other in the tradi
tional Hindu manner. The cultural nihilism creates a cultural vacuum.
But the masses cannot suffer the cultural vacuum for a long period. Know
ing this well, the Neo-Buddhist elites have tried to fill in this cultural vacuum
by providing their followers with new Gods to worship and prescribing
new rituals to practice. They now celebrate the Buddhist festivals and
perform the Buddhist rites. All this contributes towards evolving a new
socio-cultural identity for their group.
But this process of evolving a new socio-cultural identity for the group
would not be near completion unless the group evolves for itself its own,

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 64 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

more or less independent and autonomous literar

tions. The Dalit Sahitya Movement in Maharasht
vour of the Neo-Buddhist elites to create such l
traditions as components of the socio-cultural et
movement, as said earlier, is not purely a literary m
a social movement with the essential elements which a social movement
should have, namely its social basis, "constitutive ideas" or ideology and
a collectivity which works as a carrier of the movement (Heberle 1951).
The different social movements take different directions to reject the social
order as "alternative choices". On the basis of these alternative choices
Gusfield has classified social movements into four types; withdrawl move
ment, protest movement, reform movement and revolt movement (1970 :
85-87). The Dalit Literary Movement (DLM) is essentially a protest move
ment. It is one of the several movements which go to constitute the wider
liberation movement of the ex-untouchables. The target of their protest
is mainly the Hindu intellectual tradition. So, to treat this movement
purely as a literary movement is to misunderstand the basic character of
the movement. It is a social movement with wider social objectives. It
is an extension of the general crusade for the complete liberation of the
ex-untouchables.
II

The DLM has a history of a couple of decades or so. The movement

has been initiated, steered and carried out vigorously by the educated young
Dalits. Etymologically the term Dalit means all those who are down
trodden, economically and socially. But in the context of this movement
the term Dalit has gained a narrower meaning. Here the Dalit mostly
means those who are social proletariate i.e. ex-untouchables.
There are about 30-40 leading Dalit writers and poets and scores of others
on lower level who are participating in the DLM. They come from the
different walks of life. They are journalists, college teachers, lawyers etc.
So DLM is essentially an elite movement as differentiated from a mass
movement. An elite movement addresses itself mainly to the task of crys
tallization and cultivation of ideologies. It takes upon itself the function
of articulation of interests of masses. The collectivity of intellectuals which
participates in the DLM does not have self-aggrandisement as its interest
of participation. The Dalit writers identify their interests with those of
Dalit masses. In the ultimate analysis, the objectives of the DLM are

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 THE DALIT SAHITYA MOVEMENT IN MAHARASHTRA 65

accelerating the general emancipation of the Dalits.

The leading Dalit writers are a more or less organized group. Most of
them know one another well and are in frequent interaction. They work
consciously and collectively towards the realization of the goals of the
movement. This sense of collective identity and solidarity is a pre-requisite
for the effective steering of the movement. Heberle observes that "A
sense of group identity and solidarity is required, for only when the
active individuals have become aware of the fact that they have sentiments
and goals in common when they think of themselves as being united with
each other in action through these sentiments and for these goals do we
acknowledge the existence of a social movement" (1951 : 7). The ideologi
cal consensus and a sense of commitment to it are easily discernable in
the literary creations of the Dalit writers.
The Dalit writers have evolved certain institutional arrangements for
carrying out the movement. There are various periodicals, owned and
edited by some of them, through which they express themselves. These
periodicals are so much identified with the movement that the non-Dalit
writers rarely publish through them. The Dalit writers hold their annual
conferences with considerable regularity under the banner of Bouddha
Sahitya Sammelan (Buddhist Literary Conference) which are held parallel
to and independent of annual Marathi Sahitya Sammelan, which is usually
an affair of non-Dalit writers. These annual gatherings provide the Dalit
writers opportunities to reaffirm their solidarity, to rejuvenate their ideo
logical commitments and to formulate their policies and strategies.
As seen earlier, etymologically the term Dalit refers to all those who are
down-trodden and exploited. Yet the leaders of DLM have narrowed down
the connotation of the term to include in this category only the ex-untouch
ables; and furthermore, only those who are Ambedkarite Neo-Buddhists.
In the early period of the movement, some of the Dalit writers with Marx
ist orientation addressed themselves to the cause of wider category of
the Dalits including industrial workers, landless labourers etc. But this
has been resented to by another group of the Dalit writers. The latter
stressed the need to make clear cut differentiation between those who are
economically Dalit (proletariat in the Marxist sense) and those who are
socially Dalit i.e. untouchable. Thier contention is that, in the Indian
contexts these two categories are not completely overlapping. All those
who are economically Dalit are not necessarily socially Dalit also. But those
who are socially Dalit are invariably the victims of economic inequality.

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66 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

They suffer on both the counts. So it is not re

group of writers identifies itself as true Amb
understandable in the context of the mainfest
namely to create socio-cultural ethos for their
The Neo-Buddhists are anxious about creating
selves and about maintaining their distinct soci
in the wider category of the Dalits would be su
that they would loose their identity which they v
The Ambedkarites have openly expressed their
would be sabotaged if the Marxists are allowed
this led to the division of the leaders of the m
camps. It is amazing that both the camps seek
ches by calling themselves Ambedkarites and by
port. The Dalit writers with Marxist orientation
coming out openly as the Marxists probably bec
followers. In their fierce battle with the Marxi
severely condemned the other group as traitor
the Marxists seem to have come in for some id
the Ambedkarites, by softening the Marxist overt
ideological turbulances among the Dalit writers
into accepting Ambedkarism as an ideological basis
a view to underline clearly the objectives and t
movement, the need to change the nomenclatu
to the Bouddha Sahitya has also been emphasize
of the Dalit writers are named as the Bouddha
There has been a controversy regarding who can
Can a caste Hindu writer who has chosen life o
problems, aspirations etc. as his themes of wr
writer ? There has been some reluctance to inclu
category of the Dalit writers. The Dalit caste w
the superficiality of feelings, experiences and in
writers regarding Dalits. They say that a genui
lops genuine "Dalit sensitivity". Those who are
only can have this Dalit sensitivity because
periences of the Dalit life situation. This leads t
those who are born Dalits are treated as the gen
purpose of this movement. Moreover, the D
literature. Writings of a Dalit writer must hav

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 THE DALIT SAHITYA MOVEMENT IN MAHARASHTRA 67

(Ingle 1973). Naturally, only those who are Dalits by birth can cultivate
this protest character in their writings. All this points out the caste identi
fication of the Dalit writers. A Dalit writer is to be known as a Dalit
writer mainly on the basis of his ascriptive status. The caste Hindu writers
also seem to have accepted this definition of a Dalit writer. They do not
feel happy if they are included in the category of Dalit writers. This
points to the social basis of the movement.
There has been differential spread of education among the people
belonging to the various ex-untouchable castes. The Mahars, by virtue
of their historical situation have been the main beneficiaries of the various
educational facilities provided by the Government. So, as a group they
are more educated and modernized than others. They are more self-cons
cious and active. Most of the creative Dalit writers come from this caste.
Most of the Mahars are now Neo-Buddhists. So it is more correct to say
that the Dalit Sahitya Movement is mainly of Neo-Buddhists. This also
explains the change in the nomenclature from Dalit Sahitya to Bouddha
Sahitya referred to earlier. It would be rather too early to analyse the re
percussions of narrowing down the social basis of the movement on the
course of the movement.
Knowledge of the social basis of a movement provides clues to under
stand its ideological basis and vice versa. Avante garde of the movement
regard Ambedkarism and Buddhism as philosophical bases of the move
ment (Baburao Bagul 1971). It is in terms of these two ideological strands
the Dalits—Neo-Buddhists—are trying to evolve the present day and the his
torical components of their new identity. Dr. Ambedkar's philosophy has
provided a major frame of reference for their literary and intellectual acti
vities. It seems to be necessary to have a monolithic ideology for the
success of a movement. Ambedkar always emphasized principles of equality,
fraternity, liberty and also universal humanism as preached by Lord
Buddha, in his writings. The DLM has accepted these as a part of its
ideology. Uncritical acceptance of Dr. Ambedkar's philosophy as the basis
of ideology of the movement has proved functional for the movement in
the context of solidarity and unity of consciousness of the movement.
Objectives and goa^ of a movement are part of its ideology. Here we
will take into consideration some of the objectives of the movement. The
DLM aims at enriching the ideological content of the liberation movement.
There are only a few Dalit writers who indulge in theoretical and philoso
phical writings. In their writings they usually elaborate, paraphrase and

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68 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

interpret what Dr. Ambedkar said and wrote

ever a critical analysis of Dr. Ambedkar's tho
humanism is another theme which attracts the atte
writers.

Knowledge of historical continuity helps a g

cultural identity. It adds to its socio-cultural
writers have keen historical interest. They portray
ous historical past of the ex-untouchables espe
eulogize their past cultural achievements. They
show that they were the original inhabitants
were a ruling community. Some of them have tr
ago they were Buddhists and it is because of t
Brahmins and other caste groups that they we
position. (Raja Dhale 1976 : 28-32). This effort
a part of their endeavour to build up their ide
also helps them to substantiate their claim to the
on equal level vis-a-vis the caste Hindus.
The ex-untouchables upto this time were the
Hindu society. Their literary and intellectual
benumbed because of their inhuman life cond
number of saint poets and ballad singers there w
figures from amongst the ex-untouchables. Th
lectual tradition of their own worth the name ti
Hindus have their literary and intellectual tra
caste Hindus and ex-untouchables are set ap
literary and intellectual sensitivities of the cas
own limitations consequent to their life situat
rate themselves into the world of the ex-unto
ences of the Dalits, their sufferings and mis
frustrations could never become a substantive th
caste Hindu writers. They could not give to th
their literature to satisfy their emotional and
some sort of entertainment. The Dalit man ap
rature to become a butt of ridicule and despise
feel that there is nothing in Marathi literatur
own. They say that the present day Marathi l
middle class—Sadashive Pethi** literature. So
with the caste Hindus in their literary heritag

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 THE DALIT SAH1TYA MOVEMENT IN MAHARASHTRA 69

of language does not provide them a ground for coalescence. There i

widespread frustration among the Dalit elites that the caste Hindu crit
do not acclaim deliberately the literary and intellectual abilities of the Dal
writers, present and past, simply because of their caste position (Nam
1973). So along with many other things, the Dalit elites wish to do aw
with the literary and intellectual monopoly of the caste Hindu Mara
writers. They acutely feel a need of having their own literary idiom throu
which they can express themselves without any hinderance. The need
develop their own literary heritage has been repeatedly emphasized by
leaders of the movement. They want to have it as a matter of self-resp
(Shende 1963 and Wankhede 1967). What is now more important fro
the point of view of the Dalit elites is the psychological emancipation
their people. Their endeavour is to create a sense of confidence in th
minds of their followers and to increase their collective ego-strength. The
feel that they can realize these objectives through the medium of t
movement.

The Dalit writers have given to themselves the Dalit man as the central
theme of their writings and intellectual deliberations. They depict the hard
realities of his life in their essays, poetry, drama, short stories etc. The tone
of their writing is not that of appeasement but of protest. The Dalit man
depicted in the Dalit literature is aware that what he suffers from is not
his own creation. It has been imposed on him by the social system charac
terized by ascriptive social inequality. The Dalit writers with the typical
Dalit sensitivity (Deshpande 1973), seismographically record his feelings of
protest against this social system. The Dalit writers describe their literature
as 'vidrohi' (protest) literature. Their protest is against the Hindu religion,
the Hindu ethics, the Hindu literary and intellectual traditions. They
regard the Hindu intellectual tradition as the main source of their suffer
ings because it supports inequality based on birth. It betrays human dignity
and humanitarian values. So their protest is mainly against the Hindu
intellectual tradition. They see their real enemy in it. This has given
impetus to the DLM.
Some Marathi literary critics with middle class orientation condemn the
Dalit literature as an expression of the 'raw experiences' of the writers in
their 'unsophisticated' language. But the supporters of DLM argue that
their experiences may be raw but they are living experiences of the writers
themselves and so they have deep vitality in them. Their literature is their
living experience and so the sophisticated language, literary forms etc., are

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70 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

immaterial for them. The Dalit writers do not w

mation for them or for the purpose of entertainment
and intellectual activities are instruments of protest
purpose. Through the literary medium they are
tellectual tradition and are trying to build up an
tradition for their group. The ideas which the Da
manifestations of their social consciousness determin
of their social existence. And at the same time they
the ideologies which they cherish in their minds
Buddhism and universal humanism.
Importance of communication system in the contex
integration of a group needs to be taken into con
in search of its identity and distinctness needs to
nication system with its own symbols, idiom and
communication system helps to foster intergratio
awareness of the group goals among the member
trying to evolve a communication system throu
Dalit literature is a dialogue among the Dalits, wh
an awareness of their plight, problems and of th
also a medium through which the Dalit elites commu
and with the laity. Through it they propagate t
commitment to it. Their periodicals, conferences and
provide opportunities to them to meet mind to mind
The Dalit literature as a channel of communication
The DLM is an extension of the wider Dalit liberat
the Dalit writers produce is not only for home co
literature addressed to the vested interests in the
purpose of protest is to create a sense of guilt in
whom it is addressed. For this, the feelings of pr
for whom they are meant. The medium of literat
elites to communicate with the non-Dalit elites. B
literary forms—essay, novel, poetry, drama, autobio
personal experiences— they try to stir the conscienc
non-Dalit elites. It is a collective effort to make t
the life situation of the Dalits but also of their anach
ways of treating the Dalits.
In order to make this effort more effective their w
matic and traumatic character. They are convinced

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 THE DALIT SAHITYA MOVEMENT IN MAHARASHTRA 71

do no good. Their horrifying narrations, startling imagery, unsophisticated

language etc., are understandable and to some extent justifiable in this con
text. Thus, the DLM aims at creating an intellectual community among
the Dalit elites, as well as it is evolving a communication system for intra
group and intergroup intellectual communication.
The DLM also should be viewed as a collective effort of the Dalit elites
to modernize the Dalits. The Hindu modernizers have their open or secret
allegiance to the Hindu heritage. They attempt to maintain their Hindu
identity and self-esteem. But how can the Dalits modernize themselves in
this way? The Dalit elites are trying to introduce the modern culture and
universalistic values to their people through their writings.

Ill

The DLM has received mixed responses. A larger share of response

naturally came from the literary circles. The reactions to the DLM are
expressed mainly on intellectual plane. No major social stir was caused
by the writings of the Dalit writers except the one which was caused by an
article written by one of the leading Dalit writers in which there were cer
tain derogatory remarks about the national flag. However, a number of
articles appeared in the Marathi periodicals about the movement. Certain
periodicals brought out special issues on Dalit literature. The various
literary associations and conferences organize symposia and seminars to
discuss and to evaluate the Dalit literature. The English press was also
adequately responsive to it. But in all these activities the emphasis was
mainly on the literary evaluation. The social significance and implications
of the movement received comparatively less attention. It is difficult to
review all the responses and reactions to the movement. However, we will
try to analyse some of them here.
The main arguments of the opponents of the movement can be summa
rized as follows : (1) It is not correct to make a special category of the
Dalit literature as such. The whole literature is one (Kulkarni 1972). (2)
The present day Dalit literature does not reflect the realities of life of the
whole Dalit class, the proletariate. It is literature mainly of the Neo
Buddhists. It has a sectarian character. (3) The DLM provides an ideolo
gical basis for segregationist tendencies among the Dalits (Deshpande 1973).
There are some non-Dalit intellectuals also among the supporters of the
DLM. The supporters of the DLM do not agree with the first statement.
Their contention is that the Dalit literature can be treated as a valid

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12 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

category of literature like folk literature, Gramin

depicting the realities of the village life) or feminin
literature concerns itself with an important category o
which has hitherto remained neglected. So the Dal
gory of literature has literary justification and le
porters of the movement say that the movement woul
enriching the Marathi literature by the newness and v
experiences depicted in Dalit literature (Joshi 1972).
The Dalit writers claim that they have made no secret
their literary and intellectual activities. They emph
difference between the life situations of those who
those who are economically Dalit. The Dalit writer
with the earlier category of Dalits, and say that the cr
themselves the responsibility of the latter category,
has advised that the DLM may evolve a suitable com
karism and Marxism as its ideology (Karhade 1971)
point out the impossibility and possible implications of
Taking into consideration the task the Dalit writer
themselves, we think, it would not be fair to call this
rian one. In a sense, every social movement is mor
The arguments that the DLM supports segregatio
that it would assume political character subsequent
cause a damage to the integration of total society
leading Dalit writer specifically pointed out that the Da
a creation of hate and hatred. It is a literature tra
greatness (Bagul 1971). There is certainly some trut
says. Even a cursory glance at the works of the Dali
shows how they address themselves to the basic grea
and how they eulogize the universal humanitarian value
The fear that the DLM would take a political stan
cause of the close association of some of the leading
militant Dalit organization, 'Dalit Panthers.' The Da
vashri Raja Dhale, Dhasal, J.V. Pawar etc. have been
nants of the Dalit Panther which is a parapolitical or
the Black Panther organization in U.S.A. There are t
which need to be taken into consideration. One,
writers do not have an active association with the
address themselves mainly to the socio-cultural go

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 THE DALIT SA HIT YA MOVEMENT IN MAHARASHTRA 73

them, getting some more political and educational rights and concessions
etc., is not that important as creating a socio-cultural ethos and identity
for their people. So it is immature to argue that this movement as such,
would become a political movement. Secondly, it is now necessary to
understand that the liberation struggle of the Dalit is no longer a political
struggle. It is now a struggle for socio-cultural eminence and identity.
The Constitution has given them their political rights and identity. They
have now amassed enough power for political bargaining. What they
want now is a recognition for their distinct social existence, and co-part
nership on equal footing in all the spheres of social life.
The argument that DLM fosters segregationist tendencies is understand
able to some extent. The very aim of the DLM is to create socio-cul
tural identity for their group as distinct from others. So, some segrega
tionist element is likely to creep in the activities of the movement. But there
is no logical basis for the fear that such a segregationist element would
cause harm to the integration of the total society. The world experience
as well as the existing situation in India indicate that the communities with
varying cultural identities can be integrated parts of a nation or a political
community. On the other hand one cannot neglect an integrationist role
which the movement plays. The Dalit literature awakens empathy of the
non-Dalit elites which enables them to understand and know the agonies and
aspirations of Dalits, which is very essential for the development of general
understanding between the two groups. Eleanor Zelliot has very aptly des
cribed the situation created by 'protective discrimination' shown by the
government towards the Dalits. "These privileges have walled off the con
tinuing problems of the untouchable from the Indian consciousness".
(Zelliot 1972 : 93). The Dalit literature chides this consciousness. More
over, the DLM provides them a safety valve in the form of thier literature
to express their feelings which otherwise would have caused an explosion
of more disastrous type. This integrationist aspect of the movement can
not be neglected.
The conservatives among non-Dalit intellectuals have evolved a defen
sive ideology. They do not attempt to justify the existing set up but they
emphasize the organic growth of social institutions and pinpoint the futi
lity of bringing about deliberate social change. In their eyes the move
ment is just a temporary phenomenon which is bound to subside in due
course. The middle class caste Hindu literary critics have adopted a
typical strategy to defeat the movement. They evaluate the quality of the

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 Í4 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

Dalit literature from purely literary formalistic point of view

ditional literary criteria based on 'art for art's sake' philoso
demn it as having a mediocre literary merit. They emphasiz
character and neglect it as a social movement. It is a very n
to underestimate the movement and to defeat its social purp
The DLM needs to be treated as a social movement and not
movement only. In fact, it is an extension of the wider libe
ment of the Dalits. Viewed from a sociological perspective, it
ficance becomes amply evident.

*A paper submitted to the panel on'Sociology of Social Movement

All-India Sociological Conference.

**Sadashiv Peth is a middle class Brahmin dominated locality in Poon

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