BLACK FRANCE

African Expressive Cultures

Patrick McNaughton, editor

Associate editors
Catherine M. Cole
Barbara G. Hoffman
Eileen Julien
Kassim Koné
D. A. Masolo
Elisha Renne
Zoë Strother
BLACK FRANCE
Colonialism, Immigration,
and Transnationalism

DOMINIC THOMAS

INDIANA UNIVERSITY PRESS

Bloomington & Indianapolis
 This book is a publication of
Indiana University Press
601 North Morton Street
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© 2007 by Dominic Thomas

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No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means,
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National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed
Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.

Manufactured in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Thomas, Dominic Richard David.

Black France : colonialism, immigration, and transnationalism / Dominic Thomas.
p. cm. — (African expressive cultures)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-253-34821-8 (cloth : alk. paper) — ISBN 0-253-21881-0 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Blacks—France. 2. Blacks—Race identity—France 3. Blacks—France—Social condi-
tions. 4. Africans—France. 5. France—Ethnic relations. 6. Multiculturalism—France.
I. Title.
DC34.5.B55T46 2007
305.896’044—dc22
2006027760

1 2 3 4 5 12 11 10 09 08 07
For Devereux and Erin
People think immigrants are naked when they arrive
in a new land at the end of their odyssey, yet migrants
arrive layered with personal stories, and burdened
with what passes for collective memory.
Abdourahman A. Waberi, Transit (2003)

Don’t immigrants have a history of their own?

Do you cease to have a history when you move
from one point of the globe to another?
J. M. Coetzee, Slow Man (2005)
CONTENTS

Preface and Acknowledgments xi

Note on Translations xvii

1. Introduction: Black France in Transcolonial Contexts 1

2. Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 41
3. Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 82
4. Rhetorical Mediations of Slavery 114
5. Afro-Parisianism and African Feminisms 131
6. Fashion Matters: La sape and Vestimentary Codes in
Transnational Contexts and Urban Diasporas 155
7. African Youth in the Global Economy 185
Conclusion 206

Notes 213
Bibliography 261
Index 293
 Preface and Acknowledgments

In 2002, Indiana University Press published my Nation-Building, Propa-

ganda, and Literature in Francophone Africa. That work was concerned
with questions of nationalism and the importance of adhering to the na-
tion-state as a prerequisite for the assumption of sovereignty and auton-
omy from colonial rule, and its central focus was an exploration of the
relationship between literature and the state in francophone Africa, the
contributions of writers to the transition from colonialism to indepen-
dence, and recent experimentation with democratization. The imperative
was to offer a better understanding of the circumstances of African colo-
nization through a more encompassing view of the role literature had
played in African history, decolonization, and the complex process of
forging modern nation-states. As I analyzed the disorientation that had
resulted from colonial and postcolonial rule, the collapse of the nation-
state, and the emergence of generations of young, alienated, and disen-
franchised individuals, my own research gradually became more engaged
with broader contextual frameworks that would allow me to account for
these developments. In Black France, attention has shifted in order to
explore the failure of the nationalist imperative and the resulting impact
on African societies and populations of the dissolution and disintegra-
tion of state structures. Through a supranational and comparative frame-
work that incorporates writers from Cameroon, Congo, Djibouti, France,
Gabon, Guinea, the Ivory Coast, Mali, Senegal, and Togo, Black France
explores those transnational constituencies that have emerged from colo-
nialism and immigration, and engages with anthropological, sociological,
francophone, Diaspora, postcolonial, and transnational/transcolonial
studies, offering new ways of thinking about the symbiotic dimension
of relations and population flows between France and the francophone
world.
I insisted in Nation-Building, Propaganda, and Literature in Franco-
phone Africa that a multidisciplinary approach was necessary in order to
account for the complex circumstances of decolonization, and, in much
the same way, one can only begin to achieve an accurate understanding
of transnational cultural productions and global population movements
through cultural, economic, historical, political, and sociological contex-
tualizations. Francophone sub-Saharan African literature shares many
points of commonality with the Maghrebi context: in both cases, liter-
ature has been produced in “Africa in France” by the children of im-
migrants (in the case of the Maghreb it is known as Beur literature and
exemplified by authors such as Azouz Begag, Farida Belghoul, Mehdi
Charef, and Soraya Nini, among others), but also by writers who live or
xii Preface and Acknowledgments

publish in France but who do not self-identify as immigrants (such as Ta-

har Ben Jelloun, Ahmadou Kourouma, Henri Lopes, and Tierno Monen-
embo). Similarly, these writers intersect with their counterparts who cur-
rently reside in or have lived in other regions of Europe, such as Belgium
(Bessora), Britain (Chris Abani, Diran Adebayo, Biyi Bandele-Thomas,
Bernardine Evaristo, Ben Okri, Helen Oyeyemi, Zadie Smith), Germany
(Senouvo Agbota Zinzou, Théo Ananissoh), and Italy (Pap Khouma).
Black France attempts to reframe African, francophone, and postco-
lonial studies by adopting a transcolonial theoretical model—one that in-
sists upon considering francophone sub-Saharan African literatures across
history rather than as sociocultural products symbolically demarcated into
colonial and postcolonial categories by political independence around
1960. Colonial-era literatures, rather than being categorized exclusively
as the pioneering canon of sub-Saharan African literature, are shown to
operate in a reciprocal context that was always already analogous to that
of contemporary authors. When it is demonstrated that francophone co-
lonial sub-Saharan African texts operate symbiotically with hexagonal
historiography, the constitutive nature of literary production that emerg-
es complicates French and European debates on identity, but also para-
doxically questions the cultural and demographic singularity of France
and Europe.
Naturally, this book builds on the pioneering studies of Michel Fabre
(From Harlem to Paris: Black American Writers in France, 1840–1980),
Tyler Stovall (Paris Noir: African Americans in the City of Lights), Ben-
netta Jules-Rosette (Black Paris: The African Writer’s Landscape), and Pas-
cal Blanchard, Eric Deroo, and Gilles Manceron (Le Paris noir), and those
of Christopher L. Miller (Nationalists and Nomads: Essays on Franco-
phone African Literature and Culture), Brent Hayes Edwards (The Prac-
tice of Diaspora), Paul Gilroy (The Black Atlantic), F. Abiola Irele (The
African Imagination: Literature in Africa and the Black Diaspora), Man-
thia Diawara (In Search of Africa), Mireille Rosello (Postcolonial Hospi-
tality: The Immigrant as Guest), and Alec G. Hargreaves (Voices from the
North African Immigrant Community in France: Immigration and Iden-
tity in Beur Fiction). In turn, Black France explores the bilateralism and
transversal nature of African and French relations. It acknowledges the
centrality of Paris but also broadens and decenters the symbolic territory to
provincial sites, simultaneously refuting any notion of cultural homogene-
ity that may be suggested or implied by such a diasporic space. Indeed, the
cover to Black France, which features the Congolese painter Chéri Samba’s
striking image of sub-Saharan African immigrants (Paris est propre [Paris
is Clean]), is specifically intended to capture the image of the Eiffel Tower
as a broader iconic symbol for the metropole and Hexagon, and to under-
score the ways in which Black Paris and France are often mutable in the
imaginations of writers.
 Preface and Acknowledgments xiii

Black France reminds us that the myth of Occidental universalism and

cultural superiority operated as an intrinsic component of the expansion-
ist project, and that it was initially disseminated through colonial educa-
tion. Once subjected to scrutiny, it allows us to locate colonialism as a
precursor to contemporary intellectual and political debates in France
and Europe on globalization and immigration and to underscore how the
very transcoloniality of these issues is reflected in new francophone Afri-
can literature. As William B. Cohen argued in his book The French En-
counter with Africans: White Response to Blacks, 1530–1880, “French-
men’s experiences and conceptions of black peoples helped form the image
of the African in Western culture.”*
This book has been made possible only by the unyielding support of
Dee Mortensen, my sponsoring editor at Indiana University Press. At
each and every stage Dee provided invaluable feedback and encourage-
ment, and for that I am extremely grateful. Additionally, the tremendous
efficiency and professionalism of the editorial and production staff at IUP
guided the manuscript through the production process. Alec G. Hargreaves
and Bennetta Jules-Rosette were generous enough to place their own pro-
jects on hold in order to review the manuscript for IUP; their insightful
comments and suggestions have undoubtedly made this a stronger book.
In particular, I would like to thank Elisabeth Marsh, my assistant spon-
soring editor; and Patrick McNaughton, general editor of the African Ex-
pressive Cultures series.
In completing this book, I have benefited enormously from generous
critiques, exchanges, and readings by a multiplicity of people—anony-
mously, in person, at conferences, through correspondence, in edited vol-
umes, and so on. In turn, I have been constantly challenged by the innova-
tive and thought-provoking work of friends for whom I have nothing but
complete admiration; they include Emily Apter, Azouz Begag, Mark Behr,
John Conteh-Morgan, Gaurav Desai, Anne Donadey, Emmanuel Dongala,
Didier Gondola, Alec G. Hargreaves, Francis Higginson, Nicki Hitchcott,
F. Abiola Irele, Bennetta Jules-Rosette, Lawrence Kritzman, Michel Lar-
onde, Alain Mabanckou, Daniel Maximin, Achille Mbembe, Jane Moss,
Lydie Moudileno, Jean-Marc Moura, H. Adlai Murdoch, David Murphy,
Nick Nesbitt, Panivong Norindr, Anjali Prabhu, Mireille Rosello, Ab-
dourahman A. Waberi, Richard Watts, and Winifred Woodhull.
Residency at Cambridge University’s Centre for Research in the Arts,
Social Sciences, and Humanities (CRASSH) in 2004 allowed me to make
considerable progress on the manuscript. I would like to express my ap-
preciation to the other fellows, and particularly to the program director,

*William B. Cohen, The French Encounter with Africans: White Response to Blacks,
1530–1880 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980), ix.
xiv Preface and Acknowledgments

Ludmilla Jordanova. I also appreciated the warm welcome that was ex-
tended to me by Jean Khalfa of Trinity College, and the occasion to con-
verse with Gaurav Desai, who was in residence at Clare Hall.
I am thankful for generous financial support from UCLA’s Academic
Senate, the Center for African Studies, and the Center for Globalization
—Africa. This made it possible for me to conduct multiple research visits
to Dakar, London, Marseilles, Paris, Toulon, and Strasbourg.
Exchanges with members of the University of California Multicam-
pus Research Group for Transcolonial and Transnational Studies helped
me think through the theoretical framework of my project. Additionally,
my involvement with the new Global Studies Program at UCLA has stim-
ulated my work in many ways. I am grateful to the former vice provost
and dean of the International Institute, Geoffrey Garrett, for the various
opportunities made available to me under its aegis.
Christopher L. Miller continues to serve as an invaluable mentor, pro-
viding both encouragement and sound advice, but above all adhering to
the kind of rigorous scholarly standard that is the hallmark of all his
work, and that I can only aspire to emulate.
I am extremely fortunate to be surrounded by such brilliant minds at
UCLA. For various inspirational moments and indispensable support, I
would like to thank Andrew Apter, Shu-mei Shih, Ali Behdad, John Mc-
Cumber, Efrain Kristal, and Jenny Sharpe. I would also like to thank my
undergraduate and graduate students at UCLA, who have been a con-
stant source of inspiration.
Fran Wintroub deserves a special word of thanks for continuing to
help me in immeasurable ways.
In writing this book, I was fortunate to have a wonderful depart-
mental chair. Françoise Lionnet encouraged me in innumerable ways,
combined administrative demands with an intimidating rate of scholarly
productivity, and somehow found the time to provide generous and ex-
tremely detailed critiques of most chapters.
My parents, David and Jean Thomas, and my in-laws, J. Patrick and
Pamela Cooney, have, as always, provided all kinds of support, for which
I am forever grateful.
My son Devereux, whose patience was often tested as he accompa-
nied me on various book and research expeditions, and my wife Erin Joy
Cooney, who has been there at every stage of this project, have no idea of
the degree to which I love them, and of the extent to which they have
helped me. Naturally, this book is dedicated to them.

PERMISSIONS
For permission to reprint various material in this book, I am grateful to
the editors and proprietors of Modern Languages Notes; the Journal of
 Preface and Acknowledgments xv

Romance Studies; Comparative Studies of Africa, Asia, and the Middle

East; Culture, Theory, and Critique; Immigrant Narratives in Contempo-
rary France (Susan Ireland and Patrice Proulx, eds.); Postcolonial Theory
and Francophone Literary Studies (Anne Donadey and H. Adlai Mur-
doch, eds.); the Journal of Francophone Studies; and Research in African
Literatures. In all instances, my work in this book supersedes earlier ver-
sions, has been extensively revised, and has benefited from the incisive
comments and critiques of numerous—and mostly anonymous—readers.
 Note on Translations

Material included in this book that originally appeared in French has

been given in the English of published translations when these were avail-
able. Otherwise, translations are my own. In some places the meaning of
the original French seemed self-evident or its significance critical.
BLACK FRANCE
 ONE

Introduction: Black France

in Transcolonial Contexts

But what exactly is a Black? First of

all, what’s his color?
Jean Genet1

I will tear down those Banania smiles

from the walls of France.
Léopold Sédar Senghor 2

Look, a Negro!
Frantz Fanon3

Whether one is satisfied or not with the terminological pertinence of glob-

alization or the use of the French term mondialisation to designate the na-
ture of human relations at the beginning of the twenty-first century, the
fact nevertheless remains that cultural, economic, political, and social dis-
course is infused with conflicting interpretations of the constitutive or di-
visive attributes of the local and the global.4 A broad range of texts, in-
cluding Benjamin Barber’s Jihad versus McWorld, Samuel Huntington’s
The Clash of Civilizations, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s Empire
and Multitude, and Jean-François Bayart’s Le gouvernement du monde,
have, respectively, privileged categories such as ethnicity or inter-“civiliza-
tional” competition, underscored the potential of popular resistance to
hegemonic forces by demonstrating how Empire (as distinguished from
imperialism) operates as “a decentered and deterritorialized apparatus,”
or demonstrated how transnational networks further inscribe the central-
ity of the nation-state, in order to interpret new configurations and trans-
national alignments.5
Perhaps no other country than France has emerged as such a delicate
site for the investigation of these complex formulations, given that all of
2 black france

these issues have contributed to the process of determining what a global

Hexagon might look like. A range of factors would seem to corroborate
such observations: the questioning of Americanization most powerfully
contained in concerns with “the imperialism of Mickey Mouse,” “coca-
colonization” and the “Starbuckization” of France; the politics of decolo-
nization and post-Empire France; immigration policies and the rise of ex-
treme-right wing agendas; the tenuous relationship between national
agendas and broader incorporation in an expanding European Union
(such as by abandoning national currency); global security pre- and post-
9/11; and the paradoxical “reversed colonization” of the metropole. Im-
migration and the cultural productions that have emerged from within
France’s postcolonial communities have generated radically new sociocul-
tural structures, displacing received notions of Frenchness. Lawrence
Kritzman once characterized Pierre Nora’s seven-volume Les lieux de mé-
moire as “the result of an imaginary process that codifies and condenses a
national consciousness of the past,”6 but one might well ask whether this
work accurately reflects the collective memory of those people for whom
the Hexagon now represents home, a fact that has simultaneously com-
pelled individuals and groups to acknowledge and recognize that memory
is now also elsewhere. A study of “Black” France inevitably finds itself at
the intersection of these issues, since to explore France from such a per-
spective is to embark on a journey across the arbitrary lines of demarca-
tion that distinguish the colony from the postcolony and the colonial from
the postcolonial period, in order to engage with immigration and identity
politics, and to question the origins of the French Republic and challenges
to its foundational principles (such as the headscarf and veil affairs). Nat-
urally, this approach will include consideration of the fragile connections
between the imperatives of human rights legislation and modern forms of
population displacement exemplified by asylum seekers, refugees, and the
sans-papiers (undocumented subjects or illegals).7
If questions of nationalism and the importance of adhering to the na-
tion-state as a prerequisite for the assumption of sovereignty and auton-
omy from colonial rule provided the concern of my previous book, Na-
tion-Building, Propaganda, and Literature in Francophone Africa,8 then
attention in Black France has shifted in order to explore the failure of the
nationalist imperative and the resulting impact on African societies and
populations of the partial dissolution of incorporative state structures in
favor of supranational economic, juridical, and political mechanisms. My
research has then taken me on what Saskia Sassen has described as a tran-
sition from the “emphasis on the sovereignty of the people of a nation and
the right to self-determination . . . to the rights of individuals regardless of
identity.”9
In Nation-Building, Propaganda, and Literature in Francophone Af-
rica, the central focus was provided by an exploration of the relationship
 Introduction 3

between literature and the state in francophone sub-Saharan Africa, the

contributions of writers to the transition from colonialism to indepen-
dence, and recent experimentation with democratization. The imperative
was to provide a better understanding of the circumstances of African col-
onization through a more encompassing view of the role literature had
played in African history, decolonization, and the complex process of
forging modern nation-states. By analyzing the disorientation that had
resulted from colonial and postcolonial rule, the collapse of the nation-
state, and the emergence of generations of young, alienated, and disen-
franchised individuals, my own research gradually became more engaged
with broader contextual frameworks that would allow me to account for
these developments. Through a comparative framework that incorporates
writers from Cameroon, Congo, Djibouti, France, Gabon, Guinea, the
Ivory Coast, Mali, Senegal, and Togo, Black France explores those trans-
national constituencies that have emerged from colonialism and immigra-
tion, and engages with anthropological, sociological, francophone, gen-
der, Diaspora, postcolonial, and transnational and transcolonial studies,
offering new ways of thinking about the symbiotic dimension of relations
and population flows between France and the francophone world.10 In
fact, as Nancy Green underscores in her book Repenser les migrations, a
lexicon organized around the notion of fluidity through terms such as
vagues or flux (waves), courants (streams), and marée humaine (human
tide) will help us better understand these “relations of disjuncture,”11 and
these terms have become useful as the central markers of these population
movements.12
Recent important works, such as Manthia Diawara’s In Search of Af-
rica (2000), F. Abiola Irele’s The African Imagination: Literature in Africa
and the Black Diaspora (2001), Mireille Rosello’s Postcolonial Hospital-
ity: The Immigrant as Guest (2001), and Jean-Loup Amselle’s Branche-
ments: Anthropologie de l’universalité des cultures (2001), have provided
useful paradigms and contextual frameworks for exploring the phenom-
ena outlined above.13 As I distance myself (as Amselle suggests) from tra-
ditional anthropological frameworks in order to rethink the relationship
between the global and the local, the subsequent recontextualization and
emphasis on what are also commonly known as “multisited ethnogra-
phies” are tremendously helpful in delineating the objectives of this book.
This theoretical apparatus can be put into practice in order to better un-
derstand the various ways in which all actors—the colonized and the colo-
nizer, immigrants and receiving countries—are transformed by and in di-
asporic, multicultural, and transnational spaces through the constitutive
dimension of cross-cultural encounters. The challenge comes from identi-
fying and documenting the various ways in which diverse transnational
cultural productions intersect and are reformulated within and across na-
tional boundaries.
4 black france

The symbiotic dimension of French-African relations is most convinc-

ingly demonstrated in the highly original title of a collection of essays by
the Congolese novelist Henri Lopes, namely Ma grand-mère bantoue et
mes ancêtres les Gaulois (My Bantu Grandmother and My Ancestors the
Gauls).14 Indeed, this bilateralism provides one of the central structur-
al markers of Black France, as colonial texts are juxtaposed with post-
colonial ones within and across chapters (Ousmane Sembene’s “La noire
de . . . ” [“Black Girl”] and Le docker noir [Black Docker] and Henriette
Akofa’s Une esclave moderne around the problematic of slavery), colo-
nial-era texts are explored as precursors to contemporary immigrant nar-
ratives, gender issues are examined in relation to both internal and exter-
nal African discourses, testimonial narratives are contrasted with works
of fiction in which the relationship between fiction and the evidentiary
mode is constantly blurred, and the dialogue between African and African
American writers (Sembene and Richard Wright), the transnationalism
implicit in Calixthe Beyala’s Lettres, and multiple forms of migration (of
students, workers, and sapeurs, and clandestine migration) are consid-
ered.15 Most striking has been the remarkable number of works set in
both Africa and France characterized for the most part by the bi-direc-
tionality of the individual or collective experience, with multiple examples
of transcolonialism and transnationalism, in which protagonists move be-
tween spaces, depart, descend, return, and leave again. But some questions
are more complex. How, for example, can protagonists “return” to a coun-
try they never left? As an indication of how this question has changed
since the colonial period, one might consider how Bernard Dadié’s young
protagonist Tanhoe Bertin emphasized that he had received “ONE round-
trip ticket” (italics mine).16
Whereas protagonists of colonial-era texts navigated their way through
France primarily for the purpose of education and travel, those in con-
temporary novels experience detention centers, are faced with legal proce-
dural issues, and are often categorized as illegal, clandestine, or undocu-
mented. If the experience of migration or travel during the colonial era
could be characterized as existential, then the trauma of exile itself and
the accompanying domestic conditions some protagonists are escaping
from in the postcolony are compounded by the deprivation associated
with the circumstances of immigration to France. The migration is thus
one of people, but also of identities, as the distance between the fictional
and evidentiary modes is constantly blurred in works by such authors as
Pius Ngandu Nkashama (Vie et mœurs d’un primitif en Essone quatre-
vingt-onze), Blaise N’Djehoya (Nègre de Potemkine), Simon Njami (Afri-
can gigolo), Léandre-Alain Baker (Ici s’arrête le voyage), V. Y. Mudimbe
(Entre les eaux), Denis Oussou-Essui (La souche calcinée), Sally N’Dongo
(Exil, connais pas), Gaston-Paul Effa (Tout ce bleu), Monique Ilboudo
(Le mal de peau), Saïdou Boukoum (Chaîne), Sayouba Traoré (Loin de
 Introduction 5

mon village, c’est la brousse), Bilguissa Diallo (Diasporama), Lauren Ekué

(Icône urbaine), Léonora Miano (L’intérieur de la nuit), Aleth-Felix Tchi-
caya (Lumière de femme), and Gaston-Paul Effa (Voici le dernier jour du
monde), in the last of which a grown man who left Africa as a teenager
prepares to return: “If it is true that I have become a coconut, black on the
outside and white on the inside, and that I have grown up like a palm tree
forgetting my roots, then I must learn to renounce this natural shame. I
was welcomed in France as a foreigner; now, it is as a stranger that I am
returning home” (9).17 These kinds of reformulations and broadenings of
the conversation across “multiple spatiotemporal (dis)orders” align them-
selves with what Romuald Fonkoua has described as “nationals on the in-
side and the nationals on the exterior.”18 For many writers, exile itself
constitutes the entry into writing, the “coming to writing,” as one has said
before; the Congolese novelist Emmanuel Dongala has underlined how
both negritude and the more recent concept of “migritude” emerged from
these circumstances.19 For Jacques Chevrier, “this neologism designates
both the thematic of immigration that is at the heart of contemporary
African works, but also the expatriate status of most of the writers . . .
their inspiration comes from their hybridity and decentered lives, ele-
ments that now characterize a kind of French-style ‘world literature.’”20 In
this way, “migritude” symbolizes a kind of “third space” that comes from
a “questioning of certain prevalent discursive configurations” and “simul-
taneous disengagement from both the culture of origin and the receiving
culture . . . within a new identitarian space” (Chevrier, “Afrique(s)-sur-
Seine,” 99). In order to unpack these questions, I have found the term
“mediation” useful.
The process of mediation is central in numerous ways to the organizing
mechanisms that provide the logic behind the book. Mediation is useful (i)
in order to read works produced during the colonial era alongside those
that emerged after the official end of colonial rule; (ii) in juxtaposing texts
written in Africa with those authored in France; (iii) in analyzing the shift-
ing external and internal cartographies and topographies across territorial
lines (France in Africa and Africa in France); and finally (iv) in registering
the distinctive manner in which aesthetic literary considerations are em-
ployed. The figure of mediation in turn engages in a dialogue that rejoins
and extends earlier theorizations by considering the African, European,
and African American context. The Tunisian writer Albert Memmi, for ex-
ample, has continued to expand upon the historical mediation of the colo-
nized and the colonizer, a construct that is explicitly recentered in the new
coordinates offered in his book Portrait du décolonisé arabo-musulman et
de quelques autres.21 His reflections are divided into two parts, and media-
tion now emerges between the newly decolonized sovereign subject (le
nouveau citoyen) and the immigrant (l’immigré). There are of course pre-
cursors to these issues, and the very cyclical nature of debates is central to
6 black france

the broader ways in which mediation functions: the conflict between the
“humanist” ideals of the Republic and the exploitative practice of colo-
nization itself was a new manifestation of an earlier problem in which the
Société des amis des Noirs (founded in 1788), the decree of human rights
after the revolution of 1789, and of course the official abolition of slavery
in 1794 were at odds with Napoleon’s reinstitution of slavery in 1802,
much in the same way as immigration politics in France since the 1980s
have been informed by conflicting policies that have to do with both
greater social incorporation and exclusionary measures.
In analogous ways, mediation has been central to literature both in Af-
rica and in France, and in particular between these two spaces. French his-
toriography has been much informed by and concerned with Africa (né-
grophile literature, Prosper Mérimée, André Gide, Michel Leiris, and so
on), and in her book Rereading Camara Laye, Adèle King has sought to
demonstrate the importance “the support of the French government, spe-
cifically the Ministry of France Overseas, gave to Camara’s literary career
and to those of others who supported French policy on the overseas terri-
tories in the period after the Second World War” in disseminating at least
an “idea of France.”22 For African writers who had attended colonial
schools and whose ancestors had also officially become the “Gauls,” liter-
ary expression in French would introduce an unavoidable mediation be-
tween Africa and France, one that coincided with the material circum-
stances of French language literacy. For Eileen Julien, this point is crucial,
since “the dominance of oral language in Africa is obviously a matter of
material conditions” rather than there being “something ontologically
oral about Africa” whereby writing emerges as somehow “disjunctive and
alien for Africans.”23 As Elisabeth Mudimbe-Boyi has argued, “the writ-
ings of missionaries, colonial settlers, and travelers as well as the influence
of intertextuality and collective imagination helped perpetuate Europe’s
stereotyped images of Africa.”24 Whereas new immigrant texts are mediat-
ing with earlier francophone texts (the work of Fatou Diome examined in
chapter 7 powerfully underscores this intertextuality), their francophone
literary predecessors were already mediating with French historiography.25
Ultimately, these works have allowed for a redrawing of the geographic
boundaries of Africa and France in our imagination. As Achille Mbembe
lucidly signaled, “what we designate by the term ‘Africa’ exists only as a
series of disconnections, superimpositions, colors, costumes, gestures and
appearances, sounds and rhythms, ellipses, hyperboles, parables, miscon-
nections, and imagined, remembered, and forgotten things, bits of spaces,
syncopes, intervals, moments of enthusiasm and impetuous vortices—in
short, perceptions and phantasms in mutual perpetual pursuit, yet co-ex-
tensive with each other.”26
Black France explores the bilateralism of African and French rela-
tions, but simultaneously challenges any notion of cultural homogeneity
 Introduction 7

that may be suggested or implied by such a diasporic space in the Hexa-

gon.27 While separate identitarian constructs arise from the colonial, im-
migrant, and transnational experience, some African immigrants may
identify only with groups with whom they share national citizenship or
linguistic or religious commonalities. Alternatively, individuals or groups
may establish connections with other diasporic, immigrant, or refugee
structures from sub-Saharan Africa, the Caribbean, Asia, and so forth, and
may circulate outside of, or even resist, such community alignments (the
Mourides population, for example, in Marseilles, New York, or Los An-
geles), preferring instead to navigate autonomously according to the de-
mands and exigencies associated with their dislocated and transplanted
status.28 Emmanuel Todd has, for example, underlined the importance of
recognizing the coexistence of multiple forms of “communitarianism” in
the African community, from the soninké (Mali, Senegal, and Mauritania)
to the bamiléké (Cameroon).29 Naturally, Black France is located within a
francophone context, in which the term itself serves to underline the his-
torical connections and intersections between the Hexagon and areas of
the world that were once colonized, that remain occupied—the Départe-
ments d’Outre-mer (Overseas French Departments, DOM) and Territoires
d’Outre-mer (Overseas French Territories, TOM)—and that continue to
be subjected to French hegemonic practices under the aegis of Franco-
phonie.30
In many ways, the historical links between French literature and fran-
cophone literature in general reproduce the overall structure of this book,
and only disciplinary shortsightedness has decoupled these fields of re-
search.31 For example, Hafid Gafaiti has argued that “it is necessary to
stress that there is a structural link between the eighteenth-century uni-
versalistic ideal and the Enlightenment’s racist classifications that later
justified the European colonial enterprise”; this framework informs Chris-
topher L. Miller’s book The French Atlantic Triangle: Literature and Cul-
ture of the Slave Trade, in which slavery is explored in works by authors
as diverse as Voltaire, Mérimée, Maryse Condé, and Edouard Glissant.32
William B. Cohen underscored the longevity of French contact with Af-
rica in his book The French Encounter with Africans: White Response to
Blacks, 1530–1880, a legacy also addressed by Patrick Manning in his ex-
ploration of the historical period following Cohen’s analysis in Francoph-
one Sub-Saharan Africa: 1880–1985.33 In fact, eighteenth-century repre-
sentations of Africans had provided much of the justification for colonial
expansionism, increased missionary activity, and of course the mission
civilisatrice (civilizing mission) as an ideological project.34 These constructs
were subsequently challenged through the responses of African and
Caribbean cultural and political practitioners, exemplified in the cultural,
social, and political agendas of negritude and its leading intellectuals
(Léopold Sédar Senghor and Aimé Césaire), anticolonial writings, nation-
8 black france

alist ideologies, and postcolonial productions.35 Therefore, throughout

Black France, I have insisted upon the necessity of adopting both a trans-
colonial and transnational approach as a way of accounting for the trans-
versal nature of relations.36
“Thinking about the longue durée of colonial history,” Françoise Li-
onnet maintains, “one feels more acutely the urgency of re-articulating
that history in terms of geography, of theorizing networks of power and
influence in terms of a transcolonial consciousness that restitutes both
memory and space, a space filled with different forms of memory and with
alternative modes of feeling and apprehending the social world—in other
words, with a different sensibility . . . Transcolonial subjectivity exists in
tension with multiple epistemological locations, including traditional cen-
ters of power—political or economic institutions, the culture industry, the
disciplines—and the maps of knowledge they produce.”37 This kind of ap-
proach is essential in order to better contextualize the links between the
concerns of colonial and postcolonial writers. Additionally, the bilateral-
ism of cultural, social, and political relations requires a departure from the
insistence on the analysis of what Lionnet and Shu-mei Shih have de-
scribed in Minor Transnationalism as “the vertical power relationship
between the colonizer and the colonized,” and accordingly “this transver-
salism also produces new forms of identification that negotiate with na-
tional, ethnic, and cultural boundaries.”38 These frameworks are crucial as
we think about the colonies and the metropole, the social treatment of
Africans under colonial rule and in turn in postcolonial France. For this
reason, we can begin to explore what might be at stake in contextualizing
contemporary France within the new parameters of globalization, wherein
the “transnational designates spaces and practices acted upon by border-
crossing agents, be they dominant or marginal. The logic of globalization
is centripetal and centrifugal at the same time and assumes a universal
core or norm, which spreads out across the world while pulling into its
vortex other forms of culture to be tested by its norm” (Lionnet and Shih,
“Thinking through the Mirror,” 5). Invariably, these questions connect
with broader sociopolitical issues that concern the manner in which
French Republican ideals are deployed in the context of immigration pol-
itics to preserve the status quo and secure the dominance of a monolithic
vision of history, while Africans in France remain the locus of colonial
anxieties that are recuperated and capitalized upon by extreme right-wing
ideologues as political currency.39
Colonial and imperial expansionism provided some of the more strik-
ing historical examples of the totalitarian impulses of universalizing ten-
dencies—that is, measures adopted by the dominant socioeconomic pow-
ers at the 1884–1885 Berlin Congress that ignored the local because of the
imperative to impose Western “universalist” standards on the communi-
ties they indiscriminately engaged in fracturing. Assimilation seems inade-
 Introduction 9

quate in its attempt at describing colonizing mechanisms whose objectives

were in fact closer to the reduction of the other toward sameness.40 For the
rationale behind the actual merging of cultural elements contains the im-
plication that métissage would be theoretically possible, a dimension that
would of course run contrary to the ideals of French assimilation, itself
founded on a civilizing imperative whose foundational tenets are situated
in the act of compensating for perceived cultural, linguistic, political, reli-
gious, and social inadequacies. French colonial mechanisms were erected
on an ethnocentric assimilationist paradigm that refused to interpret cul-
ture as a dynamic process and, accordingly, to incorporate African cultural
elements, preferring instead to dismiss, repudiate, and systematically erase
African contributions to some kind of universal entity. This refusal to in-
corporate African culture and values into the assimilationist paradigm in
the colonial context has also been a key component of immigration de-
bates and discourse in contemporary France. In fact, as Lionnet and Shih
have argued, “to be ‘French’ is to relate vertically to an ideal image of the
French nation, not to find common ground with other immigrants who
have embarked on this process of ‘becoming French.’ There is a clear lack
of proliferation of relational discourses among different minority groups,
a legacy from the colonial ideology of divide and conquer that has histor-
ically pitted different ethnic groups against each other” (Lionnet and Shih,
“Thinking through the Mirror,” 2).
Whether or not official governmental organizations accept concrete
sociocultural changes, France has been and continues to be transformed
through its membership in the European Union, by Francophonie, Ameri-
canization, immigration, the socioeconomic determinants of the global
economy, and other cultural, political, and social phenomena that tran-
scend sovereign borders and boundaries. Paris itself has been the subject
of several studies that have accentuated the importance of the capital city
in literary historiography in general, and in Black historiography in par-
ticular. Tyler Stovall’s Paris Noir: African Americans in the City of Light
and Michel Fabre’s La rive noire provided incisive readings of the Black
American experience in France. In turn, Bennetta Jules-Rosette’s Black
Paris: The African Writers’ Landscape has played an important role in lo-
cating the symbiotic connections between Paris and African writers (negri-
tude, Présence africaine, and so on), and the African presence in France
has also been extensively documented through photography and graphic
design projects such as Le Paris noir by Pascal Blanchard, Eric Deroo, and
Gilles Manceron.41 Finally, Pascale Casanova’s The World Republic of Let-
ters conclusively demonstrated the centrality of Paris in the European con-
text.42 In turn, Black France explores the bilateralism and transversal na-
ture of African and French relations and acknowledges the centrality of
Paris, but also broadens and decenters the symbolic territory to provincial
sites, simultaneously refuting any notion of cultural homogeneity that
10 black france

may be suggested or implied by such a diasporic space. Of course, to talk

about the question of blackness in France is to consider a plethora of in-
fluences, including the African American presence, the negritude move-
ment, important cultural figures such as Senghor, Césaire, Léon-Gontran
Damas, and Frantz Fanon, the emergence of African student organizations
and unions, France’s connection with its Overseas Departments and Terri-
tories, migrant and clandestine workers, the sapeurs, and contemporary
African writers.43
In his consideration of texts produced by Black authors in Africa, Afri-
can America, and the Caribbean, Irele identifies
the testimony they provide of the black self emerging across the world as the
product of a growing consciousness and of the black experience deriving
from a common relation to the white world as a function of a common as-
sociation with Africa . . . In the literature of Blacks from the Diaspora, this
association plays an important role both as focus of consciousness and, in-
creasingly, as reference for self-expression. The controlling idea here is the
awareness of a particularized experience—historical, social, and cultural—
which gives rise to the sentiment of a distinctive identity. (Irele, The African
Imagination, 19–20)

Paris played a defining role in the elaboration of the “African experience,”

in the formulation and reformulation of a global blackness. “Contacts be-
tween France and black Americans go back to the beginnings of the his-
tory of the United States,” Stovall has shown (Paris Noir, xiii), and Paris
was unusually receptive to African American culture. This dimension is ac-
corded greater attention in chapter 3, in which textual mediations between
Ousmane Sembene and Richard Wright are addressed. Whereas segrega-
tion was practiced in the United States, “racism,” as Edmund White has
pointed out, “had never been institutionalized in modern France, never
confirmed and upheld by the law.”44 This is not emphasized in order to
obfuscate the racial origins of French colonial practices, but rather to
show how African Americans circulated in different ways than their colo-
nized African counterparts. Brent Hayes Edwards has explored the Black
transnational culture of the 1920s and 1930s in The Practice of Diaspora:
Literature, Translation, and the Rise of Black Internationalism, arguing
that
if a discourse of diaspora articulates difference, then one must consider the
status of that difference—not just linguistic difference but, more broadly, the
trace or the residue, perhaps, of what resists or escapes translation . . . Such
an unevenness or differentiation marks a constitutive décalage in the very
weave of culture . . . The black diasporic décalage among African Americans
and Africans, then, is not simply geographical distance, nor is it simply dif-
ference in evolution or consciousness; instead it is a different kind of inter-
face that might not be susceptible to expression in the oppositional termi-
nology of the “vanguard” or the “backward.”45
 Introduction 11

On the contrary, though, African American writers were not silent about
the exploitative colonial practices. Fanon, Wright, Langston Hughes, Cé-
saire, and Senghor gathered at the Sorbonne for the First Congress of
Black Writers and Artists, September 19–22, 1956 (Premier Congrès des
écrivains et artistes noirs), and many were later to be present in Rome in
1959, and then at the First World Festival of Negro Arts in Dakar in 1966.46
As Fabre wrote, “Guidebooks are keys to museums and monuments of the
past more than to living places where everything is in constant change,
and with time Paris has become a vast monument that new generations of
black visitors come to sample” (Fabre, From Harlem to Paris, 338).47
Gradually, Paris would also become the vibrant jazz and entertainment
capital in which Josephine Baker had arrived in 1925 with La revue nègre,
only to perform later at the Folies-Bergères.48
Initially in There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack: The Cultural Pol-
itics of Race and Nation (a text that is unfortunately less discussed than
his later contributions) and subsequently in The Black Atlantic: Moder-
nity and Double Consciousness, Paul Gilroy elaborated upon the speci-
ficity of British blackness, “produced in a syncretic pattern in which the
styles and forms of the Caribbean, the United States, and Africa have been
reworked and reinscribed in the novel context of Britain’s own ensemble
of regional and class-oriented conflicts.”49 In turn, the concept of a Black
Atlantic allowed us to look beyond this model in order to “transcend both
the structures of the nation state and the constraints of ethnicity and na-
tional particularity” (Gilroy, The Black Atlantic, 19). The theoretical
specificity of a “Black France” only makes sense when we explore its links
with a global blackness and recognize that certain vectors are nevertheless
specific to the French and francophone sub-Saharan African experience.
In each case, these terms parallel other examples of identity formation
among minority groups, as for example the case of Asian American cul-
ture, which, as Lisa Lowe has shown, attempts to “disrupt the current heg-
emonic relationship between the ‘dominant’ and ‘minority’ positions,”
and in which we can substitute the notion of “heterogeneity” to describe
“the existence of differences and differential relationships within a bound-
ed category.”50
In France, the influence of American and British culture has been par-
ticularly obvious in language, since the “in” term employed to refer to
some contributions (art, world music, rap and hip-hop, urban dance,
sport, film, fashion) made by sub-Saharan Africans, Caribbeans, and im-
migrant youth in France today is the English “black” rather than noir, a
term that in turn is inextricably linked to reductive colonial stereotypes.
In some ways, then, these constructs inaugurate another kind of alle-
giance, with their use of American and British signifiers. Blanchard, Deroo,
and Manceron, in a superb visual study of blackness in France (that in-
cludes photographs, posters, and urban art) entitled Le Paris noir, have
12 black france

traced the genealogy of these terms and the historiography of race in France.
The term or label nègre was initially interchangeable with the word
“slave.” Noir became common as early as the eighteenth century, when it
was adopted in 1788 by the abolitionist Société des amis des Noirs, and
“black” has been in usage in France since the 1980s.51 An article by Valérie
Zerguine published in France during the summer of 2002 indicated this
shift, yet nevertheless signaled certain behavioral patterns that were ac-
corded more value through the attribution of the distinctive labels “black”
and nègre: “You’re a black when you kick a ball or rap into a mic and a
Negro when you look for a job.”52
Somatic features are of course inescapable, indelibly marking the mi-
nority subject as an outsider to perceived and widely accepted identitarian
norms linked to whiteness. Didier Gondola has in fact convincingly ar-
gued that the French authorities have been “preoccupied with forging and
delineating a national identity that conflated race with citizenship. In this
respect, foreign immigrants afforded France to create a racial identity:
‘Frenchness’ or ‘whiteness.’”53 Much like their Beur counterparts (the chil-
dren of North African immigrants), sub-Saharan Africans in France find
themselves in what Homi Bhabha has called a “third space,” that is, “the
‘inter’—the cutting edge of translation and negotiation, the in-between
space—that carries the burden of meaning in culture.”54 Unable to fully in-
tegrate into French society, and considered outsiders by the countries from
which their parents have migrated, they find that the unsettling experience
of “double-unbelonging” evoked by Salman Rushdie is a problem to be
constantly negotiated.55 Paradoxically, it also constitutes a threat to the
French Republic. “‘French’ culture,” Rosello argues, “can conceive of it-
self as an autonomous entity only because its foundational discourses fos-
ter a sort of amnesia about its origins.”56 And so, having recourse to a ne-
ologism to explore this further, Rosello asks “what might be entailed in a
case of ‘departenance’”:
[The word can be used] as a way of talking about the encounter between
changing bodies and collectivities, bodies and nations, bodies and commu-
nities, individuals and groups. It sounds and looks like it could be a French
word, although it is not. One might say that it “belongs to the family” of
words such as “départ” (leave), “appartenance” (belonging), and its ques-
tionable antonym “dés-appartenance” (un-belonging), but it remains an ille-
gitimate offspring, a bizarre linguistic cyborg that is somehow related to
parts, parties, and partners. (Rosello, “The ‘Beur’ Nation,” 23)

“New hybrid identities” can constitute “local and transnational identifi-

cations, including primordial as well as postidentitarian conceptions of
the nation.”57 As such, hybridity can “destabilize authoritarian forms of
control, while interrogating the parameters and limits of the democratic
state. Instead of working within the narrow boundaries of the state, these
theories of hybridity pose a challenge to the limits of sovereignty” (Joseph,
 Introduction 13

10), paradoxically reversing the very process of projection exemplified in

Bonnie Honig’s characterization of “cultural organization and foreignness
as threat and/or supplement.”58 Returning to this argument some years
later, Rosello argues that
one of the eminently problematic consequences of the analogy between what
we think of as state hospitality and private hospitality is that each citizen is
implicitly required to abide by the laws of (in)hospitality dictated by the cur-
rent philosophy of the nation, regardless of whether they correspond to his
or her personal set of ethics. Recent episodes have revealed the vulnerability
of foreigners and nationals who find themselves caught between their own
sense of hospitality and the logic of immigration policies. (Rosello, Post-
colonial Hospitality, 35)

For these reasons, “transnational connections break the binary relation of

‘minority’ communities with ‘majority’ societies—a dependency that struc-
tures projects of both assimilation and resistance, “ James Clifford has
persuasively argued, generating “diasporic cultural norms [that] are de-
ployed in transnational networks built from multiple attachments . . . Di-
aspora discourse articulates, or bends together, both roots and routes . . .
the term ‘diaspora’ is a signifier not simply of transnationality and move-
ment but of political struggles to define the local, as distinctive commu-
nity, in historical contexts of displacement.”59
Jean-Loup Amselle’s early work—in particular Au cœur de l’ethnie
and Logiques métisses—foregrounded the usefulness of métissage and ex-
amined the “englobing” characteristics of dominant socioeconomic enti-
ties.60 Yet he himself has recently acknowledged, in his groundbreaking
book Branchements: Anthropologie de l’universalité des cultures, that
métissage may no longer be sufficient to allow us to comprehend the full
impact of globalization:
This work is organized around the notion of “connections.” The objective
was to distance oneself from the concept of métissage that had once been
useful but that seems today too closely linked to a biological component.
Through recourse to an electronic or computational metaphor, that of the
connection, a framework emerges in which local signifiers are juxtaposed
with a network of planetary signifiers, thereby allowing one to move away
from an approach that understands our global world as the product of a
mixing of cultures that are themselves seen as separate universes, and fore-
grounding instead the idea of triangulation, that is to say recourse to a third
component in order to establish one’s identity. (Amselle, Branchements, 7)

The third component draws proximity to Bhabha’s understanding of “third

space.” Amselle effectively and compellingly proposes that the process of
Islamic expansion in the tenth century be seen as a precursor to the phe-
nomenon that is commonly understood today as globalization. According
to this way of interpreting intercultural dynamics, colonialism finds itself
14 black france

relocated as a mechanism that proceeds from globalization, rather than

the other way round. In turn, this framework offers us the occasion to ad-
equately assess the complex manner in which populations and histories
have become imbricated or creolized, rather than analyzing these entities
as somehow autonomous, closed, and threatened with eradication by
globalization. Amselle has advocated that we think instead in terms of
branchements:
In this context, perhaps more than ever before, Africa must be conceived of
as a deterritorialized entity. As a floating signifier, Africa is a concept with a
variable geometry that belongs as much to the French banlieues as it does to
North American ghettos, to Brazilian favelas and African villages. Africa is
thus an essential element of the planetary imaginary, to be found in a broad
series of figures that are integral components of contemporary globalization
. . . Africa then represents a construct, a concept that obeys a semantic logic
that is totally independent of territorial roots. The Africa-concept belongs to
all those who choose to take hold of it, to connect to it. (Amselle, Branche-
ments, 15)

These ways of conceiving and reconceiving of both concrete and imagina-

tive spaces are particularly well suited to the framework of this book, be-
cause they emphasize the importance of considering simultaneously a mul-
titude of spaces prior to elaborating or formulating conclusions. Blackness
can therefore contain simultaneously the potentiality of a fixed and mobile
identity, available in the circulation of satellite broadcasts, the Internet, ra-
dio, television, cinema, world music, international sport, writers, artists,
the Mourides, forms of trade and population movements that have no in-
terest in abandoning nomadic existence, and so on. With the model pro-
vided by William Safran,61 Clifford underlines the importance of relin-
quishing reductive classificatory frameworks:
This overlap of border and diaspora experiences in late twentieth-century
everyday life suggests the difficulty of maintaining exclusivist paradigms in
our attempts to account for transnational identity formations . . . These,
then, are the main features of diaspora: a history of dispersal, myths/memo-
ries of the homeland, alienation in the host (bad host?) country, desire for
eventual return, ongoing support of the homeland, and a collective identity
importantly defined by this relationship. (Clifford, Routes, 247)

History is thus a process of population dispersal, but also of reconfiguring

a range of myths and individual and collective memories, of the exper-
ience of alienation, of nostalgia, even of melancholia.62 One factor that
remains constant is that globalization is not exclusively “homogenizing/
hegemonic” or “heterogenetic/interpenetrating,” but rather a process in
which individuals and groups are “transformed by diasporas and inter-
communication.”63 This process of “intercommunication” has tremendous
implications for the bilateralism of exchanges between populations in Af-
 Introduction 15

rica and those in France, exchanges that contain the possibility of operat-
ing outside of normative, hegemonic hexagonal influences. At a cultural
level, the plural notion of a Francophonie in France has much to reveal.
If antillanité (Caribbeanness) is concerned with foregrounding the cul-
tural specificity of the Caribbean outside of metropolitan influences and
créolité (creoleness) relocates the centrality of the multiple cultural and
linguistic influences generated by slavery to identity formation, then surely
the theorization of the African Diaspora in France has a dimension to add
to the discussion of identity formation inside and outside of empire.64 For
the Somali writer Nurrudin Farah, the search for an understanding of the
Somali Diaspora involved an assessment of the cultural, economic, politi-
cal, and social circumstances in which Somalis live, and paradoxically led
him as the author-investigator to confront his own range of experiences as
he navigated—and negotiated—his way through the new transnational
zones that are borders, customs, and international departure terminals.65
The New York Times published a telling article on October 8, 1996,
entitled “Neocolonialists Seize the French Language.” The italicization of
the word “French” in the headline seemed to suggest that various intercul-
tural dynamics were altering the French language in such a manner as to
render it unrecognizable, and that these influences were perhaps closer to
contaminating rather than enriching the language, particularly since the
article evoked a “crisis.” However, the author nevertheless did acknowl-
edge that France, while continuing to serve as the publishing capital of
the francophone world, is almost exclusively being recognized for those
works published in French by francophone authors (that is, essentially,
those authors writing in French from within France’s postcolonial com-
munities or from beyond the Hexagon). This is confirmed by a cursory
glance at recent winners of what are arguably France’s most prestigious
literary awards, namely the Goncourt Prize and the Renaudot Prize: Tahar
Ben Jelloun from Morocco, Patrick Chamoiseau from Martinique, Amin
Maalouf from Lebanon, and Ahmadou Kourouma of the Ivory Coast.66
Significantly, similar mechanisms are to be evidenced in the anglophone
world, although the discourse this has generated is strikingly different in
the absence of an “anglophone” movement attempting to maintain Lon-
don as the cultural center for productions in English (there is, for exam-
ple, no Minister of Anglophony sitting in Westminster). Most critically ac-
claimed writers in the English language today are from the so-called
Commonwealth or former British colonial territories: Salman Rushdie,
Caryl Phillips, J. M. Coetzee, Nadine Gordimer, V. S. Naipaul, Ben Okri,
Wole Soyinka, Derek Walcott, and so forth. And, of course, this situation
is further problematized by those writers whose roots are located outside
the metropole, but who are living within the metropole. As Lionnet has ar-
gued, “these practices thus serve to delegitimate the cultural hegemony of
‘French’ culture over ‘francophone’ realities.”67
16 black france

In Calixthe Beyala’s novel Les honneurs perdus, for example, the epi-
graph explores the tenuous relationship between francité (Frenchness)
and Francophonie, français (French) and francophone.68 “Le Français est
francophone mais la francophonie n’est pas française,” we read. This sen-
tence may seem relatively straightforward when it is read aloud: one
translation could be “The French language is francophone but francoph-
onie is not French.” This interpretation would emphasize, or perhaps re-
ject, those attempts that have been made to gather francophone countries
under the aegis of the Hexagon, thus maintaining Paris as the ex-colonial
“center.”69 Paradoxically, “critiquing the center, when it stands as an end
in itself, seems only to enhance it; the center remains the focus and the
main object of study. The deconstructive dyad center/margin thus appears
to privilege marginality only to end up containing it” (Lionnet and Shih,
“Thinking through the Mirror,” 3). However, the capitalization of the
word Français problematizes and destabilizes that meaning, and the trans-
lation then becomes “A French person is [or “the French people are”]
francophone, but francophonie is not French.” Of course, either way, the
fact remains that “francophonie” is not French, and Beyala, along with
other francophone authors, underlines the plurality of francophone cul-
tural contributions.
A study of France that treated it as a monolithic entity would today be
both inaccurate and irresponsible. While immigrants struggle to achieve
integration, the monocultural perspective has been displaced, and it is, as
Bhabha has argued, all the more essential “to think beyond narratives of
originary and initial subjectivities and to focus on those moments or
processes that are produced in the articulation of cultural differences” as
we attempt to “locate” culture in spaces that are never readily identifiable
(Bhabha, 1). Within the particular context of Black France, in which is-
sues of immigration, transnationalism, and the intercultural dynamics of
the francophone sub-Saharan African Diaspora are explored, shared
points of memory are introduced by literatures produced in Africa, and in
France by immigrants or the children of immigrants, but also by writers
who live or publish in France while not considering themselves immi-
grants. The experiences narrated rejoin the epigraph to Beyala’s novel, and
the universal sameness that is contained in the singular “francophonie” no
longer sufficiently incorporates the plurality and multiplicity of perspec-
tives contained in the experiences of protagonists. Instead, the monolithic,
hegemonic discourse of the former colonial center is transformed through
the inscription of a transnational dimension that continues to define the
inextricable links between French and francophone cultural politics and
productions. Returning to the colonial era as a point of entry to recent de-
bates on questions of immigration and national identity in contemporary
France seems a necessary gesture, one that allows for the relocation of the
origins of immigration discourse and migratory flows according to a spe-
 Introduction 17

cific set of economic, political, and social coordinates that are indissocia-
ble from a colonial, postcolonial, and global geometry.
The British context allows for a comparative perspective even if the
colonial and postcolonial histories are quite different.70 One should note
that “Black” as a category in Britain is often used to describe Africans,
Caribbeans, and South Asians. “And still,” Rushdie writes, the word ‘im-
migrant’ means ‘black immigrant.’”71 The kind of space Rushdie has in
mind, as it pertains to the process of decolonization and the redefinition of
the parameters of Britishness (or Englishness, for that matter), is not unre-
lated to debates that have taken place in France over the future of secular-
ism and perceived threats to Frenchness.72 If we follow the manner in
which Gilroy has continued to monitor this discursive realm in his book
Postcolonial Melancholia, we see that while
it has become necessary to take political discussions of citizenship, belong-
ing, and nationality beyond the dual prescription of assimilation and immi-
gration control . . . all these changes can be used to point to the enduring sig-
nificance of “race” and racism and their historic place in the long and slow
transformation of Britain, its changing relationships with itself, with Europe,
with the United States, and the wider postcolonial world. (123–124)

To this end, Mark Stein’s book Black British Literature: Novels of Trans-
formation is useful in thinking about blackness in France in that he high-
lights how “black Britain is distinct from other postcolonial cultures: It
lays claim to post-colonial and to British cultures in Britain” and “this ten-
sion is a reciprocal one in that ‘blackness’ redefines ‘Britishness’ and
‘Britishness’ redefines ‘blackness.’”73 The “transformative” potential and
component of relations between Africa and France and Africans in France
interest me.
The juxtaposition of “Black” and “France” in the title to this book de-
liberately aims to underscore the tenuousness and apparent oxymoronic
dimension intrinsic to this construct. In fact, these autonomous entities
have become symbiotic, mutually constitutive markers of African-French
bilateral relations and histories that are forever imbricated.74 The racial
signifier is foregrounded in a deliberate rejection of official French argu-
ments in favor of an undifferentiated community, so that “cultural” (Is-
lam, language, family structure) rather than essentialized racial factors are
invoked in immigrant discourse. Susan Peabody and Tyler Stovall, in The
Color of Liberty: Histories of Race in France, insist that “one cannot un-
derstand questions of race in France without taking the colonial experi-
ence into consideration . . . race has been a significant factor in French life
over the past three centuries; it is not something that suddenly happened
in France with the rise of the so-called second-generation immigrants of
the 1980s.”75 Even the reluctance of French authorities to address race
serves to reinforce its centrality and validity as a category of analysis. Cen-
18 black france

tral to my framework and contextualization of a Black France has been

Mbembe’s distinction between “territory” and “place”:
In dealing with these questions, we will draw a distinction between Africa as
a “place” and Africa as a “territory.” In fact, a place is the order according to
which elements are distributed in relationships of coexistence. A place, as
Michel de Certeau points out, is an instantaneous configuration of positions.
It implies a stability. As for a territory, it is fundamentally an intersection of
moving bodies. It is defined essentially by the set of movements that take
place within it. Seen in this way, it is a set of possibilities that historically sit-
uated actors constantly resist or realize.76

Both Africa and France must be understood in these terms in order to cap-
ture the nature of cultural, economic, political, and social dynamics with-
in, beyond, among, and of course in between these fluid territories.
The term “Afro-Parisian” has gained increasing currency, being used to
describe the literary productions of francophone sub-Saharan African au-
thors residing in France.77 Jules-Rosette developed this concept in her
1998 book Black Paris: The African Writer’s Landscape, in which she ar-
gues that “Parisianism refers to a literary interest in Paris as the social con-
text for the author’s works, the subject matter of their writings, and the
source of their focal audience” (7).78 Accordingly,
Black Paris is not an American-style ghetto. It consists of many communities
sprinkled across the city, creating an exotic subculture that lurks behind the
official monuments. As new immigrants pour into the city, Paris reluctantly
makes room for them. This alternative environment has become the incuba-
tion cubicle for a new style of African writing. (147)79

Having identified the emergence of a corpus of works by African authors

exhibiting common features that include residence in Paris and an engage-
ment with the circumstances of that residency, Jules-Rosette’s study insists
on the mutually constitutive nature of the African-French relations that
are at the center of these writers’ concerns: “The Parisianism of the 1980s
would not have been possible without political pressure to liberalize legal
and social attitudes toward immigration in France and to combat xeno-
phobic sentiments” (48). As Boniface Mongo-Mboussa has shown, “ne-
gropolitan (as some have called them) writers emerge at the time when the
French Left came to power and when some Africans and Africanists were
dreaming of changes in French-African relations.”80 Aware of the original-
ity of her sociological findings (“The term ‘Parisianism’ is not a genre de-
scription current among literary theorists. There is little critical work on
this relatively new genre, but the quantity of new works and their thematic
similarities warrant classification and recognition” [Jules-Rosette, Black
Paris, 148]), Jules-Rosette suggests what a study of these works might
yield: “As a collective physical and ideological space, black Paris is a land-
scape of memory that encompasses the subjective perspectives of African
 Introduction 19

writers. Through the environment of black Paris, experiences are commu-

nicated and memories reinvented” (149). Similar questions were raised in
addressing the rise to centrality of Beur writers in the 1980s.
In his groundbreaking study of the Beurs, Voices from the North Afri-
can Community in France: Immigration and Identity in Beur Fiction, Alec
Hargreaves argued that “the key problematic which has preoccupied Beur
writers” consisted in “the articulation of a sense of personal identity,
forged in the particular circumstances which are those of an ethnic minor-
ity in France.”81 “Unlike the older generation of North African writers,”
Hargreaves continues, “the Beurs have undergone their formative experi-
ences as part of an ethnic minority within France, where they have shared
through family home in both the material disadvantages of the cultural
traditions associated with first-generation immigrants. Beur authors have
in this sense been the first to write from within the immigrant community
itself” (Hargreaves, Voices, 4).82 These processes are at work and analo-
gous questions raised when one employs the term “Afro-Parisian” to de-
scribe the relatively new corpus of literary works produced by sub-Saha-
ran African writers.
In her book Afrique sur Seine: A New Generation of African Writers
in Paris, Odile Cazenave performs a useful expository task in document-
ing the substantial corpus of works produced by African writers in or on
Paris predominantly since the 1990s, underscoring the innovative stylistic
dimension of the writing, and certainly signals numerous pedagogic ap-
proaches that could result from exploring these works through questions
relating to identity, diasporic community formation, reflections on the et-
ymology of the concept of Diaspora, autobiography, and gender issues.83
However, in her obsessive concern with distinguishing her book from
Jules-Rosette’s, she ends up, somewhat paradoxically, reaffirming the very
centrality of Paris from which she sought to distance herself. “Jules-
Rosette’s taxonomy of their writing as Parisianist,” Cazenave argues, “lim-
its them to the periphery, both with regards to French literature and to
Francophone literature, especially the African novel from the continent”
(Afrique sur Seine, 3). The “Paris-centrism” of her own book is announced
as early as the title itself, “Afrique sur Seine,” as is the accompanying in-
sistence on “generation” as a category of inquiry, for which she had cri-
tiqued Jules-Rosette: “Taking Jules-Rosette’s definition of a ‘Parisianist’
genre, we raise the question whether such a categorization is wholly ap-
plicable to these newer narratives, and consider the risks of classification
and of ghettoization in this literature” (4). I prefer to think of generation
in terms of the entry into writing or publication rather than as an arbi-
trary category linked to age (a classificatory mode easily challenged by nu-
merous writers, such as Sembene, Kourouma, and Mongo Beti, who pro-
duced texts with dramatically shifting concerns and contents over several
decades both during and after the colonial period).84 This problematic re-
20 black france

mains unresolved, as we read about “the Afro-Parisian novel” (151) and as

“the characters in the new African writings of self in Paris display a vari-
ety of occupations” (153). The point in Black France is to acknowledge
how earlier scholarly contributions to the interdisciplinary study of Af-
ricans and African Americans in France have allowed such projects to be
undertaken, but also to expand the field of discourse in order to illus-
trate the ways in which Black Paris and France are often mutable in the
imaginations of writers in texts whose sociological content applies equally
to the metropole and to the Hexagon as a whole. Let us consider a range
of other critical readings of these questions to further elucidate my posi-
tion.
Bernard Magnier was one of the first critics to evaluate this corpus of
works in an essay he published in 1990, “Beurs noirs à Black Babel.” He
identified a continuity with Beur literature, but also established certain
organizational principles that included locality—“They live and write
in Paris,” “Parisian blacks”—and ethnicity—“They are ‘blacks beurs’ or
‘beurs noirs’ for some, ‘negropolitans’ or ‘Gallo-negroes’ for others. They
live and write in Babylone-sur-Seine, in the ‘black Babel’ of Paris or its
banlieue”:
The pioneering writers of “Parisian life” experienced the trauma of being
elsewhere and discovered the difficulties of exile, but they knew their stays
were limited and they could find comfort knowing that sooner or later they
would return to the native land. But the “new heroes” don’t have this per-
spective—one they may not automatically even wish for—and they often
live adventures that are also not without ambiguity, in a land that is not en-
tirely foreign to them and yet does not entirely belong to them.85

Abdourahman A. Waberi (from Djibouti but living in France) has also ad-
dressed this issue in an article, “Les enfants de la postcolonie: Esquisse
d’une nouvelle génération d’écrivains francophones d’Afrique noire.” His
analysis concentrates on the decade after Jules-Rosette’s initial study, but
for him “the children of the postcolony or the transcontinental genera-
tion” are also a “generational phenomenon.” He describes the generation
he has in mind as the “fourth generation,” the first three being the pioneer
writers of 1920–1930, the negritude movement from 1930 to 1960, and fi-
nally decolonization and postcolonial disillusionment from the 1970s on-
ward.86 In “Littérature et postcolonie,” Lydie Moudileno succinctly chal-
lenges this attempt to categorize these writers: “Recourse to a historical
understanding of the ‘postcolony’ to account for literary production ends
up reproducing an arbitrary and reductive parallel between the reading of
history and the reading of a literary corpus.”87 I wholeheartedly embrace
this position, one that I argued in favor of in Nation-Building, Propa-
ganda, and Literature in Francophone Africa in highlighting the impor-
tance of Guy Ossito Midiohouan’s 1986 revised historiography in L’idé-
 Introduction 21

ologie dans la littérature négro-africaine d’expression française.88 The kind

of homogeneity implied by these attempts at categorization must be re-
sisted at all costs, since it is precisely the bilateralism of French-African re-
lations that continues to inform literary works. Cazenave’s own genera-
tional model rejoins Waberi’s, and in aligning myself with Moudileno’s
warning, I also subscribe to Stein’s argument that
the term generation needs to be problematized; like the term literary history,
it suggests neat separations and an idea of organic growth which does not
accurately describe the literary texts in question . . . I’m problematizing the
term generation because writers and texts cannot be readily taxonomized ac-
cording to their age or the date of the authors’ . . . arrival in their country of
residence. (Stein, 5–6)

Having said this, I am not convinced Waberi himself fully subscribes to

this notion of “generation,” particularly since his own status and the re-
markable originality of his writings come from precisely his capacity to
exceed the kind of restrictive categorizations implied by the “genera-
tional” model. The contradictory nature of his position is indicated when
he argues that
The postcolonial process has by all evidence accelerated the circulation of
extra-European cultural references, and recourse to these references has pro-
foundly influenced both the artistic forms and practices of intellectuals lo-
cated in the West. The great cultural centers of the former colonies no longer
have the monopoly over the dynamism of artistic creativity. (Waberi, “Les
enfants de la postcolonie,” 14)

Three principles inform the framework of Cazenave’s analysis: “a

novel marked by the lack of focus on Africa/Africas . . . an axis of reflec-
tion over the implications of departure from a particular place and culture
in favor of others on an individual level in terms of alienation and of the
dislocation of acquired reference points . . . [and] the phenomenon of mi-
gration” (Cazenave, Afrique sur Seine, 161–162). Many of the novels un-
der consideration can be considered under these rubrics. However, I dis-
agree fundamentally with her on a particular point, and that disagreement
is located in my own adherence to the model of “territoriality” discussed
earlier: namely, the reduced importance Cazenave accords to Africa:
These writers, both male and female, contribute to the formation of a new
literature. Often their work, only slightly preoccupied with Africa itself, ad-
dresses questions of displacement, migration, and in this regard, poses new
questions about postcolonial cultures and identities, as perceived by those
living in France. But they don’t simply subscribe to notions of immigration
literature . . . they show the possibility of writing and thinking about oneself
outside the prescriptions of the West—the former colonizing power. (Caze-
nave, Afrique sur Seine, 1, emphasis mine)89
22 black france

The point is that these writers have transformed Africa into a global terri-
torial signifier, one that exceeds Africa as “place” in arriving at an alterna-
tive understanding and designation of territory as fluid and mobile—but
one from which Africa itself is never absent. Furthermore, as Moudileno
has also argued, these writers “challenge literary historiography as it has
been practiced up until now through their very position at the intersection
of several geographic and intellectual territorialities” (Moudileno, “Lit-
térature et postcolonie,” 10). For this reason, I have accorded tremendous
importance to the transcolonial nature of French-African relations in or-
der to account for the polyvocal nature of African literary productions.
The notion of territory allows for a consideration of the diversity that
characterizes the African diasporic community in France, in which there
are differences between the circumstances and experiences of individuals
and groups according to national (Congolese, Malian, Senegalese) and
ethnic (Mourides, Soninké) identities, but also more importantly in terms
of the nature of relations between Africa and France and authors them-
selves, as well as the broader geographic multisited framework key to a
contextualization of Black France in the twenty-first century (Caen, Lyon,
Marseilles, Paris, Strasbourg, Toulon).
How then can one begin to account for the mediation that is at work
between African writers in France and those in Africa? How do Commu-
nism and racism inform anticolonial and decolonizing imperatives, and
how in turn do these operate transnationally in a context that might si-
multaneously include Africa, African America, Europe, France, and both
Black and white consciousness at a given historical juncture? Further-
more, how can one possibly begin to understand the works of Alain Ma-
banckou, Daniel Biyaouala, Fatou Keïta, Henriette Akofa, Calixthe Beyala,
or Fatou Diome (among others) without considering the ways in which
Ousmane Sembene, Laye Camara, Cheikh Hamidou Kane, Ousmane Socé,
and Bernard Dadié were always already “immigrant” writers?90 Without
the discursive transterritorial fields of Africa and France contained in the
works of earlier African writers, how can we begin to comprehend com-
plex gender issues as they pertain to the masculinist codes of La sape or
the controversial question of female excision? For that matter, how can
we decode the dialogue between national subjects and diasporic commu-
nities, internal and external African voices? And finally, how does the con-
secration of the migrant subject operate in France through the acquisition
of cultural and economic capital alongside consecration linked to a “re-
turn” to Africa? For me, these kinds of factors are more relevant than an
author’s qualification for an analytic category that can invariably only be
challenged or exceeded; the scholarship of Hargreaves on the Beurs has
shown us that while the category itself was initially useful to account for a
new phenomenon, it could only ultimately be limited by history.91 Ma-
madou Diouf has eloquently captured the need for a pluralistic interpre-
tation of Diaspora:
 Introduction 23
One must also speak of the emergence of a new, extraordinary literature,
that of novelists who are no longer novelists of the in-between, of Africa and
France, but rather novelists of Africa in France. This brings us back to the
idea of tension, of movements that are not unidirectional but rather that go
off in all kinds of directions. Young writers are today speaking about Africa
and about France, and also about Africa in France. They present a history
and forms of modernity that are quite different from colonial and post-
colonial modernities; and these modernities give birth to a different Africa,
whose line of questioning and problems—whatever the tragedy experi-
enced—lead to the only important question, namely the need for a cosmo-
politanism.92

That Paris remains a privileged site for a broad range of African interlocu-
tors is indisputable—but beyond the fact of residency, analogous subject
matter, and the common findings of a kind of new historicist approach to
the works of African writers in Paris and France in general, one must not
ignore the dynamic nature of African writing in Africa itself, and also by
African writers living in other regions of the world, such as America (As-
sia Djebar, Chris Abani, Chinua Achebe, Emmanuel Dongala, Alain Ma-
banckou, Ngùgù wa Thiong’o, and others). If anything, the exclusionary
nature of categorization is all the more dangerous in the European context
where, as Etienne Balibar has convincingly demonstrated, the “tautology”
that defines “others” as “not us” is intrinsic to the resulting concept of
préférence nationale (national preference), one that Diome addressed in
her first published collection of short stories, entitled La préférence na-
tionale.93 In fact, in her book The World Republic of Letters, Casanova has
highlighted an often overlooked factor that concerns Paris’s role as center
of the colonial empire in this network of relations, and how it might oper-
ate differently for francophone authors:
The position of Francophone writers, on the other hand, is paradoxical if
not tragic as well. Since for them Paris is not merely the capital of world lit-
erary space, as historically it has been for writers everywhere, but also the
very source of the political and/or literary domination under which they la-
bor. . . Making matters worse, the power of Paris is still more domineering
and more keenly felt by Francophone writers for being incessantly denied in
the name of the universal belief in the universality of French letters and on
behalf of the values of liberty promoted and monopolized by France itself.
(124)

Because of this, these notions, organized around appartenance (belonging)

and such terms as adhérence (adherence) and adhésion (adhesion), serve
to denote “on the one hand that to which one attaches,” Balibar suggests,
and “that to which one is attached, and on the other hand the community
that one chooses” (Balibar, “De la préférence nationale,” 115). This is per-
haps what Lionnet suggested when she demonstrated that many postcolo-
nial women writers
24 black france
insist on the relational nature of identity and difference, on the productive
tensions between the two, and on the intricate and interdependent ways in
which human agents function . . . The aim, in the end, is to reconstruct new
imaginative spaces where power configurations, inevitable as they are, may
be reorganized to allow fewer dissymmetries in the production and circula-
tion of knowledge. (Lionnet, Postcolonial Representations, 5–6)

The fact that African writers have chosen to situate their narratives in both
Africa and France and to explore the various ways in which communities
are organized outside of the homeland in the diasporic context is of
course particularly striking. Additionally, the manner in which cultural
practices are maintained, challenged, and transformed, subjected to multi-
ple influences, and in turn how ethnic, national, and regional rivalries are
exacerbated, is also highly significant in gauging the extent to which
French society itself is being systematically reorganized according to a set
of new coordinates. A transnational approach to these questions provides
a better contextual framework, one that permits the incorporation of
questions of labor mobility, immigration laws, youth culture, and so forth,
in an attempt to uncover some of the intercultural dynamics evidenced in
the literary productions of francophone sub-Saharan authors in general.
Jules-Rosette’s notion of “Parisianism” has of course been useful in cir-
cumscribing recent developments in African-French relations and the on-
going centrality of Paris in this discourse. But Paris alone cannot serve to
completely delimit broader questions pertaining to reflection on blackness
in France in general. Black France extends the analysis from the colonial
era to the contemporary moment of postcoloniality, recognizes the impor-
tance of Paris, but also provincializes the immigrant experience while in-
sisting upon a supranational dimension. All of these factors are of course
important in assessing the African presence in France and in establishing a
statistical record.
Calculating the number of sub-Saharan Africans in France involves a
concerted analysis of the mechanisms employed in such calculations—
mechanisms that in turn have much to reveal concerning the politics of
immigration and the demands of the French Republic.94 As Michel Wiev-
iorka has shown, there has been a significant shift from the early category
of travailleurs immigrés (immigrant workers) to “Arabs,” “Beurs,” and
“Blacks,” introducing the idea that “the transition from a social definition
of immigration to an ethnic, national, religious, or racial one is a complex
phenomenon that owes much to exclusion, stigmatization, or racism,”95 in
what constitutes a classic example of what Rey Chow has characterized as
“the ever-renewable government efforts to fabricate and stabilize.”96 Offi-
cial definitions and criteria have been deployed in order to ascertain who
is classified as an immigrant or a foreigner, and these are outlined and re-
ported annually by the Haut conseil à l’intégration (High Council for In-
tegration, HCI) to the prime minister. Current definitions are as follows:
 Introduction 25
Etrangers: Persons who cannot claim French nationality no matter where
they were born.
Immigrés: Foreigners born overseas who have settled in France. The im-
migré may at some time in his or her life acquire French nationality.
Immigrants: Foreigners who have received an initial authorization to stay
in France for at least one year. This category is only for the purpose of mon-
itoring immigration flows.97

The government census of 1999 uses the criteria outlined by the HCI and
includes no categories for ethnic criteria or information. The population
of metropolitan France is categorized according to nationality and place
of birth, and methods of calculation are both confusing and complicated.
In a total population of approximately 58,520,688, there were 4,308,527
immigrants (7.36 percent of the total), comprising non-French born over-
seas who either resided in France as foreigners (2,753,588) or had ac-
quired French nationality (1,554,939). Foreigners born in France (of
whom there were 800,354) are not considered immigrants, regardless of
whether they have acquired French nationality (509,598 of them had not
done so), which dramatically reduces the official numbers.98
With these considerations in mind, one can make the following as-
sumptions about the numbers of sub-Saharan Africans in France today.
Recourse to statistics is extremely important in order to counter, on the
one hand, popular misconceptions concerning definitions of “foreign-
ness” and, on the other, perceptions that France is being “invaded” and
“contaminated” by outsiders.99 The fundamental reorientation that Gérard
Noiriel proposed in his book Le creuset français: Histoire de l’immigra-
tion, XIXe–XXe siècles came from his commitment to demonstrating
that France had a long history of immigration from many regions of the
world, and accordingly to dispelling and countering stereotypes and myths
through statistical facts: “If one takes seriously the statistic that estab-
lishes that one-third of the people living in France today have foreign
‘roots,’ then the centrality of the family as the explanatory principle of
‘permanence’ and ‘tradition’ collapses” (64). Peabody and Stovall suggest
that “there were about 4,000 blacks living among the 25 million French
at the time of the revolution” (“Race, France, Histories,” 2). In 1936, ac-
cording to Noiriel, non-naturalized foreigners were estimated at 2,198,236
and included 720,926 Italians, 422,694 Polish, 28,290 Portuguese, and
253,599 Spanish. By 1982, the total had risen to 3,680,100, and included
333,740 Italians, 764,860 Portuguese, 321,440 Spanish, and a substantial
addition of 795,920 Algerians and 431,120 Moroccans (Noiriel, Le creu-
set français, 417–418).100 The real nature of the perceived problem (one
that has been well documented) concerns more recent transitions in the
demographics of immigrants. For, in reality, in figures mostly gathered by
the Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (INSEE),
the percentage of foreigners in the total French population has remained
26 black france

relatively constant since the 1930s: 1.06 in 1851, 2.97 in 1886, 6.58 in
1931, 5.28 in 1968, and 6.35 in 1990.101 According to approximate statis-
tics gathered by the Ministry for the Colonies in 1926, there were 1,685
Africans from Afrique occidentale française (AOF, French West Africa)
and 230 from Afrique équatoriale française (AEF, French Equatorial Af-
rica) living in France in 1926.102 But the main nationality groups in
France’s foreign population have changed dramatically: in 1946 88.7 per-
cent of foreigners were Europeans, 2.3 percent Maghrebis, and 0.8 per-
cent other Africans; in 1962 72.2 percent were Europeans, 18.9 percent
Maghrebis, and 0.8 percent other Africans; in 1975 60.7 percent were Eu-
ropeans, 32.3 percent Maghrebis, and 2.3 percent other Africans; and in
1990 40.6 percent were Europeans, 38.7 percent Maghrebis, and 11.8 per-
cent other Africans, constituting a total of 3,596,602 foreign nationals in
a total population of 56,651,955 (Hargreaves, Immigration, “Race,” and
Ethnicity, 11, 26). Methodological issues and population estimates are
complicated when all Africans are aggregated. While Todd estimates that
there were approximately 28,000 Africans in France in 1968 and 176,745
in 1990 (406), and Michelle Guillon claims that there were 177,871 sub-
Saharan Africans in France in 1982, 307,902 in 1990, and 447,521 in
1999,103 the main point to underline is that their numbers grew exponen-
tially at the end of the twentieth century, thereby transforming the cul-
tural, political, and social landscape of Black France, while accelerating all
kinds of transversal movements between and from Africa and the me-
tropole. Many countries are now represented: Senegal (43,692), Mali
(37,693), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (22,740), Cameroon
(18,037), the Ivory Coast (16,711), and Congo (12,755).104
“The use of the word ‘immigration’ to encompass what are in many
respects post-migratory processes,” as Hargreaves has shown, “is itself
symptomatic of the difficulties experienced by the French in coming to
terms—both literally and ontologically—with the settlement of people of
immigrant origin . . . such people are commonly referred to as ‘ethnic mi-
norities’ or ‘minority ethnic groups,’ and a large part of what the French
call ‘immigration’ is commonly known as ‘race relations.’”105 In the French
context, the term immigré (that is, the social status accorded to an immi-
grant)—as opposed to “immigrant,” “migrant,” or “emigrant”—“has a
tendency to fix the individual in a given condition . . . named as such s/he
will always carry the trace of a stigmatized past.” The term is even applied
“to a whole category of people who have never migrated (the ‘second’ and
‘third generation’).”106 Balibar has, in turn, insisted upon the fact that the
official rhetoric is organized around the figure of the “foreigner” (étran-
ger)—the “immigrant” functions as signifier for a broad range of cultural,
political, and social issues, and “the less the social problems of the ‘immi-
grants,’ or the social problems which massively affect immigrants, are spe-
cific, the more their existence is made responsible for them.”107 As we shall
 Introduction 27

see, this “capacity to lump together all the dimensions of ‘social pathology’
as effects of a single cause, which is defined with the aid of a series of sig-
nifiers derived from race or its more recent equivalents” (Balibar, “Racism
and Crisis,” 220), was deployed during the colonial period, as documented
in Sembene’s novel Le docker noir (Black Docker), as effectively as it was
in postcolonial France during the 1990s with the “affaire des sans-pa-
piers.” These discursive patterns duplicated earlier ones, as for example
the Abbé Grégoire’s own antislavery writings, such as De la littérature des
nègres (1808), and Gobineau’s Essai sur l’inégalité des races humaines
(published between 1853 and 1855) which, though not widely read during
his lifetime, nevertheless “remains the most comprehensive statement on
and the master synthesis of nineteenth-century French racial thought”
(Cohen, 218).108
Pascal Blanchard, Nicolas Bancel, and Sandrine Lemaire have, ar-
guably, collectively edited the most significant contribution to French
scholarship on (post)colonial studies, namely La fracture coloniale: La so-
ciété française au prisme de l’héritage colonial.109 Blanchard and Bancel
have argued, in an essay entitled “Les origines républicaines de la fracture
coloniale” (“The Republican Origins of the Colonial Fracture”), that al-
though ideals of liberty and equality were fundamental in the founding of
the French Republic, they were strategically adopted within a more strictly
“culturalist” discourse,” and in fact “racial inequality is at the heart of the
colonial Republican mechanism.”110 This attempt to deracialize the colo-
nial project and adopt a more culturalist agenda allowed for the civilizing
mission while simultaneously deferring assimilation indefinitely, and this
colonial discourse informs to this day official thinking on the question
of immigration in France (Blanchard and Bancel, “Les origines républi-
caines,” 38–39) as it has mutated across various paradigms from “le droit
à la différence” (“the right to be different”/”the right to difference”) to “le
seuil de tolérance” (“the threshold of tolerance”), “la préférence nation-
ale” (“national preference”), universalism, particularism, communitarian-
ism, hyperpluralism, and multicommunitarianism.111 This is precisely the
kind of transcolonial vector I have alluded to, in which, as Balibar has
shown, “the equivocal interiority-exteriority configuration which had,
since the period of colonial conquest, formed one of the structuring di-
mensions of racism, finds itself reproduced, expanded or re-activated”112
and has now triggered new forms of racism, “a racism of the era of ‘decol-
onization’ . . . whose dominant theme is not biological heredity but the in-
surmountability of cultural differences, a racism which, at first sight, does
not postulate the superiority of certain groups or peoples in relation to
others but ‘only’ the harmfulness of abolishing frontiers, the incompatibil-
ity of life-styles and traditions.”113
In reality, France’s rejection of multiculturalism is due to what it per-
ceives as the term’s historical indebtedness to and indissociability from the
28 black france

American context in which the accompanying discourses on civil and in-

dividual rights are considered to protect citizens above and beyond the
communitarian imperatives of the Republican state.114 Paradoxically,
Memmi points to the circularity of the argument in which communitari-
anism “is seen as proof of resistance by immigrants to integration into the
collective body of the nation,” and the ghetto, while “feeding the idea of
separation, also stands as the expression of it”; accordingly, the “constitu-
tion of small communities at the heart of the national entity is not the out-
come of some perverse gesture aimed at its destruction . . . but rather a
spontaneous and utilitarian agglomeration of minorities who have been
unable to identify themselves fully with the majority” (Memmi, Portrait
du décolonisé, 104). In France, the primary concern remains the integra-
tional, assimilationist drive toward that ambiguous ideal that is French-
ness. Because of this, according to David Blatt, “the increased political
saliency of immigration issues helped revive a traditional French discourse
on integration and the nation-state that insists on the preservation of re-
publican principles of undifferentiated citizenship and a firm rejection of
any public recognition of ethnic or cultural identities.”115
The colonial civilizing mission was premised on the attempt to create
French cultural prototypes. Newly formed French-Africans soon realized
that that stated objective was unattainable. Their status as colonized sub-
jects and constructs inscribed by a hyphenated identity forever precluded
their access to some distant evolutionary point, much in the same way
as today’s ethnic minorities are relegated to topographic zones in the
banlieues (housing projects) outside of the parameters of Frenchness.
Ironically, of course, the marginalization of these groups creates the very
ghettos that the French perceive as the inevitable outcome of U.S. mul-
ticultural politics. The end result of these disparate policies is similar,
though, thus reducing the validity of French critiques of U.S. multicultur-
alism. Fanon underscored how linguistic and even broader cultural iden-
tification with France was insufficient to confer full Frenchness, a dimen-
sion Cohen addressed in his book The French Encounter with Africans:
“The black migrants from the Antilles, however, should not have suffered
most of these problems: they knew French and French culture, they were
French citizens, and their lifestyle was not significantly at variance from
that of their white compatriots. To the extent that they suffered ostracism,
they were victims not of xenophobia but of racism, for race seemed to be
the only characteristic that distinguished them from countless other
Frenchmen” (Cohen, 287). My own analysis, without claiming to be ex-
haustive, nevertheless attempts to explore the pluridimensionality of mi-
gration to achieve a more accurate rendition of population flows and the
bilateralism of French-African relations. To this end, the analysis extends
to African soldiers, students, intellectuals, victims of modern servitude
and gender oppression, political refugees, sapeurs, asylum seekers, and
 Introduction 29

sans-papiers. In order to extrapolate with a degree of accuracy the signif-

icance of African contributions to public discourse in France, it remains
crucial to correct false assumptions and to denounce the reductive dis-
course that occludes African contributions (among others) to the cultural,
social, and political landscape of the Hexagon today.116
For example, African soldiers made immeasurable contributions to
France’s military forces during both the First and the Second World Wars.
In fact, as Miller has shown, the decade of the 1920s “has long been ex-
cluded from histories of francophone literature [and it] is in fact remark-
ably contemporary. It was in the 1920s that the question of African immi-
gration (now such a pressing issue) was first posed.”117 Furthermore, as a
point of contact for colonial subjects, Paris itself became a privileged site,
and “almost all the great political leaders of Indochina, sub-Saharan Af-
rica, the Antilles, and Madagascar either visited or lived in Paris at some
time between the two wars.”118 Immigrant populations from Africa and
Asia transformed the Parisian landscape during the twentieth century (one
only has to think of the neighborhoods around La place d’Italie, Barbès
Rochechouart, and Belleville), but only rarely is the longevity of this influ-
ence understood: “In France, immigrants from the colonies became ‘visi-
ble’ at the beginning of the 1930s, in particular in Paris . . . this reality has
as much to do with colonialism as it does with the history of immigration,
although only rarely is it linked specifically to colonial history” (Blanchard
and Deroo, “Contrôler,” 107).119 Most notably, the Paris Mosque opened
in 1926, and “a new generation settled in Paris and its suburbs. In addition
to immigrant laborers, a significant number of political leaders, artists,
and students began to arrive . . . and as for ‘illegal’ immigration, it repre-
sented up to one-third of all workers in the metropole” (111–112). Liter-
ary magazines and journals began to be published, such as La revue du
monde noir in 1931 and Légitime défense in 1932, among others includ-
ing Le paria, La voix des nègres, and La race nègre; most are rarely dis-
cussed today.120 Black political organizations were created, most notably
Le comité de défense de la race nègre (CDRN), founded in 1926 by
Lamine Senghor.121 An active Black intelligentsia established itself and was
critical of the first African deputy elected to the French National Assembly,
Blaise Diagne. The discourse at the time surrounding African and French
bilateral relations was truly symbiotic because the French authorities
made concerted efforts to interrupt the flow of ideas between France and
Africa. Already, “blackness” had become a defining concept, one that
served to organize and mobilize individuals.
Estimates are that some 189,000 soldiers from the AEF and AOF fought
in the First World War, and that approximately 30,000 were killed.122
During the Second World War, 178,000 sub-Saharan African and Mala-
gasy soldiers fought, and some 21,500 lost their lives (Dewitte, Deux siè-
cles d’immigration, 51).123 In addition to these African soldiers, Stovall has
30 black france

claimed that about 200,000 African Americans “saw duty in France” dur-
ing the First World War (Paris noir, 5). This moment in history was ab-
solutely critical in raising the political consciousness of colonized subjects:
“The milieu that these veterans formed during the 1920s was one in which
the most fundamental premises of colonialism were called into question,
critiqued and attacked—in organizations whose newspapers circulated
back to Africa, threatening colonial order” (Miller, Nationalists and No-
mads, 10). Much has been said and written about the invaluable contribu-
tions made by the now-famous tirailleurs sénégalais—in 1994, the French
government was heavily criticized for “its relative silence during com-
memorative events in August 1994 with regard to the role played by Afri-
can troops in the landings on the Provence coast.”124 Of course, there were
significant political developments from World War II onward, legal chang-
es and decrees enacted to redefine relations between France and Africa,
from the 1944 French Conference in Brazzaville to the 1946 debates on
the French Union. Their ultimate objective was to keep the Union fran-
çaise as a functioning organism under the aegis of the loi-cadre of 1956,
but the September 28, 1958, referendum paved the way for indepen-
dence—or rather the beginning of new alignments for a French-African
community. Guinea had voted “no” in the referendum and became inde-
pendent on October 2 of that year,125 and other AEF and AOF countries
followed Guinea’s lead during 1960. Governance was to have been con-
ducted by the Ministry for Cooperation, focusing on sub-Saharan Africa,
and “in this situation France devised the policy of cooperation in order to
provide its former territories with the necessary financial aid, technical ex-
pertise, and personnel for administration and development. Through this
policy, it also sought to maintain a privileged relationship with them de-
spite their attainment of international sovereignty.”126 Only in 1998 did the
French government finally change its official way of working with Africa
by abandoning the model provided by the Ministry of Cooperation and
incorporating African matters into the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. For
Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, this was ultimately a conscious attempt to
relinquish “bad habits linked to an unequal and paternalistic cooperation
in favor of a partnership respectful of equality in difference” (Coquery-
Vidrovitch, “Colonisation,” 41).
In addition to the African soldiers on French soil, growing numbers of
African students were coming to France as intellectual migrants. These
students were designated interchangeably as étudiants coloniaux (colonial
students), étudiants d’outre-mer (overseas students), and étudiants noirs
(Black students).127 According to Abdoulaye Gueye, there were as few as
twenty African students in France in the 1920s.128 As Guimont’s extensive
research has shown, “students in the ’30s were the product of the ideals of
assimilation . . . Those of the ’50s were the students of action.” (Guimont,
15). Yet there were tremendous disparities in formalized educational and
 Introduction 31

literacy levels in colonial zones—for 1949–1950, Guimont reports average

literacy rates of 4.2 percent in the AOF and 8.5 percent in the AEF sectors,
with figures jumping to 22.9 percent and 20 percent in Cameroon and
Togo respectively as a result of variations in administrative practices (22).
In fact, prior to 1946, the number of African students in France was negli-
gible; “education was prioritized in the process of developing the territo-
ries” (80), and the creation of bursaries radically altered this dynamic,
such that by 1952–1953 there were some four thousand African students
in France (72), a number that grew to eight thousand by 1965 (299). “At
Independence,” Guimont notes, “every francophone African country sent
most if not all of its [qualified] students to the former metropole. Only
Madagascar and Senegal had developed a higher education system prior
to 1958, without of course keeping all their students in Africa because of a
lack of space, the absence of certain fields of specialization, and of course
because they could not compete with the appeal to students of studying in
France” (37); “the motivations of non-bursary recipients to study in France
reflected the prestige accorded to the metropole in the African imaginary”
(299). In any case, by 1960–1961, only 2,674 students from the AOF were
pursuing higher education in Africa (39). “After Independence, France’s
control over African students was of the greatest importance to its new
policy on Africa, based on ‘cooperation’” (155). While France’s educa-
tional policy aimed to establish the “ideological continuity of the French
colonial system based on assimilation and the idealization of the metro-
pole” (300) and to create a sympathetic political elite, student mobiliza-
tion in the metropole against colonialism was inevitable and inaugurated
a complex process of mediation between Africa and France whereby the
very “identity of African students oscillated between a long-term position
as interlocutors for the French and African authorities and an immediate
oppositional political force” (301).
Ultimately, student groups in the metropole proved to be powerful
voices in articulating anticolonial positionalities. “Unlike their predeces-
sors, post-FEANF intellectuals [Fédération des étudiants d’Afrique noire
française, Federation of Students from French sub-Saharan Africa] have
not felt it necessary to be in Africa in order to contribute to the elevation
of the continent and in so doing manifest their African allegiance” (Gu-
eye, Les intellectuels africains en France, 233). As we shall see in chapter 6
when the focus shifts to La sape, the characterization of “expatriates as
role models” (235) is problematic given the harsh realities of immigrant
circumstances in France.129 The fact nevertheless remains that the dialogue
between “expatriated intellectuals” and “Africans on the inside” (237) is
not a closed entity, but rather one that, as Mbembe has shown, is “de-
ployed from a foreign center, a third space, that is France” (quoted in Gu-
eye, 237); accordingly, this “detour emerges as a structuring element in
this relational discourse” (238). Mamadou Diouf summarizes this identi-
32 black france

tarian process by saying that the community “is no longer exclusively Af-
rican and not yet definitively French. Either way, it can only be French dif-
ferently.”130 After the dissolution of the FEANF, some kind of study experi-
ence in France remained essential, and cultural and social capital could be
acquired through a sojourn in France that presented “itself as the oppor-
tunity to rehabilitate the African milieu of origin (whether the family, the
neighborhood, or a larger group). This rehabilitation can just as well be
material as psychological, allowing its authors to derive certain advan-
tages” (Gueye, Les intellectuels africains en France, 87–88).131 J.-P. N’Di-
aye, in his book Enquête sur les étudiants noirs en France, noted that in
his interviews with students, they accounted for their preference for Paris
by its “cultural prestige” and its “cosmopolitanism.” In response to the
question “What do you admire the most about France?” 30.6 percent
mentioned technical and economic development and 27.4 percent the cul-
tural component.132 Such findings will be crucial in exploring “francocen-
trism” and the acquisition of cultural capital in chapter 2.
Numerous student associations were established, and the 1935 Associ-
ation des étudiants noirs en France (AENF, Association of Black Students
in France) published an important journal entitled L’étudiant noir. Other
student networks and arrangements were to be evidenced, such as L’étu-
diant guinéen, La voix des étudiants dahoméens, and L’étudiant malien.
Historically, at least, African “intellectuals have assigned themselves the
geographical positions they would assume according to the historical
context or more precisely according to the political status of Africa” (Gu-
eye, Les intellectuels africains en France, 232). The first students came to
France to prepare for service upon their return to Africa, particularly in
the aftermath of Independence when the immediate imperative was to re-
build Africa. A central question concerns the links between “expatriation
and the question of social legitimacy,” according to which passage to
France could be perceived as an “individualistic action aimed at socioeco-
nomic self-promotion,” and study abroad could be interpreted as oppor-
tunistic. Study abroad therefore contained the risk of “no longer being ac-
cepted in the society of origin,” introducing a complex mediation with the
Africans du dedans (at home in Africa) (131).133 Naturally, this critical dis-
course has generated an adversarial mode through a counter-discourse
that has stressed that “living in France and serving the interests of Africa
are not essentially incompatible” (134). Paradoxically, the tenuous media-
tion between “home” and France has generated a Diaspora (a concept
first applied to Africa by Irele in 1965)134—we have an “African Diaspora
in France,” Gueye claims (205)—constructed from an exclusionary frame-
work: “recognizing the limitations on individual integration, expatriated
intellectuals have been forced to conceive of and elaborate conditions con-
ducive to ethno-communitarian mobilization” (205). As with other immi-
grant categories, the very structure of the French Republic is central to
ethnic mobility and cultural and social belonging.
 Introduction 33

Clearly, as Mbembe has argued with regard to Africa, “new forms of

territoriality and unexpected forms of locality have appeared. Their limits
do not necessarily intersect with the official limits, norms, or language of
states” (“At the Edge of the World,” 24). For example, Brazzaville, the
capital of the Republic of the Congo, stands as an example of “extraterri-
torialization,” whereby “the capital itself has its center of gravity outside
itself, in the relation the state maintains with the oil companies operating
offshore” (Mbembe, “At the Edge of the World,” 48). We are now dealing
with what Chevrier has evoked as a kind of “extracontinental Africa.”135
Whether dealing with France’s former colonies or its Republican tradi-
tion, the kind of “shared culture” Sassen had in mind that “provided the
experience through which nationhood could be constituted and assimi-
lated,” while feeling threatened in the French context, has not actually put
into question the institution itself.136 As Nicolas Bancel, Pascal Blanchard,
and Françoise Vergès have argued in La République coloniale: Essai sur
une utopie, the Republic can be “rebuilt, modernized, democratized start-
ing from a number of projects that have been in place for a few years now
and a number of transformations that are under way.”137 Historically, then,
the French Republic has wrestled with a range of models aimed at the
supposed assimilation or integration of outsiders under the aegis of the
Republic.
Many studies in both the humanities and the social sciences have at-
tempted to unpack these complex tautologies, most notably Amselle’s Af-
firmative Exclusion: Cultural Pluralism and the Rule of Custom in France
(in which he highlights the transcolonial nature of racial problems, rang-
ing from the biological and differentialist foundations of the colonial
project to contemporary widely disseminated views) and F. Gaspard and
F. Khosrokhavar’s Le foulard et la République.138 As Blatt explains,
the republican model conceives of integration as a process by which individ-
uals subordinate their particularist origins and accept membership in a uni-
tary nation-state defined by shared universalist values . . . ethnic origin is
deemed unacceptable as a basis for organization and mobilization by politi-
cal actors, or for conferring of rights, recognition, or entitlements by public
authorities. (Blatt, 46)

There are striking differences to be recorded between other European at-

tempts to deal with the question of greater inclusion of minority popula-
tions. Adrian Favell has shown how these issues are discussed as “race re-
lations” in Britain and as “multiculturalism” in France, where citoyenneté
(citizenship) and intégration (integration) are also determining factors.139
Remarkable terminological shifts have occurred in France, from assimila-
tion (reduction of difference in order to secure the homogeneity of domi-
nant cultural and social norms), to insertion (a mechanism to foster par-
ticipation in the “general” population while maintaining the specificity of
various cultural and religious practices), and finally to integration (ulti-
34 black france

mately “predicated on the assumption that social differentiation is or

should be in the process of being reduced” [Hargreaves, Immigration,
“Race,” and Ethnicity, 2]). In the French context, these categories are in-
separable from the concerted attempts at securing and safeguarding the
cultural and social homeostasis of French normativism and universalism.
In his analysis, Dewitte includes the HCI’s official definition:
integration should not be conceived of as the middle ground between assim-
ilation and insertion, but rather as a specific process: the objective is to en-
courage through this process the active participation in national society of
varied and different elements, while accepting the subsistence of cultural, so-
cial, and moral specificities and in believing that this variety and complexity
enriches everyone. Without denying differences, finding ways to take them
into consideration without exalting them, a policy of integration emphasizes
resemblances and points of convergence in order, through equal rights and
obligations, to achieve solidarity between the different ethnic and cultural
constituencies that make up our society and to give each and every one of
us, no matter what our origins may be, the possibility of living together in
this society whose rules we have accepted and which we are a constitutive
element of. (Dewitte, Deux siècles d’immigration, 88)

The central problem comes from the fact that “the ideology of assimila-
tion is indeed deeply ethnocentric.”140 “To become French,” the authors of
La République coloniale demonstrate, “implies abandoning all that dif-
ferentiates—regional language, religion, desire for autonomy. The Repub-
lic is one and indivisible, and refuses on its territory any breach of this
principle . . . The idea of race—understood as the hierarchical difference
between groups—concerns Republican citizenship. Some are more citi-
zens than others: the creation of a colonial citizenship in 1946 that was
different from the citizenship applied in the metropole was the most strik-
ing example of this” (Bancel, Blanchard, and Vergès, 122–123). Republi-
can ideological imperatives have been reflected in the repeated changes
made to French immigration policy since the early days of decolonization,
most significantly in 1974 and 1993 when tougher legislation was intro-
duced to make entry into France from the former colonies as well as the
acquisition of citizenship by those individuals residing on French soil all
the more difficult.141
Jean-Paul Sartre was an astute observer of African-French relations,
and his awareness of this bilateralism informed his contextualization of
the links between Africa and France. Yet his entry “Présence noire” in the
inaugural issue of Présence africaine evoked the notions of ici (here in
France) and là-bas (there in Africa) to characterize this relationship, and
this evocation was highly problematic; for example, he argued that “each
time we shake the hand of a black person here, it erases the violence we
committed there.”142 Nothing of course erases French culpability overseas,
and the realities of French racism in the metropole during the colonial era
(as “documented” in Sembene’s novel Black Docker) should not be ob-
 Introduction 35

fuscated either. Furthermore, while it is important to underline the symbi-

otic nature of African-French relations, the central point here is to recog-
nize the presence of the là-bas ici—the there here. The permanence of a
Black France is a reality today, although prevailing discourse regularly un-
dermines this factor. In fact, the official website for the Cité nationale de
l’histoire de l’immigration (CNHI) project potentially voids its positive di-
mension by employing an ambiguous phrase to characterize its mission—
“Leur histoire est notre histoire” (“Their history is our history”; see
http://www.histoire-immigration.fr)—attributing value to the constitutive
dimension of bilateral relations while simultaneously demarcating divi-
sions through the recuperation of a discourse of separateness and owner-
ship in which one is left with the uncomfortable realization that “they” re-
main other (them) while “we” comfortably occupy the space reserved for
us. Lorenzo Prencipe has underscored how the “spatial and relational ex-
teriority of an individual . . . have respectively led to a confusion between
the terms ‘foreigner’ and immigré, and then widened the modalities of
exclusion and reinforced the barrier between the ‘them’ and the ‘us’”
(Prencipe, “Médias et immigration,” 140).143 The point surely should have
been to abandon such constructs, to multiply the sites of memory through
the delineation of new coordinates that render such arbitrary divisions re-
dundant and insignificant. Effectively, such conscious or unconscious lin-
guistic constructs reveal the degree of concern pertaining to what could be
described as a “colonization of the Hexagon.” This is a pan-European
phenomenon, because “every European power contributed to the expan-
sion of Europe’s borders overseas. Every European power is experiencing
today the ‘return of empire’ on its soil” (Bancel, Blanchard, and Vergès,
161).144
In 2001, the French prime minister commissioned Driss El Yazami
(vice-president of the Human Rights League) and Rémy Schwartz (Maître
des requêtes au Conseil d’Etat) to report on the possibility of creating a
national center for the history and cultures of immigration. On March 10,
2003, the newly appointed prime minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin appointed
former minister of culture Jacques Toubon to head the Mission de préfig-
uration du Centre de ressources et de mémoire de l’immigration, whose
completed report was published in May 2004.145 On July 8, 2004, Raffarin
announced that the CNHI would open in 2006 at the site of the Palais de
la porte dorée in Paris, saying (as quoted on the project’s website,
http://www.histoire-immigration.fr), “This new cultural site has been con-
ceived as much as a museum as as a cultural center, with live perfor-
mances, and for film screenings, conferences and colloquia.” The project
declares its adherence to the definition of a museum provided by the In-
ternational Council of Museums (ICOM):
A museum is a non-profit-making permanent institution in the service of so-
ciety and of its development, open to the public, which acquires, conserves,
researches, communicates, and exhibits, for purposes of study, education,
36 black france
and enjoyment, the tangible and intangible evidence of people and their en-
vironment. (Toubon, 18)

The projected configuration of the permanent installation includes a num-

ber of categories relevant to the memorialization of a Black France: “The
Republican school,” “1914–1918: Foreigners and Colonials in the Great
War,” “Immigration Policy through the Decades,” “African Intellectuals
and Politicians in France,”“Religion and the Republic,”“The Port of Mar-
seilles,” “Colonials in the Metropole,” “Women in Immigration,” “Belle-
ville,”“How to Become French,” and “Colonization and Decolonization.”
Toubon believes that immigration must be privileged as an “integral part
of French History” (13), and that providing for a “necessary recognition
of the place immigrant populations have in the destiny of the Republic
should help every French person to cast a truthful look at French identity
today, and reconcile the multiple parts whose values make the nation so
strong” (9).
Other commentators on contemporary French attempts at exploring
memory have been more skeptical, particularly since the French National
Assembly has signed into law two bills, the first (no. 667, Proposition de
loi visant à la reconnaissance de l’œuvre positive de l’ensemble de nos
concitoyens qui ont vécu en Algérie pendant la période de la presence
française, passed on March 5, 2003) aimed at recognizing the “positive”
contributions of French citizens in Algeria, and the second (no. 389, Re-
connaissance de la Nation et contribution nationale en faveur des Fran-
çais rapatriés, passed on February 23, 2005 [amended in 2006]) recogniz-
ing “national contributions” made by “repatriated French citizens.” (I
discuss these further in chapter 2.) This phenomenon is not, of course,
unique to France, as Ali Behdad powerfully illustrates in the American
context in his book A Forgetful Nation: On Immigration and Cultural
Identity in the United States: “I use the notion of amnesia throughout my
discussion to mean a form of cultural disavowal that simultaneously de-
nies certain historical facts and produces a pseudo-historical conscious-
ness of the present.”146 Similarly, the title of Marc Augé’s essay Oblivion
speaks for itself. “Oblivion is a necessity both to society and to the indi-
vidual. One must know how to forget to taste the full flavor of the present,
of the moment, and of expectation, but memory itself needs forgetfulness:
one must forget the present past in order to find the ancient past again.”147
Similar projects have already been undertaken in France, but none
with the same degree of state support. The Association pour la connais-
sance de l’histoire de l’Afrique contemporaine (ACHAC), directed by Pas-
cal Blanchard, has as its objective the study of colonial culture in all its
manifestations, and the association has produced several very important
works. Naturally, with a museum project of the nature and scope pro-
posed, the question will be to see not so much what will be remembered,
but rather what may be silenced. In 2002, the memorialization of the for-
 Introduction 37

tieth anniversary of the end of official conflict between Algeria and France
was heavily criticized.148 For this new museum to perform a useful task,
one can only hope that “conservation” of memory will be secondary, so
that the museum emerges not so much as a repository for the past, but
rather as a site at which the past and the present can operate as a dynamic
ongoing process of productive dialogue and reimaginings of human com-
munities. As Clifford has argued in “Museums as Contact Zones,”“With-
in broad limits, a museum can accommodate different systems of accumu-
lation and circulation, secrecy and communication, aesthetic, spiritual,
and economic value . . . Aspirations of both dominant and subaltern pop-
ulations can be articulated through this structure, along with the material
interests of national and transnational tourism” (218).149
Perhaps the fundamental problem exemplified by this project is its fail-
ure to recognize that, as Wieviorka points out, history and memory are
very different projects, and that, according to Patrick Weil, “too little his-
tory is compensated for by an excess of memory”;150 this is the “colonial
fracture” that must be addressed, the historical void evoked by Blanchard,
Bancel, and Lemaire, from which the most urgent action “consists in
bringing France’s colonial past to the forefront of national thinking and
historiography, in order to produce perspectives that make postcolonial
situations intelligible.”151 Furthermore, when it comes to the context of
France and Africa in particular, the shared historical experience needs to
be foregrounded:
France and Africa share a common history, expressed jointly by the role
France has played for centuries in Africa north and south of the Sahara, and
by the more recent presence in the Hexagon of Africans who have, in turn,
through their actions, their work, their thinking, had a concrete impact on
the course of French history. (Bancel, Blanchard, and Vergès, 30)

These questions are even more important today as the European Union it-
self has been forced to think carefully about what a future European iden-
tity might correspond to, reflection whose urgency has been accelerated by
debates concerning extreme right-wing politics in Belgium, Britain, France,
Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands, the expansion of Islam in Europe,
and the so-called war on global terror. These factors are all connected to
the debate on whether or not to extend membership to Turkey as an Is-
lamic state, as if the 40 million Muslims in Europe were not already inte-
gral components of European identity.152
There is a global fascination with events in Africa that are perceived
on the one hand as external, epitomized through the spectacle of suffering
(so brilliantly captured by Susan Sontag in her book Regarding the Pain
of Others) and organized around genocide, civil conflict, the AIDS epi-
demic, and corrupt governance,153 as examples of African “savagery,” and
on the other those that are perceived as internal to France and Europe,
organized around immigration, excision, polygamy, Islam, and the sans-
38 black france

papiers affair, as signifiers of “African barbarism.” These constructs simul-

taneously recuperate colonial discourse, remapping these new coordinates
in order to arrive at analogous conclusions, in a process Blanchard and
Bancel have shown inaugurates a perfect example of the transcolonial cir-
culation of discourse in the careful transition from the justificatory lan-
guage of the civilizing mission to the humanitarian imperative that serves
to further consolidate the tenuously constitutive vectors of nurture and ex-
ploitation.154 The focus on the analysis of a range of cultural, economic,
political, and social issues in Africa that have received global attention is
crucial in order to counter the manner in which these questions have en-
tered the popular imagination and generated widespread cynicism and
disillusionment, belief that activism is futile and problems insurmount-
able.
We have every right to be skeptical about and suspicious of the dis-
course on the connections between France and the “other.” Perhaps the
museum project constitutes at the very least a step in the right direction,
an indication as to how former colonial powers are addressing and
redrawing national boundaries, exploring the various ways in which
cultural and social phenomena are transcolonial in nature, and how
transnational and post-sovereign paradigms are acquiring currency in
contemporary negotiations and renegotiations of a global understanding
of humanity. With this thought in mind, it may one day become possible,
as Seyla Benhabib has suggested, to “view human cultures as constant
creations, recreations, and negotiations of imaginary boundaries between
‘we’ and the ‘other(s).’”155 Certainly, Black France navigates with caution
through this challenging landscape. Ultimately, in this process, the agen-
das of those “doing” the remembering must be scrutinized. This will be a
test of France’s capacity to reimagine community in the Hexagon, to
reimagine a Hexagon and a Europe at the crossroads of cultural naviga-
tions that ignore borders and nationalisms, fostering a global citizenry en-
gaged with human rights, and in which centers and peripheries are con-
stantly being reformulated, redrawn.
Black France’s claim to originality comes from its attempt to broaden
the category of immigrant literature by consulting existing research on
minority cultures and diasporic texts, and extending the parameters of re-
search beyond the tradition that has tended to locate immigrant narra-
tives as intrinsically post-Independence or postcolonial phenomena. Sub-
Saharan African works published prior to political independence by such
diverse authors as Ousmane Socé (Mirage de Paris, 1937), Laye Camara
(L’enfant noir, 1954), Bernard Dadié (Un nègre à Paris, 1959), Ferdinand
Oyono (Chemin d’Europe, 1960), and Cheikh Hamidou Kane (L’aventure
ambiguë, 1961), are considered in chapter 2 as immigrant narratives,
given their treatment of the circumstances of socioeconomic and cultural
displacement between Africa and the metropole.156 Focus on these texts
 Introduction 39

will provide a more historically accurate framework with which to ex-

plore works that have emerged both in Africa and from within France’s
postcolonial communities since official independence. This analysis is car-
ried through to chapter 3, but the framework is broadened to a considera-
tion of global blackness that allows for a reading of Ousmane Sembene’s
novel Le docker noir (1956) and Richard Wright’s Native Son (1940).157
Strategically situated at the juncture between the colonial and post-
colonial eras, chapter 4 examines the short story “La noire de . . . ” (“Black
Girl”), published in 1962 (but set just before Independence) by the Sene-
galese writer and filmmaker Ousmane Sembene, and juxtaposes this text
with a more contemporary work, Une esclave moderne (2000), written by
a Togolese woman, Henriette Akofa.158 Whereas colonial practices had tra-
ditionally been denounced in works set in Africa, Sembene’s short story is
particularly original since the transplantation of the central protagonist,
Diouana, from Senegal to France simultaneously displaces and relocates
the indictment of colonial ideology for its racial and discriminatory char-
acteristics from Africa to France. While Diouana’s status as a colonized
subject in the African context was essentially unquestioned in the rigorous
separation enacted by the colonial hierarchy, in France she becomes in-
creasingly conscious of her ethnic identity and of the multiple ways in
which she is exploited. An important parallel is therefore drawn between
the roots of colonial ideology in the metropole, its dissemination in the
colonies, and its subsequent survival into contemporary immigrant dis-
courses. Sembene’s text then has a particular resonance with a plethora of
more recent works, and much can be gauged by considering contempo-
rary forms of slavery and servitude, as evidenced in Akofa’s account of her
experiences. This chapter introduces an interesting dynamic, since Sem-
bene’s “fictional” short story is structured around a fait divers (a news
item), while Akofa’s work is an autobiographical or testimonial narrative
that is read alongside actual court proceedings pertaining to her experi-
ence drawn from the registry of the European Court of Human Rights in
Strasbourg, France. In chapters 4 and 5, the question of audience becomes
critical; I argue and attempt to demonstrate that both Akofa’s and Fatou
Keïta’s texts constitute important testimonies, and then highlight how
upon entry into the public domain of the Hexagon these narratives are re-
cuperated by the French authorities in the service of culturalist and exclu-
sionary agendas.
Keïta’s novel Rebelle (1998) and Calixthe Beyala’s Lettre d’une Afri-
caine à ses sœurs occidentale and Lettre d’une Afro-française à ses com-
patriotes provide the focus of chapter 5.159 In this instance, the controver-
sial question of female excision is addressed through a consideration of
the sociocultural circumstances of African women both in francophone
sub-Saharan Africa and in the African Diaspora in France, framed in close
dialogue with several key theorizations of these questions. The universal-
40 black france

izing exigencies of Frenchness are foregrounded in order to address the

potentialities of a multicultural society and the implications for the future
of ethnic relations in the Hexagon.160 Key to this discussion is the issue of
location and the bilateral exchanges that take place between insiders and
outsiders, and examination of the interpenetrative nature of discourse.
Whereas African feminists are often criticized for embracing European
feminist thought, the phenomenon of the sapeurs (explored in chapter 6),
who embrace European aesthetic codes, provides an interesting point of
comparison that ultimately allows us to better understand gender issues in
the postcolony and Diaspora along with multiple forms of social margin-
alization. For example, even through La sape is a strictly masculinist prac-
tice, writers have been critical of its superficial connection to material cul-
ture; further analysis of the homosocial and homoerotic dimension of the
practice will also help to advance the argument.
The phenomenon of the sapeurs is explored in chapter 6 through a
consideration of novels by Alain Mabanckou (Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 1998)
and Daniel Biyaoula (L’impasse, 1996, and Agonies, 1998).161 (The word
sape originated as an acronym for the Société des ambianceurs et des per-
sonnes élégantes [Society of Ambianceurs and Persons of Elegance] and
designates young people who travel to France to acquire designer clothes.)
This chapter provides a cultural history of the way dress codes have
marked the experiences of Congolese Diasporas in France, using a theo-
retical context inspired by a transnational understanding of performance
and identity, but also informed by a broader discussion of the construction
of gender and identity. This section also explores the way Paris and France
continue to serve as a mythic space for sub-Saharan Africans intent on the
acquisition of secular capital. Chapter 7 builds on this material to consider
other migratory developments within the global economy, and the focus
shifts to Fatou Diome’s 2003 novel Le ventre de l’Atlantique, which offers
an innovative challenge to the migration myth discussed in the sapeurs’
quest.162 Diome’s protagonists distance themselves from the portrait gallery
of dislocated sub-Saharan African protagonists who constituted the earlier
demographics of migration, and effectively map out the new coordinates
of a transnational geometry in which the periphery is repositioned as an-
other center, one that questions development politics, structural adjust-
ment policies, and globalization’s impact on sub-Saharan Africans.
 TWO

Francocentrism and the

Acquisition of Cultural Capital

I felt such a strong affinity for this

country that I did not know, and whose
genius and beauty I had been taught to
sing since childhood, that I wondered
whether I had not perhaps been French
in a previous life.
Ferdinand Oyono1

The European elite undertook to

manufacture a native elite. They
picked out promising adolescents;
they branded them, as with a red-hot
iron, with the principles of western
culture; they stuffed their mouths
full with high-sounding phrases,
grand glutinous words that stuck to
their teeth. After a short stay in the
mother country they were sent home,
white-washed. These walking lies had
nothing left to say to their brothers;
they only echoed.
Jean-Paul Sartre2

The return to the colonial era as a point of entry to recent debates on

questions of immigration and national identity in contemporary France
seems a necessary gesture. Such a return offers the opportunity to carefully
delineate the advantages of a transcolonial approach, but, more impor-
tantly, to relocate the origins of immigration discourse and migratory
flows according to a specific set of cultural, economic, political, and so-
cial coordinates that are indissociable from a colonial, postcolonial, and
global geometry. The discussion of immigration has tended to locate it as
42 black france

a post-Independence practice associated with the politics of decoloniza-

tion, when in fact population flows were central to the colonial project as
sub-Saharan Africans migrated to the metropole to pursue educational
training, serve in the French military, or enter global labor markets. In
fact, not only has this dimension not received the concerted analysis it de-
serves, but further consideration of these issues has much to reveal about
the manner in which the French civilizing mission was deployed, and early
assimilationist models constructed under direct rule.
Immigration legislation has certainly been central to the politics of
postcoloniality, as once-colonized peoples and the former colonial powers
have attempted to redefine the parameters of their relations and adjust, ac-
cordingly, population movement between these topographic spaces. In-
deed, as the authors of La République coloniale: Essai sur une utopie have
insisted, “The reconsideration of the legacy of the colonial Republic con-
cerns France as much as it does its former colonies.”3 The voluntary or
forced displacement of African subjects has a long history that we can be-
gin to address only by extending our analysis to a consideration of texts
produced in the colonial era that enact a mediation between fiction and
the evidential component of a given sociopolitical time frame; this will al-
low us to assess the symbiotic network of constitutive historical trajec-
tories.
Central to the discussion in this chapter will be a consideration of the
particularities of French direct rule and colonial education as the markers
of both a theorization of assimilation and the resulting counter-discourse
produced by African writers. To this end, Pascale Casanova’s consideration
of the centrality of Paris is pertinent to the question of francocentrism,4
since “innumerable descriptions in novels and poems of Paris in the nine-
teenth century and, especially, the twentieth century made the city’s liter-
ariness manifest,” and naturally it is this construct that in turn circulated
in colonial pedagogy and curricular orientation.5 “These countless de-
scriptions of Paris—a literary genre inaugurated in the late eighteenth cen-
tury—were gradually codified, so that over time they amounted . . . to a
‘recitation’—an immutable leitmotif, obligatory in form and content”
(Casanova, 26). Naturally, given the colonial education received by Afri-
can writers, such findings are to be found in the work of Ousmane Socé,
for example, but they also, of course, provide the source of engagement
for Bernard Dadié’s challenge to this myth of universalism, according to
which “Paris was thus doubly universal, by virtue both of the belief in its
universality and of the real effects that this belief produced” (Casanova,
30). Paris is the key topographic site to which protagonists travel, but also
operates as an interchangeable metaphor for France itself.
Accordingly, the myth of Occidental superiority as an intrinsic compo-
nent of the expansionist project must be scrutinized in order to better lo-
cate contemporary immigration discourse and to delineate the transcolo-
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 43

nial nature of African and French relations. The focus will be provided by
francophone sub-Saharan African novels published between 1937 and
1961 that address various tenets of French colonial rule and that are an-
chored in that historical moment. The authors selected for extended criti-
cal attention originate in three different countries, and, in terms of their
critical reception and the broader impact their works have had on subse-
quent generations of African authors, they can be considered representa-
tive of the most significant aesthetic and ideological positionalities of the
era. They are Laye Camara (Guinea), Cheikh Hamidou Kane and Ous-
mane Socé (Senegal), and Bernard Dadié (Ivory Coast). While these writers
have produced numerous works, those considered for the purpose of this
chapter are L’enfant noir (The Dark Child/The African Child), L’aventure
ambiguë (Ambiguous Adventure), Mirages de Paris (Mirages of Paris),
and Un nègre à Paris (An African in Paris).6 This period coincides with an
unusual degree of literary productivity and this analysis cannot therefore
claim to be exhaustive.7 The specificity is therefore provided by the cul-
tural, economic, and political context of colonialism, but of course will
have much to reveal concerning the politics of multiculturalism in France
today and the prevailing dictates and imperatives of assimilationist and in-
tegrational policies.8
In 1947, the Presses Universitaires de France inaugurated a new series
under the rubric “Colonies et empires: Collection internationale de docu-
mentation coloniale” (“Colonies and Empires: International Collection of
Colonial Documentation”), devoted to colonial studies, with Ch.-André
Julien as the series editor, himself a professor of the history of coloniza-
tion at the University of Paris and, perhaps more importantly, a conseiller
de l’union française (councilor of the French union). This cohabitation of
the governmental and educational branches of the French civil service is of
course indicative of the ideological agenda of the colonial state that in-
formed the civilizing mission and that was disseminated through colonial
education. The inaugural volume of the series was entitled Les techniciens
de la colonisation (The Technicians of Colonization), and a subsequent
volume featured an essay by Robert Delavignette, the governor of the
colonies and honorary director of the National School of France Over-
seas, in which he hailed Maurice Delafosse, a former governor, as “one of
our best Africanists.”9 As Bernard Mouralis has argued in his book Ré-
publique et colonies: Entre histoire et mémoire; La République française
et l’Afrique, Delavignette was “directly implicated in this process of social
transformation, on the ground as an administrator or at the very highest
level as director of political affairs with the Ministry of France Over-
seas.”10 As we shall see, convincing colonized subjects that their ancestors
were also “the Gauls” was central to the French imperial ambition and
therefore an intrinsic component of the works written by francophone
sub-Saharan African authors who were the products of these ideological
44 black france

experiments.11 Reading these texts as a collective body produced in vari-

ous sectors of the French colonies, from French West Africa (AOF, estab-
lished in 1904 and made up of the Ivory Coast, Dahomey, French Guinea,
Upper Volta, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal, and French Sudan) to French
Equatorial Africa (AEF, founded in 1910 and made up of Congo, Gabon,
Oubangui-Chari, and Chad), provides the occasion to explore a multiplic-
ity of responses to colonial experiences, at some times analogous and at
others quite different.12 Simultaneously, such a framework allows for dis-
crimination between some of the ways in which writers have responded in
order to highlight points of commonality and distinctions both within
French colonies and in relation to Belgian, English, German, and Por-
tuguese imperialism, among others.13
It remains of paramount importance to underline the economic, hu-
manitarian, political, and scientific organizational principles of the colo-
nial project that served to “conceal the true foundations of the colonial
phenomenon,” since these were recuperated in the process of formulating
“humanitarian arguments or arguments that claimed a scientific basis,
thereby allowing for passage from the stage of explanation to that of justi-
fication.”14 Similarly, the centrality of the pedagogic component as early as
1817 in certain areas is crucial in understanding the legacy of colonialism,
the engagement of African writers with ensuing cultural and sociopolitical
circumstances, and of course the impact of francocentrism.15 Central
mechanisms for defining colonial educational policy were the Bulletin de
l’enseignement en A.O.F., which was founded in 1913 and which became
L’éducation africaine in 1934, and the Journal officiel de l’A.O.F., in
which “the great events in French history and France’s relations with var-
ious West African countries [and] French geography and that of its col-
onies, particularly those in West Africa,” were outlined (Midiohouan,
L’idéologie dans la littérature, 46). As Alice Conklin has shown in her su-
perb study of the French civilizing mission, A Mission to Civilize: The Re-
publican Ideal of Empire in France and West Africa, 1895–1930, the con-
cept of civilization was not only invented by the French in the eighteenth
century, but subsequently “elevated to the realm of official imperial doc-
trine.”16 As such, “the notion of a civilizing mission rested upon certain
fundamental assumptions about the superiority of French culture and the
perfectibility of humankind” (Conklin, A Mission to Civilize, 1) and, as
Conklin argues,
Republican France invested the notion of a civilizing mission with a fairly
specific set of meanings that set limits on what the government could and
could not do in the colonies. By officially acting within these limits, the
French managed to obscure the fundamental contradiction between democ-
racy and the forcible acquisition of an empire. (2)

Colonial expansion was, as Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink has suggested,

concerned with “the acculturation of the conquered populations: their in-
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 45

stitutional, cultural, and administrative supervision; their training, and

therefore with the transmission, essentially by means of schooling and
textbooks, of the political and cultural ideology of the metropole.”17 When
William Ponty assumed the position of governor general of French West
Africa in 1907, as Conklin informs us, “instruction was identified as the
new administration’s foremost social measure . . . Ponty was driven by a
conviction that it was France’s responsibility to direct the emergence of a
new social order in West Africa, which, without becoming French, would
better conform to prevailing French mores” (Conklin, A Mission to Civi-
lize, 108). Accordingly, Ponty
took several steps designed to clarify the content and pedagogical methods
of education and to increase the number of schools available to Africans.
Under his administration, French became the official language of the federa-
tion; the first comprehensive course plan applicable to the entire federation
was drawn up, and the first manuals began to be published. (131)

To this end, Georges Hardy, the inspecteur général de l’enseignement en

Afrique occidentale française (chief inspector for education in French
West Africa) from 1913 to 1931, authored a book entitled Une conquête
morale: L’enseignement en A.O.F. that carefully delineated the moral
foundations of the colonial project, and, as chief inspector, “outlined
through several texts the contours of the textbooks that would be used in
African schools” (Lüsebrink, “Acculturation coloniale,” 118).18 The trans-
coloniality of these issues is particularly striking given that the French au-
thorities have been actively involved in several potentially revisionist pro-
jects since the beginning of the twenty-first century specifically designed to
address France’s colonial legacy at both the educational and national lev-
els. First of all, one should point out that the Centre national de l’histoire
et des cultures de l’immigration (CNHI) “will suggest modifications of
school textbooks and programs so as to accord the history of immigration
the place it deserves in the history of the nation.”19 And secondly, as men-
tioned in chapter 1, two significant bills have been signed into law by the
French National Assembly, one recognizing the “positive” contributions
of “French citizens who resided in Algeria during the French presence”
and the other recognizing “national contributions” made by “repatriated
French citizens.”20 These developments systematically ignore the symbiotic
connection between state propaganda and the colonial project and refuse
to acknowledge colonialism as an oppressive practice. Sandrine Lemaire
has carefully documented this history, and addressed its lasting impact on
the fabric of French society:
During the colonial period, authors of school textbooks were the active pro-
moters, as they illustrated it, of colonialism. History and geography text-
books, as well as those in literature and philosophy, reflected imperial senti-
ments and preached the gospel of Empire that was already making its way
into the popular press . . . School discourse during the colonial period played
46 black france
an essential role in assisting the penetration of colonial ideology throughout
the social body, and functioned as a crucial tool aimed at building and per-
petuating a French identity . . . This valorizing history of the French and of
their actions simultaneously served to spread a broad range of stereotypes
about the colonized.21

These mechanisms were enacted as programmatic changes under the su-

pervision of Hardy, whose contribution to the conceptualization of colo-
nial education was tangible. He was particularly effective in establishing
French influence because he recognized the potential pitfalls of a unilat-
eral educational model, preferring instead to identify the specificities of
the local context, in which the adaptation of “colonial teaching to the cul-
tural space of indigenous populations” (Lüsebrink, “Acculturation colo-
niale,” 115) would be of paramount importance. In the same way that di-
asporic communities are not homogeneous—although they are often
treated as such by the authorities—colonial ideology was also naturally re-
configured depending on each specific context: “The challenge to the uni-
tarian concept of civilization and gradual recognition of the specificity of
African cultures forced colonial ideology to undergo adjustments.”22 Ac-
cordingly, this “educational strategy . . . transformed Western cultural and
moral values into accepted norms . . . that were intrinsically linked to the
colonial project of acculturation intent on making Republican ideology
coincide with the desire to expand into countries overseas” (Lüsebrink,
“Acculturation coloniale,” 121).23 Naturally, we must be careful not to
place too much faith in Hardy’s understanding of what constitutes local
culture, since, as will become only too apparent, such constructs are in-
variably mediated through a complex set of projections and stereotypes.
Nevertheless, the cross-pollination, the “objective of anchoring colonial
education within an intercultural perspective rather than in simple im-
ported metropolitan models” (Lüsebrink, “Acculturation coloniale,” 118),
would indelibly mark francophone literary production.
Mouralis has shown that the development of colonial schooling can be
divided into three broad stages: “an initial period beginning with the ori-
gins of colonization up until 1903; a second one from 1903 to 1944, when
the Brazzaville Conference was held; and finally a third running from 1944
to 1960, the year when most territories located in the two Federations ac-
ceded to Independence” (Mouralis, Littérature et développement, 59).
Within this framework, schools were not established with any degree of
uniformity—some areas that had concentrated contact with the colonial
authorities, such as Brazzaville and Dakar, made considerable inroads into
education, whereas others were relatively ignored. This was in part be-
cause of two general strategic concerns. The first, as Midiohouan has indi-
cated, pertains to concerns with delaying the indigenous consciousness of
sociopolitical arrangements: “whereas primary education was well orga-
nized by various administrative mechanisms, the same was not true for
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 47

secondary education, where the colonizer deliberately slowed things down

as a way of maintaining intellectual and political asthenia and preventing
any kind of broader consciousness” (Midiohouan, L’idéologie, 50); the
second emerged from a need to incorporate a collaborative elite into the
administrative colonial structures: “the artisans and theoreticians of colo-
nial policy are just about unanimous in acknowledging that . . . education
in Africa should above all have practical goals and, as its main function,
the task of training the subaltern personnel necessary for the smooth op-
eration of the colonial system” (Mouralis, Littérature et développement,
80). Schoolchildren were motivated toward a forced complicity in the dis-
semination of colonial propagandist ideology and therefore assisted in the
promotion of the idea of La grande France (France the Great) when they
completed research projects that “underscored and criticized negative as-
pects [of Africa], thereby allowing them to present colonization as the only
means by which Africa could accede to modernity.”24 As Sayouba Traoré, a
novelist from Burkina Faso, recently stated in an interview, “With all the
changes engendered on our way of life and thinking, colonialism paved
the way for immigration.”25
A “definitive consolidation of the Republican Regime” occurred dur-
ing the Third Republic (1870–1914), in particular after the 1884–1885
Berlin Conference, and, as Mouralis has argued, “was followed shortly
thereafter by the conquest of an empire that was to turn France into one
of the world’s principal colonial powers” (Mouralis, République et col-
onies, 10).26 Republican ideals are crucial in this context since they intro-
duce a contradiction between the broader claims upon which they are
founded (namely a “humanistic discourse”) and the realities on the ground
in the colonies (“a set of mechanisms that in reality deny the very possi-
bility of the proclaimed ideals being achieved”) (Mouralis, République et
colonies, 11). “Liberty, equality, and the educational mission,” as Bancel,
Blanchard, and Vergès have argued, “end up emptied of their universal
revolutionary potential” because they are infused with “a discourse of
racial inequality” (54–57). Only by considering the image of the colonized
subject can we understand how the foundations of colonial discourse—
economic, political, humanitarian, and scientific—that I mentioned ear-
lier help to justify colonial expansionism. This image is a central compo-
nent of colonial discourse and one that francophone sub-Saharan African
authors and theoreticians have been forced to address in order to rescue
identities from the various distortions. In the context of this book, writers
such as Kane, Dadié, and Sembene, for example, have these concerns at
the forefront of their thinking. As Albert Memmi has shown in his incisive
reading of the relations between the colonizer and the colonized,
Just as the bourgeoisie proposes an image of the proletariat, the existence of
the colonizer requires that an image of the colonized be suggested. These im-
ages become excuses without which the presence and conduct of a colo-
48 black france
nizer, and that of a bourgeois, would seem shocking. But the favored image
becomes a myth precisely because it suits them all too well.27

Memmi fastens on the constitutive dimension of these relations, and this

gesture is necessary in order to comprehend the ways in which French civ-
ilizationist discourse operated. “At the basis of the entire construction,”
Memmi argues, “one finally finds a common motive; the colonizer’s eco-
nomic and basic needs, which he substitutes for logic, and which shape
and explain each of the traits he assigns to the colonized” (Memmi, The
Colonizer and the Colonized, 83). However, the “substitution” of the col-
onizer’s logic is not sufficient in and of itself; it also necessitates the colo-
nized’s participation: “In order for the colonizer to be the complete mas-
ter, it is not enough for him to be so in actual fact, but he must also believe
in its legitimacy. In order for that legitimacy to be complete, it is not
enough for the colonized to be a slave, he must also accept this role” (88–
89). These are the realities that writers had to confront as they endeavored
to negotiate a space for themselves in a field of discourse in which their
voices had hitherto been silenced or alternatively ventriloquized through
the disjointed and distorted medium of colonial “voice boxes” in which
there was no correlation between their experience and that being articu-
lated.
In his book Ecrire en pays colonisé, Midiohouan continues the project
he started in 1986 with L’idéologie dans la littérature négro-africaine
d’expression française, in order to underline how early francophone sub-
Saharan texts constituted “a colonial literature, given that they partici-
pated objectively and often even explicitly in the colonial project” (Mid-
iohouan, Ecrire, 33). As we shall see, the question of participation through
literature in a broader ideological context continues to be a determining
issue in any discussion of francophone sub-Saharan African writing.28
Whereas in his work on ideology he formulated a revised historiography
that questioned the insistence on engagement as a category of analysis,
Midiohouan now turns his attention to questioning the way in which
“dominant historiography came to characterize globally the writings of
black writers during the colonial period” (Midiohouan, Ecrire, 81). The
challenge to this historiography comes from an illustration of differences
at the level of both aesthetics and ideology among texts published by
Africans between 1920 and 1945. In issuing this challenge, he rejoins the
work of Miller in Nationalists and Nomads: Essays on Francophone Af-
rican Literature and Culture, who extensively addressed these distinctions
through categories of “revolution” and “involution.” For Miller, these cat-
egories apply to the assumed positionality of authors in response to the
demands and exigencies of the colonial order with which their texts are
necessarily in mediation. On the one hand, writers can explore the revolu-
tionary potential of their writings in order “to resist and critique Euro-
pean power,” or alternatively they can embrace the involutionary, whose
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 49

objective is “to enfold all souls and all civilizations within a universalism
that remains somehow French” (Miller, Nationalists and Nomads, 10). As
Miller points out, this is “an apparently binary opposition that serves
merely as a convenience here, a device for describing the fluid negotiations
of identity and culture engaged in by colonized Africans in this period”
(10). Indeed, I previously explored similar mechanisms in the postcolonial
context through state involvement in the process of “engineering” history
and literature, whereby distinctions between “official” and “nationalist”
writers were possible in a context in which “official writers defended a
specific vision of society and dedicated their creative activities toward
achieving those ends,” while “a competing cultural elite represented by
avant-garde resistance authors (sometimes censored, and almost exclu-
sively published abroad) menaced this monolithic construct.”29
A number of texts published in the colonial context exemplify the
problematic raised by Midiohouan and Miller, and are important in or-
der to gauge how the texts I shall consider in detail in this chapter deviate
from these early concerns. The three most important are Ahmadou Map-
até Diagne’s Les trois volontés de Malic (1920), Bakary Diallo’s Force-
Bonté (1926), and Lamine Senghor’s La violation d’un pays (1927).30 Di-
agne’s protagonist praises the colonial educational system, and because of
this his work “stands in this literary history as both the original fictional
text and as one of the most naively procolonial and pro-French docu-
ments” (Miller, Nationalists and Nomads, 48); in turn, Diallo’s autobio-
graphical narrative about a tirailleur sénégalais who returns to Africa,
which was “favorably received” (Midiohouan, L’idéologie, 67), vacillates
between praise for the colonial mission and a seeming disillusionment
with it; both Midiohouan and Miller devote considerable attention to
Lamine Senghor’s work and insist on the importance of its anticolonial
stance.31 For Miller, La violation d’un pays stands as a “counterpart to the
equally propagandist Les Trois Volontés de Malic, which told a diametri-
cally opposed version of events and which contained a wholesale mystifi-
cation of French-language literacy” (Miller, Nationalists and Nomads,
25), and Midiohouan seemingly concurs, since “at an ideological level, La
violation d’un pays constitutes a systematic refutation of Mapaté Di-
agne’s arguments” (Midiohouan, Ecrire, 55). As both critics have empha-
sized, these relatively ignored texts have much to teach us about the his-
tory of francophone sub-Saharan African writing. The construct of the
idea of the colonial subject evoked by Memmi had been challenged as
early as 1927 by Lamine Senghor, who was “far from ignoring the false
and generally negative images that whites provided of Africa through lit-
erature and in newspapers. In several articles and speeches, he denounced
the lies, clichés, and myths that circulated concerning blacks in Europe”
(Midiohouan, Ecrire, 54). As Memmi writes, Lamine Senghor came to re-
alize that “revolt is the only way out of the colonial situation . . . His con-
dition is absolute and cries for an absolute solution; a break and not a
50 black france

compromise,” while for Diagne, “the mythical and degrading portrait

ends up by being accepted and lived with to a certain extent” (Memmi,
The Colonizer and the Colonized, 127, 87).
The advancement of this dialogue and of anticolonial discourse was of
course to be evidenced in both Africa and France, but in the latter, “black
metropolitan intellectuals bathed in the same climate of anticolonialism,”
and the minister for the colonies, only too aware that a continued pres-
ence in Africa was necessary to preserve France’s position as a global
power, actively worked toward “slowing their momentum and avoiding
any propagation of subversive ideas that might reach Africa” (Midio-
houan, L’idéologie, 89). Because the Hexagon’s frontiers were porous, po-
tentially admitting broader consciousness of a global blackness that would
include the influence of the Harlem Renaissance, student organizations,
trade unions, and political groups, interference with and interruption of
the flow of information was crucial to avoid the undermining of the colo-
nial agenda. Having enlisted the support of a newly emerging class of
évolués (educated Africans) that would disseminate colonial ideology,
working assiduously to promote these empathetic and collaborative voices
through distribution networks and favorable prefaces, colonial repression
and censorship offered an early indication of the kinds of circumstances
postcolonial writers would be confronted with at the hands of authorita-
tive regimes determined to silence all forms of oppositionality.32 Somewhat
paradoxically, though, “the cultural and political geography suggested by
Africans’ activities in this period lends some credence to the old image of
the French hexagon as a space of refuge for its own colonized peoples—as
a place where draconian French colonial rule could be escaped—ironi-
cally, in France itself” (Miller, Nationalists and Nomads, 10). As we shall
see in the next chapter, the same ambiguity would be evidenced after the
Second World War, when African American artists and authors “escaped”
racism and anti-Communist sentiment in America by coming to France. A
number of measures, such as the creation of the French Union in 1946, the
enactment of the loi-cadre of June 23, 1956, by the French Ministry for
France Overseas, under the leadership of Gaston Defferre, as a reform of
the colonial administration, and the creation of the Franco-African Com-
munity in 1958, were all accompanied by provisions for elections and
guidelines for local governance and African representation in the colon-
ies.33 These were combined with educational reform that yielded a new
generation of “intellectuals, trade union leaders, and politicians who had
no intention of serving as either the instruments or the auxiliaries of colo-
nial policies, but instead endeavored to do all that they could in the strug-
gle toward the emancipation and self-determination of the African people”
(Midiohouan, Ecrire, 63–64). Furthermore, the First Congress of Black
Writers and Artists, September 19–22, 1956, in Paris furnished an “occa-
sion to consider the problem of the existing relationship between the cul-
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 51

tural and the political and to define in particular the newfound responsi-
bility of the black writer and artist in the inescapable path to decoloniza-
tion” (Mouralis, Littérature et développement, 31). The process of decen-
tralization was well under way—including numerous examples and symbols
of population mobilization in Algeria, Indochina, Morocco, and Tunisia—
and the “technicians of colonization” would now have to confront the re-
alities imposed on them by the “architects” of decolonization.
All of these factors provide the backdrop to the works of Camara,
Kane, Socé, and Dadié, authors who turned their attention to the explo-
ration of the limits and potentialities of acculturation.34 Colonial educa-
tion and the dissemination of the myth of French universalism and cul-
tural superiority created a logical desire among colonial subjects to travel
to the metropole, the result of an acquired francocentrism that in turn
contained the promise of cultural capital. As I argued earlier, the return to
the colonial period and to an analysis of the narratives of young African
students has much to offer, because they were among the first to live out
as practice the theories of colonial ideology advanced through colonial ed-
ucation, and thus became the representatives of a different facet of migra-
tion. They traveled as a carefully selected elite to engage in advanced study
at a time when formalized university education was not available in either
French West Africa or French Equatorial Africa, and their reception and
field of discourse were radically different from those of economic mi-
grants. As Mouralis has insisted, the study of African-French relations
should be undertaken according to an approach that emphasizes “the con-
tinuum that links the metropole with the colonies, the colonial period
with the postcolonial one, rather than a logic of disjunction” (Mouralis,
République et colonies, 26). For the purposes of this chapter, though, the
process of demystifying the colonial project in general and the civilizing
mission in particular is foregrounded, and therefore of course the resulting
experiences of alienation, disillusionment, and exile that are intrinsic to
the broader experience of transnational mobility. Unexpectedly, perhaps,
the conclusions of these narratives pertain as much to Africa as they do to
France, since “an understanding of Africa is an indispensable point of en-
try to an understanding of France” (Mouralis, République et colonies,
88), and thus they further underline the ways in which the histories of
France and Africa have become forever imbricated.
“Yes, I want you to go to France. I want that now, just as much as you
do. Soon we’ll be needing men like you here,” says the father of Laye, the
protagonist of Camara’s novel L’enfant noir (Camara, The Dark Child,
182). Recognizing the coordinates for success under the new social order
and the pragmatic validity of enlisting his son in advanced study overseas
in the metropole as a logical outcome of his colonial schooling, Laye’s
father condones his upcoming migration. Of course, as Midiohouan has
pointed out, this decision comes in response to very powerful social forces:
52 black france

“William Ponty’s ideological mission consisted in making the first African

intellectuals feel that their interests, their destiny, their hopes depended on
the colonial system” (Midiohouan, L’idéologie, 72). In the original French
text, the shift from the personalized “je” (I) to the subject “tu” (you) he is
addressing—“je veux que tu ailles en France, je le veux aujourd’hui autant
que toi-même” (Camara, L’enfant noir, 213)—is all the more significant
since this directionality underscores the reality of the situation, in which it
is the son who has the perceived opportunity to go to France and advance
in the system, while the father’s awareness of his son’s potential coincides
with his own consciousness of the fact that this trajectory is not available
to him and that this exclusion is indicative of a broader process of mar-
ginalization as a result of colonial policy. The son represents the future of
Africa, we are led to believe, while the father is gradually relegated to the
position of repository for the declining cultural and social values of the
previous social order. Furthermore, use of the verb vouloir on two occa-
sions in the same sentence reveals the ambiguity of the situation; Laye’s fa-
ther is above all generous in his patriarchal endorsement and encourage-
ment, but the first instance of “je veux” (I want) is closer to an instruction,
while the second hints at an element of desire that reinforces his own mar-
ginalization: “je le veux aujourd’hui autant que toi-même” (“I want that
now, just as much as you do”), understanding of course that his son’s tra-
jectory is not available to him. To this extent, Camara’s novel emerges as a
circular narrative, both because the central protagonist travels away from
and then back to the originary point and because his own experience con-
nects at a psychological level with his father’s.
Published in 1954, the text introduces its narrative of displacement in
the opening sequence, as Laye’s father prophesies the outcome of his son’s
encounter with colonial education and anticipates his future trajectory: “I
fear, I very much fear, little one, that you are not often enough in my com-
pany. You are all day at school, and one day you will depart from that
school for a greater one. You will leave me, little one . . .” (Camara, The
Dark Child, 27). This is, of course, an extremely powerful indictment of
colonial education, since Laye’s inability to complete his training in Africa
effectively denies Mande culture the opportunity to reproduce itself in a
dynamic process contained in the duplication of his father’s heritage. The
consequence of this, as Miller has shown in his exhaustive reading of The
Dark Child, is “a future outside of the coherence of local culture.”35 Writ-
ing retrospectively, Camara is able to articulate this loss as he addresses
his own incapacity to fully comprehend and discuss Mande culture since
“I did not know: I had left my father’s house too soon” (The Dark Child,
11). Expressing his awareness of this loss, the novel analyzes the mecha-
nisms implemented that have brought about these conclusions.
As in so many works by African authors of this generation, the central
protagonists are either children or young men. For example, in Charles
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 53

Nokan’s Le soleil noir point, Tanou evokes the poor living conditions in
France and the constant struggle to keep abreast of his studies in combi-
nation with the work that he does to support himself: “I can no longer
find the France of my dreams of yesteryear looking into the starlit night.
This is for me the era of disillusionment.”36 Likewise in Ouologuem’s
novel Le devoir de violence (Bound to Violence), Kassoumi’s experience
in France is epitomized by his failure to adapt.37 Because of their respective
cumulative biographies at this juncture in their lives, education is of
course a determining factor, but it is all the more so given the require-
ments of schooling under French direct rule as a propagandist and assim-
ilationist device. In The Dark Child, this factor is underlined immediately
when Laye declares, “I was a little boy” (17). Traditionally, at least, this de-
velopmental period is associated with a certain innocence, and Laye en-
gages with this assumption in order to further emphasize the nature of the
process of corruption that begins with the malleable child. Whereas Laye
initially attended Koranic school, the French school is explicitly privi-
leged. The new order has replaced the biological parents with the surro-
gate paternalism of the “new school,” thereby inaugurating the lengthy
process that will gradually distance the child from the African contribu-
tion to his intellectual and moral development. In this new equation, the
French colonial order refuses to validate experience outside of the school
system, thereby fracturing the link between the private and the public
space and introducing a gap between domestic values and training and
those acquired at school. As we will see in greater detail later (and indeed
throughout the book this will function as a connecting topos), this kind of
disconnect between home and school has also been characteristic of the
uncompromising ideals of the French Republic in its relation with the pol-
itics of multiculturalism in France today. In Laye’s case, the potential for
achieving a formative relationship with his father is curtailed by the de-
mands of the new order, in which his father’s influence and legacy are
relegated to the margins as both he and his child defer to the colonial edu-
cational system and its active dissemination of colonial ideology, the as-
similationist program, and the myth of Occidental superiority. “The rela-
tion to the totemic snake, so closely linked to the notion of identity here,”
as Miller argues, “will follow a path of divergence and alienation, leading
back cyclically to nostalgia, recollection, and narration” (Miller, Theories
of Africans, 159).
While colonial education dominates, the circumstances on the ground
are far more complex, given that several cultural models are forced to co-
habit—in the case of Laye, his ethnic affiliation is located in Mande cul-
ture and Islam. The colonizer refuses to acknowledge or accord any valid-
ity to alternative educational models and carefully coded practices, such
as the Kondén Diara lion ceremony (which is accompanied by the circum-
cision of young boys), the Koranic school, and formative training deliv-
54 black france

ered by both parents and extended family. These practices emphasize civic
responsibility, yield an enhanced social status among the Mande, and are
intrinsic to the fabric of the local society. They serve to challenge the West-
ern construct of Africa as a cultural void in need of colonization, a con-
struct upon which the civilizing mission is erected. The challenge with
which Laye’s father is confronted is, therefore, to somehow reconcile his
family’s position and heritage with the new school, a challenge shared by
the children of immigrants in France today.38 The significance of the nature
and scope of the choices Laye has to make at such a young age are under-
scored by the vocabulary of anxiety Camara employs and the directionless
status of the boy: “And I was no longer sure whether I ought to continue
to attend school or whether I ought to remain in the workshop: I felt un-
utterably confused . . . My perplexity was boundless as the sky, and mine
was a sky, alas, without any stars” (The Dark Child, 27) (“Et je ne savais
plus si je devais continuer d’aller à l’école ou si je devais demeurer dans
l’atelier: j’étais dans un trouble inexprimable . . . Mon désarroi était à l’im-
age du ciel: sans limites; mais ce ciel, hélas! Etait sans étoiles” [L’enfant
noir, 21, emphasis mine]). The final choice between the father’s workshop
and the colonial school juxtaposes diametrically opposed and irreversible
trajectories. To follow in his father’s footsteps would offer Laye the op-
portunity to continue his lineage and embrace a highly respected vocation
in the Mande community, whereas attendance at the French school sym-
bolizes adherence to the coordinates of the new order. Both are pragmatic
choices, of course, each in favor of a certain power structure, but the new
school is designed with the specific intention of systematically disman-
tling, erasing, and replacing the old order. The paradox is that Laye’s com-
munity does not exist in a political and social vacuum, and that the
dilemma with which he is faced is ultimately only rhetorical since, had
Laye opted for advanced training and initiation under his father’s supervi-
sion, it is unlikely that such activities would have carried the same prestige
for much longer in any case. In fact, the lengthy descriptions he gives of
his father’s practices in his workshop anticipate the Cartesian, dismissive,
and reductive discourse of the colonizer for whom these activities are only
technical operations: “The operation going on before my eyes was cer-
tainly the smelting of gold, yet something more than that: a magical oper-
ation that the guiding spirits could regard with favor or disfavor” (The
Dark Child, 35).
Having expressed the manner in which he is “unutterably confused”
(the French trouble inexprimable is a more powerful evocation of the sen-
sation of disorientation), Laye wrestles with his decision: “My perplexity
was boundless as the sky, and mine was a sky, alas, without any stars”
(27). The absence of stars here serves as a symbolic indication of the ex-
tent to which Laye is directionless, literally without a compass (the French
would say déboussolé). Reinforcing his status as child and abnegating the
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 55

responsibilities of adulthood that he is neither culturally (he is not yet cir-

cumcised) nor psycho-emotionally prepared for, Laye turns to his father
for an appropriate decision: “‘Father! . . . Father! . . . !’ I kept repeating.
‘What must I do if I am to do the right thing?’ And I wept silently and fell
asleep still weeping” (28). The question of what constitutes the “right
thing” is of course a complex one, one that the colonial order has unjustly
asked of the young boy who is already troubled by his awareness of the
contradictory nature of the demand that is being made of him: that he in-
dividuate from his biological parents and reject a cultural heritage he was
growing to respect unquestioningly. Indeed, “the unity between father and
totem, excluding the son, at the end of the first chapter,” as Miller has
suggested, “is symbolic of the individuation and differentiation without
which the writing of a novel seems impossible” (Miller, Theories of Afri-
cans, 160). Not surprisingly, this process has triggered a range of clinically
diagnosable symptoms of anxiety disorders and psychological malaise,
early indicators of the separation anxiety and post-traumatic stress disor-
der that will manifest itself later in the text. Indications of these include
“my distress,” “sleep did not come and I tossed restlessly on my bed,” “I
wept silently and fell asleep still weeping,” and “inexpressible confusion”
(The Dark Child, 28). The question of choice is rather limited, of course,
since the implanted colonial school emerges as a powerful institution,
one that rapidly voids the potentiality for resistance and rejection in favor
of collaboration and participation; this is unambiguously confirmed by
Laye’s father’s insistence that “soon we’ll be needing men like you here”
—namely African men who will perform important sociopolitical func-
tions, but also perhaps provide a degree of subversive objectivity as in-
siders.
Once Laye begins to attend the new school, Camara juxtaposes the
rural village of Tindican where Laye’s grandmother resides with the urban
context of Kouroussa where colonial inroads have been greater (the pres-
ence of the colonial school and of railway tracks emphasizes this point).
As Miller has argued, “It would be pointless to resist interpreting the train
as a sign and symbol of colonial penetration; the relation is synecdochal in
that the railroad was the principal tool of colonial occupation and ex-
ploitation in the interior of West Africa—it is part and parcel of the polit-
ical phenomenon that it represents here” (Miller, Theories of Africans,
135). This construct is of course relative, but serves to underline the man-
ner in which colonial influences become equated with technological
modernity and therefore also underlines the need for Africans to be incor-
porated into this new global capitalistic order. Laye’s arrival in the rural
village provides the occasion to gauge the distance that is already in evi-
dence between his progress in the colonial system and the distance he has
traveled in comparison to other young Africans of his generation. Laye
rapidly acquires considerable cultural and social capital; we are told that
56 black france

“in deference to the city boy sharing their country games, [the young
country boys] gladly kept their high spirits in control. Furthermore, they
were full of admiration for my school clothes” (The Dark Child, 52). Laye
himself articulates his awareness of his enhanced status: “Filled with envy,
my playmates watched me put on my short-sleeved khaki shirt, shorts of
the same color, and sandals. I also had a beret, which I hardly ever wore”
(52). Indeed, as we shall see later, these constructs, which emerged during
the colonial era, have survived into the contemporary period, in which the
term paysans (peasants) is widely used in the discourse of the sapeurs to
denigrate economic migrants.39 This realization of apparent cultural and
social capital contains its own contradictions, since Laye’s envy of what
the other young boys enjoy is reciprocal. While the other boys may be
drawn to the symbols (material and educational) of colonial urban cul-
ture, Laye remarks on their constraints and their symbolic incompatibility
with the surrounding environment—those clothes “were a great nui-
sance” (53)—and he “envied [the other boys] their freedom of movement”
(52). The new order is accompanied by certain constraints that serve
metaphorically as a commentary on the colonial system’s organization
and ordering of the colonial subject, so that Laye says, “I would have liked
to have rid myself of those clothes fit only for city wear” (53). Laye rel-
ishes the opportunity to escape from the city and the pressures associated
with colonial schooling: “I had come to the country to run about, to play,
to scale the lookout posts, and to lose myself in the tall grass with the
herds of cattle, and of course I could not do any of these things without
spoiling my precious clothes” (53). This is more than a simple statement
concerning the pleasure all young people have in spending time away from
school; it has to do with the regimented component of colonial school
that is concerned with shaping and molding a new generation of Africans.
In fact, the initial encounter with colonial education is conceived outside
of any specific time frame, and there is no notion of the longevity of the
contact or indeed, for that matter, of its permanence: “Neither my mother
nor I had the slightest suspicion how long I would be a student in the lat-
ter” (77). Laye’s father realizes the necessity of working with the new
power, and when the mother expresses her resistance and skepticism, she
is ultimately silenced by his patriarchal authority.
Camara devotes considerable attention to the curriculum, and calls at-
tention to the near complete disconnect between the public component
(delivered in the colonial school) and the private (cultural paradigms of
the home): “Nothing that we learned was old or expected; all came
through from another planet, and we never tired of listening” (The Dark
Child, 79). In fact, the transcontinental voyage Laye takes to France at the
end of the novel is, in many ways, tantamount to a trip to another planet.
An analogous violence is established within the text between the curricu-
lum and the school environment itself, in which a disturbing hierarchy be-
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 57

tween pupils and teachers is evident. Camara has delineated a careful

analogy between the school environment and the broader colonial one, in
which it becomes clear that the behavioral patterns of the children reflect
those of the colonial order. The vocabulary of aggression, submission, and
dominance is organized around such references as “a beating” (80), “can-
ing” (80), “blows” (80), “punishments” (80), “deliberate cruelty” (83), “a
brutal beating” (84), and “sweeping the schoolyard” (80), thereby rejoin-
ing Dadié’s novel Climbié, in which schoolchildren are punished for using
indigenous languages with the “symbol” in the school compound as a way
of foregrounding the privilege and forced imposition of new cultural
codes.40 Camara recounts how older pupils—“less strictly supervised—
persecuted us in every conceivable way. They were a haughty lot, and with
reason, since no doubt they were repaying the treatment they had them-
selves received” (82). The system perpetuates itself in this manner, dele-
gating violence according to a strict hierarchy in which the schoolyard
emerges as microcosm of the colony itself. Accordingly, we learn of how
the young boys “worked like galley slaves” (83); “the only tools we had
were our hands—our hands, and our fingers, and our fingernails” (82);
“the whips whistled as they moved through the air; our backs felt as
though they were on fire. Our flesh smarted, and tears fell from our eyes”
(83). They endured “deliberate cruelty” (83), often in the form of “a dread-
ful beating. It was administered so violently, in such a diabolical rhythm,
that even a deaf man would have understood that these blows were given
not to speed up the work but to extort food and money” (83). The slavery
topos emerges again as the father of one of the pupils finally protests
against this violence: “I am not sending my son to school for you to make
a slave out of him” (86). Eventually, the analogy that inextricably links the
violence to the broader colonial project is unambiguously established in
the nationalist discourse of the 1950s: “Such beatings were utterly alien to
my people’s passion for independence and equality” (84). This is a striking
example of the mediation between fiction and the evidentiary component,
since this rhetoric cannot be seen as neutral in the sociopolitical context in
which it was conceived in the last years before Independence.
The gradual process that transports Laye from childhood to adult-
hood coincides with the parallel course that leads him away from the so-
ciocultural framework of his parents’ culture. The moment at which Laye
becomes a “man” according to Mande culture—that is, the moment of
circumcision—and identifies with his community is ruptured by his de-
parture for Conakry. As he progresses through the colonial education sys-
tem, his trajectory is progressively centralized through steps that lead him
from the local school to the regional one and ultimately to the very center
of the metropole. At this juncture, the colonial process coincides meta-
phorically and literally with the boundary that is established between
Laye and his heritage and between Laye and Africa itself. The colonial ed-
58 black france

ucational process has completed its mission of transporting the educated

individual away from his continental affiliation toward the parameters of
the new order—the évolué French cultural prototype now mediates his re-
lationship with Africa and Africans through the lens configured by colo-
nialism. Indeed, Laye expresses some incredulity at the rapidity with
which his formation has culminated in the transnational experience: “Am
I really going away?” he asks, to which his father responds, “What else
can you do? You know that you must” (141). At this point, it would seem
that Laye has realized something that his parents had struggled to come to
terms with long before, namely that entry into colonial education was a
one-way route. In many ways, then, the work of sub-Saharan African writ-
ers of this generation contains a theorization of the ambiguity, not so
much of cross- or intercultural contact, but rather of the implications of
contact with a hegemonic and monolithic system that works toward the
eradication of the potentialities of hybridity or métissage. As the protago-
nists navigate through the system, they are confronted with the complex-
ity of their circumstances.
Once in Conakry, Laye is struck by the substantive reorganization that
has taken place as he comes into contact with the advanced stages of colo-
nial expansionism in the urban center. Both Laye and Check Omar, his
fellow traveler on “the temporary highways of exile” (178), experience
physical symptoms as a consequence of study away from home and of ex-
ile within the boundaries of their own continent. “Check Omar is seri-
ously ill” (175), we learn, and even dies prematurely. However, much like
his uncle, Laye dreams of what lies “beyond” and has a sense of adven-
ture. When he returns to Kouroussa for a short vacation, he is always
greeted with praise, and he enjoys the company of other évolué children
who have returned from schooling away from home. As conflicted as they
may be about the challenges of exile, they are nevertheless seduced by the
prestige bestowed upon them as a direct consequence of the cultural capi-
tal they have acquired and that is inseparable from a broader cumulative
process that contains the promise of travel to France. Having become
aware of the latest link in this movement toward France, Laye’s mother ar-
ticulates her firm opposition to his further studies: “You’re not going!”
(180). The tenuousness of the circumstances ultimately emerges when
Laye’s father is compelled to encourage his son to go to France as an es-
sential step in the new power structure: “Then you agree I should go?”
asks the boy, to which the father responds “Yes. . . . Yes, I’m willing. For
your sake. For your own good” (181). His father’s paradoxical decision to
condone the upcoming migration is imprecise and uncertain, and its posi-
tive dimension will, naturally, only be addressed retroactively through
concerted analysis of the colonial project as a whole.
Laye’s father invokes the benefits of the journey for his son, but, in re-
fusing to ignore the detrimental impact of colonialism on local culture, he
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 59

perhaps suggests an unanticipated aspect of colonial culture, namely that

the consciousness of oppression that the colonized subject will acquire
along the road to formulating an anticolonial stance may just alleviate
colonialism’s broader impact and assist in preserving local cultural ele-
ments: “This opportunity is within your reach. You must seize it . . . Yes, I
want you to go to France. I want that now, just as much as you do. Soon,
we’ll be needing men like you here” (182). It is crucial to generate an Afri-
can elite poised to assume responsibility alongside the colonial forces, but,
perhaps more importantly, Laye’s father alludes here to the imminence of
political independence. Furthermore, he clearly understands the direction
in which his son is heading. “I knew quite well that eventually you would
leave us. I knew it the very first time you set foot in school. I watched you
studying with such eagerness, such passionate eagerness! . . . Yes, since that
day I have known how it would be. And I gradually resigned myself to it”
(181–182). This is all the more remarkable considering that both Laye and
his mother had not the “slightest suspicion” (77), while also echoing his
prediction in the opening section of the novel: “You will leave me” (27). As
soon as Laye learns that he will begin his French experience in Argenteuil
on the outskirts of Paris, his attention shifts back to the myth of Paris he
has embraced: “And I began to dream about Paris. I had heard about Paris
for so long!” (183). Laye’s mother finds little solace in the fractured family
with which she is left: “Yesterday it was the school in Conakry; today it’s
the school in France; tomorrow . . . What will it be tomorrow? Every day
there’s some mad scheme to take my son away from me! . . . And now they
want to take him away to their own land!” (184–185). Once again, given
that Laye has come to represent the most valuable human capital of his
generation, the association with slavery is hard to ignore: “All the time she
had been talking and fighting against them she must have been watching
the wheels going round and round: first this wheel, then that, and then a
third and greater wheel, then still more, many more, perhaps, which no
one could see. And how could they be stopped? We could only watch them
turning and turning, the wheels of destiny turning and turning” (186). He
recognizes the futility of questioning the powerful nature of the organized
colonial project and its ability to disseminate its ideology, rejoining per-
haps the subversive quality of his father’s faith in “men like him” in a
newly decolonized national space. As he boards the plane for France, how-
ever, Laye evokes the degree to which he is disrupted by his departure:
“Oh! it was a terrible parting! I do not like to think of it. I can still hear
my mother wailing. I can still see my father, unable to hide his tears . . .
No, I do not like to remember that parting. It was as if I were being torn
apart” (186–187). The English translation does not adequately convey the
forcefulness of the French vocabulary: both déchirement and arraché à
moi-même (L’enfant noir, 219) are stronger than “terrible parting” and
“being torn apart,” conveying the existential anguish and trauma sus-
60 black france

tained at this moment by the young man. As F. Abiola Irele has suggested,
“At the same time, we are conscious of the irreversible nature of the trans-
formations the impact of Europe has effected in our midst and which are
so extensive as to define the really significant frame of reference of our
contemporary existence.”41 The apparent irreconcilability of his childhood
with colonial schooling is underlined as he describes his disjointed iden-
tity in concert with the hegemonic construct of French colonialism, one
that is ultimately organized around the use of French language literacy as
the marker of exclusion. As Miller has shown, “French, simply put, is the
medium of alienation, the perfect synecdoche for Camara’s exile, his im-
perfect knowledge of his own culture, and his inability to tell the reader
what is what” (Miller, Theories of Africans, 178).
The lure of advancement in the colonial order is always present, though,
thereby rejoining an analogous metaphor in the repeated allusion to Toun-
di’s gourmandise (greed) in Ferdinand Oyono’s novel Une vie de boy
(Houseboy), which is insisted upon not to exculpate or exonerate the col-
onizer, but rather to underline the fact “that the postcolonial relationship
is not primarily a relationship of resistance or collaboration but can be
best characterized as convivial, a relationship fraught by the fact that the
commandement and its ‘subjects’ having to share the same living space.”42
This is powerfully illustrated in the concluding words to Camara’s novel,
where the sexual overtones serve to confirm the extent to which Laye’s
own complex relationship with France is realigned with a desire expressed
through sexual arousal or stimulus, triggered by Paris (transmuted here
into a map of the métro) as the signifier responsible for what might well
be an erection causing the uncontrolled swelling in his pocket: “Later I felt
something hard when I put my hand in my pocket. It was the map of the
métro” (Camara, The Dark Child, 188; “Plus tard, je sentis une épaisseur
sous ma main: le plan du métro gonflait ma poche” [Camara, L’enfant
noir, 221]). Camara’s novel provides a powerful exploration of the impact
of colonial education on a colonized African community and reveals the
aptitude and efficiency of ideological mechanisms in disseminating the
policies of assimilation. The work of Cheikh Hamidou Kane has much to
contribute to this subject, since it provides a further example of the man-
ner in which the myth of Western superiority is deployed, but simultane-
ously engages in an extensive analysis of the philosophical foundations of
this project.43
Kane’s novel L’aventure ambiguë (Ambiguous Adventure) is explicitly
anchored in the context of Islam, and it is within this framework that the
response to colonialism is addressed. The central protagonist, Samba Di-
allo, is observed at a Koranic school, where he is learning to recite verses
from the Koran. As Mildred Mortimer has explained, “for the duration of
his apprenticeship, Samba . . . will be removed from his biological parents
and have a foster father, a spiritual guide, to initiate him.”44 The Master,
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 61

Thierno, appears excessively harsh in his reaction to his student’s mis-

takes. However, this violence needs to be contextualized, and colonial ed-
ucation must also be understood as an aggressive violation of local prac-
tice, given its hegemonic character. “Thierno’s violence toward Samba,” as
Mortimer has argued, “may originate in frustration and fear that he will
not have the time to prepare Samba as his suitable successor” (Mortimer,
57). Concerned with the pernicious advances of the colonial school,
Thierno redoubles his efforts at delivering his Islamic training as a neces-
sary response to preserve the centrality of the Koran to his community.
Like Laye, young Samba comes from a well-established and respected elite
local family that initiates a dialogue with the larger community in order to
determine its response to the arrival of the new Western school. Signifi-
cantly, “both Samba and Laye are cut off from the rational comprehension
of their culture of origin by their transfer to the French school. They be-
come cultural hybrids largely because both Toucouleur and Malinké tra-
ditions call for a maturation process” (Mortimer, 56). Initially, the impor-
tance of foregrounding Islam over the colonial school is insisted upon:
“We reject the foreign school in order to remain ourselves, and to preserve
for God the place He holds in our hearts. But have we still enough force to
resist the school, and enough substance to remain ourselves?” (Kane, Am-
biguous Adventure, 10). As Kane rightly signals, there is considerably
more at stake here than simply countering the new school, since the strug-
gle is not so much to preserve one cultural and educational paradigm over
another but rather to resist the colonial school precisely because of its pro-
ject of erasing vestiges of Islam alongside other local sociocultural prac-
tices and models. As Conklin has shown, Governor-General Ponty had in-
sisted that “the spread of French was a means to counter Islam as well, ‘for
experience has taught us that Muslims who know our language are less
prejudiced’” (Conklin, A Mission to Civilize, 132). The primacy that is ul-
timately accorded to the colonial school comes from its technological ad-
vances, and even the Master is compelled to acknowledge this: “It is cer-
tain that their school is the better teacher of how to join wood to wood,
and that men should learn how to construct dwelling houses that resist the
weather” (Kane, Ambiguous Adventure, 11). Once this has been recog-
nized, the incompatibility of the two educational models—Koranic and
colonial—is underscored precisely because of the refusal of French direct
rule to accommodate other paradigms. In fact, the Master’s death serves as
a metaphor for the broader social death of an old system that is to be re-
placed by a new one, not because of some necessary progressive gesture,
but because the latter is all-encompassing: “he was now near death. But at
the same time as himself, he felt that the country of the Diallobé was dying
from the assault of strangers come from beyond the sea” (Kane, Ambigu-
ous Adventure, 23). The very premise of French presence and dominance
is located in its ideological expansionist project based on a universalizing
62 black france

imperative. However, as Irele has shown, it would be a mistake to under-

estimate the capacity of the cultural system that is menaced to reformulate
itself and to grant the colonial system the absolute power to function as
what Jean-Loup Amselle and Elikia M’Bokolo have described as a société
englobante (englobing society):
The notion of the universality of human experience does not, however, im-
ply uniformity—quite the contrary—but it does mean that cultures maintain
their dynamism only through their degree of tension between the particular
and the universal. Alienation, in this view, cannot mean loss; the fulfillment
it promises resides precisely in the degree of integration it helps us to
achieve. In its creative potential, alienation signifies the sensitive tension be-
tween the immediate closeness of the self and the reflected distance of the
other. (Irele, “In Praise of Alienation,” 223–224)45

The chief of the Diallobé pays careful attention to what is at stake in

sending young men to the colonial school. Indeed, this perspective was
not provided in Camara’s novel, beyond the skepticism expressed by
Laye’s mother on the matter. The chief of the Diallobé ponders the op-
portunity cost of the new system, asking, “But, learning, they would also
forget. Would what they would learn be worth as much as what they
would forget? I should like to ask you: can one learn this without forget-
ting that, and is what one learns worth what one forgets?” (Kane, Am-
biguous Adventure, 34). He identifies the very problem that is at the heart
of the dilemma and recognizes the all-inclusive nature of the colonial
school, within whose structure any bilateralism is voided. “The Grande
Royale” (Samba’s aunt), as Mortimer demonstrates, “offers a pragmatic
approach to solving political and cultural dilemmas in a rapidly changing
society” (Mortimer, 58). Her decision to support the colonial project is
due more to the expediency of involvement, the opportunism of the new
order, and also has a more subversive component that alludes to the pos-
sibility of mastering and conquering the emerging power structures in fa-
vor of the Diallobé people and community La Grande Royale represents:
“we must go to learn from them the art of conquering without being in
the right. Furthermore, the conflict has not yet ceased. The foreign school
is the new form of the war which those who have come here are waging,
and we must send our elite there, expecting that all the country will fol-
low them” (Kane, Ambiguous Adventure, 37). This also functions as a
point of intertextuality with Camara’s novel, in which his father argues
along similar lines. The paradox, of course, is that while the colonial
school instills the myth of French superiority by denigrating local culture,
the same local elite are nevertheless privileged in the new order, albeit by
delineating and resignifying the coordinates for cultural and social cap-
ital.
La Grande Royale’s rhetorical agency is quite striking, as she proceeds
to demonstrate why the choice of the new school is unavoidable:
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 63
more and more we shall have to do things which we hate doing . . . I, the
Most Royal Lady, do not like the foreign school. I detest it. My opinion, nev-
ertheless, is that we should send our children there . . . The school in which I
would place our children will kill in them what today we love and rightly
conserve with care. Perhaps the very memory of us will die in them. When
they return from the school, there may be those who will not recognize us.
What I am proposing is that we should agree to die in our children’s hearts
and that the foreigners who have defeated us should fill the place, wholly,
which we shall have left free. (Kane, Ambiguous Adventure, 45–46)

This approach is eventually embraced by the collectivity as an essential

step toward a type of modernity delineated by colonial ideology. Of sig-
nificance, however, is La Grande Royale’s lucidity in highlighting the in-
evitable loss that such a measure will entail, as young people adopt alter-
native identitarian models that will ultimately distance them from their
community of origin while also dismantling the local memory that had
been reproduced by each successive generation. Kane explores this
process in some detail by providing a rapid historical overview of France’s
successful conquest of the region. This provides us with an important in-
sight into Kane’s own attempt at theorizing this exercise in dominance
over the Diallobé and clearly connects with analogous colonial experi-
ences in francophone sub-Saharan Africa:
Strange dawn! The morning of the Occident in black Africa was spangled
over with smiles, with cannon shots, with shining glass beads. Those who
had no history were encountering those who carried the world on their
shoulders. It was a morning of accouchement; the known world was enrich-
ing itself by a birth that took place in mire and blood. From shock, the one
side made no resistance. They were a people without a past, therefore with-
out memory. The men who were landing on their shores were white, and
mad. Nothing like them had ever been known. The deed was accomplished
before the people were even conscious of what had happened. Some among
the Africans, such as the Diallobé, brandished their shields, pointed their
lances, and aimed their guns. They were allowed to come close, then the can-
non were fired. The vanquished did not understand . . . Others wanted to
parley. They were given a choice: friendship or war. Very sensibly, they chose
friendship. They had no experience at all. (Kane, Ambiguous Adventure, 48)

The discourse and vocabulary recuperated by Kane in this instance reveals

his own ambiguous role as mediator between two cultural domains he
knows intimately, as he combines French opinions of Africans (“Those
who had no history were encountering those who carried the world on
their shoulders”) with exempla of ultimately futile African resistance. In
the previous section, La Grande Royale alluded to the colonial process of
erasing local memory, and now the colonial view that Africa is ahistorical
is put in evidence. What this discourse reveals is the colonizer’s point of
entry in which the African subject was characterized as being devoid of
64 black france

culture and therefore logically receptive to a civilizing matrix, one that

would culminate in a carefully coded process in which subjects were
“checked by census, divided up, classified, labeled, conscripted, adminis-
trated” (49). Corporal and mental control become synonymous in their
function of dictating the behavior of the colonial subject: “The new school
shares at the same time the characteristics of cannon and magnet. From the
cannon it draws its efficacy as an arm of combat. Better than the cannon, it
makes conquest permanent. The cannon compels the body, the school be-
witches the soul” (49). Samba, then, following in the footsteps of Laye, is
compelled to accept these new circumstances in order to secure an advan-
tageous position for his son in the new society: “‘this future—I accept it,’
he said. ‘My son is the pledge of that. He will contribute to its building. It
is my wish that he contribute, not as a stranger come from distant regions,
but as an artisan responsible for the destinies of the citadel’” (80).
Whereas Laye’s gradual displacement through the colonial school sys-
tem generates the feeling of “being torn apart,” Samba’s own experience is
embodied in terms of “ambiguity”: “It suddenly occurs to us that, all
along our road, we have not ceased to metamorphose ourselves, and we
see ourselves as other than what we were. Sometimes the metamorphosis
is not even finished. We have turned ourselves into hybrids” (112–113).46
As Mortimer has indicated, though, “he fears becoming a hybrid” (Mor-
timer, 63). This analysis of the resulting metamorphosis and hybridity of
the colonial subject gains proximity to the experience of so many African
protagonists for whom only failed hybridities are evidenced: namely, the
realization that the promise of acculturation is only a promise, so that the
hyphen in the newly created “French-African” identity (as the conclusion
to Oyono’s novel Houseboy confirms) emerges merely as an indelible
symbol of the dividing marker between the domesticated French cultural
prototype and the dream of actual Frenchness itself. Ambiguity emerges
from the irreconcilability of the two parts, and therefore stands as an in-
dictment of the potentialities of métissage. The reorganization of the cul-
tural and social sphere destabilizes the colonial subject, transforms the
customary points of reference (Laye described this situation in terms of a
“sky without stars”); “The point is not that the culture does not have a
reality for him,” Irele signals; “it does, but that precisely is the problem;
he knows that it is a precarious reality, that the axis of the world in which
he is living is shifting from its grounding in the institutions and values of
the traditional culture toward a new point of orientation determined by
the impact of an alien culture, specifically Western civilization” (Irele, “In
Praise of Alienation,” 207).
Kane approaches these questions from an original perspective, one
that intersects in many ways, at least historically, with seminal works pro-
duced by such Senegalese contemporaries as Léopold Sédar Senghor (Lib-
erté I: Négritude et humanisme [1964]), and Cheikh Anta Diop (Nations
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 65

nègres et cultures [1954], L’Afrique noire précoloniale [1960], and L’unité

culturelle de l’Afrique noire [1960]).47 This philosophical attempt at ex-
ploring the myth of Occidental superiority can therefore be seen as a fur-
ther attempt to theorize, through literature, the colonizer/colonized rela-
tionship that is so crucial to our understanding of the migration myth, or
at least the ambiguity of that relationship. Indeed, while some texts con-
tinue to receive critical attention, others are being ignored, or at the very
least insufficiently exploited in curricular offerings or overlooked in schol-
arly work. This is especially evident when one considers the remarkable
body of research that has been devoted to the content and form of the
Caribbean experience, including Aimé Césaire’s Discours sur le colonial-
isme (Discourse on Colonialism), Frantz Fanon’s Peau noire, masques
blancs (Black Skin, White Masks), Edouard Glissant’s Le discours antil-
lais (Caribbean Discourse), and Jean Bernabé, Patrick Chamoiseau, and
Raphaël Confiant’s Eloge de la créolité (In Praise of Creoleness).48
Samba’s ambiguous status emerges from the colonial system itself,
which creates at least two distinct categories of thought by insisting on the
centrality and prominence of the Western component: “I am not a distinct
country of the Diallobé facing a distinct Occident, and appreciating with a
cool head what I must take from it and what I must leave with it by way of
counterbalance. I have become the two” (Kane, Ambiguous Adventure,
150–151). As Irele has argued, “Samba Diallo is the archetype of the di-
vided consciousness, of the African who suffers in his mind the effects of
cultural dispossession. His agony is that of his dual nature, marked by a
cleavage rather than an integration of its two frames of reference” (Irele,
“In Praise of Alienation,” 203). Once in France, the initial logic informing
entry into the new school is challenged, tested: “You claim that the great
need we have of the West leaves us no further choice, and merely autho-
rizes submission, until the day when we shall have acquired mastery of
them . . . if we accept it and accommodate ourselves to it, we shall never
have the mastery of the object. For we shall have no more dignity than it
has. We shall not dominate it” (Kane, Ambiguous Adventure, 153–154).
However, the ultimate outcome leads Samba, as it does Laye, to confront
his own responsibility for the ease with which the colonial seduction took
place: “My hatred is a re-inhibition, if I may use that word, an annulment,
of love . . . No one should ally himself with them without having observed
them well beforehand . . . The most poisoned hatreds are those born of
old loves” (160–161). His initial desire for advancement in the system
forces him to accept a degree of responsibility as well: “Perhaps it was
with their alphabet. With it they struck the first hard blow at the country
of the Diallobé. I remained for a long time under the spell of those signs
and sounds which constitute the structure and the music of their lan-
guage” (159).49 Further parallels with Laye are evidenced as Samba evokes
the crucial moment at which colonial education intervened and trans-
66 black france

ported him away from the teachings of the Master: “I had interrupted my
studies with the teacher of the Diallobé at the very moment when he was
about to initiate me at last into the rational understanding of what up to
then I had done no more than recite” (160).
The colonial project is concerned with reproducing cultural proto-
types according to carefully delineated parameters that have nothing to do
with the local culture: “But they—they interposed themselves, and under-
took to transform me in their image” (160). Kane concludes with a de-
nunciation of the emptiness of Occidental material culture. His escape
into death when the Fool murders him after he is unable to perform as
substitute for the old Master coincides with the distance he also achieves
from the myth of France itself. As in so many narratives that have ex-
plored displaced African subjects (Mildred Mortimer notes that “Samba
uses metaphors of journey—road, adventure, itinerary . . . in expressing
his sense of loss and confusion” [63]), death emerges as the only suitable
repository for a fractured identity: “You are entering the place where
there is no more ambiguity” (Kane, Ambiguous Adventure, 177). Return
to Africa is not accompanied by reinsertion into the social order. Colonial
education is a unidirectional mode of cultural transportation, and as
Mortimer has claimed in her dismissal of the possibilities of social reinte-
gration, “Although Samba has not been seduced by the bright light of
Western materialism, he has become exhausted in his struggle against it, a
lonely struggle to preserve his religious values and African identity in a
sterile and mechanized world from which God seems to have disappeared”
(Mortimer, 62). Accordingly, Samba and Laye share in the trauma of
exile, and writing provides the space in which to reflect on the experi-
ence itself while also articulating it as a way of terminating its repetition:
“The very expansion of his vision upon the world becomes for him his
dilemma, his existential plight,” concludes Irele, and “he is no longer able
to relate to the world because that world is no longer coherent, no longer
offers him a stable and compact order of values” (Irele, “In Praise of
Alienation,” 203). “I am like a broken balafong,” Samba claims, “like a
musical instrument that has gone dead. I have the impression that nothing
touches me anymore” (Kane, Ambiguous Adventure, 150). Colonial edu-
cation promised cultural capital to the attentive subject; Kane’s novel con-
vincingly exposes the shortcomings inherent in an uncompromising bi-
nary system used as the basis for defining and expanding human relations.
Similarly, the works of Ousmane Socé and Bernard Dadié provide excel-
lent examples of the ways in which the myth of French cultural superior-
ity operates as a strategic device for imposing colonial rule, and how in
turn it can be unpacked and demystified by an attentive observer of these
elaborate dynamics.
A new architecture and topography characterize Socé’s initial discus-
sion of colonialism in Mirages de Paris. The text is constructed as the nar-
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 67

ration of a story, an adventure: “One day, the whites made their appear-
ance; they built a railroad that transported tools; then the white men built
a new village next to the old one that ruled over the first” (Socé, Mirages
de Paris, 7). Central to the analysis is the emphasis on the politics of sep-
arateness, as the colonial forces distance themselves from the colonized
subjects. While the young protagonist, Fara, attends Koranic school from
the age of six onward, the colonial order will have successfully intervened
and altered his itinerary by the time he is nine, enrolling him in the “white
man’s school” (12). Fara’s experiences are like those of Laye and Samba,
who, while originating in different regions of the AOF, nevertheless share
points of commonality—certainly they all experience the colonial imper-
ative of foregrounding the colonial school over the Koranic one and also
of course the attempted standardization of French-language acquisition.
Fara proves to be particularly adept at both recognizing and learning the
new symbols of the French alphabet, and he is rewarded for this assimila-
tionist aptitude: “The lady with the ‘rosy ears’ gave Fara two mandarins
and a friendly pat on the cheek” (13). The very reference to the pigmenta-
tion of the teacher’s ears so early in the novel prefigures the centrality of
ethnocentrism, Orientalism, and reverse Orientalism in this novel, as we
witness Fara’s exposure to a range of images and stereotypes of Africa.50
As Edwin Hill has shown, “Since the heart of the story does not begin in
earnest until Fara arrives in Paris, the fact that Socé opens with the main
protagonist in a classroom in Africa suggests the importance of Fara’s
identity as a subject of colonial education.”51 Indeed, these passages are
important since they allow us to assess and confirm the content of the
colonial curriculum:
In this way a dangerous love for the exotic was taking shape in his young
soul, susceptible to golden illusions. Distant lands beyond the horizon had
an irresistible hold on him. And to see Paris, which all agreed was an El Do-
rado, Paris, with its beautiful monuments, magical spectacles, its elegance, its
powerful life that we so admired at the cinema. (Socé, Mirages de Paris, 15)

A reversed “exoticism” is at work, since traditionally, at least, the dis-

course of the exotic is linked to Western “Orientalizing.” A visual and tex-
tual process contributes to the construction of the Other, and significantly
Fara is drawn to multiple narratives that deal with the African experience
in a more general manner: “And he sought out any source that could pro-
vide his imagination with something additional that he could use in the
architecture of this wonderful world, built and placed beyond the seas:
tales of black sailors, those of Senegalese war veterans, even those of colo-
nials who, in their nostalgia, embellished their memories” (15).52 Fara is
gradually seduced by the colonial project’s promise of advancement and
reward, and reconditioned to admire French culture. Accordingly, his
newly acquired francocentrism leads him naturally to aspire to greater
68 black france

proximity to France itself: “Fara’s greatest wish was to see this France,
whose language, history, and geography he had learned with complete de-
votion” (15). Passage to France and to its capital city, Paris, becomes im-
perative to Fara, and confirms his attachment to a new national memory
located in a purely French context. Socé astutely structures his narrative
around this initial point of contact through colonial education in order to
subsequently transport the young protagonist to France, where he can ap-
ply this theoretical apparatus through an experiential mode of living in the
metropole. However, “what constitutes seeing,” Miller warns us, “be-
comes a troubling issue. Seeing becomes hallucinating, in a process of
false identification with the Other” (Miller, Nationalists and Nomads,
64). The experience on the ground in the French capital redirects ethno-
graphic fieldwork toward Africa. This is a gesture that, as we shall see, is
also undertaken—but with radically different conclusions—in Dadié’s
novel Un nègre à Paris (An African in Paris). “Today,” we learn, “Fara
would fulfill his dream; he would set sail for France on one of those
steamers that exhaled the air of distant oceans and that awakened mirages
of countries of inconceivable beauty” (Socé, Mirages de Paris, 16). Not
surprisingly, such constructs echo the findings and observations that are
intrinsic to Casanova’s book, in which “the existence of a literary center is
therefore twofold: it exists both in the imaginations of those who inhabit
it and in the reality of the measurable effects it produces” (Casanova, The
World Republic of Letters, 24).
Somewhat paradoxically, Fara is selected to attend the 1931 Exposition
coloniale (The International Colonial and Overseas Exposition), further
emphasizing earlier analogies established in the text to the question of
ethnography and the complex process of structuring and constructing the
other.53 “The Exposition,” as Hill points out, “inverses the conventional
travel paradigms by bringing the empire ‘home’ to the nation” (Hill, 628).
As Fara leaves the port of Dakar he, like so many of his African predeces-
sors, passes the island of Gorée, thereby reintroducing the slavery topos
that connects with so many of the texts considered in this book (from
Sembene’s “Black Girl” to Diome’s Le ventre de l’Atlantique) and remind-
ing the reader of the transhistorical nature of European-African exploita-
tive relations. From the deck of the ship, Fara reflects on the journey that
has resulted in this departure: “with each turn of the propeller he grew
more and more distant from his homeland, his parents, and his childhood
friends . . . each turn of the propeller brought him closer to an immense
and prestigious country that he both loved and feared at the same time . . .”
(Socé, Mirages de Paris, 17). Much as Laye’s father recognized early on
that his son would ultimately only further distance himself from his her-
itage, Fara himself expresses a certain reservation and foreboding about
the journey that lies ahead: “Fara couldn’t help but somehow feel that he
would never see those things again” (20).
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 69

Fara’s fieldwork begins during the passage to France. Much in the same
way as the houseboy Toundi in Oyono’s novel Houseboy overhears con-
versations between colonials at the European Club, so too does Fara wit-
ness discussions and exchanges among white passengers returning to
France from the colonies. These conversations are all the more striking
given that they occur in a seeming vacuum in which the present African is
ignored. From these exchanges, Fara is able to more accurately and au-
thentically gauge sentiment regarding the colonized “natives”: “one must
be careful not to open their eyes too wide,” he learns, “because you’d only
turn them into ‘dangerous elements’ and the day will come when they will
kick us out . . . the French administration is misguided in its insistence on
educating the natives. One can’t do a thing there anymore with emanci-
pated blacks . . . Blacks should be left alone in their ignorance!” (22–23).
Considering that Fara has recently completed his educational training and
emerged as the representative of an African évolué class, this kind of dis-
course is of course confusing. While a gentleman from Perpignan reminds
his interlocutors, almost as an afterthought, of their mission—“We are in
Africa to civilize them, so you have to give them some instruction, just not
too much” (23)—the economic component that is of primary importance
and the accompanying need to maintain a trade imbalance favorable to
the colonizer are discussed: “the natives would buy without grumbling so
long as the junk they bought was ‘shiny,’ ‘sparkly,’ or ‘flashy’” (22–23). In
fact, having arrived in France, he is addressed by the same gentleman from
Perpignan:
“Well, this must be quite a change for you from Dakar, eh?” the trader from
Perpignan said to him. “Yes,” answered Fara, “what I see here is really beau-
tiful . . . the architecture, transportation, the comfort, hygiene, order, activ-
ity, everything is on a superior level to what you find in Africa.” . . . The Syr-
ian trader, his eyes wide open with surprise, exclaimed, “He sounds like a
book, that one! Well, mister, you must have been educated?” (25)

Clearly, he places little faith in the pedagogic component of the colonial

mission, since he seems surprised that Fara is so articulate, thereby con-
tradicting, of course, his own sentiments concerning the inferiority of the
colonized subject.54 When Fara responds, the Perpignan trader switches
from the familiar tu to the more formal vous (“Vous avez donc fait des
études?” [25]), indicating that Fara commands respect only through the
demonstration of French-language literacy and the performance and exhi-
bition of assimilation and therefore distantiation from the African com-
ponent of his identity, which is perceived only in negative terms.
Once in Paris, Fara is able to begin the task of observing “French be-
havior.” However, while one might assume that this would invest him
with narrative authority, the situation is rendered more complex because
of the fact that Fara mediates his encounter with the Other through his
70 black france

colonial education—in other words, Fara has been so assimilated that he

is not equipped with the kind of lucidity invested in Dadié’s protagonist
Tanhoe, who has achieved the degree of consciousness associated with
Memmi’s colonized subject, who no longer “accepts,” by the time he ar-
rives in the metropole. Years before Fanon would formulate similar com-
mentaries in Black Skin, White Masks, Fara describes the popular re-
sponse to his pigmentation, delivered through “the cinema and fantastic
tales in which the lesson was that a black person was a living puppet”
(Socé, Mirages de Paris, 64): “This vast crowd of white people perturbed
him. It was the very first time in his life he had had such an overwhelming
sensation of his being and of his color” (30) and “Look at that man,
Mom, he forgot to wipe his make-up off!” (34). As Fara navigates his way
through the streets of Paris, he provides a comparative account of behav-
ior and lifestyle and tests the geography and history he learned about in
Africa. These are now available to him in their commemorative forms as
monuments and street names (the Place de la Bastille, the mayoral office at
the Hôtel-de-Ville, the Cathedral of Notre-Dame, the Latin Quarter, the
University of the Sorbonne, the Luxembourg gardens, and the Pan-
theon)—namely the kind of lieux de mémoire (realms of memory, memory
sites) assembled by Pierre Nora in his multivolume study of the parame-
ters of Frenchness and French identity.55 The fact that Fara concentrates
on the topography of Paris prior to addressing the Exposition itself is im-
portant since it further complicates any assumptions one might have
about that which effectively constitutes the Other from Fara’s perspective.
In actuality, Fara’s francocentrism is central to this dynamic in which both
structural frameworks—Paris and Africa within Paris (the Exposition it-
self)—collapse in a complex network of closely intertwined referents and
signifiers, so that “if the city of Paris has failed to conform to Fara’s literary
expectations, the exposition, in contrast, harmonizes perfectly with his old
mirages” (Miller, Nationalists and Nomads, 81). Accordingly, “the pavil-
ions of the exposition were designed to offer a mirage of the colonies, per-
mitting a new and fantastic kind of trip” (67).56
Juxtaposed with the virtual ethnography of Paris Fara provides is the
Exposition itself. Having traversed the streets of Paris, Fara now comes
face to face with an official state-sponsored reconfiguration of the colonial
space (what Miller has described as a “state-sponsored hallucination”
[Nationalists and Nomads, 65]): “He made his way down the Grand Av-
enue of French Colonies. To his right, Martinique, Reunion, Guadeloupe”
(Socé, Mirages de Paris, 35). The fact that a francophone sub-Saharan Af-
rican writer chose to discuss the Exposition is crucial to our understand-
ing of French colonialism, and the centrality of this event in the history of
African-French relations cannot be underestimated. Indeed, the Exposi-
tion of 1931 can be said to represent “the apogee and the apotheosis of
French colonial mythmaking efforts; it seemed to express the greatest con-
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 71

fidence the French would ever have in their superiority and in the benevo-
lence of their mission to civilize” (Miller, Nationalists and Nomads, 65),
and “the exposition staged the colonial Republican project right in the
heart of Paris, a project at once claimed, glorified, and magnified” (Bancel,
Blanchard, and Vergès, 110). Furthermore, the Exposition was an impor-
tant component of colonial propaganda, designed specifically with the in-
tention of unifying French public opinion in favor of further consolidating
imperial power:
The Exposition signaled the advent of a resolutely modern and planned con-
ception of colonial propaganda: an immense media campaign was launched
a year before its opening, and week after week every newspaper related the
progress that had been made . . . It was conceived with the specific goal of
endearing the colonial empire to the French people and of bringing together
Western colonial powers through a shared glorification of the grandeur of
the Occident. (Bancel, Blanchard, and Vergès, 111–112)57

Colonial education has afforded Fara a privileged understanding of

French culture and also familiarized him with the prevailing idea of Af-
rica, one that he recuperates and performs—indeed, he is able to market
himself at the Exposition as a native informant: “I’m from there; I was
only captured two months ago! Ladies and gentleman, come closer! . . . To
see a real authentic negro close up, now that was really something . . . ”
(Socé, Mirages de Paris, 36). From the sequential set of mirages (the Colo-
nial Exposition) in which the bilateralism of Africa in France becomes in-
dissociable from France in Africa itself (the colonial project), Fara’s very
presence in France is of course a logical outcome of the colonial mission’s
nature as an enterprise infused with mutually constitutive discourses. This
is a product of colonial discourse itself that ends up, as Mbembe has indi-
cated, “producing a closed, solitary totality that it elevates to the rank of
generality . . . How could it be otherwise, since the actual is no longer per-
ceived except through the mirror of a perversity that is, in truth, that of the
subject uttering this discourse? Colonial language thus advances, deaf to
its silent vibrations and endlessly repeating itself” (Mbembe, On the Post-
colony, 178). Fara’s most significant encounters in France emerge as a re-
sult of his presumed authority on Africa (wrongly presumed, as we shall
see), upon which he capitalizes in order to approach and initiate a conver-
sation with two young French women, offering to serve as a guide: “I’m
from French West Africa . . . I could be your guide . . .” (Socé, Mirages de
Paris, 38). The relationship with Jacqueline that develops from this initial
encounter allows Fara to explore another facet of Paris as he shepherds
her through the vibrant nightlife, the intersection of a transnational global
blackness evidenced through Cuban music, the rumba, jazz, tam-tams,
clarinets, and trumpets. They attend the bal nègre (Negro ball) and the fa-
mous Cabane Cubaine nightclub in Montmartre. For Jacqueline, the club
72 black france

becomes another version of the colonial exhibition: “In the throng of

blacks gathered at the Cabane Cubaine, so similar in appearance, Fara in-
troduced Jacqueline to Africans, Haitians, and Mauritians. People said
this nightspot was an ethnographic museum of the black world, to which
each nation had sent along a specimen” (55–56).
When the colonial exhibition ends, Fara decides to extend his stay in
France in order to pursue his interest in Jacqueline, but also, of course, be-
cause of his francocentrism: “I have come to need the vertiginous perspec-
tives of the capital, the multicolored enchantment of its evenings” (72–
73). From this point on, he begins to uncover how French society really
feels about him. He is well received by her parents when he is initially in-
troduced to them as a friend, but ultimately their relationship is not ac-
ceptable to her social milieu, whose homeostasis is destabilized by their
exogamous union. On the occasion of a dinner at her home, Fara is asked
to provide them with his impressions of France. Rather than offering the
anticipated answer, one that would endeavor to praise French society and
thereby confirm their perceived notions of how a young African should
express gratefulness for France’s colonial generosity, he reverses the ques-
tion by insisting instead on his surprise at French ignorance concerning
Africans. This exposes the family’s essentialism, but nevertheless in a less
direct and confrontational manner than if he had simply accused them of
racism:
He evoked the ignorance of people here with regard to blacks. For the most
part, their friends only talked about the faults and comicalness of the blacks,
making these into their defining attributes by dwelling on them at length. In
turn, cinema and literature come to their rescue, producing “exoticism” and
“documentation” at the service of preconceived notions. (90)

Fara’s own community in Paris is built around an African Diaspora that

comes together in ways that would have been impossible in Africa: “This
diverse world made up of blacks constituted Fara’s guests. In Africa, they
would have lived in different social spheres and would have set up hierar-
chies” (116). Through dialogue with other Africans, important thinking
on colonialism takes place, and Fara articulates a position that effectively
anticipates many of the problems of decolonization and the sociopolitical
circumstances of the postcolony: “First, concluded Fara, must come eco-
nomic emancipation, because a people in a state of economic inferiority
will face enormous difficulty achieving political emancipation” (121).
When Fara is confronted with the realities of racism in Paris and resistance
to métissage, it is the music of Duke Ellington that provides the kind of
therapeutic value it was to generate decades later in segregationist Amer-
ica during the struggle for civil rights, and that would be evoked in Em-
manuel Dongala’s Jazz et vin de palme through reference to the music of
Coltrane: “Fara was transported into another world, one made of musical
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 73

harmony and in which there was nothing to remind him of what had
made him miserable” (166).58 Socé’s text is mediating some of the central
debates of his era, and his novel can be seen as the “narrative of Ousmane
Socé’s positions on cultural métissage,”59 a dimension evidenced in his
first novel, Karim, which according to Midiohouan had “praised cultural
métissage” (Midiohouan, L’idéologie, 72). As Alice Conklin argues,
At the same time officials determined that Africans were too ethnically dif-
ferent ever to become culturally French, metropolitan publicists and colonial
policymakers began to condemn the same sexual contact between the races
that they had earlier tolerated; instead they endorsed white endogamy and
traditional French family formation. Meanwhile, handbooks on life in the
colonies not only reinforced this message but also spelled out more explicitly
the degree of acceptable social mixing between the French and Africans . . .
In the interwar years a variety of experts popularized the notion that the
practice of interracial unions was dangerous for two reasons. First, the ille-
gitimate offspring, the métis, of such unions were considered potentially as
rebellious as the évolués with whom they were sometimes compared . . . The
best way to avoid such a problem in the future, everyone agreed, was to ban
métissage altogether. The second reason for the growing alarm about misce-
genation was the fear that interracial sex might contribute to the degenera-
tion of the white race. The very existence of métis children was proof of this
degeneration.60

In this way, the Colonial Exposition plays a central role in its attempt at
solidifying ethnic categories. “The Exposition,” as Hill argues, “works to-
wards that hegemony in its underlying presupposition that colonial sub-
jects are definable and representable . . . Here, difference, rather than sim-
ply posing a threat, becomes a constitutive element of empire. In fact,
imperial métissage depends on the ability to define and represent in order
to maintain the possibility of arbitrarily casting subjects in either a har-
monious or menacing light” (Hill, 641–642). Ultimately, when Jacqueline
dies at the end of her pregnancy, her parents recuperate the child. Fara’s
initial dream of Paris becomes a nightmare from which, as for many Afri-
can protagonists, suicide provides the only escape. Yet, as Stovall has ar-
gued, “by bringing a central colonial anxiety, miscegenation, to the metro-
pole, however, such contacts forecast the outlines of postcolonial conflicts
in the late twentieth century.”61 Fara’s francocentrism had led him to dream
for years of the day he would walk the banks of the Seine in the mythic
city of Paris; little did he know that from these very banks he would plunge
to his death: “Delirious with happiness, Fara dived into the cold waters of
the Seine River” (Socé, Mirages de Paris, 187).
The myth of Western superiority has rendered such unions contradic-
tory to French interest—indeed, in the nineteenth century, Gobineau’s the-
sis was organized around the supposition that the inequality of races was
a reality. Many of these assumptions inform extreme right-wing politics in
74 black france

Europe today in countries such as Belgium, France, Great Britain, Italy,

and the Netherlands. The possibility of cohabitation is compromised pre-
cisely because the colonial system requires a hierarchical order that voids
the potential of cross-cultural mixing between components that are per-
ceived as unequal, much in the same way as multiculturalism is today ren-
dered impossible by the monolithic imperatives of the French Republic.62
However, as Lüsebrink has underlined, “as the colonial dream of a grand
Euro-African empire was abandoned, the concept of métissage disinte-
grated shortly after making its initial appearance” (“Métissage et société
coloniale,” 218), and it would be some time before the question returned
to the agenda of policymakers in the Hexagon. In Mirages de Paris,
“métissage is thus given the appearance of a positive, life-affirming blend
of cultures,” but “is thus compromised by two kinds of problems: one is
the political inequality governing relations; the other is the fog of illusions
within which the exchanges take place” (Miller, Nationalists and No-
mads, 86, 88). Accordingly, such transcolonial questions void the potential
of métissage by highlighting that cultural and social synthesis are ulti-
mately reciprocal, that is, founded through constitutive arrangements.63
Colonial education is a central issue in the work of Dadié, and was the
subject of concerted analysis in his 1956 novel Climbié, in which the
eponymous hero attends the famous Ecole Normale William Ponty.64 The
colonial school provides a contact zone between Africa and France, a
privileged site for the dissemination of colonial propaganda and the fash-
ioning of an imaginary space for the conditioning of colonial subjects.
Dadié’s An African in Paris shares numerous points of commonality with
other francophone sub-Saharan African novels produced during the
1950s, principally, as Elisabeth Mudimbe-Boyi has remarked, the “triadic
departure-adventure-return structure . . . which clearly identif[ies] it as a
travel narrative,” but it “is at the same time a novel of initiation and a di-
dactic novel in which the narrator seeks to restore a pedagogical function
to the journey. As in traditional folktales, the hero departs after he has
been entrusted with a mission, one for which he will be accountable to his
community.”65 As in the work of Camara, Kane, and Socé, among others,
travel to France is also about the acquisition of cultural capital. “To go to
Paris,” Mudimbe-Boyi points out, “is to accomplish a rite of passage that
transforms one into ‘somebody’ . . . departure implies a return to his start-
ing point after he has completed a formative journey, the reward of which
will be shared by the community” (Mudimbe-Boyi, “Travel Representa-
tion,” 33–35). As we shall see in chapter 6, narrative circularity is a trans-
colonial phenomenon, one that can be compared to the equation of depar-
ture and descent that is inseparable from the secular quest of the
postcolonial sapeurs. However, Dadié also treats this trajectory in a radi-
cally different manner. Whereas the novels of Socé, Camara, and Kane
foreground displacement as the mode through which greater conscious-
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 75

ness is achieved as a mechanism for deconditioning and questioning colo-

nialism, Dadié’s novel distances itself from this process in order to provide
an unprecedented concentration on the foundations of the ideological
project as a way of demystifying the fantasy of Occidental superiority.
In many ways, An African in Paris operates intertextually with Mir-
ages de Paris to the extent that it claims to see Paris (and therefore, I
would argue, France itself) through the eyes of a young African man in
France for the first time. Both writers ultimately reach analogous conclu-
sions concerning the contrived image of Paris crystallized in the minds of
talented évolués, yet Dadié’s novel aligns itself with a long tradition of
travel diaries and narratives employed to formulate social critiques. This
mediation with established literary conventions, achieved through the
transposition of the young protagonist Tanhoe Bertin to France, is to be
understood principally as confirmation of the acquired pedagogic accom-
plishments of the colonial subject, but also affords the writer the occasion
to subvert the tradition. A considerable number of works have engaged in
such practices—Ali Behdad, for example, considers some of these texts in
the nineteenth century in his book Belated Travelers: Orientalism in the
Age of Colonial Dissolution, and as we shall see in the next chapter, this
intertextuality has also informed Sembene’s novel Black Docker.66 In the
case of An African in Paris, it is achieved through recourse to a narrator
who refuses to identify with and “accept” the distorted “portrait” the col-
onizer has drawn of him. “Willfully created and spread by the colonizer,”
Memmi writes, “this mythical and degrading portrait ends up by being ac-
cepted and lived with to a certain extent by the colonized. It thus acquires
a certain amount of reality and contributes to the true portrait of the col-
onized” (Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized, 87–88), thereby com-
peting with the myth itself and its imaginary life as it enters into circul-
ation. Fara arrives in Paris with sublime confidence in his training yet
blinded to the reality of his assimilated captivity; Tanhoe distinguishes be-
tween imitation and reality and acknowledges that colonial relations are
stratified. With an enthusiasm comparable to that of Tanhoe’s fellow Afri-
can students, he learns that the topography is imminently shifting to the
French capital: “Good news, my friend, good news! I have a ticket to Paris
. . . yes, Paris! The very same Paris we’ve so often talked and dreamed
about! I’ll be leaving in a few days. Even I will be able to see Paris with my
own eyes!” (Dadié, An African in Paris, 3). This opportunity provides
Tanhoe with the structural framework to begin testing the earlier imagi-
native journey he had made to the land of his new ancestors the Gauls in
the colonial classroom against the literal journey: “Soon I can stop think-
ing about the Paris I’ve only seen on postcards or in films, the Paris others
wanted me to see” (4).
The first observations recorded for his interlocutor, to whom he writes
the lengthy letter that constitutes the novel, concern the “constant move-
76 black france

ment,” the way “the electric lights are left on during the day in restaurants
and stores,” and “the very nature” and “attitude” of the Parisians, who
“enjoy their freedom. This is their city, and they know it. And to be a part
of all this is irresistible” (17).67 Tanhoe demonstrates his educational ac-
complishments, providing an official history of Paris structured around
the French Revolution. The expressions, behaviors, mannerisms, codes,
conventions, and etiquette of the French are contained in recurring de-
scriptive modes and generalities that include observations on “the nature
of the Parisians” (19). A plethora of information is also available on ethics,
morality, marriage, divorce, religion, single motherhood, child-rearing
conventions, eating and drinking practices, burial rites, café culture, the
métro, and French women—in many ways, An African in Paris shares as-
pects with the kind of research undertaken by Pierre Bourdieu on “dis-
tinction,”68 in which access to local culture requires “reading between the
lines” (Dadié, An African in Paris, 52). Like other African protagonists, he
becomes all too aware of ethnic identity: “Yes, it’s true, I scare people—es-
pecially women and children. They see me coming and immediately try to
escape; there’s no getting beyond the initial expression—They must won-
der what in the world possessed God to get the colors wrong and smear
me with tar” (43). In this framework, the métro network becomes para-
digmatic and symbolic of a broader commentary on French modernity:
that enormous underground spider web which lures everyone is the perfect
symbol of all those who built the marvels we’re forever admiring . . . And it’s
when you’re inside those corridors that you become most aware of the enor-
mous love the Parisians have for what their machines have given them: the
opportunity to play king. Machines do the work and have given the people
the right to be lazy and enjoy life, the right to steal a bit of time, even from
tomorrow. (56)

Of particular significance to the novel is Tanhoe’s concerted effort to ques-

tion his own methodology for critiquing France. Travel and colonial dis-
course on Africa had tended to formulate judgment and arrive at conclu-
sions mediated exclusively through ethnocentrist constructs; aware of this
tendency, Tanhoe attempts to avoid duplicating it by situating himself at
the intersection of the training he has obtained in the colonial school and
that he has received outside of it. This position allows him to navigate be-
tween multiple fields of discourse, and, thus equipped with greater objec-
tivity, he can articulate a much more forceful critique of colonial ideology
by exploring the inherently contradictory nature of colonial rhetoric
against evidence acquired through fieldwork in the metropole. Instead of
traveling outside of France, as Montesquieu had pretended to do in his
book Lettres persanes (Persian Letters) in order to criticize French society,
Tanhoe travels outside of empire—not to critique Africa, but rather to as-
sess and measure French colonialism. Dadié ventriloquizes a new critique
of the West in which his statement “I can safely say that one cannot get to
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 77

know a people simply by reading what has been written about them”69
clearly alludes to reductive ethnographic historiography. In so doing, Tan-
hoe recognizes the ironic component of his own discourse, and also of
course its inherent limitations: “Parisians are like any other people; you
can never say all there is to say about them. They overwhelm you, and it
would be foolish to judge them as a group on the basis of only a few ex-
amples” (121). This acknowledgment and expression of awareness of the
dangers of assuming a position of authority in the analysis of other cul-
tures aligns Dadié’s project with the concerns of a broad range of works
produced by philosophers, sociologists, and cultural critics, most notably
Jean-Loup Amselle’s Logiques métisses, Christopher Miller’s Theories of
Africans, V. Y. Mudimbe’s The Idea of Africa, and Françoise Lionnet’s
“Logiques métisses: Cultural Appropriation and Postcolonial Representa-
tion.”70
As Mudimbe suggests, Amselle’s Mestizo Logics: Anthropology of Iden-
tity in Africa and Elsewhere allows us
to imagine the possibility of a reversal of anthropology’s perspective. Essen-
tially, Mestizo Logics is a critique of “ethnological reason,” which, by defin-
ition, always extracts elements from their context, aestheticizes them, and
then uses their presupposed differences for classifying types of political, eco-
nomic, or religious ensembles.

Accordingly, Amselle’s own “mestizo logics,”

instead of distinguishing and separating, would bear witness to the “indis-
tinction” or original syncretism of elements in a social totality and thus at
least solve the dilemma opposing the “universality of human rights” and
“cultural relativism,” a dilemma which, in terms of political values, actual-
izes the tension and opposition between universality as totalitarianism and
cultural relativism as an expression of democracy. (Mudimbe, The Idea of
Africa, 52–53)

In the case of An African in Paris, the issue is not simply assuming the
right to speak—that in and of itself would be a fairly redundant gesture—
but also identifying what Dadié does not write as much as what he does.
With this in mind, Dadié’s project, rather than reproducing the “vertical
axis of a hierarchical relationship” described by Mudimbe-Boyi, instead
rethinks and reformulates the premise of the original foundational dis-
course erected around “value judgments, vocabulary with negative con-
notations, and normative binary oppositions” (Mudimbe-Boyi, “Travel
Representation,” 26, 32). As Mudimbe-Boyi shows, Dadié “resists a met-
onymic reduction,” then “relativizes the results of his observation,” and
therefore ensures that the reader remains “on guard against overgeneral-
izations and categorical pronouncements” (33). The strength of the work
and the analysis originates in the gesture of forfeiting the pitfalls of a
repetitive formula, given that the central logic informing colonial expan-
78 black france

sion can be located in a complex set of projections that require demystifi-

cation rather than a counter-discourse or oppositional narrative. In colo-
nial discourse, “cultural differences are transformed into moral differ-
ences that justify and legitimize the missionary and colonizing enterprise”
(31). This distancing from colonial narratives is central to the novel, since
“Dadié’s traveler has urged readers to accept alterity and difference in the
acceptance of a shared humanity” (35)—the novel becomes a demonstra-
tion of this argument, and “Dadié’s authoritative narrator expresses him-
self as the one who experienced what he is recording, and not as the in-
heritor of an intertextuality or of an ideology” (35). Tanhoe confirms this
position when he writes to his friend, “Haven’t we all—every single one of
us—admitted to ourselves that all people are alike? We keep talking about
different customs, different countries, different cultures, and different
races, but in the final analysis isn’t everyone the same?” (Dadié, An Afri-
can in Paris, 128).71
Accordingly, An African in Paris goes beyond the parameters of the
negritude project, which was primarily concerned with rehabilitating
blackness and black culture. We are dealing with a complex network
of carefully codified projections that, according to Mudimbe-Boyi, “cre-
ates, invents, and orders everything in terms of itself. In this context, the
Other tends to become, in one way or another, a reflection of the Self”
(Mudimbe-Boyi, “Travel Representation,” 31), and the objectives of negri-
tude become not so much futile but rather less productive than Dadié’s
unexpected attempt to engage directly with the anxieties, insecurities,
needs, paranoia, or even the “hysteria” of the colonizing body.72 “The civi-
lizing project,” André-Patient Bokiba argues in his book Ecriture et iden-
tité dans la littérature africaine, “implies the dislocation of all these ster-
eotypes and the restructuring of the black psyche according to a new set of
values”; necessarily, then, “the civilizer must form a reassuring image both
of himself (or herself) and the other that is likely to provide ethical justifi-
cation for his (or her) actions.”73 Jean-Pierre Makouta-Mboukou has de-
voted considerable attention to this question in Introduction à l’étude du
roman négro-africain de langue française, underlining the centrality of
such an action:
Demystifying a phenomenon, an event, a crude fact, consists in demonstrat-
ing how both the images one has formed and the explanations one has pro-
vided are false, and admitting that one deliberately sought to deceive. Fur-
thermore, the process of demystification, in order to effectively dispel the
error or the lie, must also include a demythologizing component. For, once
one has denounced the error, things must be brought back to their just di-
mensions, to their real value.74

The francophone writer must therefore endeavor to both “demystify” and

“demythologize” those received attributes of blackness. Edward Said per-
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 79

formed an analogous task in his seminal work Orientalism.75 As we saw in

the previous section, the Colonial Exposition itself “had allowed for a
popularization of an ethnocentrist vision” (Bancel, Blanchard, and Vèrges,
114) and served as a powerful agent in consolidating the “idea” of Afri-
cans. Dadié’s novel is effective because it addresses the imperative of de-
mystification, and “the irony of this situation,” Mudimbe-Boyi argues, “re-
sides in the inversion of the gaze: the West, formerly the sovereign gaze and
the master word, is now being identified as the Other” (Mudimbe-Boyi,
“Travel Representation,” 29). This is a subversive gesture that serves in
turn to undermine the premise of the colonial project itself by demonstrat-
ing that the logic informing the stratification of imperial relations is un-
founded.
Dadié’s original methodology is organized around formulations that
are more complex than simple irony, since his commentary specifically
functions as a result of the bilateral training he has received in a French
colonial school in Africa. The title of the novel naturally confirms the pe-
jorative dimension of blackness itself as a colonial construct (one which
Sembene also fastens on in Black Docker), an inescapable somatic factor
that differentiates Tanhoe from the people around him in Paris: “There’s
no disputing the fact that I’m different from the Parisian, and not simply
because my skin is darker. We think differently too. Moreover, they’re sur-
rounded by all those mechanical toys few of us have—refrigerators, tele-
phones . . . Perhaps I should try to imitate them, but in some things I don’t
see any way we can close the gap that separates us” (Dadié, An African in
Paris, 151). Later, Tanhoe’s formulations are hardly ambiguous: “These
people who’d never consent to put a man, much less a whole group of
men, in chains” (90) and, “In fact, if Paris were to decide to gain control of
another country, it would be to institute justice and liberty for everyone”
(119). In his discussion of Dadié’s novel and its connections with Mon-
tesquieu’s Lettres persanes, Jean Derive locates the intertextuality of An
African in Paris in French pedagogic practices: “What is absolutely certain
is that through his secondary education, he could not have failed to know
this work, at least sufficient excerpts of it to familiarize himself with the
principles according to which it functioned.”76 That Derive immediately
qualifies his remarks by adding “This reference to intertextuality is not an
attempt to either question or diminish the originality of Dadié’s vision,
which in any case has nothing to with plagiarism” (Derive, “Un nègre à
Paris,” 196) is significant—indeed, questions of intertextuality, plagiarism,
and recycling will be central to the analysis of Sembene’s novel Black
Docker in the next chapter. The fact that Dadié attended French colonial
school means that his frame of reference includes French historiography,
and therefore he positions himself in dialogue or mediation with this ex-
tensive corpus, particularly with what Derive calls the “negative intertex-
tuality” that has “contributed to inscribing a negative image of the Negro
80 black france

in French mentality” (198). Paradoxically, he emerges as a “francophone”

writer because of this trajectory, revealing one of the central paradoxes of
Francophonie itself: the text “is as much addressed to a French audience
as it is to a francophone African one” (197).
The successful dismantling and demystification of the myth of French
superiority of course depends on Dadié’s ability to engage with the central
principles of these works, and the originality comes from the fact that, in
this case, the “foreigner” looking at France “is a colonized subject observ-
ing civilization from within its metropole” (Derive, “Un nègre à Paris,”
196). Tanhoe can operate in this domain because he is a dual insider, both
colonized and educated, marked by colonial pedagogy but also an author-
itative informant on the African component of his training, which the col-
onizer has been incapable of penetrating precisely because the reductive
discourse of anthropology perceived itself as a “means of gaining local
‘knowledge’ and as a reflection of European preoccupations projected
onto Africa” (Miller, Theories of Africans, 139). Tanhoe’s claim that “to
know, appreciate, and love a people, you must study their history” (Dadié,
An African in Paris, 85) unambiguously indicts the French colonial pro-
ject for its failure to do so, favoring instead a reductionist, uninformed
view of Africa as the justificatory discourse for colonial expansionism. In
this way, An African in Paris undertakes the crucial task of correcting neg-
ative constructs of Africans—Dadié is so effective at doing this that he
does not even need to mention or designate the stereotype in question,
since “he is well aware of its presence in the collective imaginary of his
French and African readers” (Derive, “Un nègre à Paris,” 199). For this
reason, the novel should be accorded more critical attention than it has
hitherto received, particularly in light of contemporary debates on immi-
gration in France in which such reductive images survive and inform
right-wing political strategies and exclusionary discourses. The originality
of An African in Paris comes not from an aggressive, direct attack on
France, but rather from an uncompromising and carefully formulated en-
gagement with stereotypes and projections, systematically unpacking one
after the other and revealing their fallacious foundations: “his way of
fighting against colonial ideology consists in exposing the futility of this
perspective” (Derive, “Un nègre à Paris,” 208). An African in Paris is a text
that provides the reader with a carefully formulated and insightful analy-
sis of France on the eve of decolonization; but it is also a text that has sur-
vived its historical moment, and its formulations and observations have
much to reveal to us today about the foundations of the Occidentalist dis-
course of cultural superiority that continues to inform immigration dis-
course in France at the beginning of the twenty-first century.
Laye, Samba, Fara, and Tanhoe are the symbols of a generation of
young Africans who have explored the migration of memory and of the
imagination. As Irele has concluded in his book The African Imagination:
Literature in Africa and the Black Diaspora,
 Francocentrism and the Acquisition of Cultural Capital 81
the moral perceptions that inform the African sense of racial and historical
grievance issue into a comprehensive critique of the West, a questioning of
its assumptions about itself and of its vision of the world. Under the pres-
sure of experience, our writers have had to undertake a critical reassessment
of the colonizer, of the philosophy of life that is assumed to underlie his dis-
position toward the world, and anticipate in the course of this reassessment
some of the key strategies of contemporary Western thought.77

In Oyono’s Chemin d’Europe, a similar project is undertaken by the cen-

tral protagonist, Barnabas, as he claims, “I felt such a strong affinity for
this country that I did not know and whose genius and beauty I had been
taught to sing since childhood, that I wondered whether I had not perhaps
been French in a previous life” (45). Again, the community places its faith
in a young man whose anticipated return to Africa, having acquired cul-
tural and economic capital, is invested with a double meaning, both phys-
ical and economic: he is “determined to travel across the oceans to distant
shores to conquer notoriety” (101). However, the broadening of the frame-
work to include Europe as early as the work’s title hinted at the kinds of
migration networks that the era of postcoloniality would witness, as
young Africans continue to this day to migrate from Africa to the North in
pursuit of cultural, economic, and social capital. Protagonists who came
to France and Europe during the colonial era in the spirit of discovery
later evoked feelings of exile and nostalgia, and their displacement usually
resulted in disillusionment, return, suicide, or death (physical and social),
as the experiential and evidentiary modes rarely coincided with the mythic
constructs they departed with. For the new generation of migrants, pas-
sage to Europe is a complex process, one that has introduced a new lexi-
con with terms such “detention centers,”“refugee status,”“camps,”“clan-
destinity,” and sans-papiers. Nevertheless, the conclusions and findings of
subsequent chapters all point to the transcoloniality of the central prob-
lematic informing the migration process, whether the protagonists in
question are students, travelers, sapeurs, workers, or clandestine subjects.
 THREE

Textual Ownership and the

Global Mediation of Blackness

But I am African. Why would I go

looking for something in the United
States? I don’t have to search for an
identity. I’m an African. For me,
Africa is the centre of the world.
The United States and Europe are
on the periphery of my world.
Ousmane Sembene1

The two historically possible solutions

are then tried in succession or
simultaneously. He attempts either
to become different or to reconquer
all the dimensions which colonization
tore away from him.
Albert Memmi2

Will verify subject’s residence and as-

certain his activities upon his return
to the United States from France,
presumably in September, 1946.
If possible, secure the subject’s
reason for his trip to France.
Federal Bureau of Investigation
file on Richard Wright3

Colonialism and the accompanying violence of Western language literacy,

which was indissociable from the pedagogic mechanisms of the French
imperial ambition, have left indelible marks on francophone literary pro-
duction. In fact, francophone writers have by definition been compelled to
mediate their aesthetic and political projects through a linguistic domain
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 83

that is inextricably linked to this historical context. This mediation has led
writers to align themselves with or distance themselves from existing mod-
els, inaugurating a paradoxical gesture, given that each choice has served
to reinscribe the centrality of the very paradigm whose periphery they
sought. Postcolonial theory has addressed these circumstances through
concepts such as “abrogation” (which “involves a rejection of the metro-
politan power over the means of communication”) and “appropriation”
(through which “language is adopted as a tool and utilized in various ways
to express widely differing cultural practices”).4 As useful as this terminol-
ogy may be, it does not explicitly incorporate the broader lexicon to which
it is tangentially connected though categories such as intertextuality, pla-
giarism, and recycling.
Francophone writers have invariably found themselves ensnared in
complex creative circumstances requiring a mediation with established
aesthetic conventions. While innovation is of course a precondition for the
transformation, mutation, and survival of literary genres—from Oulipo,
the nouveau roman, and magic realism to reformulations of various post-
modernist models—francophone texts have only rarely been embraced for
their originality.5 Critics have often generated the kinds of reductive read-
ings epitomized by Jacques Chevrier, who argues, “One must agree that
the novel is, to a great extent, a Western form imposed on Africa as the
consequence of the brutal encounter between two cultures, and one can
easily recognize Balzac and Zola in the literary models that have for the
most part inspired Negro-African novelists of French expression.”6 The
claim that African writers are merely Black variations of canonical authors
has of course been denounced by a range of critics, who have insisted on
the intrinsic originality of francophone texts by adopting anthropologi-
cal approaches to the study of literature (Miller), explored the centrality
of ideology (Irele), or maintained the validity of theorizing the national
(Bjornson, Huannou, Midiohouan, Thomas) in order to account for the
specificity of cultural and sociopolitical circumstances.7 In turn, many
francophone sub-Saharan African writers have challenged and even played
with these assumptions in their attempt to confuse these power relations.
Asking in his essay “Orphée noir” (“Black Orpheus”) what negritude
might be, Jean-Paul Sartre is paradoxically forced to acknowledge the in-
capacity of language to define the term: “European languages do not have
the vocabulary with which to explain the term.”8 In turn, Sony Labou
Tansi claimed, “I have never had recourse to French, it is rather French
that has had recourse to me,” insisting on the imperative of political en-
gagement while foregrounding creative integrity.9
Fundamental questions pertaining to textual ownership remain central
to critical readings of texts produced by francophone practitioners, and
there is a strong record of scholarship on the most notable cases: those of
Yambo Ouologuem, Calixthe Beyala, and Laye Camara.10 In fact, these
84 black france

considerations have been central to literary analysis and criticism for some
time now; for example, theoreticians such as Julia Kristeva and Roland
Barthes stressed the importance of considering intertextuality, and Jacques
Derrida’s theory of deconstruction emerged from the concern with explor-
ing the tenuous relationship of and the contradictions between the writ-
er’s consciousness and his or her projects, the various intertextual influ-
ences that invariably inform the process of creativity; and in doing so it
complicated questions of textual ownership.11
The objective of this chapter will be to consider Ousmane Sembene’s
1956 novel Black Docker within a transcolonial and transnational frame-
work that will attend to the connections between this work and a range of
other texts generated by African, African American, Caribbean, and Euro-
pean authors.12 This case study of Sembene’s novel will focus on a differ-
ent facet of the question of textual ownership in order to highlight the
manner in which these questions are so often inextricably linked to colo-
nial stereotyping. Although Sembene’s text received relatively little de-
tailed critical attention from the leading scholars among the generation of
critical pioneers in francophone sub-Saharan African studies (chronologi-
cally these would include Lilyan Kesteloot, Dorothy Blair, Jacques Chev-
rier, and Bernard Mouralis), this novel has been the subject of renewed
criticism organized around questions of intertextuality in essays by Wil-
fried Feuser (1986), János Riesz (1995), Anthère Nzabatzinda (1995), Sélom
Gbanou (1997), and David Murphy (2000).13 This chapter builds on the
scholarly intertextuality currently available to us (as each critic further ex-
tends the parameters of the debate by building on earlier analyses), situ-
ates this discourse according to the coordinates provided by an African
and African American critical apparatus, and takes the debate in a new di-
rection by demonstrating how the mediation between Sembene’s work
and Richard Wright’s 1940 novel Native Son complicates the neutrality of
terms such as “intertextuality” and “recycling.”14
Much of the following discussion will be less concerned with the ques-
tion of establishing “borrowings”—although this constitutes an integral
component of the argument I am formulating—than with exploring and
underscoring how writers with different national origins function inter-
textually to approach the evidentiary mode provided by analogous socio-
cultural circumstances. As a point of entry, I want to consider an interview
conducted by David Murphy in 1995 with Sembene:
Murphy: Your first novel, Black Docker, deals with the African commu-
nity in Marseilles during the 1950s. The Jamaican writer, Claude
McKay, also deals with the black community during an earlier
period, the 1920s, in his novel, Banjo. Had you read this book
before writing Black Docker?
Sembene: No, I hadn’t read it. I still haven’t read it either. I don’t think it
was available during the colonial period . . .
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 85
Murphy: During this period, did you identify more with the work of black
writers from the United States like Richard Wright, James Bald-
win, Ralph Ellison, than with the works of African writers who
wrote about a mythical Africa of the past?
Sembene: But I am African. Why would I go looking for something in the
United States? I don’t have to search for an identity. I’m an Afri-
can. For me, Africa is the centre of the world. The United States
and Europe are on the periphery of my world. (Sembene, “Inter-
view at Filmi Doomireew,” 227–228)

Sembene is known for being rather direct during interviews, and I am not
suggesting that his dismissal of African American writers or even his re-
luctance to follow this line of questioning constitutes an attempt to con-
ceal the role of intertextuality between his work and that of his transat-
lantic counterparts—in fact, as I will show, Sembene has acknowledged
elsewhere that he had read African American works. Furthermore, he reit-
erated a similar statement at the Cannes Film Festival in 2004, where his
film Molaade was screened: “Europeans don’t care whether or not Africa
is represented. It’s not their navel. Much in the same way that they are not
our center. Europe is our periphery.”15 In both instances, Sembene an-
nounces his sensitivity to the recuperation of African productions by the
former metropolitan center of empire. Nevertheless, the Afrocentrist tone
of his statements is striking, and raises important questions concerning
the influence of African American and diasporic writing on his work, and
also the nature of reciprocal influences between African and African
American writers. As Michel Fabre has argued in his book From Harlem
to Paris: Black American Writers in France, 1840–1980, “Of all the Afro-
American writers who resided in France between the two world wars,
Claude McKay remained there the longest and mixed most with all sorts
of people—black and white, American and French, European and Afri-
can—in both Paris and the provinces. He also derives inspirations from
his French experience, not only in Banjo, in which Marseilles plays more
than a background role, but in a number of essays analyzing the complex
class and race relations in Western Europe.”16 Even though Sembene circu-
lated outside the Parisian and Black intelligentsia during his stay in France
from 1948 to 1960, he could not have been immune to a broader public
discourse pertaining to the cultural and socioeconomic circumstances of a
global blackness. Prior to exploring in detail specific borrowings from
Wright’s work, I want to consider this discursive realm in France during
Sembene’s residency.
In the interview by Murphy, Sembene expresses doubt that Claude
McKay’s Banjo: A Story without a Plot was available during the colonial
era. Initially published in 1929 in New York by Harper and Brothers, the
novel was translated as Banjo by Ida Treat and Paul Vaillant-Couturier
and published by Editions Rieder in 1931.17 According to Kesteloot,
86 black france
Banjo’s success did not stop with the first “triumvirate” of black writers.
Ousmane Socé pointed out during the same period in Mirages de Paris that
Banjo was displayed in black-student bookshelves right next to books by
Delafosse . . . Ousmane Sembene in Le docker noir was more influenced by
Banjo than by the novels of Richard Wright, to which Le docker noir is oc-
casionally compared. (Kesteloot, 72–73)

Murphy’s essay on Black Docker and Banjo convincingly challenges

Kesteloot’s assumptions concerning Sembene’s relationship to McKay’s
work, highlighting thematic commonalities but arguing that any so-called
intertextuality has more to do with what I have called a broader public
discourse on global blackness: “In spite of Lilyan Kesteloot’s claim that
Black Docker was influenced by Banjo, it would seem that Sembene had
never read McKay’s book, even if he was aware of its reputation and had
met people who had known the Afro-American writer during his stay in
Marseilles” (Murphy, “La danse et la parole,” 464). While in both texts the
central protagonists (Ray and Diaw) are writers in Marseilles, there are
fundamental theoretical and political differences between the two pro-
jects. Murphy shows how a juxtaposition of these works “allows us to re-
think the very notion of a ‘black’ identity that would bring together
Africans and blacks in the diaspora under a single banner” (464). For ex-
ample, “the celebration of an energetic and spontaneous black commu-
nity one finds in McKay’s work is a long way from the description of an
oppressed and marginalized black community in Sembene’s” (465), and
for Sembene, “there is such a thing as a black identity, but it has its roots
in a shared history and culture rather than in a black essence” (470). The
transatlantic connection needs to be further theorized in order to recog-
nize not just the obvious interhistoricity, but also the distinctive trajecto-
ries that new demands and exigencies have placed on the transplanted
subject:
What distinguishes African and Afro-American writers is that the former
were raised in a black culture which, in spite of the upheavals of the slave
trade and colonization, continues to express an African cultural identity . . .
On the other hand, Afro-American writers, severed from ancestral lands and
cultures by slavery, are now in a precarious position between an African cul-
ture they no longer belong to and an American culture that rejects them.
(468)

Manthia Diawara, in his book In Search of Africa, has also addressed the
important question of “the mental and moral disposition of the racialized
subject.”18 My point, however, is to follow up on Kesteloot’s concluding
remark in order to highlight how it is precisely to Wright’s work that we
should be looking for analogies.19
As Tyler Stovall has argued in his book Paris Noir: African Americans
in the City of Light, “the perceived difference between racial attitudes in
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 87

France and the United States has given a singular political dimension to
the history of African Americans in Paris that distinguishes it sharply from
the experience of white expatriates” (xiii). Americans in general were able
to do things in France they could not do in the United States under the
prevailing climate of McCarthyism, anti-Communism, and the politics of
racial segregation, although of course fascination with America itself ex-
isted in other cultural and economic domains.20 Naturally, the characteri-
zation of France uniquely in terms of a discourse of salvation occluded a
range of complex sociopolitical issues in France pertaining to the colonial
project, including, of course, the rise of German fascism, which was itself
very much informed by a discourse of white racial supremacy (most mem-
orably during the 1936 Berlin Olympics at which, much to Hitler’s dismay,
the Black American athlete Jesse Owens won four gold medals). The im-
perative to signal such inherent contradictions between the way African
Americans were received and welcomed and the way African colonial sub-
jects were treated is very much a contemporary theme, since Black Ameri-
can culture (music, film, fashion, and literature) is accorded particular at-
tention in France at a time when the reductive stereotyping of immigrant
African populations continues to be symbiotically linked to colonial con-
structs.21 The fact nevertheless remains that France, and Paris in particular,
emerged as a vibrant and receptive site for the formulation of global
blackness. According to Brent Hayes Edwards, in his book The Practice of
Diaspora: Literature, Translation, and the Rise of Black International-
ism, “Paris is crucial because it allowed boundary crossing, conversations,
and collaborations that were available nowhere else to the same degree,”
and “the larger point is that one can approach such a project only by at-
tending to the ways that discourses of internationalism travel, the ways
they are translated, disseminated, reformulated, and debated in transna-
tional contexts marked by difference.”22 Given Sembene’s own growing
politicization after his arrival in France, the plight of African Americans
would have been of particular interest and concern to him. My concern at
this juncture is then with establishing the kinds of discourses Sembene
would have been exposed to and drawn creative and political inspiration
from.
In one of the epigraphs to this chapter, the FBI requests that its agent
monitoring Wright’s activities in France ascertain “the subject’s reason for
his trip to France.” Although the request seems to have been written with
no sense of irony, the “reasons” are obvious to an informed observer of
post-1945 American society—in fact, to this day, even though these files
are in the public domain, this material remains sensitive. As Fabre has in-
sisted, “above and beyond the encounter of black America and France,
Paris was becoming more and more a melting pot for the different groups
of the black diaspora. An entire dimension of the intellectual history of the
black world was formed in France,” and Paris enjoyed its resulting reputa-
88 black france

tion as “a cultural cradle where literary achievement was held in rever-

ence” (Fabre, From Harlem to Paris, 8, 175).23 Major African American
writers arrived in Paris after the Second World War, including Richard
Wright in 1946, James Baldwin in 1949, and Chester Himes in 1953:
“Guidebooks are keys to museums and monuments of the past more than
to living places where everything is in constant change, and with time
Paris has become a vast monument that new generations of black visitors
come to sample” (Fabre, From Harlem to Paris, 338). As I have already in-
sisted, criticism of France and of its colonial mission is also essential to
any claim to objectivity about the broader social context. As Miller has
noted concerning Claude McKay, who lived in France from 1922 to 1934,
“McKay attacks racial prejudice in several national forms, each of which
is shown to be self-blind; principally, he compares racism in the United
States and in France,”24 a point underscored by Murphy, who says that
McKay “criticized his Afro-American confrère for refusing to acknowl-
edge the realities of French colonialism and of the racism that existed in
France” (Murphy, “La danse et la parole,” 466).25
Global blackness also needs to be considered by taking into account a
range of social forces contributing to the formation of diasporic commu-
nities. While obvious factors connect populations on the African continent
with African immigrants in France and African Americans, it remains of
paramount importance to avoid the temptation of reformulating these
analogies in terms of a homogeneous diasporic community. For example,
McKay’s Banjo features a Café African, in which “the Negro-Negroid
population of the town divides sharply into groups” (McKay, Banjo, 45),
whereas Sembene’s Black Docker “describes a black community in which
there are rigid hierarchies that place Antilleans above the Senegalese (a
name that has come to designate all Negro-Africans and that reveals the
disdainful attitude toward Africans)” (Murphy, “La danse et la parole,”
466), all of whom gather at the local “multicultural” café: “In this little Af-
rica in the south of France, all the countries, all the different ethnic groups
were represented. In keeping with the customs of their native land, each
territory had its own boundaries: the cafés. Prejudices and origins were of-
ten the subject of argument” (Sembene, Black Docker, 41).
Banjo entered the field of discourse on global blackness in France very
early on. In fact, as Edwards has shown, “the glowing reception of Banjo
in metropolitan Francophone circles was cemented by the publication of a
section of the novel in the journal Légitime Défense in June 1932” (B. Ed-
wards, 191). His work also appeared in an earlier journal, La revue du
monde noire, and “Banjo was just as indispensable for the students who
would go on to found the Négritude movement” (187). Significantly,
“Damas claimed that he, Césaire, and Léopold Sédar Senghor” shared the
book with “their fellow black students” (187–188). As we shall see, these
are just a few examples of the remarkable attention accorded to African
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 89

American and Caribbean writing and society in France at the time, a fac-
tor that is inextricably linked to broader intertextual processes and mech-
anisms.
Wright’s work appeared in the very first volume of Les temps mod-
ernes, published October 1, 1945.26 This was to be the beginning of an im-
portant collaborative relationship with the journal, one that was defined
by the serialization of his novel Black Boy (Jeunesse noire) in a translation
by Marcel Duhamel in issues 16–21 (January–June 1947). Some of Wright’s
most important and provocative essays were also published in the journal,
including “Littérature noire américaine” (“Black American Literature,”
1948) and “J’ai essayé d’être communiste” (“I Tried to Be a Communist,”
1949).27 Les temps modernes was an important medium for disseminating
the work of Black intellectuals and for thinking about blackness in gen-
eral. Alongside Wright’s work, one could find Edouard Glissant’s “Terre à
Terre” (“Earth to Earth,” 1948), Jean-Paul Sartre’s essay “Orphée noir”
(“Black Orpheus,” 1948), and Michel Leiris’s “Martinique, Guadeloupe,
Haiti” (1950), and the journal also featured a selection of francophone po-
ets (Léon Gontran Damas, Léopold Sédar Senghor, Aimé Césaire, Jacques
Roumain, Jean-Joseph Rabéarivelo, and Jacques Rabémanajara) from
Senghor’s forthcoming anthology, Anthologie de la nouvelle poésie nègre
et malgache de langue française (Anthology of New Black and Malagasy
Poetry in French).28
These fertile cross-cultural exchanges were of course central to the mis-
sion of the journal and publishing house Présence Africaine. Indeed, the
Comité de patronage (editorial board) of the inaugural issue of Présence
africaine in 1947 included such figures as Albert Camus, Aimé Césaire,
Bernard Dadié, André Gide, Paul Hazoumé, Michel Leiris, Léopold Sédar
Senghor, and Richard Wright, thereby reinforcing the dialogue between
Africa, African America, the Caribbean, and France.29 As in the first issue
of Les temps modernes, an excerpt from Wright’s work30 appeared along-
side works by many other significant authors: a preface by André Gide
and contributions from Sartre (“Présence noire” [“Black Presence”]), so-
ciologist Georges Balandier (“Le noir est un homme” [“The Black Is a
Man”]), and African writers such as Senghor, Dadié, and Birago Diop. In
addition to his own work, Wright also cotranslated with Thomas Diop the
closing essay by Alioune Diop, the founder of Présence africaine: “Niam
n’goura or Présence Africaine’s Raison d’Etre.” Perhaps even more signif-
icant is the inclusion of a review by Madeleine Gautier of Wright’s novel
Native Son (Un enfant du pays).31
These collaborative ventures culminated in the organization of the
First Congress of Scholars of the Negro World, held in France September
19–22, 1956.32 The importance of the event and its perceived menace to
transnational politics is perhaps confirmed by the attention accorded to
the project by the FBI:
90 black france
Subject: First Congress of the Présence Africaine: A Congress of Scholars of
the Negro world, sponsored by the leftist Présence Africaine is scheduled to
take place in Paris September 19–22, 1956 . . . The Embassy has been in-
formed that Présence Africaine for a time received a subsidy from the French
Government which was subsequently discontinued because of the leftist anti-
colonial and generally irresponsible nature of its editorial policy. (FBI,
Wright file, 54)

As a response to (and an example of) mediation between Africa and Afri-

can America, Wright published his response to Senghor’s intervention
(“L’esprit de la civilisation ou les lois de la culture négro-africaine” [“The
Spirit of Civilization or the Laws of Negro-African Culture”]) at the Con-
gress as “Tradition and Industrialization: The Plight of the Tragic Elite in
Africa.”33 As Jules-Rosette has shown, “Richard Wright and other Ameri-
can delegates . . . objected to imposing the concept of colonialism on black
Americans and argued that their situation of racial oppression was histor-
ically different because it involved an active legal, educational, and politi-
cal struggle within an established national framework” (Jules-Rosette,
Black Paris, 53). This tenuousness between African and African American
positionalities in 1956 did nothing to diminish the remarkable critical re-
ception of Wright’s work in France, which dated back to the publication
in French of Native Son (Un enfant du pays) in 1947. Yet, as Fabre has
noted, “going to France, when one was the foremost black American
writer, was not without implications” (Fabre, From Harlem to Paris, 176),
since he was accorded, as Paul Gilroy has shown, the “role of advocate for
the immiserated Negroes whose society he had himself partially es-
caped.”34 The novel was rewritten for the theater in 1941 by Orson Welles,
and in 1950 the French director Pierre Chenal adapted the novel for the
screen and released the film as Sangre negra.35 Wright was, simply put, the
talk of the town.36 His work was located at the intersection of some of the
most influential masterpieces of the era, fostering and generating all kinds
of intertextual gestures. In 1953, his own novel The Outsider (Le trans-
fuge) established a link with Albert Camus’s L’étranger, much in the same
way as Laye Camara’s L’enfant noir (The Dark Child) would add to this
legacy in 1954.37 Wright’s work and central role in public discourse in
France could not be ignored. Sembene would have been able to read the
translations of Wright’s work published in Les temps modernes or Pré-
sence africaine, and even if he did not read those journals, Wright’s novels
were widely accessible. On some level, he may not have been looking to
African American writers for validation and inspiration. The interesting
question, though, is what an African writer such as Sembene perceived as
African American versus simply “Black” in his encounters with the trans-
lated works of those anglophone writers in the mid-century. Kesteloot has
paid particular attention to the question of literary influences on fran-
cophone authors, for whom texts are necessarily imbricated with multiple
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 91

literary and political traditions—orality, colonialism, ethnic and national

literatures, American, European, and “Negro” literature. Her findings have
much to reveal in the context of this analysis.38
In her book Black Writers in French, Kesteloot surveys more than
twenty authors who were active in 1960. Her stated rationale is the fol-
lowing: “It is always interesting, of course, to know the origins of a work
and the circumstances surrounding it. Where black authors are concerned,
we have found this indispensable because their responses differ greatly
from those of white Europeans . . . and above all because their works are
situated morally and historically in a very specific context” (298–299).
Statistics can of course only reveal part of a problematic, but they do add
an important component to this investigation. The twenty-one questions
she asked of writers include
Question 3: What, at the time, did you wish to create?
Question 6: To which writers do you feel closest today and why? To white
writers? Which ones? Black writers? Which ones?
Question 16: How do you conceive your role as a writer? [first option:] As
an interpreter of Negro problems? (300–301)

My concern here is with extracting as much information as possible about

Sembene from this survey. The survey looks at a time very early on in Sem-
bene’s career, but of course after the publication of Black Docker, which is
the focus of my inquiry. Kesteloot underlines that Sembene is somewhat
different from his literary counterparts, given that he “alone has only an el-
ementary school education. As a stevedore in Marseilles, he was union-ed-
ucated and disapproves of Parisian intellectuals, whom he considers ‘too
bourgeois’” (304). Yet, significantly, “Ousmane Sembene’s lower educa-
tional level may influence his style but has no clear repercussion on his
ideas, which are the same as the other writers’” (304). According to the sur-
vey, “Black American novelists were much more widely read by French-
speaking writers than black American poets. The elder generation espe-
cially liked Claude McKay and Langston Hughes. The young had read
Richard Wright and Chester Himes and were not indifferent to their vio-
lent realism” (307). The original French version of Kesteloot’s study is
much more revealing for the purposes of my argument, since it includes in-
formation on individual authors that is not available in the English ver-
sion.39
In table 2,“Influences littéraires” (“Literary Influences,” Kesteloot,“Sit-
uation actuelle,” 283), Sembene acknowledges French and Russian influ-
ences in the “Influences occidentales” (“Western influences”) category
and, along with Mongo Béti, Césaire, Damas, Senghor, and Tchicaya U
Tam’si, identifies American influences in the “Influences nègres” (“Black
influences”) category, but not traditional (folktales, proverbs, etc.) or mod-
ern African texts. These findings of course contradict Sembene’s state-
92 black france

ments in the interview by Murphy cited earlier. In table 3, “Influences idé-

ologiques” (“Ideological Influences,” 288) Sembene designates Christian-
ity, Marxism-Socialism, Islam, intellectual traditionalism, and concrete
traditionalism as factors. In table 4 (293), he underscores as his personal
goals and intellectual responsibilities serving as a spokesman for black
people, contributing to the liberation of Negro people, expressing himself,
and educating the black masses. These concerns are reiterated in table 7
(308), in which Sembene selects questions of accessibility and political en-
gagement as central to his choice of literary genres.
While terms such as “intertextuality,” “plagiarism,” and “recycling”
overlap in various ways, there are important differences between them and
we need to be clear about these. Questions of intertextuality are linked to
the specific analogies and established linkages between literary products,
while “recycling” designates the reincorporation of factors constitutive of
the public domain of global blackness. “Plagiarism” in turn introduces a
radically different set of meanings, when the transposition of material
from one text to another raises doubts about originality and creative
agency. The novels of Sembene and Wright are engaged in a complex
process of mediation in multiple ways that we shall return to at length, but
“intertextuality” might incorporate similarities between the indissociabil-
ity of race and criminality in both texts, argumentation in the courtroom,
characterization of alleged murderers in newspapers, appeals to justice to
restore social homeostasis, and so on, while “recycling” would designate
the common systems of referentiality signified by a lexicon including terms
such as “segregation,”“Harlem,”“racism,”“Communism,” and “slavery.”
Henry Louis Gates’s book The Signifying Monkey: A Theory of Afri-
can-American Literary Criticism has proved foundational to any reflec-
tion on the question of borrowing and intertextuality.40 To my earlier com-
ments concerning the processes of “abrogation” and “appropriation” in
postcolonial literature, Gates adds an important dimension: “Black writ-
ers . . . learn to write by reading literature, especially the canonical texts of
the Western tradition. Consequently, black texts resemble other, Western
texts . . . But black formal repetition always repeats with a difference, a
black difference that manifests itself in specific language use” (xxii–xxiii).
For Gates, “intertextuality represents a process of repetition and revision”
(60), and
signifyin(g) is the black rhetorical difference that negotiates the language
user through several orders of meaning. In formal literature, what we com-
monly call figuration corresponds to Signification. Again, the originality of
so much of the black tradition emphasizes refiguration, or repetition and
difference, or troping, underscoring the foregrounding of the chain of signi-
fiers, rather than the mimetic representation of a novel content. (79)

The central question is whether or not Sembene’s novel can add itself to a
compound chain of signifiers, or must be relegated to the category re-
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 93

served for works that have engaged in a perceived “excessive amount of

‘borrowing’” (Miller, Blank Darkness, 218).
As Miller has pointed out, the historical background is crucial in un-
derstanding questions of intertextuality: “Texts on Africa were severely
limited in number until the nineteenth century and tended to repeat each
other in a sort of cannibalistic, plagiarizing intertextuality” (Miller, Blank
Darkness, 6).41 His incisive reading of how Yambo Ouologuem’s 1968
novel Le devoir de violence (Bound to Violence) “signified upon” the work
of several other writers can help us think through these questions.42 This
gesture is essential if we are to move away from and beyond the reductive
and accusatory discourse erected under the label of plagiarism. For Miller,
Ouologuem’s novel emerges as a “medium of retrieval” (217); it “con-
sciously engages itself in the cross-cultural and interliterary ‘zone of inter-
ferences’ between the two continents and does so not to forge a synthetic
response but to exaggerate and undermine the whole tradition we have
been reading” (218). The pedagogic branch of the French civilizing mis-
sion was concerned with creating French cultural prototypes and dissem-
inating ideology through the colonial schools. In On the Postcolony,
Achille Mbembe has addressed the justificatory premises for these mea-
sures, according to which
the native as nothing, as thing, and as animal is a creation of the colonizer.
It is the colonizer who summons this nothing into existence, creates it as a
thing and domesticates it as an animal. This nothing, this thing, and this an-
imal are the creation and object of the colonizer’s imagination, the supreme
example of the power of his/her arbitrariness.43

Intrinsic to this project was the process of memorization, and social ad-
vancement was granted to a handful of évolués who demonstrated the ca-
pacity to adhere to and regurgitate this discourse. Indeed, Jean de Brun-
hoff’s elephant protagonist Babar is perhaps the most notable example of
this process, as we witness young Babar migrating from what Ariel Dorf-
man has described as a “horizontal nakedness” to verticality (read “évolué
status”) through exposure to French universal values.44 The question of
African originality is therefore all the more complex given that its poten-
tial is partially voided by Africans’ recourse to cultural coordinates they
do not “own.” Issues relating to ownership introduce, of course, a legalis-
tic vocabulary. “To own a copyright,” Miller argues, “is to delimit a certain
sequence of words, sentences, and paragraphs from other sequences that
might infringe on the integrity of the first” (Miller, Blank Darkness, 219),
and the Oxford English Dictionary’s definition of “plagiary” includes the
term “a literary thief” (Miller, Blank Darkness, 220). This terminology is
going to be crucial as I apply it to Sembene’s novel. Babar’s verticality
emerges as a progression toward that ideal of French universality, but the
fact nevertheless remains that he does not escape his status as animal; he is
indelibly marked as a domesticated subject whose entry into the privileged
94 black france

domain of Frenchness is interrupted by the demands and exigencies of a

monolithic cultural and national entity.45 As we shall see, this example will
serve as a symbolic indicator for broader colonial and assimilationist
practices. In his seminal work The Colonizer and the Colonized, Memmi
argues,
The first ambition of the colonized is to become equal to that splendid mod-
el and to resemble him to the point of disappearing in him. By this step,
which actually presupposes admiration for the colonizer, one can infer ap-
proval of colonization. But by obvious logic, at the very moment when the
colonized best adjusts himself to his fate, he rejects himself with most tenac-
ity. That is to say that he rejects, in another way, the colonial situation. (120–
121)

This theory can be put into practice by examining La rue Cases-Nègres

(Sugarcane Alley) by the Martinican novelist Joseph Zobel, and Le gone
du Châaba (The Kid from the Shantytown) by the Beur author Azouz Be-
gag.46 In both novels, the young protagonist is accused of plagiarizing writ-
ten assignments.
In La rue Cases-Nègres (and Euzhan Palcy’s film adaptation of the
novel), José completes a rédaction (written assignment) on the subject
“Your most moving childhood memory” (Zobel, 269). José writes about
the neighborhood of Petit-Morne and his childhood friend Médouze:
“Consumed by inspiration, I wrote my essay in one sitting” (269). Ac-
cused of cheating, he claims “I did not copy,” to which the teacher re-
sponds, “And now you’re telling me you didn’t copy? Well, it’s plagiarized
if it’s not copied!” (270). This sequence is all the more revealing since the
teacher, Mr. Jean-Henri, is not a métropolitain (a subject from France)
but rather Martinican, and his accusation reveals the degree to which he is
blinded by his own assimilation and his mental construct of the Black
Martinican subject. Accordingly, he fails to recognize how the text could
only be produced—and therefore owned—by the privileged native in-
former for whom French language literacy provides the paradoxical occa-
sion to disseminate a narrative of oppression for the scrutiny of outsiders
and to narrate an experience that would not be recorded elsewhere. The
teacher is not yet aware of his own colonization and has not yet learned to
embrace his inferiority. His behavior is a dramatic precursor to the con-
sciousness that will follow:
The candidate for assimilation almost always comes to tire of the exorbitant
price which he must pay and which he never finishes owing. He discovers
with alarm the full meaning of his attempt. It is a dramatic moment when he
realizes that he has assumed all the accusations and condemnations of the
colonizer, that he is becoming accustomed to looking at his own people
through the eyes of their procurer. (Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colo-
nized, 123)
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 95

José confirms his narrative authority, stating that “the passages the teacher
was accusing me of having ‘copied in some book or other’ were precisely
those that were the most personal” (Zobel, 271, emphasis mine). Blinded
by his own assimilation, he is only able to see via the prism of his own pro-
jections and distortions of self.
When the young protagonist Azouz in Begag’s novel Le gone du Châaba
attends a French school, he effectively enters a contact zone in which so-
ciocultural practices relating to hygiene, inheritance, and so on are ad-
dressed. These encounters also reveal the nature of stereotypes that have
been assimilated by young children, who function as the spokespersons for
broader societal constructs as they employ terms such as sauvage (savage)
to describe sociocultural variants shared by Azouz and his classmates of
North African descent.47 The young boy’s attempts at succeeding and ad-
vancing in the French school are hindered by accusations of cheating and
plagiarism: “You’re a shirker. You have copied Maupassant very poorly”
(Begag, Le gone, 220), he is told by his teacher. The young boy offers a de-
fense that is at least twofold: “But, ma’am, I didn’t copy Maupassant,” and
then “I didn’t know he had written the same story” (220), implying that
such texts could not be part of his cultural baggage. This public shaming
leads, significantly, to a renunciation of creative originality: “I did all I
could to avoid the trappings of originality” (221). Here, the very precondi-
tion (namely originality) for distancing himself from previous models and
paradigms is voided, as are the potentialities of advancing intertextuality.
Paradoxically, those racist assumptions that are made about his creativity
provide the opportunity for originality when he is assigned a composition
on racism, a domain that he legitimately “owns” and in which he can
make claims to authority: “Racism. Now that’s what I should write about
in my assignment” (222). On this occasion his performance is affirmed
and he receives the best grade. Significantly, an earlier passage in the book
cannot be ignored, since it underlines the young protagonist’s views on
cheating. The mother of one of his classmates appeals to his assumed soli-
darity with Arabs in a scheme that will allow her son Nasser to copy his
work. The young Azouz sees this as a “strange request” (78); ultimately, he
ignores the request made by the diasporic community in favor of adhering
to very specific guidelines: “So you want me to cheat?” (78). The colonial
civilizing mission has shifted cultural markers and served to disorient and
destabilize colonized subjects. Once protagonists succeed in imitating
these new coordinates they are immediately challenged, thereby exposing
the colonizer’s reluctance to enact the potentiality of an assimilationist po-
tential that would effectively put into question the hierarchy under which
they built social order.
Sembene’s novel Black Docker provides an insightful analysis of the
socioeconomic circumstances of minority populations residing in France
during the final years of colonial rule. Most significant is the manner in
96 black france

which the novel decentralizes the topography by focusing on the Mediter-

ranean city of Marseilles rather than on the capital city of Paris.48 This af-
fords the reader a new perspective while considerably broadening the na-
ture and scope of the inquiry into Africans in France. Marseilles has
played a central role in the complex and complicated history of French-
African relations. An important volume of the journal Hommes et migra-
tions was entitled “Marseille: Carrefour de l’Afrique” (“Marseilles: Cross-
roads of Africa”); more recently, two other studies have been devoted to
the centrality of Marseilles in French history, namely Brigitte Bertoncello’s
Colporteurs africains à Marseille: Un siècle d’aventures and Pascal Blan-
chard and Gilles Boëtsch’s Marseille porte sud: Un siècle d’histoire colo-
niale et d’immigration.49
The connections with African America are clearly delineated, as the
reader learns that the African quarter is known as “the little Harlem of
Marseilles” (Sembene, Black Docker, 41). This neighborhood is exten-
sively described in order to tell the story of Diaw and to provide a histori-
cal record of Africans in the city:
At the beginning of this century, the town of Marseilles counted only a
dozen or so Africans. Gradually, their number increased. Preferring to live as
a community, they gathered in groups in the square, place Victor July, in
what was the old quarter, with its squalid, narrow, dead-end streets. During
the Second World War, half the old quarter of Marseilles was destroyed.
Some of the black community left for England, the others went further into
the town. And when the hostilities drew to an end, their numbers swelled.
Black people poured in from all sides, drawn by the vicissitudes of seafaring
and life in general. United by a community spirit and mutual support, they
formed this village . . . In this little Africa in the south of France, all of the
countries, all the different ethnic groups were represented. In keeping with
the customs of their native land, each territory had its own boundaries: the
cafés. Prejudices and origins were often the subject of argument. (41)

Micronational and microethnic communities are reconfigured, and while

certain rivalries survive and are even exacerbated, the “blacks” are Diaw’s
“fellow countrymen” and “brothers.” In fact, when Diaw first travels to
Paris to find a publisher for his novel, he represents his community before
the representatives of France d’Outre-mer (France Overseas). Sembene’s
novel then proceeds to describe what is required of these modern-day
slaves—workers essentially performing the same kind of work as slaves,
under equally unfavorable conditions. “After years of this work,” we learn,
“a man became a wreck, drained inside, nothing but an outer shell. Living
in this hell, each year the docker takes another great stride towards his end
. . . It was the rivalry of bone against steel, a question of which was the
stronger” (70). In this instance, Sembene’s own political views gain prox-
imity to those of the narrator, for whom the relationship between ma-
chines and human labor is characterized in terms of productive capacity
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 97

and organized in a broader framework concerned with the relation be-

tween France and Africa, colonial hierarchies, capitalism, labor, and the
influence of the French Communist party on anticolonial voices:
In the new firm where he was employed, both men and machines had the
same orders: to double productivity. They carried hundreds of tons on their
backs, their arms hurt from the work and their brains throbbed. They all
had fits of giddiness and depression from overwork—the infernal pace, the
acceleration of the machine . . . The docks certainly deserved their nickname
of “man killer.” (94–95)

The challenge to racism in France is carefully formulated in Sembene’s

novel through the accounts the narrator registers of the experiences of var-
ious protagonists and their encounters with prejudice. François Sène, for
example, who lives in the African quarter, remarks, “The other day, as I
was on my way home, there were police saying to the tourists, ‘Don’t go
into the black district.’ And yet nobody gets killed there, women don’t get
attacked. ‘Nigger’ is synonymous with ‘mugger.’ But what about them?
They are technical barbarians” (102). The term nègre has been translated
as “nigger” here in order to capture the degree of hostility felt for the Afri-
can population, and the “district” has become a “no-go” area for out-
siders. Once again, while François confronts the tenuous relationship be-
tween myth and reality, the fact remains that such popular conceptions
are almost impossible to counter. Diaw alludes to these in his response to
François:
I blame your ancestors who crammed your head full of nonsense about our
behavior. But if a black person says something sensible, or reasonably sensi-
ble, you’re surprised. So you have two conflicting pictures, the one inherited
from your ancestors and the one you have within your grasp. Sometimes I
hear people say, “Oh! He isn’t like the rest of them.” What strikes them, is
that it’s a black person saying it, for they didn’t expect anything from him.
(103–104)

This analysis is of course central to Sembene’s text, since the intertextual

references are to a long history of writing about Africa; accounts by ex-
plorers, ethnographers, travelers continue to be widely disseminated and
predetermine the outcome of Diaw’s murder trial.
Sembene’s text is a historical document on the circumstances of Afri-
cans in France after the Second World War that successfully moves beyond
the evidentiary mode in order to address broader questions pertaining to
African-French relations, racial constructs, and discourses on Africans. It
does this through recourse to fiction as an effective device for unpacking a
complex historical reality that is engaged predominantly with the experi-
ence of sub-Saharan Africans (rather than Maghrebis, for example), as
both ouvriers (workers) and colonial subjects or étrangers (foreigners).
Black Docker introduces a multiplicity of voices and narratives competing
98 black france

for authority in a framework in which various modes of testimony emerge

in order to discuss the fate of the central protagonist, Diaw Falla. The novel
is divided into three parts, and we learn in the opening section that Diaw
has been imprisoned in France for murdering a French woman novelist.
The first part includes four subsections: “La mère” (“The Mother”) fo-
cuses on the declining health of Diaw’s mother following his incarceration
and the resulting discussion of his case in the local newspapers and on the
streets of her hometown of Yoff; “Cath . . .” presents Diaw’s girlfriend in
Marseilles as she reviews cuttings from French newspapers concerning the
murder; “La coterie” (“The Clique”) introduces Diaw’s close friends in
Marseilles; and finally, the most lengthy subsection of part 1, “Le procès”
(“The Trial”), covers legal proceedings and the exchange by the defense
and prosecution of “official” narratives concerning the case in question.
Part 2, “Le récit” (“The Story”), is juxtaposed with the section on the trial,
offering the reader a restored chronology of events. The novel concludes in
a third part entitled “La lettre” (“The Letter”), in which Diaw reflects on
his life in a letter to his uncle and ventriloquizes his response to a question
he had declined to respond to during his trial: “‘Has the defendant any-
thing to add?’ asked the judge” (37). His testimony therefore takes place
outside the legal system, so as to enable Sembene to record a voice other-
wise silenced by dominant conventions. In the first part we learn of Diaw’s
incarceration and await the outcome of his pending trial; the section ends
when the jury withdraws to deliberate. The second part resumes chrono-
logical linearity by narrating the sequence of events that culminated in his
detention and concludes with the verdict, thereby rejoining the fourth sub-
section of part 1. As we shall see, popular views of Africans become insep-
arable from the challenge to authorial authority.50
The title of the novel, Black Docker, grants little room for ambiguity
concerning the subject matter under investigation. The racial marker and
the class status of the central protagonist are simultaneously foreground-
ed. Diaw is not only a “docker” but, perhaps more importantly, a “black”
one. The term noir is employed interchangeably with nègre in the original
French version; in the English translation a more varied lexicon is used, in-
cluding “black,”“negro,” and “nigger,” to capture the descriptive categor-
ies in question.51 As a sub-Saharan African living and working in France,
Diaw is marked as an outsider by his somatic features, but he is also a par-
tial insider as a colonial subject, albeit one who does not enjoy the privi-
leges of participatory citizenship. Diaw and his fellow African workers are
nevertheless precursors of the more contemporary immigrant communi-
ties in France, as colonialism increased reciprocal flows in population and
capital toward Africa (missionaries, colonial administrators, and commer-
cial interests) and in turn back to the metropole (guest workers and sol-
diers, such as the tirailleurs sénégalais). In this framework Marseilles
stands as a privileged site of contact between Africa and France.
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 99

In many ways Sembene’s novel is less concerned with the legal techni-
calities surrounding Diaw’s sentencing and subsequent incarceration than
it is with the centrality and prevalence of a reductive discourse on Africa
and Africans organized around the question of textual ownership. Sem-
bene is concerned with exploring and challenging these constructs, and
fiction provides the opportunity to address these complex issues by intro-
ducing a broad range of circumstances and events around which such con-
structs can be tested, exposed, and ultimately demystified. The novel is
framed around the question of literacy: its dedication is “This book is
dedicated to my mother, although she cannot read.” The first section of
the novel introduces Diaw’s illiterate mother, Yaye Salimata, who has
learned of her son’s arrest and seen his picture on the front pages of local
newspapers. One headline reads, “The trial of the negro Diaw Falla, mur-
derer of the famous novelist, will take place in three days’ time at the Seine
Assize court” (2). Diaw is not simply the accused man but also the “ne-
gro,” an early indication of the importance that will be accorded to this di-
mension. In fact, as the narrator observes, “the newspapers had cast aside
all their scruples in their bid to outdo each other. Because Diaw was black,
nothing was sacred” (9). These versions of events will in turn be tested
against the story that emerges in the second part of the book, in which ac-
tual events are described, thereby revealing inconsistencies but also forc-
ing further reflection on the types of projection evidenced. One passage is
worth quoting at length:
The negro murderer of the famous novelist has just been arrested. Since his
atrocious crime, Diaw Falla has been holed up in a hotel room in the rue des
Petites-Maries, protected by a positive arsenal. He stripped the young
woman of her possessions, smashed her skull then took refuge in this hotel
where he was tracked down by the police. This was not an easy task for the
custodians of public safety who had to use great resourcefulness. As a pre-
caution there were two busloads of police officers, for the memory of the
drama which recently cost a police officer his life is still fresh. (9–10)

The correlation between the provisions of the legal system and the needs
of the collectivity are striking, and repeated calls are made for justice to
preserve a status quo that foreigners are perceived to be destabilizing. The
historical subtext is difficult to ignore, since the publication of Sembene’s
novel in 1956 coincided with significant reorganization of French territor-
ial control in Indochina, Morocco, and Tunisia, alongside increasing un-
rest in Algeria. Rising anticolonial opposition and decolonizing impera-
tives contributed to a growing need to further consolidate and crystallize
such nationalist sentiment. As we learn, there is a disconnect between
news media representations of Diaw’s case and the facts: Diaw was not
“protected by a positive arsenal,” he did not strip “the young woman of
her possessions” or “smash her skull.” These inconsistencies compel the
reader to reflect on Sembene’s broader project.
100 black france

Further newspaper accounts capitalize on social constructs of African-

ness and contribute to Diaw’s negative image: “Diaw Falla is well known
in the black district, an area inhabited by pimps, thieves and pickpockets.
Local people describe him as a shady, lazy character” (10). As Etienne Bal-
ibar has shown,
a general category of racism is not an abstraction which runs the risk of los-
ing in historical precision and pertinence what it gains in universality; it is,
rather, a more concrete notion of taking into account the necessary poly-
morphism of racism, its overarching function, its connections with the whole
set of practices of social normalization and exclusion, as we might demon-
strate by reference to neo-racism whose preferred target is not the “Arab” or
the “Black,” but the “Arab (as) junky” or “delinquent” or “rapist” and so on,
or equally, rapists and delinquents as “Arabs” and “Blacks.”52

The deplorable living conditions his community endures remain unques-

tioned, seemingly justified by the dehumanization of colonial subjects that
reproduces the colonial topography in the metropole, where the privileged
live in the “European quarter” (5) and the quartiers indigènes (indigenous
neighborhoods) have been reconfigured as a quartier noir in opposition to
“French” neighborhoods. Colonial language is redeployed when the news-
paper article shifts to a more descriptive mode to discuss Diaw’s uncon-
trollable sexual instincts: “It is easy to imagine how the negro, in a frenzy
of sexual passion, seized poor Ginette Tontisane and raped her, then
banged her head against the edge of the table” (10). The imaginative leap
would not of course be that great for an audience who had already recu-
perated such a characterization of Africans; the act is “easy to imagine.”
“Colonialism, as a relation of power based on violence,” as Mbembe has
shown, was “intended to cure Africans of their supposed laziness, protect-
ing them from need whether or not they wanted such protection. Given
the degeneracy and vice that, from the colonial viewpoint, characterized
native life, colonialism found it necessary to rein in the abundant sexuality
of the native” (Mbembe, On the Postcolony, 113).53 In this case, Ginette
Tontisane’s accidental death has been reconfigured as a rape by the media,
thereby rendering the attack all the more despicable, but, perhaps more
importantly, the rape functions metaphorically as a violation of the do-
mestic space that is by association inextricably linked to the broader terri-
torial space of the Hexagon itself. Invariably, this results in a mapping
onto Diaw of a behavioral mode that coincides with colonial stereotyping
while functioning as a strategy for mobilizing what effectively amounts to
a collective “class-action suit” aimed at restoring justice and social order.
This response is repeatedly alluded to: “Local shopkeepers are up in arms.
They have circulated a petition in the area, protesting to the city coun-
cilors and demanding the expulsion of negroes and Arabs . . . Given the
evidence, the law should take energetic and radical steps to enable us to
sleep at nights” (11).54 Diaw is deliberately distinguished from the model
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 101

colonial subject, who has both recognized and embraced the value of as-
similation: “He bears no resemblance to the big, harmless, naïve ‘Sambo,’
who is strong, smiling and so dear to the hearts of good Frenchmen”
(Black Docker, 10); “Il n’a rien du grand ‘Mamadou’ inoffensif et can-
dide, fort et souriant, cher à nos cœurs de bons français” (Le docker noir,
27). This differentiation confirms this reading but is also crucial in build-
ing and justifying colonial expansionism.55
These mechanisms are of course central to legal proceedings in Black
Docker. The imperative is thus less justice or the attempt to uncover the
truth than it is the reaffirmation of power structures. Diaw’s assertions
that he is the legitimate author of the published text The Last Voyage of
the Slave Ship Sirius, and that it has been stolen from him by Ginette Ton-
tisane, become secondary to the social need of prevailing over any counter-
narrative offered. In colonial discourse and constructs, Diaw could not
have written a prize-winning book (the book earned the Grand Prize for
Literature), since such an accomplishment would clearly fall outside of the
traditional expectations of African performance. “He still kept to his ini-
tial statement in which he claimed to be the real author of the prize-win-
ning novel,” we learn from one newspaper account, but ultimately the ar-
ticle concludes that “it seems unlikely” (Black Docker, 11). As Murphy
has shown, “accepting Diaw Falla’s alibi would be tantamount to accept-
ing the notion of the equality of races . . . , thereby relinquishing the ex-
clusive right to speech that Europe had granted itself from its earliest con-
tact with the ‘primitive’ world,” and this would constitute “a violation of
France’s political and cultural hegemony” (Murphy, “La danse et la pa-
role,” 475, 477). Because of this, Diaw becomes the “killer of the novelist”
(Sembene, Black Docker, 11), collapsing the violent act (killing) with the
victim as novelist (profession and no longer individual entity) and dismiss-
ing his claim to be the legitimate author. Gbanou maintains that “through
the alibi of plagiarism, Sembene sought to register the racial problem
whose primary criteria for legitimation is the superiority of the white
race” (82). This engenders a renewed appeal by the collective conscience
for justice to be restored according to a retributive model that leaves little
room for legal maneuvering, requiring the law, as a system, to react re-
sponsibly and effectively: “We hope that for once, the law will not turn a
blind eye” (Sembene, Black Docker, 12, emphasis mine). Naturally, we
have little evidence to corroborate the popular belief that the “law” has
been ineffective in the past (“turned a blind eye”). Rather, the demand
reveals a degree and form of social anxiety concerning the pitfalls of
a multicultural and pluriethnic society.56 In this framework, Diaw has lit-
tle chance of receiving a fair trial and finds himself in many ways guilty
not so much of a particular crime (although he is naturally guilty of
causing the accidental death of the novelist) but rather of his African ori-
gins.
102 black france

Testifying for the prosecution, the cleaning lady in Ginette Tontisane’s

building remarks on how she noticed Diaw when he visited, since he was
conspicuous in a neighborhood where she claims there were “no Arabs or
blacks” (Sembene, Black Docker, 21). Asked to speculate on the nature of
Diaw’s relations with Ginette, she responds, “I can’t bring myself to be-
lieve they were intimate. Mademoiselle Ginette was honesty itself. If he
claims otherwise, it’s to give her a bad name” (22). As we learn from
Diaw’s complete story, Ginette was not, of course, “honesty itself,” since
she violated Diaw’s trust in stealing his manuscript. In further testimony,
the publisher of the novel, Claude Martin, quotes Ginette as saying, “Mar-
tin, I’ve done something wrong, I’d like to make amends” (22). However,
this crucial piece of evidence is ignored, and in turn speculations concern-
ing Diaw’s motivations are brought to the forefront. André Vellin of the
Faculty of Medicine is asked to respond to the following question:
Do you have the impression that he is a sex maniac?
Among black people, that is natural, and especially when it is a question
of a white woman . . . Science has shown that colored men suffer from psy-
choses when confronted with a white woman. (25–26)

These kinds of beliefs were widely accepted at the time and had been cor-
roborated by numerous scientific reports, all of which, as Mouralis has
argued, contributed to “colonial ideology in its goal of objectifying the
colonial mission: on the one hand, by blurring the biological with the cul-
tural, and on the other through the affirmation that a hierarchy existed be-
tween people at a cultural level” (Mouralis, Littérature et développement,
26). This kind of thinking had, of course, been challenged in 1952, shortly
before the publication of Sembene’s novel, when Fanon published Peau
noire, masques blancs (Black Skin, White Masks).57 Under oath, Diaw
frames the problem of race in different terms:
Why didn’t you go to the police, that’s what they are for?
They wouldn’t have believed me.
And why not?
Because I’m a black!
There’s no segregation here. (26)

While, technically, legal segregation is not practiced, the reality is, of

course, quite different. The court expects Diaw to behave and respond ra-
tionally in a system that fails to acknowledge the reality of race relations.
Diaw emphasizes the nature of the collective “they,” stressing that his
claim of wrongdoing would most likely have gone unheard. As Memmi
demonstrated, “all that the colonized has done to emulate the colonizer
has met with disdain from the colonial masters . . . Everything is mobilized
so that the colonized cannot cross the doorstep, so that he understands
and admits that this path is dead and assimilation is impossible” (Memmi,
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 103

The Colonizer and the Colonized, 124–125). In fact, in order to prove the
legitimacy of his claim to authorship, Diaw is asked to recite a passage
from his book. When he has successfully fulfilled this request, the judge
simply asks him, “How long did it take you to learn that?” thereby dis-
missing his claim to textual ownership. Diaw responds, “I did not learn it
in prison. I tell you, I wrote it, wrote it” (Sembene, Black Docker, 31). The
request made by the court introduces a complex tautology that is ulti-
mately unproductive unless we explore it further.
One must assume that the judge would have a copy of the published
text at his disposal in order to allow him to verify the accuracy of Diaw’s
recitation. Yet one has to ask whether Diaw—or any author, for that mat-
ter—could be reasonably expected to provide an accurate rendition of his
text on demand. Paradoxically, would this not precisely prove that he must
have committed the passage to memory, thereby corroborating the court’s
expressed skepticism and putting into question his own claim to textual
ownership? While the court focuses on Diaw as the impostor, Ginette Ton-
tisane cannot be excluded as the author of the text, since the narration of
the voyage of a slave ship is certainly not beyond the imaginative grasp of
a skilled writer. However, the logic behind the articulation of the accusa-
tion of Diaw is far more complex, and is anchored in a transhistorical
context that concerns how French hegemony in the world of letters must
first and foremost be restored:
Diaw Falla’s crime holds our institutions up to ridicule. This monster claims
to be the author of The Slave Ship Sirius! This insult to our literature is also
an offence. The French literary world has suffered a terrible loss . . . We must
make amends, not only to the victim, but to our literature and to our civi-
lization. (34)

Diaw is subsequently doubly criminalized not just for an act of violence

against a woman, but also, and perhaps more importantly, for the offence
of posing as the author of a prize-winning text that is assumed to belong
to French historiography. As Gbanou has argued, Ginette’s theft is
premised on her understanding of the workings of race relations and so-
cial constructs that allow her to calculate in advance her chance for excul-
pation: “her behavior is justified by her fame following her previous pub-
lications and because she is aware of her victim’s social status, thereby
ensuring that established favorable French public opinion will be mobi-
lized in her favor” (Gbanou, 85). As Riesz has suggested, the fact that the
excerpt read from the novel echoes négrophile and antislavery texts popu-
lar in the early nineteenth century may partially explain why such a text
“could be received with a degree of familiarity by a metropolitan audi-
ence” (Riesz, “Le dernier voyage,” 185). However, as far as the prosecu-
tion is concerned, this imitation is therefore all the more condemnable:
“The fact that he submitted himself to the generic stylistic model of né-
104 black france

grophile literature makes it seem all the more unlikely to a French audi-
ence that he could be the author of the Last Voyage of the Slave Ship Sir-
ius” (Gbanou, 87). Ginette Tontisane has understood the sociocultural
framework in which she operates, and accordingly Diaw’s text “triggers
Ginette Tontisane’s interest because it corresponds to the expectations of
French readers. Reading the manuscript, the novelist recognizes how she
might exploit this potential” (Gbanou, 86). Riesz does not subscribe to
this reasoning, since he struggles with reconciling the text’s African speci-
ficity with its reception by the French jury awarding the literary prize
(Riesz, “Le dernier voyage,” 184). Ultimately, the French reception of the
text is not that surprising since Africans were not expected to write, there
were numerous thematic precursors to the text itself, and only a specialist
would be able to detect, discriminate, and unpack such contradictions.58
Citing Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink’s claim that Diaw’s text constitutes a
“reappropriation of African history (the slave trade in particular),”59 Riesz
objects that this position must be further qualified: “one must then state
which European discourse is in question” (Riesz, “Le dernier voyage,”
183–184). For Riesz, the question of reappropriation is problematic since
he convincingly demonstrates that correlations with Sembene’s text are
not to be found in nineteenth-century French narratives on slavery but
are rather evidenced in another trend, namely that “during the ’30s and
’40s . . . a large number of books talked about the slave trade and slave
merchants” (186), and from which “it becomes possible to establish . . .
parallels with adventure stories dealing with the slave trade” (187). For
Riesz, “the way in which Ousmane Sembene deals with these elements
sets him apart from these French or European ‘models’” (188). Ultimately,
though, there is an inescapable mediation at work with the nineteenth-
century French tradition, since even if Sembene attempts to distance him-
self from “négrophile” literature as a “necessary step toward forgetting
older literary texts about Africa” (193), he cannot escape inscribing it as
the norm from which to deviate. For this reason, the reappropriation par-
adigm emerges as the most convincing and challenges this line of argu-
ment. Diaw figures as the rightful “reappropriator” of an African archive,
rather than Ginette Tontisane, who is the representative of misguided
French interests. “The very desire to break away and negate can lead Afri-
can discourse back to certain ancient European preoccupations,” Miller
has argued, and Sembene takes on this problematic, challenging the very
reality of what constitutes “the origin and the copy” (Miller, Blank Dark-
ness, 218).
The irony and symbolism of the usage of the word auteur (author) in
the prosecution’s summation in both the French and the English versions
of Sembene’s work cannot be ignored: “The offence is so atrocious, so
bestial, that it is truly worthy of its author, who has no cause to envy the
wild beasts of his native jungle” (Sembene, Black Docker, 34, emphasis
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 105

mine). For Gbanou, “Black Docker updates in this sense the reality of
Blacks that have emigrated to Europe by integrating this experience into
the political and juridical context of the era. The theme of plagiarism
functions as an alibi, allowing the narrator to lead the reader behind the
scenes of society” (83). My position, however, anchors plagiarism at the
very center of the text’s concerns. Sembene’s Black Docker can then be in-
vested with additional authority, since the evidentiary mode provided by
the experience of African immigrants living and working in France is a
subject over which he occupies a privileged ethnographic authority. As
Riesz has argued, “the theme of the slave trade is linked in Black Docker
with the circumstances of blacks in France or Europe” (Riesz, “Le dernier
voyage,” 191). The connections with Diaw’s own work are tantalizing,
since Black Docker is also about ships, oceans, transatlantic crossings,
and the emergence of modern, transcolonial forms of slavery and eco-
nomic exploitation. For Paul Gilroy, ships emerge as the paradigmatic fig-
ure of the transatlantic exchange: “I have settled on the image of ships in
motion across the spaces between Europe, America, Africa, and the Carib-
bean as a central organizing symbol for this enterprise and as my starting
point . . . Ships immediately focus attention on . . . the circulation of ideas
and activists as well as the movement of key cultural and political arti-
facts” (Gilroy, The Black Atlantic, 4). Somewhat paradoxically, then, one
could argue that the rationale informing Ginette Tontisane’s act of theft
has its origins in what she perceived as the legitimate reappropriation of a
text Diaw had stolen from her national literary heritage. Suspecting that
Diaw would not therefore come forward to claim a text she could not con-
ceive of as legitimately his, since such a claim would, much as it was per-
ceived in Ouologuem, be construed as “an assault on European assump-
tions about writing and originality” (Miller, Blank Darkness, 219), she
allowed herself to publish the text under her own name, thereby adding
herself to an established corpus of French texts on the subject.60 These
kinds of formulations are inescapable for African and African American
writers at the point of entry into European literacy, since, as Gates has
pointed out, “the revising text is written in the language of the tradition,
employing its tropes, rhetorical strategies, and its ostensible subject mat-
ter” (Gates, 124).
Inadvertently, Falla has been forced into the position of a ghost-writer
for Ginette Tontisane (Feuser, “Native Son,” 107). Miller has underlined
the historical indissociability of the lexicon organized around the term nè-
gre, in which nègre was synonymous with “slave,” and later with “ghost-
writer” (Miller, Blank Darkness, 225). This is all the more pertinent in
Sembene’s text, given the slave narrative he recites: “if the plagiarist is the
slave of another text, merely repeating it while passing himself off as its
master and creator, then the ghost-writer/nègre is a master passing himself
off as a slave” (Miller, Blank Darkness, 225). This also represents a rever-
106 black france

sal of a longstanding tradition in francophone literature, one that has re-

ceived renewed attention following the publication of King’s controversial
“rereading” of the Guinean author Laye Camara. The trial of Diaw Falla
allows Sembene to further complicate the situation, since he may surely be
suggesting that while these nineteenth-century texts may in fact “belong”
to France, the historical memory of slavery has been appropriated from
the “African experience,” much as José and Azouz “owned” their experi-
ences of colonial subjugation and racism at the contact zone with France.
In this framework, as Gates’s findings confirm, “the literature of the slave
. . . is the most obvious site to excavate the origins of the Afro-American
literary tradition” (Gates, 127).
For Sembene, the roles of the intellectual and the writer are centered
on the potentialities of political engagement: “You see, a writer must forge
ahead, see things as they are, not be afraid of his ideas” (Black Docker,
82). For Nzabatsinda, “Ousmane Sembene thematizes the role of the art-
ist by insisting on social utility as a principle of artistic representations”
(Nzabatsinda, 54). In this framework the writer is compelled to address
the social condition as it presents itself. Diaw Falla wrote about slavery,
while Ginette Tontisane had published two novels, “one on the life of
country folk and the other on the Resistance” (Sembene, Black Docker,
11), subjects that are not committed to any particular social or political
agenda or, for that matter, informed by an oppositional politics. Thus one
could argue that a compelling legal case could be made on this issue
alone—namely that the relationship between literature and politics is not
conceptualized by Tontisane according to the same demands and exigen-
cies that are involved in adhering to a particular agenda embraced by Sem-
bene (and by extension Diaw Falla himself).
However, Diaw’s defense attorney Riou finds that the task of exculpat-
ing his client proves insurmountable:
The law does not distinguish between human beings, but our hearts know
these differences. My client’s guilt seems proven simply through the color of
his skin. He is the beast capable of anything, the savage who drinks the blood
of his victim. The accusation rests on the hatred stirred up by the press,
which distorted the facts to make a greater impact on the public. (35–36)

Riou states things unambiguously, attempting to expose the bad faith of

the court and challenging society in general. Responding to the question
“Why did he not turn to the law when he realized he had been duped?”
(36), he emphasizes that “he did not think anyone would believe him be-
cause of his double inferiority complex, due to his race and his social po-
sition” (36). The demystification process is central to his argument, and
the discourse echoes beliefs about racial constructs in France at the time.
As well as transferring responsibility to the media, the legal system, and
popular racism, Riou also indicts the colonial project as a broader exam-
ple of the injustices perpetrated against a global blackness: “Alongside our
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 107

country, we have created a nation inhabited by black people to whom we

have taught our way of life. We have told them that France is a welcoming
place, that her inhabitants like them. These words seem derisive when they
see what it is really like” (36).
Ginette Tontisane’s ownership of the text coincides with the prevailing
discourse concerning the impossibility of Diaw’s writing a prize-winning
text, but also emerges as a metaphorical claim to the broader historical
legacy of French ownership of Africa and Africans in the guise of slave la-
bor and territorial dominance under colonial rule.61 “Society holds my
body captive,” Diaw claims (113). When Diaw confronts Ginette, he evokes
the hardship her actions have caused him, and also by association the
legacy of building social and economic capital at the expense of Africans.
The term noir in the French original is translated here as “nigger,” the
translator having recourse to a forceful term in order both to better cap-
ture the situation and the degree of anger motivating Diaw as an individ-
ual and, perhaps more importantly, to express a reverse form of collective
rage resulting from centuries of exploitation and revisited here on the per-
petrator in the guise of the thieving novelist. “You took me for a ‘nigger,’”
Diaw exclaims. “For him, ‘nigger’ meant ignorant, rough, foolish. It was
more than a struggle between the robber and the robbed. Two races stood
face to face, centuries of hatred confronted each other” (106). Unable to
control his rage, “he felt no pleasure in what he was doing, but he had to
humiliate her . . . He tried to control his anger. Unable to contain himself,
he flew at her. Her head banged against the corner of a piece of furniture,
she collapsed” (106). The violent response ends up as a reverse process of
humiliation: “To get this book published, I entrusted it to a woman, she
stole from me, and then humiliated me . . . Why didn’t you try and under-
stand what aroused my anger and prompted this crime which I refuse to
recognize? I am black!” (117).
The social discourse on race provides one of the most striking points of
commonality between Sembene’s novel and the work of African American
writers during the 1940s and 1950s, particularly that of Richard Wright.
As Feuser has shown, “undeniable parallels reveal Ousmane in the role of
apprentice, one who was undoubtedly familiar with the French translation
of Wright’s novel Native Son (Feuser, “Native Son,” 114). Feuser’s essay
opens with a caution to the reader concerning “influence studies,” insisting
on “prudence in the way in which relationships of influence are estab-
lished” (103).62 He then outlines the positionality he will adopt:
It will be for the reader to decide whether the conditions embodied in the
above attitudes have been met in the present study which proposes to trace
not only the influence of an older black writer on a younger one but also to
analyze and compare in some detail theme, structure, characterization and
other aspects of the two selected works, whether similar or dissimilar, con-
vergent or divaricate. (103)
108 black france

Feuser never employs the term “plagiarism,” preferring instead to high-

light a range of structural and thematic parallels between Native Son and
Black Docker. While he performs a close textual analysis of the two nov-
els, he seems concerned, overly conscious of the implications of discussing
some of the more striking parallels, perhaps not having identified the
more compelling links, having been reluctant to engage with them, or sim-
ply having decided to silence them. The most important parallels identified
by Feuser can be summarized as follows: (i) “As if murder were not
enough, the yellow press, the role of which in both books is equally bane-
ful, intimates in addition the rape of the white victim” (106); (ii) “The
Black’s racial experience in both societies—the American one of Richard
Wright and the French one of Ousmane Sembene—is thus first and fore-
most the encounter with his own deformed image” (106); (iii) for both
Bigger and Diaw, sexual deviance is essentialized through race; (iv) both
defense lawyers underline “the nexus between blackness and criminality
in prejudiced minds” (107); (v) and both defense lawyers assert a “collec-
tive societal responsibility for creating the conditions conducive to the
crimes committed” (108). A few examples of thematic parallels provided
by Feuser and me also extend to more specific textual analogies: (i) “Un-
less we grasp this problem in the light of this new reality, we cannot do
more than salve our feelings of guilt and rage with more murder when a
man, living under such conditions, commits an act which we call a crime”
(Wright, Native Son, 455) and “Alongside our country, we have created a
nation inhabited by black people to whom we have taught our way of life.
We have told them that France is a welcoming place, that her inhabitants
like them. These words seem derisive when they see what it is really like”
(Sembene, Black Docker, 36); (ii) “Your Honor, is this boy alone in feeling
deprived and baffled? Is he an exception? Or are there others? There are
others, Your Honor, millions of others, Negro and white, and that is what
makes our future seem a looming image of violence” (Wright, Native Son,
468–469) and “If you keep him in chains, his hatred for us will only in-
crease, and with it, the hatred of a whole people. Let us act worthily, of
ourselves, our country and our hearts” (Sembene, Black Docker, 37); (iii)
Bigger Thomas’s attorney opens his defense with “not only is this man a
criminal, but he is a black criminal” (Wright, Native Son, 444) and Diaw’s
defense lawyer opens with “My client’s guilt seems proven simply through
the color of his skin” (Sembene, Black Docker, 35); and (iv) “as an agent
and servant of the law, as a representative of the organized will of the peo-
ple . . . I urge this for the protection of our society” (Wright, Native Son,
474) and “Justice must be done, for the sake of Ginette Tontisane’s grief-
stricken family, for the sake of society” (Sembene, Black Docker, 34).
My reading of the two texts deviates from Feuser’s to the extent that I
think we need to probe the intertextuality a little further. In his novel Na-
tive Son, Wright addresses the question of race relations in the United
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 109

States, and Sembene follows his lead in order to perform a parallel task in
France. As Arnold Rampersad has argued in his introduction to Wright’s
novel, “The long speeches in summation by the state’s attorney and the
defense lawyer . . . were both pieces of verisimilitude that replicated the
activity of a murder trial and, at the same time, indispensable extended
statements of rival intellectual positions on the matter of race in Amer-
ica.”63 Feuser makes an important point by claiming that Sembene would
have known the French translation of Wright’s text; however, the citations
he provides in his essay refer only to passages in the original English ver-
sion.64 For more revealing examples of textual borrowing, one must look
to the French translation of Native Son (Un enfant du pays) and to the
English translation of Le docker noir (Black Docker). Accordingly, I have
juxtaposed the versions in order to call attention to a specific passage in
which correlation with “black textual antecedents” (Gates, 120) becomes
convincingly transparent:

Ousmane Sembene, Le docker noir (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1973), 27.

First published by Editions Debresse, 1956.
De taille moyenne, le cou épais, les cheveux lui couvrent presque tout le
front, ce qui lui donne l’air obtus; ses bras sont anormalement pendants.
Lorsque l’on considère sa démarche, semblable à celle d’un fauve traqué, on
peut facilement supposer comment le nègre, sous l’emprise d’une passion
sexuelle, a saisi la pauvre Ginette Tontisane pour la violer avant de lui cogner
la tête sur le rebord de la table. Surpris au moment du vol, il partit en
courant, laissant les billets épars dans le studio . . . Diaw Falla a les épaules
arrondies, très musclées. Il semble se replier sur lui-même lorsqu’on lui parle,
prêt à bondir, le regard plein de haine et de dédain. On a l’impression de se
trouver devant un être n’ayant jamais subi l’influence de la civilisation. Il n’a
rien du grand «Mamadou» inoffensif et candide, fort et souriant, cher à nos
cœurs de bons Français.

Richard Wright, Un enfant du pays, translated by Hélène Bokanowski and

Marcel Duhamel (Paris: Gallimard, 1973), 347. First published by Albin Mi-
chel, 1947.
Bien que le corps du tueur noir ne paraisse pas spécialement trapu, il
donne l’impression d’une force anormale. Il mesure environ un mètre soix-
ante-quinze et sa peau est extrêmement foncée. Sa machoire inférieure est
anormalement développée et rappelle celle des animaux de la jungle.
Il a de longs bras qui lui pendent mollement jusqu’aux genoux. Il est
facile d’imaginer comment cet homme, sous l’empire d’une obnubilante pas-
sion sexuelle, a maîtrisé la pauvre petite Mary Dalton, l’a violée, assassinée,
décapitée, puis a fourré son corps dans le calorifère chauffé à blanc pour
faire disparaître les traces de son crime.
Il a de formidables épaules, très musclées, et se replie sur lui-même comme
s’il s’apprêtait à vous bondir dessus. Il contemple le monde par en dessous
avec un étrange et maussade regard, comme s’il voulait défier quiconque
d’éprouver pour lui la moindre compassion.
110 black france
Dans l’ensemble, on a l’impression de se trouver devant un animal, un
être n’ayant jamais subi les influences émollientes de la civilisation moderne.
Dans son langage comme dans ses attitudes, il n’offre pas le moindre trait
commun avec le petit négro du sud, inoffensif, charmant, candide et souri-
ant, si cher au cœur du peuple américain.

Ousmane Sembene, Black Docker, translated by Ros Schwartz (London: Hein-

emann Educational Books, 1986), 10.
Of average height, with a thick-set neck, his forehead is almost entirely
concealed by his hair. He appears to be rather obtuse. His arms have an ab-
normal droop. He has the gait of a hunted animal. It is easy to imagine how
the negro, in a frenzy of sexual passion, seized poor Ginette Tontisane and
raped her, then banged her head against the edge of the table. Caught red-
handed, he ran off, scattering bank notes all over the apartment. Diaw Falla
has very round, muscular shoulders. He seems to withdraw into himself
when spoken to, ready to spring, his eyes full of hatred and scorn. He is like
a creature that has never been exposed to the influence of civilization. He
bears no resemblance to the big, harmless, naïve “Sambo,” who is strong,
smiling and so dear to the hearts of good Frenchmen.

Richard Wright, Native Son (New York: Harper Collins, 1993), 322–323. First
published by Harper and Brothers, 1940.
Though the Negro killer’s body does not seem compactly built, he gives
the impression of possessing abnormal physical strength. He is about five
feet, nine inches tall and his skin is exceedingly black. His lower jaw pro-
trudes obnoxiously, reminding one of a jungle beast.
His arms are long, hanging in a dangling fashion to his knees. It is easy to
imagine how this man, in the grip of a brain-numbing sex passion, overpow-
ered little Mary Dalton, raped her, murdered her, beheaded her, then stuffed
her body into a roaring furnace to destroy the evidence of his crime.
His shoulders are huge, muscular, and he keeps them hunched, as if about
to spring upon you at any moment. He looks at the world with a strange,
sullen, fixed-from-under stare, as though defying all efforts of compassion.
All in all, he seems a beast utterly untouched by the softening influences
of modern civilization. In speech and manner he lacks the charm of the av-
erage, harmless, genial, grinning southern darky so beloved by the American
people.

However, to simply claim without further qualification that Sembene pla-

giarized Wright confirms very little. My analysis thus far has been aimed
precisely at avoiding the pitfalls inherent in such a narrow interpretation
of intertextuality. Indeed, as Rosello contended in her discussion of the
work of Calixthe Beyala,
once we notice the echoes between two books, should we automatically con-
clude that, as readers, we have been “robbed” of something . . . perhaps a
point could be made about illegitimate filiations and the ways in which both
the novels and the relationship between the two novels thematized and em-
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 111
blematized the issues of bastardization and foreignness. The resemblances
can be treated as textual events whose social and political significance can
be unpacked within the narrative economy of the two stories. (Rosello, De-
clining the Stereotype, 188)

Attentive readers of the writings of Sembene and Wright will notice par-
allels. Gbanou’s essay on Black Docker and the Togolese novelist Ekue
Akoua provides a formidable example of this, in which Sembene’s novel is
located as a determining influence on Akoua’s Le crime de la rue des nota-
bles.65 In fact, “when the reviewers for Nouvelles Editions Africaines es-
tablished similarities in their report between the manuscript of Crime de
la rue des notables submitted under the pseudonym Davi Delali and Black
Docker, Akoua claimed to have never read this novel but that in all likeli-
hood the works of Richard Wright, most notably Native Son . . . had left
their mark” (Gbanou, 88). This sets up a very complex geometry that I
shall endeavor to elucidate. Once similarities between Akoua’s work and
that of Sembene are established and suspicion raised, Akoua defends her-
self by dismissing “echoes” of Sembene, whom she claims not to have
read. Yet the connection to Wright is assumed and remains unquestioned.
The reader of Akoua’s manuscript was perfectly correct in identifying
echoes of Sembene, and the irony remains that Akoua’s intertextuality is
exposed because of Sembene’s prior borrowing from Wright. Indirectly,
then, it was to Wright himself that the resonances should have been attrib-
uted, since he was the originary source for both African writers.
I want to return to the question of translation, which requires further
scrutiny. As Miller has argued with relation to Ouologuem, “between the
identity of the text and the crime of plagiarism, certain observations tend
to blur the distinction. The author’s rights apply only to form, not content,
yet [Ouologuem] was accused of plagiarism in translation” (Miller, Blank
Darkness, 220). Translation functions as the ultimate paradigm of the me-
diation process and Sembene would have to be accused of plagiarizing the
translation, since we know he was not linguistically equipped to read the
original in English. In this instance, then, multiple violations and copy-
right infringements would have taken place, including that of Wright as
the author of Native Son, of Hélène Bokanowsky and Marcel Duhamel as
the translators of the text into French, of the original American publisher,
Harper and Brothers, and subsequently of the French publisher, Albin
Michel. Yet, as Miller maintains,
translation would normally seem to involve the total transformation of a
text, precluding unitary responsibility. Yet the author’s rights are recognized
as applying to translations, supposing that form is somehow limited not to
the actual words but to the sequence of their differences . . . Translation is a
relationship of distance as well as sameness; like plagiarism, it is understood
as the removal of a single object to another place. (Miller, Blank Darkness,
220–222, emphasis mine)66
112 black france

This “relationship of distance as well as sameness” interests me here. The

most compelling dimensions in the passages cited above, illustrating Sem-
bene’s duplication of Wright’s text, concern the mapping of physical and
behavioral descriptions and characteristics of Wright’s central protagonist
Bigger, who remains “untouched by the softening touches of modern civi-
lization” (“n’ayant jamais subi les influences émollientes de la civilisation
moderne”), onto Diaw himself, who, “n’ayant jamais subi l’influence de la
civilisation (“[having] never been exposed to the influence of civiliza-
tion”), has therefore been transformed from the role-model figure of the
“southern darky” (“le petit négro du sud”) into “Mamadou” (“Sambo”).
Sembene’s text establishes transhistorical, transcolonial, and transnational
connections between the various original and translated texts. The so-
ciopolitical and cultural analogies between the ways in which racial con-
structs are conceived, deployed, and disseminated in the African colonial
and hexagonal immigrant context and in the African American frame-
work are of course arresting. Rather than conceiving of Sembene’s bor-
rowing as a willful act of plagiarism, I prefer instead to think about the
manner in which Sembene decentralizes the ownership of the sequence of
words Wright used. Sembene is more concerned with underlining how
global blackness and the global consciousness of whites have been orga-
nized in such a way that analogous phenomena—such as the “southern
darky” and “Mamadou”—have emerged in different spaces.67 The linguis-
tic repetition of Wright in Sembene therefore serves to further emphasize
this point—there was little need, beyond the structural imperatives of the
narrative in question, to deviate substantially from a concept Wright had
expressed articulately. As Gates has shown us, “this form of revision is a
process of grounding and has served to create curious formal lines of con-
tinuity between the texts that together comprise the shared text of black-
ness” (Gates, 129). Sembene’s novel is about borrowing and stealing; thus
Sembene’s positionality on these issues can be gauged and a theorization
of plagiarism inferred. This is confirmed by the fact that Diaw Falla is less
concerned about the actual theft of his manuscript than he is about the
wrongful reappropriation by a French author of the memory of slavery;
when Diaw confronts Ginette, it is the legacy of racial exploitation that
motivates his gestures rather than the simple theft of an unpublished man-
uscript. There is a radical difference between the actions of Ginette Tonti-
sane and those of Sembene himself, since the former blatantly void au-
thorship and thus deny capital, while the latter do not really violate
anything, with the exception of Wright’s ownership over the structural or-
ganization of a language sequence that includes no neologisms—that is,
no vocabulary that he has himself coined or “invented.”
Lamine Diakhaté leveled an accusation against Sembene in a different
context in a review of Black Docker in 1957 in Présence africaine, when
he accused Sembene of plagiarizing a folktale from Birago Diop’s 1947
 Textual Ownership and the Global Mediation of Blackness 113

Les contes d’Amadou Koumba (Riesz, “Le dernier voyage,” 182).68 This
is in itself further problematized, of course, by the fact that Diop’s text
was constituted by a series of transcriptions of exchanges with Amadou
Koumba himself.69 Riesz rejects this allegation, arguing instead that the in-
tertextuality “opens up onto an entirely non-European tradition and field
of knowledge” (191), establishing a link between “Senegalese” practition-
ers outside of European influences. Similarly, the connections with African
America are central to Sembene’s text, and the imprudence of the Afro-
centrist remarks alluded to at the beginning of this chapter must be de-
nounced. Surely, though, Sembene was resisting and dismantling a con-
struct of Africa intrinsic to hegemonic practices, suggesting instead that
we consider the various ways in which Africa circulates at a periphery that
operates around the potentialities of a minor-to-minor discourse between
Africa and African America that in turn bypasses the center in order to ar-
rive at a minor transnationalism.70
 FOUR

Rhetorical Mediations
of Slavery

The metaphor of connections allows

us to demonstrate that contemporary
globalization is, in fact, contrary to
the thesis embraced by its adherents,
far from being new, merely the
continuation of prior globalizing
mechanisms.
Jean-Loup Amselle1

Globalisation and universality do

not go together. Indeed, they might
be said to be mutually exclusive.
Globalisation is the globalisation of
technologies, the market, tourism
and information. Universality is the
universality of values, human rights,
freedoms, culture and democracy.
Jean Baudrillard2

Multiple and varied usages have been made of the term “globalization,”
yet it nevertheless provides a useful discursive space for the exploration
of complex cultural, social, and political phenomena. “The current phase
of the world economy is characterized by significant discontinuities with
the preceding periods and radically new arrangements,” Saskia Sassen has
observed,3 while for anthropologist Jean-Loup Amselle, contemporary
globalization constitutes “merely the continuation of prior globalizing
mechanisms” (Amselle, Branchements, 7–8). Through a consideration of
a documentary-testimonial work by a Togolese woman, Henriette Akofa,
this chapter proposes to further explore some of these questions. Dis-
course and research on immigration in France and on so-called postcolo-
 Rhetorical Mediations of Slavery 115

nial communities have not sufficiently accounted for the historical con-
text, preferring to focus instead on the contemporaneity of the question.
Yet works such as Ousmane Sembene’s Black Docker or Bernard Dadié’s
An African in Paris, which predate the era of African Independence, al-
ways already constituted what are today commonly categorized as immi-
grant narratives, forcing us to rethink some of these categories and to re-
locate them in transhistorical frameworks.4 Ultimately, then, my objective
will be to suggest ways in which a plethora of processes responsible for the
displacement of populations—slavery, colonialism, economic migration,
globalization—transform the nature of transnational exchanges and me-
diation between cultures.
Akofa’s Une esclave moderne (A Modern Slave-Woman), published in
2000, allows us to explore recent immigration trends in France by relocat-
ing them in a discursive realm indebted to slavery.5 In Akofa’s text, the con-
text has shifted to a postcolonial France and Togo on the brink of the new
millennium. In this analysis, the emphasis on slavery and the accompany-
ing subtext pertaining to its abolition in the nineteenth century becomes
less important than the attempt to identify modern vestiges of it, and ways
it has mutated according to the demands and exigencies of global trade
networks and market forces. Indeed, as Roger Botte has signaled in his es-
say “Le spectre de l’esclavage” (“The Specter of Slavery”), thinking on the
question of slavery has, for the most part, circumvented the complexity of
the phenomenon by insisting on a binary model that opposes Africa to the
West (slave to master and subsequently colonized to colonizer).6 Accord-
ing to this approach, responsibility for slavery is placed almost exclusively
on economic and political forces outside Africa. A paradigm that under-
scores the manner in which transnational economic forces work together
at both the local and global levels would provide a better understanding
of the origins of slavery. This is, of course, contained in “the internal slave-
trading routes” (Botte, “Le spectre de l’esclavage,” 160) and Amselle’s no-
tion of lateral connections, within a framework that is necessarily imbri-
cated with the broader global forces of the transatlantic slave trade.
In turn, this allows for an understanding of the practice as it survives
today in Africa in a form that is
quite different from labor migration. They differ in kind but their origins are
the same: under-development . . . This “new slavery” drives thousands of
women and children from poor supplier countries toward the continent’s
“rich” countries, “employers” of manpower, where they are subjected to
forced labor on plantations, domestic servitude, and sexual exploitation.
(Botte, “Le Spectre de l’esclavage,” 162)

It also survives, of course, in population movements toward Asia, Europe,

and the United States. In Akofa’s text, the central protagonist, Henriette,
occupies a position of servitude as a domestic worker—a social status that
116 black france

is unambiguously underlined in the title of the work: Une esclave mod-

erne. What we have here is a kind of mediation that is available at the level
of intertextuality—that is, between Akofa’s text and a long tradition of
works by francophone African writers that feature the socioeconomic cir-
cumstances of protagonists who travel to Europe—as well as a mediation
that emerges from the actual transatlantic “crossing” made by these pro-
tagonists who follow in the footsteps of their slave ancestors, who were
also transported and transplanted into economic dependence and ex-
ploitation outside Africa.
The social condition of women in sub-Saharan Africa continues to re-
ceive considerable attention. While many critiques formulated have been
sensitive to broader cultural issues, stereotypes concerning the oppression
of women are common and have survived into discourses pertaining to
the diasporic context. In fact, texts written about African immigration in
France have often resorted to a documentary-testimonial format in which
a sensationalist rhetoric associated with widespread oppression is evi-
denced. Accordingly, these texts essentially narrate and record the immi-
grant experience, and are fictional only in that the names of various pro-
tagonists are changed, but otherwise recounting actual events. Akofa’s
text is described as a “testimony” (Akofa, 9) based on real-life events and
written collaboratively with Olivier de Broca (a French writer and trans-
lator), thereby further underlining the documentary quality of the work.7
The author’s foreword serves to outline Akofa’s intentions in writing her
story: “This book recounts my story as faithfully as possible,” and “writ-
ing has helped me forget about the past” (9). With reference to slave nar-
ratives (he has in mind Olaudah Equiano’s 1789 The Interesting Narra-
tive of the Life of Olaudah Equiano), F. Abiola Irele has argued that “the
autobiographical genre affords scope for precisely the kind of introspec-
tion inspired by the actualities of experience and the circumstances of
these early Africans in Europe . . . Reading is a liberating force in the new
dispensation, and writing—as self-expression—is a means of coping with
an unprecedented historical experience.”8 Akofa’s text appears therefore
all the more significant as she adds it to a longstanding tradition of slave
narratives—an example perhaps of the “historical past and its narrative
present” that Homi Bhabha alluded to9—but yet the testimonial dimen-
sion is accorded primacy as a mechanism for underscoring the potentiali-
ties of the sensationalist component. Accordingly, the central objective is
to displace aesthetic concerns and the potential fictitious dimension in fa-
vor of an unambiguous message: namely that this is a text about an Afri-
can woman’s struggle (exhibited on the cover of the book in the form of
the face of a Black woman on whom the title is superimposed) against
slavery in the modern era. As we shall see, this is in fact the account of the
real-life experiences of the author, whose legal name is Siwa-Akofa Sil-
iadin.
 Rhetorical Mediations of Slavery 117

Akofa’s text is prefaced by Robert Badinter (a very well known lawyer

and human rights activist), continuing a long tradition of patronage of Af-
rican texts.10 As Badinter points out in his opening lines, “the adolescent
girl leaves her native Togo for what she believes to be Paris and its lights”
(Akofa, 5). Badinter situates his preface within the context of the 1998 cel-
ebration of the 150th anniversary of the abolition of slavery in the colonies
and evokes the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Man: “Whatever in-
contestable progress has been made, Henriette’s fate is a reminder to all
advocates of human rights that the battle is still not over, even here” (6,
emphasis mine). While Badinter appears to make a necessary move toward
recognizing that human rights violations also occur in France, the text is
more concerned with African examples of oppressive behavior. Following
Badinter’s preface (5–7) and an “author’s foreword” (9–10), one finds three
other sections: the first, entitled simply “Togo” (13–50), is of course set in
Togo, while the remaining two sections, “Paris with head held down” (53–
196) and “Paris with head held high” (199–212), are set in Paris, and rep-
resent three-quarters of the text. Akofa has thus herself relied on a process
of mediation in order to formulate her testimonial narrative and introduce
a dialogue between the African and French frameworks.
Henriette, the coauthor and protagonist, travels to France to pursue
her dream of studying there. In so doing, she joins a long list of African
protagonists who engaged in similar travels, as explored in chapter 2—
most notably Laye in Laye Camara’s novel L’enfant noir (1954) and Sam-
ba Diallo in Cheikh Hamidou Kane’s novel L’aventure ambiguë (1961).
However, while both of these novels were set in French West Africa during
the colonial era at a time when there were no universities in francophone
sub-Saharan Africa, Akofa’s text is fundamentally different in that Africa
can now offer Henriette its own institutions of higher education. Repeated
allusions are made to her naïveté and apparent ignorance of the notion of
individual rights: Badinter tells us that “Henriette knows that she has been
misled, but she is not aware that what she has been subjected to is legally
reprehensible. She ignores those inalienable rights that are hers, whatever
the borders, family solidarities, and cultural traditions may be” (Akofa,
6–7). On the basis of this statement, one may deduce that specific notions
of justice and individual rights are somehow absent or lacking in the Afri-
can context. Sekai Nzenza-Shand, for example, has argued that “the no-
tion that African women could independently conceptualize equality and
construct a system that embodied the principle of equality within specific
cultures is not fully understood.”11 Yet, as we shall see in the next chapter,
this particular characterization has been contested. Of course, this para-
digm rejoins earlier colonial discourses in which the civilizing mission and
colonial education claimed they would provide Africans with the tools to
be raised to the ranks of the Universal.12 Henriette’s desire to travel to
France is also a desire to fulfill an illusory quest. In this framework, Hen-
118 black france

riette has selectively erased the memory of the terrible injustice of the slave
trade and (post)colonial exploitation as a result of earlier European con-
tact with Africa. Instead, an alternative narrative emerges in which West-
ern justice, freedom, and human rights prevail, and are juxtaposed with
the abusive structures and obstacles to personal freedom she perceives as
located in African culture. This provides a striking example of historical
mediation, given that Akofa is unwilling to address the complexity and
ambiguous nature of her positionality in articulating her agency and re-
contextualizing her identitarian concerns only when she distances herself
from the African context.
Henriette is employed by several African women to perform domestic
labor, thereby creating an interesting dynamic whereby the oppression that
is visited upon her always originates in an African perpetrator, namely the
succession of African women who occupy the role of benefactress. Thus,
while Badinter may conclude that such acts take place “even here,” the ap-
parent importance that could be attributed to this statement (through
recognition that European feminism has not served to fully emancipate
women) is undermined by the fact that outsiders are blamed. At no point
are questions of economic exploitation addressed in France, or for that
matter issues relating to the erosion of worker’s rights, sexism, homopho-
bia, and so forth. In this context, Western women are somehow liberated
from the dynamic of domestic violence, exploitation, discrimination, and
prejudice that characterizes notions of gender and class relations in the
African context. Assumptions are made about the choices African women
should make through paradigms indebted to Western feminist discourse in
order to achieve a conception of universal, culturally appropriate, and rel-
ativistic rights. Badinter’s text is written with a sense of mission and a
commitment to justice, but the narrative itself betrays more problematic
conceptions of freedom. French hypocrisy remains unchallenged and Uni-
versalism suspended in the name of some distorted interpretation and re-
formulation of cultural relativism that will not permit interference with
oppressive practices enacted by others upon others.
Henriette’s story begins in Togo with a description of her childhood—
a time of innocence, in which children play happily outside the home and
run around barefoot. This perspective is mediated through the lens of her
post-French experience, which has now afforded her the capacity to ques-
tion and reevaluate through her writing certain Togolese sociocultural
practices. The experience in France offers her an alternate perspective, new
paradigms for “reading” the African society she was born into. Henriette
decides to leave for France when she is presented with an opportunity to
study there in exchange for some light housework. Somewhat paradoxi-
cally, the “rescue” narrative in this case transforms itself into another sur-
vival story. Prior to reaching a decision, Henriette consults her aunt, Béné-
dicte, who has lived in France: “Apparently you want to leave with this
 Rhetorical Mediations of Slavery 119

Simone woman? You know, I heard a story about a girl called Phoebe who
spent years with her in Paris. Well, she came back empty-handed, Simone
hadn’t done anything for her. She claimed Phoebe was a thief. I don’t think
you should go. So many things happen in France . . .” (Akofa, 45). How-
ever, Henriette does not follow her aunt’s advice and the unspeakable, un-
utterable, unarticulated horrors of what awaits her after crossing the
ocean are both foreshadowed and contained in the suspension points that
conclude the conversation with her aunt. Prior to her departure, her bene-
factress Simone seduces her with talk of Paris, “City of Lights,” recuperat-
ing so many of the francocentric images that have lured francophone
Africans to travel to the metropole.13 Henriette seems to have been offered
all the security she could expect prior to engaging in such a significant
journey. As the reader discovers through her testimony, the departure will
turn out to lack the cyclical dimension of its constitutive return.
As the narrative shifts to the second part of the text, “Paris with head
held down,” Henriette is immediately forced to correct the image she had
of Paris: “I went to look at France out the window. In my dreams, I did
not see her in this way. I had imagined her with lots of trees and colors.
But down there, on the gray boulevard, I could see the same tar and ce-
ment as back in Lomé. And what is more, I wasn’t used to seeing bars on
windows” (Akofa, 56). Imprisoned in Paris, she is rapidly immersed in
and consumed by her domestic tasks and responsibilities and reduced to
sleeping on the floor beside another African girl, Stéphanie. Simone is
hostile toward her, and only the French people she comes into contact
with prove to be warm and hospitable (Simone’s husband Jo and his
mother). The oppressor is Simone, the African woman residing in France
but marked as an outsider. She asks to return to Africa, but Simone in-
forms her that this is not an option, manipulates her father during a tele-
phone conversation into instructing his daughter to be more cooperative,
and finally forbids her to speak with Stéphanie. Initially, Henriette chal-
lenges Simone. She defies the ban on exchanges with Stéphanie, and con-
versation with her effectively allows her to solicit Stéphanie’s testimony.
From this account, she discovers that Phoebe, whom her aunt had warned
her about, had been her predecessor. “‘But why did you stay?” she asks,
“No one has the right to make you work like an animal” (Akofa, 77). In
order to silence Henriette’s growing resistance, Simone emphasizes Hen-
riette’s illegitimate status and vulnerability in France as a sans-papiers
(undocumented resident): “a passport is good for coming in, but it’s not
enough to stay” (Akofa, 82). Henriette’s realization that this is true fur-
ther contributes to her status as a voiceless victim, but occurs at an im-
portant juncture in the text and in Henriette’s own psycho-social journey,
coinciding with her growing awareness of the oppressive structures that
exist around her. However, Henriette does not internalize this lucidity in
order to correct the illusory space in which she resides, and continues to
120 black france

have faith that her father will come to France to rescue her. Stéphanie then
provides her with her own reality check: “‘You must be dreaming. You
will never go back to Togo’” (Akofa, 105). Sensing Henriette’s increasing
unruliness, Simone begins to send her out to help her friend Fabiola. Only
the address changes, however, since the abusive treatment starts all over
again, strategically transferring the responsibility for the oppression onto
another African outsider.
Henriette’s journey is, arguably, not one that transports her from inno-
cence to knowledge, since she understands that she has experienced abuse
at the hands of Africans. What genuinely complicates the situation is the
process of liberating herself from her current circumstances, since this will
be conditional upon achieving a clear understanding of parallel structures
of oppression evidenced in France: “I was disgusted by the life I was living.
When I compared my old dreams to my life today, I told myself that I
would have been better off staying at home . . . I was a lost island” (Akofa,
140). This process allows Akofa to expose broader societal complicity in
the process of oppressing and subjugating people, yet, beyond this com-
plicity, one cannot help but feel that a justificatory premise for the refusal
to act comes from the idea that one cannot interfere with African social
customs and traditions. Fabiola’s mother-in-law, for example, during Hen-
riette’s visit to her home in Normandy, shares some family photographs
with her: “You know, I suffered a lot as well during the war. I had to work
and take care of the young ones in my family” (Akofa, 142). She draws a
parallel between her experiences and Henriette’s current circumstances,
yet it only serves to explain away her suffering and not to address it. In-
stead, her suffering is construed as a rite of passage, a kind of initiation
into womanhood and society, and not as the exploitation that they all
know it is. The complicity extends to a society as a whole that is criminal-
ized (or, perhaps more appropriately, “culpabilized”) for its refusal to act.
But for Henriette, as indeed for many of the protagonists of the works of
other diasporic writers such as Daniel Biyaoula and Alain Mabanckou, the
situation is further complicated by the fact that the concept of escape is it-
self a double illusion (at least), in that simply liberating oneself from op-
pressive circumstances (namely socioeconomic slavery) constitutes only
one victory, since the illusionary quest represented by the voyage to France
(and Paris) is both an individual and a collective enterprise:
I was about to turn eighteen, but the older I got the deeper I plunged into
misery, ignorance, and solitude. I had forgotten everything, I was cut off from
my family, completely isolated, without a future. Even if I somehow managed
one day to return to Togo, everyone back there would mock me: all that time
spent in France and you come home empty-handed, without an education, a
job, money? I didn’t even dare think about going back to Africa. (Akofa, 148)

The notion of return contains simultaneously the idea of returning to a

physical space (for Akofa this would be Togo) and the return on an invest-
 Rhetorical Mediations of Slavery 121

ment. Indeed, this is a common process, available in both colonial (Dadié,

Camara, Kane) and postcolonial narratives (Biyaoula, Mabanckou, Di-
ome), in which the impulse to travel or migrate is often located in the
pursuit of this dream of educational or material enrichment, each in turn
promising to confer cultural and social capital. Henriette’s father was
partly manipulated and deceived by Simone, but he also refused to believe
that the dream could be a fallacy.
Only when a Danish woman living in the apartment building has the
initiative to contact the Comité contre l’esclavage moderne (Committee
against Modern Slavery) do the police finally come to the apartment and
take Henriette away.14 The fact that it is not a French person who resolves
to take action against injustice could of course be purely coincidental, but
I am inclined to read a little more into this. Intervention by a Danish
woman serves to reinforce the parameters established by Akofa’s text
whereby the oppression, while taking place “even here,” is nevertheless lo-
cated in another “cultural” domain. Thus, it is a foreigner (albeit a Euro-
pean Union citizen with a legal right to reside in France) who acts and
provides Henriette with the opportunity to “tell her story right from the
beginning” (Akofa, 194). When Henriette’s circumstances are reported to
the authorities, their incredulity that this degree of abuse could have taken
place in France raises numerous important questions. Akofa’s testimony is
not necessary in order to recount a narrative that would otherwise have
remained unknown, but rather in order to provide a narrative that would
otherwise have been silenced because of various complicities. The reader is
aware through the testimonial narrative that numerous French individuals
have both witnessed and tolerated the injustice, that Henriette’s suffering
has not been invisible, and the fact remains that she has suffered and re-
mained unassisted on French soil. Yet, as an African woman residing in
France, she is marked by her ethnicity as an outsider to whom the univer-
sal human rights invoked by Badinter somehow do not apply—after all,
her own invisibility in legal terms is a result of her status that locates her,
literally, on the “margins of the law.”15 Without legitimate legal status in
France, she is only a displaced, identity-less diasporic and immigrant Afri-
can subject located outside of legal jurisdiction. As we shall see shortly,
this situation has been reversed by important juridical decisions.
The mediation of the narrative changes between the beginning of the
text and the end, the “head held high” section. At the beginning of the text,
Henriette locates oppression only in Africa, but by the end she has broad-
ened her perspectives toward a more global understanding of gender op-
pression across racial lines. Rather than simply using Africa as a frame of
reference, she assumes complete control over her agency as she files an of-
ficial complaint against Fabiola and starts to attend committee meetings,
and this affords her the opportunity of witnessing other narratives and
then articulating her own experience: “Words came pouring out, and the
122 black france

more they flowed, the more liberated I felt” (Akofa, 202). Speaking proves
to be a liberating, cathartic experience, and her “head held high” becomes
a metaphor for her newfound self-reliance, self-esteem, and strength. Hav-
ing achieved this for herself, she justifies the act of testifying as a necessary
gesture of solidarity with other victims of abuse. Henriette blames Africa
through her rejection of her parents after her emancipation, and attributes
responsibility for her rescue to the Committee against Modern Slavery. In
turn, this organization becomes inseparable from the universal human
rights that are supposedly understood and adhered to in France, yet that
somehow escaped her. Ultimately, certain organizations and mechanisms
rescue her once she is removed from the enclave of her successive African
“benefactresses”; yet these are only able to partially assist her. While these
rescues actually take place in France, there is simultaneously a further kind
of invisible mediation established with France’s erasure of its own history
of slavery, paradoxically abolishing slavery in the contemporary context
while forgetting that France once had slaves of its own. This is of course
further complicated by the fact that Akofa’s text targets a modern form of
slavery carried out by Africans while refusing to indict the French for their
historical legacy of slavery and existing refusal to adequately consider their
part in perpetuating social injustice.
Henriette no longer wants to return to Africa, for France remains a
dream-construct for her, a space that is idealized outside the parameters of
the oppression she has experienced. Since the Paris of her dreams escaped
her until her emancipation, she is somehow able to dispense with the
trauma by disassociating it from her hexagonal experience thus far. When
Henriette confronts her parents for their failure to hear her appeal for
help, she reclaims her autonomy outside of her family structure and at-
tributes this salvation primarily to the Committee against Modern Slavery
rather than to her own agency: “I would like to thank those in charge and
the volunteers of the Committee against Modern Slavery for their sup-
port” (Akofa, 213). These questions are all the more challenging if one
considers the archives of the European Court of Human Rights, located in
Strasbourg. The court was created by the Council of Europe in 1959 to
deal with alleged violations of the 1950 European Convention on Human
Rights. I quote its press releases on Siliadin’s case at length because the
story they tell is crucial to understanding how sovereign French courts are
ultimately indicted by the European Court of Human Rights for having
failed to adequately protect the real-life defendant Siliadin, whose life is
transposed into the narrative of Henriette in Une esclave moderne. The
case opposed Siliadin and France:
Registrar of the European Court of Human Rights, 3 May 2005:
The European Court of Human Rights is holding a Chamber hearing today
Tuesday 3 May 2005 at 2.30 p.m., on the merits in the case of Siliadin v.
France (application no. 73316/01).
 Rhetorical Mediations of Slavery 123
The applicant
The applicant, Siwa-Akofa Siliadin, is a Togolese national who was born in
1978 and lives in Paris.
Summary of the facts
In January 1994 the applicant, who was then fifteen and a half years old, ar-
rived in France with a French national of Togo origin, Mrs D., who had un-
dertaken to regularise the girl’s immigration status and to arrange for her
education, while the applicant was to do housework for Mrs D. until she
had earned enough to pay her back for her air ticket. The applicant effec-
tively became an unpaid servant to Mr and Mrs D. and her passport was
confiscated.
In around October 1994 Mrs D. “lent” the applicant to a couple of friends,
Mr and Mrs B., to help them with household chores and to look after their
young children. She was supposed to stay for only a few days until Mrs B.
gave birth. However, after her child was born, Mrs B. decided to keep the
applicant on. She became a “maid of all work” to the couple, who made her
work from 7.30 a.m. until 10.30 p.m. every day with no days off, giving her
special permission to go to mass on certain Sundays. The applicant slept in
the children’s bedroom on a mattress on the floor and wore old clothes.
In July 1998 the applicant confided in a neighbor, who informed the Com-
mittee against Modern Slavery, which reported the matter to the prosecuting
authorities. Criminal proceedings were brought against Mr and Mrs B. for
wrongfully obtaining unpaid or insufficiently paid services from a vulnerable
or dependent person, an offence under Article 225-13 of the Criminal Code,
and for subjecting that person to working or living conditions incompatible
with human dignity, an offence under Article 225-14 of the Code.
The defendants were convicted at first instance and sentenced to, among
other penalties, twelve months’ imprisonment (seven of which were sus-
pended), but were acquitted on appeal. In a judgment of 15 May 2003 the
Versailles Court of Appeal, to which the case had subsequently been referred
by the Court of Cassation, found Mr and Mrs B. guilty of making the appli-
cant, a vulnerable and dependent person, work unpaid for them but consid-
ered that her working and living conditions were not incompatible with hu-
man dignity. It accordingly ordered them to pay the applicant the equivalent
of 15,245 euros (EUR) in damages.
In October 2003 an employment tribunal awarded the applicant a sum that
included EUR 31,238 in salary arrears.
Complaint
Relying on Article 4 (prohibition of forced labour) of the European Conven-
tion on Human Rights, the applicant submits that French criminal law did
not afford her sufficient and effective protection against the “servitude” in
which she was held, or at the very least against the “forced and compulsory”
labour she was required to perform, which in practice made her a domestic
slave.
Procedure
The application was lodged with the European Court of Human Rights on
17 April 2001 and declared partly admissible on 1 February 2005.16
124 black france

And then on July 26, 2005:

Registrar of the European Court of Human Rights, 26 July 2005:
The European Court of Human Rights has today notified in writing a judg-
ment in the case of Siliadin v. France (application no. 73316/01). The Court
held unanimously that there had been a violation of Article 4 (prohibition of
servitude) of the European Convention on Human Rights. . . .
Summary of the judgment
The Court noted that, in addition to the Convention, numerous international
treaties had as their aim the protection of human beings from slavery, servi-
tude and forced or compulsory labour. As the Parliamentary Assembly of the
Council of Europe had pointed out, although slavery was officially abolished
more than 150 years ago, “domestic slavery” persisted in Europe and con-
cerned thousands of people, the majority of whom were women. In accor-
dance with modern standards and trends in that area, the Court considered
that States were under an obligation to penalise and punish any act aimed at
maintaining a person in a situation incompatible with Article 4. . . .
. . . the Court considered that Ms Siliadin had, at the least, been subjected to
forced labour within the meaning of Article 4 of the Convention. . . .
. . . the Court held that it could not be considered that Ms Siliadin had been
in slavery in the traditional sense of that concept.
. . . the Court considered that Ms Siliadin, a minor at the relevant time, had
been held in servitude within the meaning of Article 4.
Accordingly it fell to the Court to determine whether French legislation had
afforded the applicant sufficient protection in the light of the positive ob-
ligations incumbent on France under Article 4. In that connection, it noted
that the Parliamentary Assembly had regretted in its Recommendation 1523
(2001) that “none of the Council of Europe member states expressly [made]
domestic slavery an offence in their criminal codes.” Slavery and servitude
were not as such classified as criminal offences in the French criminal-law
legislation. . . .
In those circumstances, the Court considered that the criminal-law legisla-
tion in force at the material time had not afforded the applicant specific and
effective protection against the actions of which she had been a victim. It
emphasised that the increasingly high standard being required in the area of
the protection of human rights and fundamental liberties correspondingly
and inevitably required greater firmness in assessing breaches of the funda-
mental values of democratic societies.
Consequently, the Court concluded that France had not fulfilled its positive
obligations under Article 4.17

What is so striking about this case is the fact that only the European Court
for Human Rights ultimately recognized that although “slavery and servi-
tude were not as such classified as criminal offences in the French crimi-
nal-law legislation,” this was inadequate and that accordingly “the crimi-
nal-law legislation in force at the material time had not afforded the
applicant specific and effective protection against the actions of which she
 Rhetorical Mediations of Slavery 125

had been a victim.” Akofa’s text is an important testimonial narrative, and

this case shows how the French authorities’ attempts to recuperate such
narratives as further examples of African “barbarism,” at the service of
broader culturalist arguments, are ultimately undermined by the Euro-
pean Court for Human Rights’ indictment of France’s inability to operate
according to the most fundamental precepts of a “civilized” society.
Indeed, in this concluding section, I would like to explore the intertex-
tuality and numerous points of contact between Akofa’s documentary-tes-
timony and Sembene’s short story “La Noire de . . .” (“Black Girl”).18 In
many ways, one might argue that Akofa’s text ventriloquizes the experi-
ence of an early generation documented in Sembene’s 1962 text. Sem-
bene’s vision and interpretation of colonial practices differs considerably
from Akofa’s text, in which the myth of France is introduced yet perpetu-
ated through its discursive practices. Significant parallels exist between the
two projects—both historical and thematic—as the authors treat, respec-
tively, circumstances in the colonial and postcolonial context. While
Akofa’s text was published in 2000 and documents the experiences of an
African woman in France at the end of the twentieth century, Sembene’s
short story takes place between Dakar, Senegal, and Antibes, France, in
1958. The central protagonist, Diouana, referred to variously by either her
professional status (“maid”) or her ethnic/racial identity (négresse [Negro
girl], “black girl,” or indigène [native]), accompanies a French family for
whom she worked in Dakar when they return to live in the south of
France. After several months in France, Diouana commits suicide, and the
short story begins with the discovery of her body. The reader is thus made
responsible for recovering the narrative and locating the suicidal impulse;
one cannot gauge from the French onlookers or informers where these
would be located. Sembene’s text uses a flashback to establish a chron-
ological linearity. “A long flashback,” Mireille Rosello argues, “invites us
to take the place of those ‘investigators’ and of the ‘journalists’ who did
not know how to tell the story . . . the author’s text is a deliberate attempt
at replacing their interpretation with a different and more complex ac-
count.”19 The narrative therefore shifts back to Africa to recover those
events that transplant Diouana from colonial Africa to the metropole. As
it did to Henriette, a voyage to France represents to Diouana the fulfill-
ment of a lifelong dream: “Though it was a long way, it had no longer
seemed so far the past month, ever since Madame had announced she
would take her to France. France! Diouana shouted the word in her head.
Everything around her had become ugly, the magnificent villas she had of-
ten admired seemed shabby” (Sembene, “Black Girl,” 45). Having clearly
assimilated those representations and constructs of France that were in-
herent in colonial discourse, Diouana, like so many African migrants
across generations, conceives of the voyage to France as a doubly enrich-
ing experience, personally and financially:
126 black france
Diouana wanted to see France, this country whose beauty, richness, and joy
of living everyone praised. She wanted to see it and make a triumphal re-
turn. This was where people got rich. Already, without having left African
soil, she could see herself on the dock, returning from France, wealthy to the
millions, with gifts of clothes for everyone. She dreamed of the freedom to
go where she wished without having to work like a beast of burden. (46)

The illusory quality is also foregrounded, and Diouana will only be able to
correct it through the migrant experience. Much in the same way as Hen-
riette is warned of the perils that lie ahead, Diouana is also warned prior
to her departure, by a man named Tive Correa, that France will not corre-
spond to the idea she has projected upon it. Like Henriette (who refuses to
listen to her aunt’s narrative concerning Phoebe), she rejects this alterna-
tive construct and is unable to think of France outside of the images she
has assimilated:
Diouana would have nothing to do with the drunkard. She didn’t listen to
Tive Correa’s advice. An old sailor, Tive Correa had come home from Eu-
rope after twenty years’ absence. He had left, rich with youth, full of ambi-
tion, and come home a wreck. From having wanted everything, he had re-
turned with nothing but an excessive love for the bottle. For Diouana he
predicted nothing but misfortune. (49)

Tive Correa goes so far as to express his concern and opposition to Diou-
ana’s departure directly to Monsieur P. “‘We haven’t forced her to go! She
wants to,’ Monsieur answered dryly” (49). Effectively, Tive Correa reverses
the logic that informs Diouana’s migrant impulse (this dimension will be
additionally explored in chapters 6 and 7). Instead, the voyage will provide
Diouana, as it does many young Africans, with the painful experience that
will carry her away from illusion toward reality. Upon arrival in France,
Diouana is immediately submerged in domestic tasks, and witnesses noth-
ing of the France she had anticipated:
The third month began. Diouana was no longer the joyous girl with the ready
laugh, full of life. Her eyes were beginning to look hollow, her glance was
less alert, she no longer noticed details. She had a lot more work to do here
than in Africa. Of France, la Belle France, she had only a vague idea, a fleet-
ing vision. (50)

Ignored by the family, exhibited to their friends and neighbors, essential-

ized by the discursive authority of her employers on the subject of a “‘na-
tive’ psychology” (53), Diouana begins to internalize these negative imag-
es. Subsequently tormented by the children, whose games and role-playing
activities are indebted to the racist constructs they have learned from ob-
serving their parents—for example, they take turns at playing “explorer”
while Diouana unwittingly performs the role of the “savage” subjected to
their ethnographic scrutiny—Diouana begins to manifest the physical and
psycho-emotional signs of abuse:
 Rhetorical Mediations of Slavery 127
Perpetually harassed, Diouana began to waste away. In Dakar she had never
had to think about the color of her skin. With the youngsters teasing, she be-
gan to question it. She understood that here she was alone. There was noth-
ing that connected her with the others. And it aggravated her, poisoned her
life, the very air she breathed . . . Where was France? The beautiful cities she
had seen in movies in Dakar, the rare foods, the interesting crowds? . . . Lit-
tle by little she was drowning. (51)

Faced with radically different social structures in France, and outside

of the oppressive colonial economy of labor, Madame P. is unable to find
domestic workers willing to work the hours and complete the tasks she ex-
pects of them. She therefore resorts to importing Diouana from Africa,
since “in Africa, Madame had acquired bad habits when it came to ser-
vants. In France when she hired a maid not only was the salary higher but
the maid demanded a day off to boot” (46). As Rosello has shown, “if she
insists so much on having Diouana with her in Antibes, it is because she
has had a chance to discover that even a difference in social class does not
give her any power over other women as soon as she is no longer pro-
tected by the colonial system” (Rosello, Postcolonial Hospitality, 131). In
the contemporary context of immigration in which a reversed coloniza-
tion can be evidenced, these former colonial labor practices have now be-
come common. Fatou Diome, in her collection of short stories entitled La
préférence nationale, has underscored this transition: “As for the sound
of a vacuum cleaner, well, it just about always signals the presence of an
African, Portuguese, or Asian woman.”20 Like Simone in Akofa’s work,
Madame P. takes it upon herself to secure Diouana’s commitment to travel
to France: “Madame sang the praises of France. For three thousand francs
a month, any young African girl would have followed her to the end of the
earth” (Sembene, “Black Girl,” 46). Through the invocation of the island
of Gorée, Sembene offers the reader an ominous metaphor that foreshad-
ows Diouana’s experience in France, but also engages in the sort of medi-
ation I alluded to earlier as a mechanism for establishing a transhistorical
connection to the question of slavery:
Leaning out of the wide window overlooking the sea, transported, Diouana
watched the birds flying high above in the immense expanse of blue. In the
distance she could barely make out the Island of Gorée. She was holding her
identity card, turning it over and over, examining it and smiling quietly to
herself. The picture was a gloomy one. She wasn’t pleased with the pose or
with the exposure. “What does it matter? I’m leaving!” she thought. (Sem-
bene, “Black Girl,” 47)

Diouana has secured the “legal” documents necessary to make the cross-
ing—undertaken by sea rather than air, thus duplicating the mode of
transportation of her slave ancestors. The Island of Gorée served as a tran-
sition point for slave-holders, and thus remains indissociable from the
symbolic crossing that will bring Sembene’s protagonist to the shores of
128 black france

southern France. While the slave crossing is of course forced, Diouana’s is

not entirely “voluntary,” given economic imperatives and the power of the
lure toward France that has resulted from colonial indoctrination and that
is recuperated and embraced by colonial subjects. Furthermore, Diouana’s
capacity to arrive at a carefully formulated decision is voided by the illu-
sionary nature of her representation of France. Here, it serves as an in-
dictment of the colonizer’s powers of deception and as a testimony to
Diouana’s repression and denial with regard to the myth of France. Inter-
estingly enough, it is within the African context that Diouana locates the
harsh demands associated with work (of course, this is her only point of
reference at this juncture in her biography), while France promises to of-
fer her the necessary prerequisites for freedom upon her return. While in
the African context Diouana’s status as a colonized subject was essentially
unquestioned in the rigorous separation enacted by the colonial hierarchy,
she becomes increasingly conscious in France of her ethnic identity and of
the multiple levels on which she is exploited. Gradually, she establishes a
link between the various points of intersection of her oppression, and be-
gins to recontextualize her status as analogous to that of her slave ances-
tors: “‘Sold, sold. Bought, bought,’ she repeated to herself . . . They lured
me, tied me to them, and I’m stuck here like a slave” (Sembene, “Black
Girl,” 53–54). However, clearly unable to assume the type of autonomy or
agency that would have emancipated her (or, perhaps more appropriately,
offered her the opportunity for enfranchisement), Diouana sees suicide as
the only viable escape (a decision also reached by many captured slaves).
“Diouana, who slashes her throat,” Rosello suggests, “paradoxically reoc-
cupies the place of the subject by claiming her right to die. Like the
Hegelian slave whose only freedom is to reappropriate his own body by
destroying it, Diouana reestablishes borders between the house and her-
self, between her identity and that of her employers” (Rosello, Postcolo-
nial Hospitality, 129).
Sembene’s short story allows for a mediation with the postcolonial di-
asporic context in which these ideologies and constructs have survived.
This framework also ignores the prevalence of oppressive societal struc-
tures outside of the African matrix, and how “the servile aspects of hospi-
tality can be delegated, because another woman, the colonized woman,
will take over, [enacting a] redistribution of roles” (Rosello, Postcolonial
Hospitality, 133). The originality of Rosello’s analysis resides in the iden-
tification of oppressive mechanisms as foundational to Western social or-
ganization, “for servants obviously do not disappear when nations be-
come independent . . . Europe continues to function as a crucible in which
gender tests the category of race while racially marked subjects point to
the limits of Western feminism” (135). The projection onto the other is a
convenient gesture, but as Sembene shows, Madame is able to transplant
her colonial behavior to France much in the same way as Henriette’s “bene-
 Rhetorical Mediations of Slavery 129

factresses” are accommodated. While in a more general context Sembene

would recognize African complicity in the slave trade, in this context the
fundamental difference between the texts emerges in the shift in the treat-
ment of slavery from the tolerated practice of “domestic slavery” in the
1960s to a more hidden form by the end of the twentieth century. Signifi-
cantly, while the texts approach slavery differently, both essentially con-
sider the manner in which important social issues struggle to be intro-
duced through fait divers (namely those news items relating the suicide of
a young African woman and the existence of slavery in modern France) as
stories or narratives prior to achieving a historical status. The points of
commonality between Sembene’s and Akofa’s texts are striking, yet each
author in turn deals with the subject in different ways—in Sembene’s
work, the African is constructed as the victim of French colonial ideology,
while in Akofa’s, the victim is subject to oppressive structures in both
postcolonial Africa and the Diaspora in France.
A further intertextual parallel emerges from a juxtaposition of the re-
spective projects of explorers, missionaries, and colonial administrators
who went to Africa and the experiences of Diouana and Henriette—as
transnational exchanges and examples of mediation between cultures
available in hegemonic imperialist adventures. “From an emphasis on the
sovereignty of the people of a nation and the right to self-determination,
we see a shift in emphasis to the rights of individuals regardless of iden-
tity” (Sassen, Globalization, 96). Colonialism corresponded to the explicit
incorporation of Africa into the global capitalist economy, and Diouana
and Henriette serve as symbolic markers of that transition. From the de-
colonizing imperative of the late 1950s to the circumstances of France’s
contemporary postcolonial communities, the “African experience” in both
works reveals how stereotypes and reductive projections that were intrin-
sic components of the colonial project need to be confronted in order to
demystify official French discourse and expose current racist and prejudi-
cial reformulations of these earlier processes.
Sembene’s short story criminalizes colonial discourse and practices and
represents a powerful case study of oppressive practices; while Akofa’s
text may not sufficiently fault the French authorities for their silent com-
plicity in oppression by refusing to recognize the category of slavery, the
“paratext” offered by the European Court of Human Rights ends up ful-
filling this potential discursive space. The existence of an organization
such as the Committee against Modern Slavery, evoked by Akofa, implies
that Diouana’s story might, today at least, have been radically different—
but perhaps more important in this instance is the fact that the outcome of
Akofa’s terrible experience has not, thankfully, been the same as that of
Diouana’s. Naturally it would be anachronistic to assume that such op-
portunities as the Committee provided were available to Diouana at that
historical juncture, and to profoundly underestimate the degree to which
130 black france

she was dependent on her colonial masters; of course, while Akofa’s story
ends differently, modern forms of slavery and servitude remain central
components of the constantly mutating landscapes of globalization. The
globalized process of slavery needs to be understood within a transna-
tional and transhistorical framework, and although almost forty years
separate these two texts, important connections can be made if the post-
colonial critic elects to underscore the historical significance and contri-
butions of various narratives of complicity.
 FIVE

Afro-Parisianism and
African Feminisms

I thought I’d found another way of

making a bridge between here-and-
there, between my two othernesses,
my double unbelonging.
Salman Rushdie1

As I embark upon this chapter, in which I propose to deal with complex

feminist issues in writings by selected African women, but more specifi-
cally with the controversial issue of female excision, I am further reminded
of the importance of Adrienne Rich’s 1984 essay “Notes toward a Politics
of Location.”2 As a European critic working in the United States, I have
always been acutely aware of my so-called “location” and have never al-
lowed myself—or, for that matter, been allowed—to take it for granted.
I addressed this issue in the introduction to my book Nation-Building,
Propaganda, and Literature in Francophone Africa: “it is my sincere hope
that the book’s commitment to incorporate a more inclusive range of nar-
ratives through the treatment of a multiplicity of voices will yield a more
accurate version of the history of decolonization, which even if ventrilo-
quized through the words of a European scholar will nevertheless consti-
tute a step in the right direction.”3 The focus shifts in the next chapter to
the phenomenon of La sape; this provides us with the occasion to explore
a different facet of gender given its masculinist quality. However, as we
shall see, both the underexplored homosocial and homoerotic compo-
nents of the practice and the broader sociocultural context of shifting
colonial and postcolonial gender relations provide the opportunity to re-
consider its (counter-)hegemonic dimension while also further underscor-
ing what we have to learn from examining multiple aspects of gender rela-
tions in the African and diasporic context, and accordingly in the bilateral
132 black france

flows of external and internal critiques that are, as Obioma Nnaemeka

and Joy Ngozi Ezeilo have argued, “complex and rife with obstacles.”4
In this chapter, though, my argument has less to do with one’s posi-
tionality with regard to excision—I for one am opposed to all forms of
oppression and both embrace and insist upon, in my teaching and schol-
arly practices, the importance of an ethical humanities. External demands
requiring one to situate oneself in one of the various “camps”—universal-
ist, relativist, oppositionalist—to my mind oversimplify and obfuscate the
problematic components of an ethnocentrist history and the responses it
has generated. Instead, what I am endeavoring to do here is to document
and analyze the emergence of what I consider to be both valid and impor-
tant testimonial narratives by African women who have experienced dis-
crimination both in Africa and in the French Diaspora, while also high-
lighting another dimension of the disturbing practice I discussed in the
previous chapter, namely the fostering of “sensationalist” discourse by the
French authorities in the service of a recuperative culturalist agenda that
further relegates African immigrants to the margins of French society.
These texts share numerous points of commonality with those explored
by Alec G. Hargreaves in his essay “Testimony, Co-authorship, and Dis-
possession among the Maghrebi Minority in France,” in which he demon-
strates how the textual coauthorship of several recent Maghrebi texts has
served to reascribe a paternalistic role to France while simultaneously
“reaffirming their unassimilability,” as exemplified in such titles as Mariée
de force (A Forced Bride), La Fatiha: Née en France, mariée de force en Al-
gérie (Promised: Born in France, Married by Force in Algeria), Dans l’en-
fer des tournantes (Inside the Hell of Gang Rape), and Brûlée vive (Burnt
Alive).5
Some scholars have adopted the label “Francophone Studies” in order
to designate the study of those literatures and cultures outside of France
or within France’s postcolonial communities that share French-language
usage, and this designation has been practical in rethinking French Stud-
ies and fostering interdisciplinarity. The adversarial component of the
term concerns the role of France itself in this category, since many have
argued that Francophonie itself, as a governmental and institutional phe-
nomenon, transfers and relocates France’s colonial centrality in the era of
decolonization and postcoloniality. Acknowledging the polemics of this
debate and in turn expressing my own positionality alongside those who
have questioned Francophonie’s hegemonic potential, I want to take the
opportunity to return and consider how globalization is not exclusively
“homogenizing/hegemonic” or “heterogenetic/interpenetrating,” but rather
a process in which individuals and groups are “transformed by diasporas
and intercommunication.”6 Indeed, as the editor of a recent special issue
of Afrique contemporaine on excision has argued, it is only through an
inclusive framework (incorporating African countries and countries with
 Afro-Parisianism and African Feminisms 133

high African immigration) that we can begin to comprehend this ques-

tion.7 To this end, the implicit mediation that takes place between Africa
and diasporic Africans with regard to women and feminist practices is
particularly striking; this chapter then does not aim (or for that matter
claim) to provide a conclusive account or overview of African feminisms,8
but merely to explore how the most compelling and sophisticated theo-
rizations of “third-world” feminism might help us elucidate and think
through the problematical image of African women available in Fatou
Keïta’s 1998 novel Rebelle (Rebel).9 As Nnaemeka has stated in Female
Circumcision and the Politics of Knowledge: African Women in Imperi-
alist Discourses, “we seek to engage the discourse on female circumcision
and in the process (re)trace, expose, and map a long lineage of imperialist
and colonial discourses.”10 Keïta’s novel provides the opportunity to illu-
minate a new facet of this discourse.
One of the principal areas of inquiry, in which such an approach seems
particularly pertinent, is francophone African writings that have adopted
diasporic and transnational frameworks in order to address questions re-
lating to African women. In this area, Roland Robertson’s term “glocaliza-
tion” (used to better designate the interaction and interpenetration of the
local and the global) becomes useful in recontextualizing the relationship
between Africa and the diasporic communities residing in the Hexagon,11
as does French anthropologist Jean-Loup Amselle’s recent emphasis on
the synonymous links he identifies between the “global” and the “univer-
sal” in constructing globalization as another universalism.12 The intercon-
nection of populations is also central to Amselle’s notion of branchements
(connections), given his insistence on the transhistorical manner in which
all populations are necessarily imbricated. Both transnational and trans-
colonial approaches, but also multisited ethnographies, have much to offer
us in this process. If the imperative is to “deterritorialize” (Amselle, Bran-
chements, 15) Africa, then perhaps the circumstances of African women
could serve as the paradigmatic deterritorialized signifier, containing si-
multaneously the opportunity to contextualize and recontextualize a mul-
titude of identities around a common, global defining characteristic. In-
deed, Nnaemeka has underscored the importance of such a framework:
In this day and age of globalization with massive population and cultural
flows that are increasingly blurring the line between the inside and the out-
side, African women do not have the luxury of contending with a distinct
outside and grappling with a clear-cut inside. The internal and the external
are ever evolving, always contaminated and contested, mutually creating and
recreating each other. The complex nexus of transformations and shifts
makes the balancing act more difficult and precarious. (Nnaemeka, “Map-
ping African Feminisms,” 31)

A number of recent texts by African writers have reflected a disturbing

pattern, effectively displacing and shifting the responsibility for the plight
134 black france

of African women in the Diaspora away from the West in order to reat-
tribute it to Africa, highlighting some of the more problematic dimensions
of discourse on human rights, universalism, and hegemony. In these in-
stances, African women are consistently represented as the victims of a
system of African values and customs from which salvation and emanci-
pation are to be obtained in proximity to Western “universalist” princi-
ples; “in effect,” as Nnaemeka has shown in a brilliant deconstruction of
the para-discourse of female excision or circumcision, “African women
are doubly victimized: first from within (their culture) and second from
without (their ‘saviors’).” Because of this, “the language of development,”
Nnaemeka argues, “is the language of necessity and desirability (the so-
called Third World needs and must have ‘development’) and, by implica-
tion, the language of the indispensability and relevance of those who be-
lieve it is their prerogative to make development happen.”13 This is a key
example of transcolonial discourse as we witness the shift from the “hu-
manistic” justificatory component of the colonial project toward the de-
velopment discourse that has informed the politics of postcoloniality. Af-
rican protagonists therefore travel or escape to France in order to gain
cognizance of their status as alienated, disenfranchised, and oppressed
subjects, realizations attributed to ignorance about or the absence of local
notions of individual rights. Keïta’s text emerges as the repository of inter-
secting discourses, blurring the line between insiders and outsiders,
Africans in Africa, and Africans in France.
The location of the African woman is often overlooked, and Afri-
can examples of activism and feminism for the most part ignored. Sekai
Nzenza-Shand has shown how these internal systems and external forces
operate in a constitutive framework, although external components are
usually privileged. The effort here is to redress this imbalance: “Western
interpretations of human rights are automatically seen as superior to the
African conception of human rights.”14 Two films by the Senegalese film-
maker Ousmane Sembene partially reverse this situation by indicating
forms of local agency; in Faat-Kine, whose central protagonist is an au-
tonomous and resourceful woman, and in Molaade, a confrontation of fe-
male circumcision and a powerful statement of support for local agency
and initiatives. This goes to the heart of the tenuous relationship between
internal and external voices and the interpenetrative dimension and po-
tential of diasporic voices that might partially redress the problem dis-
cussed by Nzenza-Shand: “while the impact of Western feminism has been
beneficial to African women, its positive effects have constantly been di-
minished by the role of Western activists who insist on speaking on behalf
of African women and thus silence them . . . By eroding the concept of
Western ownership of human rights, we may increase the possibility of
real dialogue across cultures. With contribution from non-Western soci-
eties, human rights dialogue can lose the stigma of having the West as the
 Afro-Parisianism and African Feminisms 135

authoritative interpreter of human rights” (Nzenza-Shand, 68–77).15 Keïta

is an interlocutor in this exchange, but part of the difficulty in establishing
what function her text performs comes from the fact that it exhibits a
polyvocal dimension that exceeds simple classification. Part of the chal-
lenge of this chapter comes precisely from the need to consider the ques-
tion of audience and reception, and in turn to identify what is at stake in
identifying the various constituencies and locations that inform this work.
While not negating or denying the relevance and potential importance
of works that deal with women in France’s postcolonial communities, I in-
sist on recognizing how these works are marked and altered upon entry
into the public domain by an official discourse that has the potential of
undermining the positive dimension by distorting and recuperating con-
tent, and thereby further marginalizing women. As Eloïse Brière has ar-
gued,
The American tendency to focus exclusively on one corner of Africa or one
aspect of African culture corresponds to an imperialistic totalizing strategy
wherein a chosen element stands as a metaphor for the whole. As a result,
the information on excision tends to exoticize African women by decontex-
tualizing their circumstances and constituting them as the West’s “other.”
Exoticism effaces contexts and hard facts and lends itself to sensationalism.
(emphasis mine)16

This connects with my argument in the introduction, in which I under-

lined the crucial importance of embracing Etienne Balibar’s insistence on
the racial dimension in discussing postcolonial immigrant politics: “a
racism of the era of ‘decolonization’ . . . whose dominant theme is not bi-
ological heredity but the insurmountability of cultural differences, a
racism which, at first sight, does not postulate the superiority of certain
groups or peoples in relation to others but ‘only’ the harmfulness of abol-
ishing frontiers, the incompatibility of life-styles and traditions.”17
The 1998 novel Rebelle, by the writer Fatou Keïta from the Ivory Coast,
explores the particular sociocultural circumstances of African women in
francophone sub-Saharan Africa and in the francophone African Dias-
pora. While examining questions pertaining to women’s rights, Keïta’s
work reconfigures and articulates a broad range of projections concerning
African women. The text focuses on a young woman named Malimouna
who escapes her rural village when, after an arranged marriage, her new
husband discovers that she has not been excised. Homeless, on the run,
she finds a position as a nanny in the urban capital and ends up moving
with a French family to the Hexagon, the catalyst that allows the topogra-
phy to shift away from Africa to France, and into the Black diasporic com-
munity. Prompted by her own experiences in France and her observations
of the treatment of African women in the diasporic context, she decides to
help other immigrant women. Malimouna’s interventions provide the
136 black france

novel with the occasion to address several dimensions of the question of

excision—through diverse individual and collective experiences—and
thereby engage with the intense debate that took place in France during
the 1980s and 1990s.18 As Lionnet has explained, “the debate opposes two
apparently conflicting versions of human rights, one based on the Enlight-
enment notion of the sovereign individual subject, and the other on a no-
tion of collective identity grounded in cultural solidarity.”19
One such narrative concerns a young woman from Mali, named Fanta,
who has been sent by her family to France to live with the husband that
was chosen for her. Malimouna and Fanta immediately develop a friend-
ship. However, while Fanta may feel confused by her new environment
when she first arrives in France, she does not question the sociocultural
codes her husband embraces and which she shares—the “local” value sys-
tem has here been reproduced in the diasporic context. The distance be-
tween the private values of the diasporic home and the standards of the
public space soon become evident. In fact, as Laurence Porgès has shown,
“maintaining the practice of excision allows immigrants to avoid margin-
alization, and therefore rupture with the society of origin, but perhaps
more importantly to build ties with the African community residing in
France” (Porgès, 61). The rift between Malimouna and Fanta grows wider
when Fanta comes to her in order to solicit assistance with a growing do-
mestic problem, namely her daughter’s refusal to undergo her own sched-
uled excision. The visit provides Malimouna with the opportunity to re-
flect on the situation, to question the logic that informs the practice, and to
confront a complex ideological challenge. Her attempts at dissuading Fanta
prove futile, since Fanta is committed to adhering to cultural codes whose
validity is not diminished in the immigrant context. Somewhat paradoxi-
cally, as Lionnet has argued,
the refusal to allow the excision of the daughter could endanger the mother’s
opportunity to engage in the slow process of liberation that now allows Af-
rican women living in France to oppose polygamy . . . so long as they are not
perceived by the immigrant community to be imposing these “new” values
on their own daughters.20

The situation is further complicated by the fact that Malimouna is con-

fused by the context in which she is acting and the seemingly irreconcil-
able nature of the binary discourses with which she is faced; while op-
posed to the practice of excision, she also has difficulty accepting the
consistent French legal characterization of the practice as a “barbarous
mutilation.”21 For Chima Korieh, “the inscription in the female circum-
cision polemics of nineteenth-century anthropological terms—‘savage,’
‘primitive,’ and ‘barbaric’ used to describe non-Western societies—raises
questions about the insensitivity inherent in Western representations of
other peoples.”22 Clearly, the signifiers such terminology registers bring us
 Afro-Parisianism and African Feminisms 137

to the heart of what Sondra Hale has so admirably captured in her essay
“Colonial Discourse and Ethnographic Residuals: The ‘Female Circumci-
sion’ Debate and the Politics of Knowledge,” in seeking to find a postcolo-
nial location in which “ethnically, racially, and culturally diverse feminists
and womanists” could “be allies of each other” given that “there are peo-
ple both ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ (and those ‘inside’ who are ‘outsiders,’ that
is, marginalized by their own society, those in exile, and the like) of the
cultures where we find the practices that hold these views.”23 Before ex-
ploring this questions further, I want to contrast Keïta’s position with the
activist, literary, and media work of France’s most famous “minority”
writer, Calixthe Beyala.
In two works of nonfiction that have received relatively little attention
in scholarship on Beyala, Lettre d’une Africaine à ses sœurs occidentales
(Letter from an African Woman to her Western Sisters, 1995) and Lettre
d’une Afro-française à ses compatriotes (Letter from an Afro-French Wom-
an to her Compatriots, 2000), Beyala adopts a global framework with
which to address the circumstances of African women.24 The titles of these
texts deserve additional commentary. In the former, Beyala situates herself
as an African woman, and it is from that perspective that she establishes a
connection and solidarity with her Western sisters. However, in the latter,
her positionality has shifted to that of an “Afro-French woman” and her
audience—her compatriots—are rendered as ambiguous as the hyphen-
ated identity marker from which she speaks. The compatriots she has in
mind are specifically the French women she is surrounded by in the terri-
tory she has adopted and into which she attempts to integrate. Yet an al-
ternative reading might allow us to suggest that she simultaneously en-
gages both the African diasporic populations living in the Hexagon and
her Cameroonian compatriots who might benefit from the text’s forthright
assessment of race relations in France. As Jacques Chevrier has argued
with reference to her novel C’est le soleil qui m’a brûlée (1987), “not only
is her text a declaration of war against traditional patriarchal society, but
it is also accompanied by a genuine program aimed at restoring women’s
most fundamental rights . . . passage from Africa to Europe results in a
widening identitarian gap between men and women, for the most part to
the benefit of the latter.”25 In the Lettre d’une Africaine à ses sœurs occi-
dentales, Beyala deals with gender questions (excision, polygamy, and pa-
triarchy) in the African context, while in the Lettre d’une Afro-française à
ses compatriotes, the emphasis has shifted to racism, xenophobia, and mi-
nority populations in the Hexagon itself.
Beyala has adopted the role of a public intellectual in France. It might
be worth noting that she has her own website, http://calixthe.beyala.free.fr/,
on which her multiple public activities are announced and recorded. She
serves as president of the organization Collectif égalité (Collective for
Equality), which has advocated for minority and women’s rights along-
138 black france

side other national groups such as Ni putes, ni soumises (NPNS; Neither

Whores Nor Doormats), and in particular for the greater visibility of “la
population noire” (the Black population) on French television. In 1998,
Collectif égalité published an “open letter to the prime minister” an-
nouncing a new “movement for an immigrant citizenship.” In “Calixthe
Beyala: Black Face(s) on French TV,” Nicki Hitchcott has indicated that
“what Beyala’s media career reveals is a woman struggling to position her-
self between these poles, sometimes as assimilated, sometimes as a rebel,
sometimes as neither, sometimes as both. Unfortunately, as a media icon
of black femininity, Calixthe Beyala, like her Collectif égalité, has so far
failed to produce any real change in the negative status quo.”26 Collectif
égalité is motivated by what could be described as a dual agenda that is
concerned with the representation of minorities on television as both a
qualitative and a quantitative issue. As Hitchcott shows, the Conseil
supérieur de l’audiovisuel (CSA), which regulates French television, com-
missioned two studies “of French television’s representation of ethnic mi-
norities” (Hitchcott, “Black Face(s),” 474), the first entitled “Présence et
représentation de l’immigration et des minorités ethniques à la télévision
française” and the second “Présence et représentation des ‘minorités visi-
bles’ à la télévision française.”27
Bennetta Jules-Rosette has shown how, in Lettre d’une Africaine à ses
sœurs occidentales, Beyala “elaborates on identity construction as an Af-
rican woman . . . Nostalgically, she looks back upon French feminism of
the 1950s, but also claims that the era of mass movements is over. Each
woman must create her own identity and her own destiny.” This allows
her to deploy a new concept, namely that of “feminitude,” that is anchored
in “the egalitarian difference between men and women.”28 This adherence
to Western feminism naturally engages with the polemic surrounding the
dangers of reproducing imperial discourses given their transcolonial na-
ture. Nnaemeka has highlighted the risks associated with a “mindset that
emanates from a specific location (Western)” and that can “mimic the im-
perial arrogance of white explorers, imperialists, and colonizers,” whereby
“the West is arguing with itself for/against women used as tools to affirm
or perpetuate a long history of political, imperialist, and racist positions
anchored in moralizing (but morally bankrupt) assertions of superiority”
(Nnaemeka, “The Challenges of Border-Crossing,” 5, 8).29
Nevertheless, situating these texts in dialogue with one another en-
ables us to highlight multiple sites of oppression, and thereby potentially
circumvent the reductive implications of a universalist agenda. The kind
of mediation that is contained in Beyala’s multidirectional discourse—
from Africaine (African woman) to Afro-française (Afro-French woman)
and from sœurs occidentales (Western sisters) to compatriotes (women
compatriots)—shares some contextual points of commonality with Nnae-
meka’s theorization of “nego-feminism,” namely
 Afro-Parisianism and African Feminisms 139
the feminism of negotiation . . . In the foundation of shared values in many
African cultures are the principles of negotiation, give and take, compro-
mise, balance. Here, negotiation has the double meaning of “give and take/
exchange” and “cope with successfully/go around.” African feminism . . .
challenges through negotiations and compromise.30

Keïta’s text is thus indicative of the kind of dilemma that the French au-
thorities and courts have introduced by refusing to conceive of the ques-
tion of excision beyond reductive paradigms in which the potential of
“negotiation” is a priori voided. Keïta endeavors to go beyond this frame-
work by trying to find a language that other immigrant women may be
able to adopt and adapt in turn, and that would replace the primary focus
of Western feminists, who “have brought to the fore intense debates
about the conception of good, social justice, and moral responsibility
from which, unfortunately, the humanity of those to be rescued is rele-
gated to the background” (Nnaemeka, “Nego-feminism,” 371). Practices
of negotiation, while intrinsic to the postcolonial framework Nnaemeka
addresses, were always already present in the “complementary” nature of
gender relations during the colonial era described by Niara Sudarkasa in
“‘The Status of Women’ in Indigenous African Societies,”31 or for that
matter in any structure that aims to move beyond the kind of gendered
oppositionality against which Chandra Talpade Mohanty has so elo-
quently argued: “such simplistic formulations are both historically re-
ductive; they are also ineffectual in designating strategies to combat op-
pressions. All they do is reinforce binary divisions between men and
women.”32
Malimouna’s own ambiguity with regard to what she perceives as in-
ternal and external conceptions of sociocultural practices echo in turn
those of the novelist Keïta in her attempt to articulate a carefully con-
ceived position. Somewhat paradoxically, resistance to Western feminism
both in Africa and in the diasporic context arises because it is perceived as
interfering in sociocultural practices, when in fact “the resistance from
Africans is not necessarily against the termination of the practice; rather it
is against the strategies and methods (particularly the imperialistic under-
pinnings) used to bring about this desirable goal . . . the resistance of Afri-
can women is not against the campaign to end the practice, but against
their dehumanization and the lack of respect and dignity shown to them
in this process.” The “backlash” against these women has also led to their
being “labeled, indicted and dismissed as defenders of female circumci-
sion” (Nnaemeka, “If Female Circumcision Did Not Exist,” 172–173,
177). Naturally, criticism from the “outside” is also complicated by several
factors; firstly the assumption that “insiders” act in a homogeneous man-
ner and are likely to be incapable of achieving consciousness or awareness
of the dangers of normative behavior models, and secondly through the
implication that “outsiders” are automatically at the service of postcolo-
140 black france

nial development discourse. These are the pitfalls of the kind of bilateral
symbiotic discourse Mohanty summarizes:
a comparison between western feminist self-presentation and western femi-
nist representation of women in the third world yields significant results.
Universal images of “the third-world woman” (the veiled woman, chaste vir-
gin, etc.), images construct[ed] from adding the “third-world difference” to
“sexual difference,” are predicated on (and hence obviously bring into
sharper focus) assumptions about western women as secular, liberated and
having control over their own lives . . . For without the overdetermined dis-
course that creates the third world, there would be no (singular and privi-
leged) first world. Without the “third-world woman,” the particular self-rep-
resentation of western women mentioned above would be problematical. I
am suggesting, in effect, that the one enables and sustains the other. (Mo-
hanty, “Under Western Eyes,” 69)33

How might one begin to move beyond this problem? How can Keïta’s pro-
ject not in turn find itself reconstructed as a sensational rhetorics that ap-
peals to an official French audience whose prejudices can only be further
confirmed by the authenticity of a narrative delivered by an African “na-
tive” informer? Nnaemeka’s notion of “negotiation” shares points of com-
monality with the process of mediation I have argued for throughout this
book: “Seeing feminist theorizing through the eyes of the ‘other,’ from the
‘other’ place, through the ‘other’ worldview,” as Nnaemeka has illustrated,
“has the capacity to defamiliarize feminist theory as we know it and assist
not only in interrogating, understanding, and explaining the unfamiliar
but also in defamiliarizing and refamiliarizing the familiar in more pro-
ductive and enriching ways” (Nnaemeka, “Nego-feminism,” 381).
In her Lettre d’une Africaine à ses sœurs occidentales, Beyala acknowl-
edges her own indebtedness to European feminist models elaborated from
the 1950s onward and their importance for African women, and even calls
for the support of Western women in scrutinizing cultural, political, and
social practices. Beyala simultaneously underscores the mutually constitu-
tive component of this “sisterhood,” signaling through a globalizing trans-
colonial and transnational framework what women have to learn from
each other’s struggles (Beyala, Lettre d’une Africaine, 103). In this con-
text, Western feminism does not stand alone. This allows Beyala to in ef-
fect dismiss the potentially unilateral nature of Western feminist dis-
course, substituting in its place an approach that replicates her personal
and intellectual trajectories. Beyala’s own in-betweenness (perhaps even
her own form of the “double unbelonging” alluded to in the epigraph to
this chapter) affords her a privileged perspective from which to comment
on these questions.34 Rejecting the marginalizing impact of the hyphen-
ated identitarian status that is implied by the term “franco,” utilized in
France to describe minority populations (Franco-Algerian, Franco-Afri-
can)—“always this franco something that situates the other within spheres
 Afro-Parisianism and African Feminisms 141

of difference, distancing them from the national community and creating

within itself subnational communities” (Beyala, Lettre d’une Afro-fran-
çaise, 40)—Beyala replaces the negative quality of this label with the af-
firmative qualities of a multicultural, multiethnic, and multinational sig-
nifier.
Invariably, one’s position with regard to the practice of excision is sec-
ondary to the broader implications of this discourse. “To condemn exci-
sion as a violation of human rights,” Lionnet has argued, “is to arbitrarily
presume that such a practice is the only culturally sanctioned form of vio-
lence that deserves to be denounced, whereas we know that many other
forms of violence are not repressed by law in the Western context, and
that some of our own practices are objectionable and shocking to Afri-
cans” (Lionnet, “Feminisms and Universalisms,” 373). Rather, what is at
stake is the implications both for the African and the diasporic immigrant
context in determining whether feminist engagement is merely designed to
maintain French assimilationist and recuperative hegemony through the
dissemination of negative discourses pertaining to African sociocultural
practices. Indeed, that is what Beyala has argued. If that is the case, then
such discourse will continue to impede and limit the dynamism associated
with the heterogeneous nature of transformations in the immigrant con-
text. However, questioning and challenging this mechanism provides the
opportunity to displace responsibility and allow African women to be-
come agents of change. This is an important step toward the type of argu-
ment advocated by Lionnet, in which “this form of universalism does not
objectify the other and subsume her into my own world view; what it does
is create a relational space where intersubjectivity and reciprocity become
possible,” and that in turn makes it “pointless to claim that the issue op-
poses communitarian values to universal ones; the actual conflict hinges
on the opposing claims of two different communities, one of which would
like to believe that its culture is a ‘universal’ one” (Lionnet, Postcolonial
Representations, 153, 166). For Beyala, the question of validating cultural
difference contains its own boundaries: “let us not confuse things: the re-
spect of cultural differences does not mean accepting any kind of insanity,
any kind of barbarism with which certain societies—notably African soci-
ety—shower us with” (Beyala, Lettre d’une Africaine, 99). This statement
by Beyala serves to underline what I have described as the polyvocal na-
ture of the issue and also the question of location; clearly, different pro-
cesses are at work when Beyala evokes “barbarism” than when the French
courts do, for example.
Beyond any kind of relativistic discourse, the fact remains that this is a
debate that needs to take place both in Africa and beyond the continent,
and this can be effected by infusing the debate with a deterritorialized no-
tion of Africa that would allow for dialogue and mediation with African
Diasporas in global contexts; this rejoins the “interpenetrative” dimension
142 black france

of globalization studied by Ashcroft (Ashcroft, Post-colonial Transforma-

tions, 214). “The development process, as it is engineered from outside
and ‘above,’” Nnaemeka argues, “has dragged Africans along while leav-
ing behind African ideals of humanity, responsibility, compromise, and
true partnership at the heart of democratic values that would have
smoothed the rough edges of the so-called development in theory and
practice” (Nnaemeka, “Nego-feminism,” 375). Such gestures have failed
to eliminate the potential shortcomings associated with a conception of
universalism that ignores an incorporative paradigm of ethical conduct
constructed outside of the principles and coordinates of Western codes
and standards. Keïta’s text is more concerned with exploring the compli-
cated locations from which arguments are formulated than it is with aes-
thetic factors such as literariness; this work embraces a more popular us-
age of literature in the service of social causes. What complicates the
dialogue is that the advocacy and appeal for individual rights take place
initially in France, where such notions have themselves been rejected by
the universalizing exigencies of Frenchness in addressing the potentialities
of a multicultural society.
I propose to examine some of the ways in which these questions sur-
face in Rebelle. The particular sociocultural circumstances of African
women both in francophone sub-Saharan Africa and in the African Dias-
pora in France are explored. Rather than heralding the emergence of a
model of feminist contestation and oppositionality, Keïta’s novel shares
proximity with Western emancipatory structures pertaining to women’s
rights, gender equity, and sexual oppression. France continues to control
the publication and distribution of texts produced by francophone Afri-
can cultural practitioners, and the fact that the readership is for the most
part located outside of Africa raises important questions, of course. For
many uninformed readers, Rebelle corresponds quite closely to popularly
received notions of African gender relations. The text begins with the cen-
tral protagonist’s abduction by her first husband’s brothers, who forcibly
bring her from the village where she was born and from which she had
fled after an arranged marriage over twenty years before. During the jour-
ney, Malimouna “saw her life go by” (Keïta, 5). This flashback sequence
provides the author with the opportunity to recount Malimouna’s story.
While there is no indication that the novel itself constitutes an auto-
biographical narrative, the format is clearly indebted to a documentary-
testimonial mode from which Malimouna’s story gains a certain authen-
ticity.
Every effort is made to emphasize the traditionalism of the rural set-
ting into which Malimouna is born. As a young girl she enjoys the visits of
her friend Sanita, who lives in the urban capital. These young girls are
constructed as binary oppositions and serve to highlight the various con-
tributions the cultural training of each can bring the other. On the one
 Afro-Parisianism and African Feminisms 143

hand, Malimouna begins to learn French from her exposure to Sanita,

who speaks almost exclusively the language associated with the urban
center, while Sanita’s parents are eager for their daughter to make regular
visits to the village so that she can gain familiarity with her “culture and
language of origin” (Keïta, 6). These representations and distinctions be-
tween rural and urban spaces have a tendency to offer stereotypical con-
structs of what are usually far more complicated sociocultural spaces, par-
ticularly in the contemporary era in which Keïta’s novel is set. These images
were more commonly associated with francophone sub-Saharan African
novels during the 1950s—most notably Laye Camara’s The Dark Child
and Cheikh Hamidou Kane’s Ambiguous Adventure—in which such rep-
resentations of Africa were employed in order to describe an uncontami-
nated African culture predating colonial contact.35
A dramatic transition occurs for Malimouna when she happens upon
the respected village exciser, Dimikèla, in the throes of passion with a
young man named Seynou. She observes them from the branch of a tree,
and the lovers only become aware that they have been discovered when
Malimouna falls from the branch and injures herself. Terrified of Dimikèla,
Malimouna realizes that she has, unwittingly, become privy to a secret
that will have serious repercussions for her. Afraid that Malimouna will
reveal her transgressive liaison with Seynou, and aware of Malimouna’s
objections to her own excision, Dimikèla later simulates the effects of an
excision during Malimouna’s official excision ceremony by cutting her in-
ner thigh instead. This self-serving act establishes a silent pact between the
two women, one that will come back to haunt them.
The introduction of Malimouna’s excision ceremony (when the pro-
tagonist reaches her eighth birthday) allows the narrator to articulate a
number of questions concerning this ritual and rite of passage. As prepa-
rations for the ceremony get underway, we learn that these young women
“were about to become worthy of respect, and for that they had to sum-
mon up all their courage and dignity . . . The entire village would then ad-
mire them and they would have become real women” (Keïta, 13). In this
instance, courage and dignity are delineated as prerequisites for the ac-
quisition of respect, and as a precondition for access to the status of
woman (womanhood). Subsequently, the narrator asks, “Were they not
born women?” (13). This question intertextually rejoins Simone de Beau-
voir’s famous statement “One is not born a women, one becomes a wom-
an” in her pathbreaking book Le deuxième sexe (The Second Sex), in
which she argued that womanhood was defined not as an essential status,
but rather as one that could only be achieved through conscious emanci-
pation and the assumption of personal responsibility.36 Thus, while Keïta’s
question raises a similar problematic, the objective is displaced away from
the meaning de Beauvoir accords the idea, to the extent that for Keïta
birth as a woman serves as a sufficient identitarian marker outside of the
144 black france

exigencies of becoming associated with and required by sociocultural con-

ventions.
Indeed, it is precisely because of the injury Malimouna sustains during
her fall that she is able to delay her own excision. During this time period,
she begins to state her objections to the ritual to her mother. The latter im-
mediately locates this resistance in the proximity her daughter has gained,
through her friendship with Sanita, to what she perceives as the values of
the urban capital: “Frequenting these people could not be without conse-
quence since Malimouna would surely be tempted to imitate them” (Keïta,
17). Having in fact assimilated and embraced these values, which her
mother feels threaten her traditional sociocultural training, and which she
associates with those Western worldviews that have emerged from colo-
nialist assimilationist ideologies, she states that “this cursed little city girl
who acted like a Toubab [a white person, usually in a position of author-
ity] had become her daughter’s friend, and must have given her all these
bad ideas” (15). Recognizing the powerful lure these values represent, she
redoubles her efforts to fulfill her role and responsibility as a mother,
which consists in preparing her daughter for the successful transition to
womanhood. As Lionnet has explained, “This rite of passage is meant to
mark entrance into adulthood and is normally accompanied by extensive
psychological preparation in the form of religious teachings and ritualized
observances” (Lionnet, Postcolonial Representations, 155). A powerful
contrast is provided between her perspective and that of Sanita’s parents,
who choose to protect their daughter from the practice:
Her parents, who boasted about their pride in their traditions, preferred, for
whatever reason, to shield their daughter from this crucial rite of passage in
the life of a woman. Motou, though, was determined, no matter what it
took, to save her daughter from this disaster and to prevent her from finding
herself banished from society. She would make sure of this. (Keïta, 18)

Having “escaped” the ritual, Malimouna is able to protect her secret for
another six years until, when she is fourteen, her father takes an interest in
marrying her to his friend Sando. The prospect of this arranged marriage
generates tremendous anxiety for Malimouna, who lives in fear of her in-
complete excision being exposed. In fact, her reluctance to engage in this
relationship and her terror of consummating her marital union is drama-
tized by her first sexual encounter with her husband, which is narrated as
a rape scene. In the description of this encounter, the focus remains exclu-
sively on male pleasure:
She would have yelled out in pain had he not gagged her with his large
hand. She felt crushed under the full weight of his body. It felt as if it lasted
for several hours. And then, intoxicated with ecstasy, he had wanted to start
all over again. Holding her legs spread, he had straightened himself so as to
better admire the spectacle of her young body, and it was at that point that
his focus had lingered on her vulva. (39)
 Afro-Parisianism and African Feminisms 145

The violence contained in this sequence is epitomized by the placing of a

white sheet on the conjugal bed in order to ascertain that Malimouna is in
fact a virgin, while her husband enjoys a reputation as an “old romantic”
(38). However, upon realizing that she has not been excised, Sando at-
tempts to leave the room to announce his discovery. Malimouna responds
immediately and knocks her husband unconscious with a fertility statue to
gain time to escape—perhaps further underlining the inextricable link the
author establishes between violence and reproductive sexuality. The im-
plication is of course that this escape serves as a metonym for a more gen-
eral escape—from tradition, from patriarchy, and from subjugation: “Just
like her friend Sanita, she had always wanted to discover new horizons;
never did she think she would run away from home like a criminal” (50).
Malimouna thus leaves her village and makes her way to the capital.
Upon her arrival in the capital, Malimouna witnesses a hit-and-run ac-
cident in which a white woman is knocked over by a car. As the victim lies
injured, Malimouna tends to the woman’s child, and ends up accompany-
ing her to the hospital. She continues to take care of the child while the
mother receives medical attention. When the father shows up at the hospi-
tal, he is impressed with the attention she gives the infant and her obvious
competence in matters of child care, and he offers her a position as their
nanny. Homeless, on the run, she willingly accepts their proposition. In
fact, he is so touched by the image of this stranger nurturing his child that
it brings tears to his eyes: “Malimouna was intrigued as she stared at him.
A man never would have cried like this in her home over so little, and es-
pecially not in front of a woman” (52). Through Malimouna’s observa-
tions, the narrator provides us with some indication of the rigorous codes
of masculinity the protagonist has experienced. Furthermore, while Mal-
imouna is literally rescued by this French couple living in Africa, she
processes and filters her new environment through the education she re-
ceived in her native village. For example, she observes gender roles in this
household: “It was pleasant being a woman in this household. Michèle
was a princess whom her husband Gérard took care of as if he revered
her. She did virtually nothing. Looking at her, Malimouna thought of her
mother. Matou’s day began at four in the morning with prayer” (55).
These rationalizations and interpretations inaugurate a more problematic
process in which the French are associated with a more enlightened inter-
pretation of gender relations, a dimension I shall return to later.
Malimouna’s stay in this French family comes to an abrupt end when
Michèle begins to sense her husband’s growing attraction to Malimouna.
She quickly finds her a new position with a French family that is about to
return to France for an extended vacation. And so, rapidly, the topography
shifts from Africa to France, where Malimouna finds herself increasingly
isolated and alienated, her existence literally engulfed by domestic re-
sponsibilities analogous to those of so many other young African protag-
146 black france

onists, from Diouana in Sembene’s “Black Girl” to Henriette in Akofa’s

Une esclave moderne: “She felt weary and depressed. A profound feeling
of solitude overcame her . . . She could not wait to be back on African
soil. She felt too much of an outsider here, too ignored” (66–67). Once
again, her stay with this French family ends when the husband, Monsieur
Bineau, makes inappropriate sexual advances: “This time she was not run-
ning away. She was leaving” (69). With this departure, Malimouna gradu-
ally begins her discovery of the African Diaspora. Following a brief stay
with a pastor and his wife who extend hospitality to her, she finally opts
to leave for Paris, and finds refuge in an African shelter: “In this shelter,
she had found Africa again, so far behind her at this stage. Here, several
nationalities from that continent came together, but the overwhelming
mood was one of depression, unhappiness. A real African popular quarter
in the very heart of Paris” (77). Malimouna is able to earn a living, but,
now aged twenty-two, she aspires to enroll in the Institute for Social Stud-
ies. She is prompted to pursue this objective by her own experiences in
France and her observations of the treatment of African women in the di-
asporic context: “She wanted to be of assistance to African women in
France” (83).
In this way, Malimouna meets Fanta from Mali, who has been sent by
her family to France to live with the husband they chose for her. Mal-
imouna and Fanta immediately develop a friendship, and Malimouna takes
it upon herself to “guide her around and show her how to live in France”
(91). However, while Fanta may feel confused by her new environment
when she first arrives in France, she does not question the sociocultural
codes her husband embraces and which she shares. Thus, when she be-
comes repeatedly pregnant, she is subjected to Malimouna’s disapproval
and anger: “But how are you going to get by with all these babies . . . And
you who spoke of educating yourself like me!” (92). Malimouna suggests
that Fanta start taking birth control pills: “Fanta had in fact discussed this
with her husband that very evening . . . He had slapped her, telling her that
it was contrary to their religion and that only fickle women needed that
kind of protection . . . In any case, he was the one that provided for them,
not her. The discussion was over” (92–91). After the birth of Fanta’s
fourth child, she and Malimouna arrange for her to secretly start taking
birth control, but this strategy is soon uncovered by her husband, who
proceeds to beat her and reassert his authority. Malimouna finds herself
caught in a dilemma between her instinct to protect Fanta and the realiza-
tion that reporting this violence to the French authorities would under-
mine the solidarity of the African diasporic community: “Her husband
was all she had in this foreign city. And in any case, how could she, Mal-
imouna, a black woman, make problems for another black person in a
country in which the color of one’s skin caused so much hardship? No
one would forgive her for that back at the shelter” (95).
 Afro-Parisianism and African Feminisms 147

Malimouna is forced to remain silent. However, she further resolves to

devote her life to improving the circumstances of women in the African
Diaspora: “she would struggle to help her sisters” (95). Having completed
a three-year program of study as preparation for a career in social work
and become literate in French, Malimouna has gained a more solid grasp
of gender relations in France as well:
She smiled to herself when she thought back to the idea she had of women
in Europe from watching Michèle, her boss in Salouma who was treated like
a queen by her husband. How wrong she had been in thinking that white
women were better off than those in her country! . . . Things were different
back home, the customs and mores were not the same, but a woman was
still a woman. (99–100)

However, this is an important step toward the type of positionality Lion-

net has described, in which
what does appear to be “universal” when we carefully examine the whole
cultural contexts within which the debate is situated is the way in which dif-
ferent cultures, for better or for worse, impose similar constraints on the
bodies of their members, especially when those bodies are already marked
by the sign of the feminine. (Lionnet, Postcolonial Representations, 166)37

Later, she starts to work in an organization that is primarily designed to

assist immigrant women:
Malimouna would have her own office space and would endeavor to solve,
as best she could, the problems of impoverished women, women who had
often been beaten and who were prisoners of the feminine condition. The
first goal she would set for herself—and she knew just how difficult this
would be—was to make her protégées understand that the key to their prob-
lems resided in instruction. (Keïta, 105)

Her activism coincides with the early days of her intimate relationship
with her former academic advisor and the awakening of her sexuality.
However, they do not live in a vacuum, and their relationship subjects
them to the scrutiny of others: “He was well aware that their relationship
troubled and would be troubling to people both in his milieu and in hers.
But should one give in when faced with what he saw as stupidity?” (118).
When Fanta shows up at the guidance center where Malimouna works,
Malimouna is aware that her friend and the African community frown on
her exogamous relationship:
Malimouna knew that Fanta would not understand how she could love a
white man. In African circles, men could date white women and even marry
them without too much condemnation. But as soon as a black woman so
much as dared follow through with what was considered taboo, namely
falling in love with a white man, well then she was immediately pilloried and
subjected to the worst of calamities. (122)
148 black france

In French Maghrebi communities and other French African communities,

it is often the case that relationships between French men and African
women are less acceptable than those between French women and African
men.38
The purpose of Fanta’s visit provides further indication of the distance
between Malimouna’s value system and her friend’s. Fanta has come to
her in order to solicit assistance with a growing domestic problem, namely
her daughter’s refusal to undergo her scheduled excision:
She is eleven right now, and must be excised tomorrow, and wants to hear
nothing of it! Our children who grow up in France no longer understand
anything to do with our traditions and their importance. My husband will
kill me if she is not excised tomorrow! . . . My husband has threatened to re-
pudiate both of us . . . He’s accusing me of putting ideas in her head. (123–
124)

Fanta is unaware of her friend’s own biography and act of rebellion. The
visit provides Malimouna with the opportunity to reflect on the situation
and to question the logic that informs the practice of excision: “Tell me,
Fanta, you were excised, right? Have you forgotten how painful it was? Is
that what you want for your daughter? Is that how you want to show her
your love?” (124). This rejoins some of the central issues discussed at the
beginning of the chapter concerning questions of location:
Malimouna was well aware that these hollow and superficial discourses were
those she had herself heard so often from Westerners. These people who
usually see everything from the outside and nevertheless feel they have the
right to hurl sterile and unjust condemnations at everyone else. (125)

Malimouna recognizes that argumentation will prove futile, since her

friend conceives of her maternal role in terms of a responsibility to perpet-
uate tradition that represents “HER truth, HER reality” (125). Mal-
imouna’s opposition to the practice and unwillingness to assist Fanta in
her predicament effectively constitute an invalidation of Fanta’s choices,
and Fanta can only respond by identifying Malimouna as the enemy. She
also attributes Malimouna’s ideological position to her relationship with a
white French man. This encounter serves to highlight the discrepancy be-
tween the values the parents adhere to and impose in the private space, and
those to which their children are exposed in the public space that is consti-
tuted by the school, youth culture, television, radio, and so forth. As a re-
sult of medical complications resulting from her excision, Fanta’s daughter
dies, and her story enters the public domain, thereby echoing the various
fait divers explored in “Black Girl” and Une esclave moderne in the previ-
ous chapter: “The news had reached all the papers. They had all repeated
the story, most notably the tabloid press, which was particularly partial to
this kind of information. Little Noura had hemorrhaged to death and suf-
fered terribly” (126). While Malimouna is opposed to the practice of exci-
 Afro-Parisianism and African Feminisms 149

sion, she questions whether imprisonment of its practitioners is in fact the

most useful solution. Indeed, as Lionnet has pointed out,
By criminalizing the practice of excision and sending the parents to jail, the
French courts have judged individuals guilty of an act of violence, when in
fact they had no intention of committing violence; their behavior was in ac-
cord with deeply held sociocultural and religious beliefs about the nature of
femininity and the function of sexuality in their respective collectivities. An-
thropologists and social critics have argued that legal sanctions will have lit-
tle if any positive impact, since families may continue to have excisions per-
formed either clandestinely in France (and with greater risk to the girls’ life
and health) or back in Africa during school vacations. (Lionnet, Postcolonial
Representations, 156)

Furthermore, Malimouna struggles with the court’s verdict and her part-
ner’s statement concerning the barbarous nature of the practice: “There is
nothing to understand—mutilation is mutilation, and it is a barbarous
act” (Keïta, 127). Malimouna rejects his universalist principles, which she
sees as betraying a simplistic logic: “What do you know about bar-
barism?” she yelled, incensed. “It’s all too easy to judge when you’re out-
side of all this!” (127). In so doing, she demonstrates the degree to which
she is confused by her attempts at expressing her opposition to the prac-
tice without simultaneously adopting a universalist stance. She emphasizes
that Alain, her French partner, cannot fully understand or access the speci-
ficity of the African context. “Didn’t he understood that things weren’t
that simple? For these people, there was nothing barbarous or cruel about
them. They loved their children and were convinced that it was for their
good that they acted in this way” (127). At this stage in Keïta’s text, Mal-
imouna is unable to reconcile the two positions, and to this extent the pro-
grammatic dimension must be found elsewhere. Nevertheless, the most
significant and revealing point to emerge from this section concerns the
author’s implied awareness of the risks associated with the novel she has
written. The “tabloid press” is “partial” to stories about excision, readily
exploiting their inflammatory potential. Of significance here is the fact that
these newspapers are known in France as the presse à sensation—that is,
“sensationalist” newspapers eager to fuel the official culturalist argument
as it pertains to the unassimilability of immigrants and to defend France’s
paternalism. In this treatment of public discourse, Keïta’s text therefore an-
ticipates the recuperative potential of the novel, Rebelle, she has written.
Shortly after the trial of Noura’s parents, Malimouna returns to Africa,
accompanied by Alain. Residing in a neighborhood that is primarily in-
habited by Europeans, she feels alienated from other Africans in her own
country. Eventually, after a miscarriage, she and Alain separate, and she
meets an African man named Karim. As their relationship develops, she
begins to trust him enough to share her testimony; Karim even travels to
her village and helps reunite her with her mother. Marriage soon follows,
150 black france

then a successful pregnancy. During her early years as a mother she con-
tinues to work part-time for an association devoted to the welfare of
women. However, as time passes, her husband becomes increasingly dis-
tant, starts having an affair, and even expresses disapproval of her in-
volvement with the association. For all intents and purposes, Malimouna
is abandoned by her husband. As her children grow older, she becomes
more active with the association, confronting problems of education, pub-
lic awareness, and women’s rights. One of the main obstacles she attempts
to overcome is the resistance she encounters from other African women
who do not share her perception and interpretation of the gender inequi-
ties in the sociocultural environment in which they reside:
Those that were disparaging of her efforts went around saying that women
had never been slaves to men, and that all these beliefs were recuperations of
Western conceptions aimed at perpetuating the negative image of men, and
black men in particular . . . Africa, they insisted, had enough difficulties to
overcome as it was without needing to go and look for others in another
world, another milieu. (182–183)

In fact, the argument most commonly made by supporters of traditional

patriarchal structures and critics of universalist standards originates in re-
peated accusations that African opponents are merely adopting “Western
attitudes” (181). Malimouna is faced here with the community’s attempt
to preserve the social homeostasis and its rejection of the interpenetrative
potential of both alternative internal and external positions. Ange-Marie
Hancock has discussed this divisive concept, wherein “insiders” are ac-
cused of being “outsiders”: “Many women in various African nations face
charges of Western cooptation when asserting their rights as women to
attack patriarchy . . . African males have resorted to portrayals of mid-
dle-class women as ‘too Westernized to be true African women.’”39 Mal-
imouna, aware of her own status as a victim of abuse, ignores her detrac-
tors and becomes an increasingly active and recognized campaigner for
women’s causes:
She relentlessly denounced violence against women. Violence that started
with excision, she argued, moved on to the forced marriage of young girls,
their subsequent suffocation in the home, and often the accompanying do-
mestic brutalities. Additionally, she underscored, this violence also mani-
fested itself in the refusal to women of the right to education. (189)

When Malimouna initiates an important meeting on the subject of exci-

sion, an occasion that will “feature a number of testimonies . . . Testi-
monies that would be of capital importance. For the first time, women
would dare to speak out in public” (194–196), the novel’s more program-
matic component emerges as an innovative option is provided through ed-
ucation and a deconstruction of the rationale that had served to justify the
practice:
 Afro-Parisianism and African Feminisms 151
As mothers, by allowing and at times even encouraging this custom, they
had made mistakes, albeit because of ignorance, but often sharing in the re-
sponsibility. Today, women could no longer ignore not only the uselessness
of this practice—this ritual without religious foundation—but also and in
particular its harmful character. (197)

Additionally, she attempts to reverse the logic of some of the arguments

that have been invoked, stating for example that
the object, it was said, was to remove from the woman’s body that which re-
sembled the penis, the ultimate symbol of masculinity. But what about
breasts, weren’t they the supreme symbols of femininity? If so, hadn’t any-
one ever thought of removing this feminine attribute from men? (197)

Keïta ends up confronting broader gender problems as they pertain to the

postcolonial space in general. In Sony Labou Tansi’s novels, for example,
corporal disfigurement and dismemberment, along with violent sexuali-
ties, serve to articulate a commentary on the nature of the social body it-
self, and analogous constructs have provided the subject matter of numer-
ous powerful works by francophone sub-Saharan African women authors
such as Calixthe Beyala and Ken Bugul.
However, there are serious consequences of “speaking out.” Mali-
mouna’s husband comes under increasing pressure from other men con-
cerning his wife’s activities, and his own masculinity is put into ques-
tion—he is now tauntingly called “Mister Malimouna” (198). To restore
order, he accuses her of having traded her allegiance to tradition for “West-
ern” standards: “Stop playing at being a Toubab, we have our realities . . .
You are my wife, go home, that’s it!” (209). In a desperate attempt at re-
claiming his authority and reinstating his social status as it is defined by
specific masculinist codes to which he adheres, he proceeds to rape his
wife. However, silence is no longer an option for her; not speaking is more
problematic for her than the threat of violence itself: “She had won a bat-
tle, but not yet the war” (217). Through testimony, Keïta demonstrates
how African women can achieve solidarity and sisterhood:
These women were in raptures upon discovering solidarity and hope. They
were genuinely becoming conscious of an injustice they had never consid-
ered as such, conditioned and resigned as they were to a fate they could not
really escape. What they had lived was considered the norm, but they were
coming to realize that it was up to them to revise and correct this norm, so
that this domination that had been exerted on their bodies and minds would
progressively soften. (219–220)

After giving her speech to her captive audience, Malimouna begins the fi-
nal leg of her journey when she is kidnapped by her first husband’s broth-
ers and taken back to her native village. A village council meets to decide
her fate, and Malimouna is subjected to customary law concerning her
first marriage. However, in a final gesture of solidarity, a large contingent
152 black france

of women from the association have traveled to the village to rescue her:
“furious, Malimouna’s friends shouted at the villagers, calling them sav-
ages” (231). Use of the term “savage” will surely not promote the kind of
respectful dialogue likely to engender change, but the implications of this
expression of solidarity for both the African and the diasporic immigrant
context are evident. Examining some of the more constructive reflections
on transnational discourse may help to connect with the programmatic di-
mension of Keïta’s project.
In her book The Claims of Culture: Equality and Diversity in the
Global Era, Seyla Benhabib has highlighted the dangers intrinsic to such
questioning, in which
multicultural institutional arrangements and legal compromises very often
work to the detriment of women. Either they imprison them in arcane
arrangements of dependency upon their husbands and male relatives . . . or
they render them vulnerable to oppression by withdrawing legal protection
to which they would be entitled were they not considered members of cul-
tural minorities.40

Benhabib’s notion of “democratic equality,” which insists on establishing

“impartial institutions in the public sphere and civil society where this
struggle for the recognition of cultural differences and the contestation for
cultural narratives can take place without domination” (Benhabib, Claims
of Culture, 8), accordingly generates a form of “interactive universalism”
that allows one to “become aware of the otherness of others, of those as-
pects of their identity that make them concrete others to me, only through
their own narratives” (14). However, Benhabib’s model has limitations
when applied to the African framework (and surely others as well), since it
underestimates the power of those social forces that determine cultural
and social practices. For example, as Vicki Kirby shows, “what is ‘other’
for the West must thereby forfeit its own internal contradictions and di-
versities in this homogenizing identification of alterity.”41 There are crucial
differences among and between—and within—national spaces and Dias-
poras. The organizing principles of Benhabib’s “universalist deliberative
democracy” are “egalitarian reciprocity,” “voluntary self-ascription,” and
“freedom of exit and association”: the right of the “individual to exit the
ascriptive group must be unrestricted, although exit may be accompanied
by the loss of certain kinds of formal and informal privileges” (Benhabib,
Claims of Culture, 19). Tested against the case of excision, these principles
cannot function, because the practice is “a cultural rite of passage derived
from ancient customs [that] produces gendered identity and the religious
and social integration of women [and functions as a] means of affirming
gender and inscribing sexual identity on the body,”42 and it is a rite of pas-
sage required as a precondition for access to the community. Similarly,
Benhabib’s insistence on the “voluntary” nature of human agency empha-
 Afro-Parisianism and African Feminisms 153

sizes the foundational importance of “choice.” “The question of choice,”

Lionnet insists, “thus remains problematic when one focuses not just on
individual rights, but on the way such rights may be in conflict with the
broader social, religious or communitarian values to which an individual
woman has to subscribe if she is to remain a respected member of her
community, as opposed to being a ‘free’ agent in our increasingly atomized
capitalist culture” (Lionnet, “Feminisms and Universalisms,” 374). As
Porgès has shown, “in cases where women refuse excision, they would be
subjected to public recrimination and if necessary operated on by force or
forced to submit themselves to common law” (Porgès, 53).
Keïta’s work faithfully introduces into literature the kind of social
transformation that is evidenced in Africa today and whose recognition
Hancock emphasizes: “What has been commonly overlooked by develop-
ment professionals and Western feminist activists are those resources al-
ready possessed by African women” (Hancock, 249). A solution may be
available in what she has described as an “egalitarian multicultural coali-
tion politics” (246) and by further consideration of important contribu-
tions made by African feminists such as Molara Ogundipe-Leslie and
Philomena Okeke, who have written about these complex debates, requir-
ing that our analyses go “beyond the single issue of anti-FGM activism to
a global analysis of power relations” (253).43
French colonial policy “tolerated” excision in the colonies, whereas
postcolonial legal argumentation structures excision as a violation of
“fundamental human principles” (Lionnet, Postcolonial Representations,
165)—surely this must lead us to interrogate the moment at which
France’s “internal” position, its policy of noninterference, is interrupted
and ceases to be applicable at the limits of the Hexagon, and therefore to
ask how a consideration of the transcolonial framework reveals contra-
dictions that point to the problematic component of the “clash of civili-
zations” culturalist argument recuperated from colonial discourse and
remapped on the landscape of post-1980 immigrant politics in order to
foster the “absolute noncommensurability of the two cultural systems”
(164).44
“Culture,” as Nnaemeka reminds us, “as an arena of political and ide-
ological struggle, needs constant and close scrutiny to separate reality
from invention or trace invention’s transformation into reality. Culture is
dynamic in the sense that it derives its meanings, evolution, and reformu-
lation from people’s encounter with and negotiations in the context of
historical imperatives” (Nnaemeka, “Nego-feminism,” 374). Immigration
policies and the socioeconomic circumstances of African immigrants in
France should be subjected to the kind of concerted attention and scrutiny
that so-called incompatible cultural practices receive in the service of con-
serving and preserving a monolithic conception of French society. As
Mali’s former minister of culture, Aminata Traoré, has argued in her force-
154 black france

ful critique of the negative impact of economic globalization on Africa,

the possibility of working with “women’s organizations in the Northern
hemisphere that believe, as indeed we do, in the possibility of a new Africa
and that work toward this objective, in collaboration at times with African
organizations” (Traoré, Le viol de l’imaginaire, 148), should be embraced
as a further mediation between Africa and the African Diaspora, as an al-
ternative mechanism for “nego-tiating” African feminisms with multiple
coordinates.
 SIX

Fashion Matters: La sape and

Vestimentary Codes in Transnational
Contexts and Urban Diasporas

What young African doesn’t dream of going

to France? Unfortunately, they confuse living
in France with being a servant in France. I
come from the village next to Diouana’s, in
Casamance. There, we don’t say the way you
do that it is the light that attracts the moth,
but the other way round. In my country,
Casamance, we say that the darkness
pursues the moth.
Ousmane Sembene1

In the postcolony, magnificence and the desire

to shine are not the prerogative only of those
who command. The people also want to be
“honored,” to “shine,” and to take part in
celebrations . . . in their desire for a certain
majesty, the masses join in the madness and
clothe themselves in cheap imitations of
power to reproduce its epistemology.
Achille Mbembe2

A product manufactured by the colonizer

is accepted with confidence. His habits,
clothing, food, architecture are closely
copied, even if inappropriate.
Albert Memmi3

When one thinks of various colonial centers and their respective architec-
tural and geo-political spaces that constituted the peripheries of empire,
associations with France remain indissociable from its capital city, Paris.
156 black france

The focus of this chapter is provided by a discussion of the symbiotic re-

lationship between Paris as a narrative construct in the minds of its for-
mer colonial subjects and the complex manner in which urban spaces and
narrative productions are simultaneously reconfigured according to the
cultural, political, and sociological agendas of cultural practitioners; while
in chapter 2 the acquisition of cultural capital was addressed with regard
to colonial education, the focus here shifts to the acquisition of social cap-
ital in the form of a secular quest or pilgrimage to France (as opposed to
Mecca).4 Throughout I argue for the necessity of analyzing the complex
and complicated dynamic that is contained in the process of demystifying
various narrative mechanisms associated with thinking about the particu-
larities of the diasporic experience in the Hexagon. These fundamental
questions are explored through specific reference to Alain Mabanckou’s
novel Bleu-Blanc-Rouge (1998) and Daniel Biyaoula’s novels L’impasse
(1996) and Agonies (1998), while extending the argument to issues of im-
migration and transnationalism and establishing points of commonality
with similar phenomena in other sociocultural contexts, in Africa and
elsewhere.5 This chapter will also further extend the discussion of gender
that informed the analysis of Fatou Keïta’s work in the preceding chapter,
but from a very different perspective. As an intrinsically masculinist prac-
tice, centered on European aesthetic codes and value systems, La sape has
much to reveal, especially because its masculinism has been relatively ig-
nored.6 As Barbara Burman and Carole Turbin have argued, “gender is-
sues are interwoven into this emerging field of dress and textile history.”7
Recent critical approaches in the social sciences have provided useful
paradigms and contextual frameworks for exploring these occurrences.
Jean-Loup Amselle’s book Branchements: Anthropologie de l’universalité
des cultures allows us to adequately assess the complex manner in which
populations and histories have become imbricated. The implications of
this recontextualization are tremendously helpful in delineating and illus-
trating how this theoretical apparatus could be put into practice in order
to understand the dynamics of colonialism, immigration, and transnation-
alism. Amselle’s objective is to break with “traditional anthropological
approaches that privilege the local over the global”;8 in a similar fashion,
this chapter in turn explores the various ways in which all actors—the col-
onized and the colonizer, immigrants and receiving countries—are trans-
formed by and in diasporic, multicultural, and transnational spaces. For
Amselle, “Africa therefore represents a construct, a concept whose opera-
tional laws obey a semantic logic that is totally independent of any terri-
torial attachment. The Africa-concept belongs to all those who want to get
hold of it, connect to it” (Amselle, Branchements, 15).
In this instance, the movement known as La sape provides a striking
example of a sociocultural phenomenon to which a transnational matrix
can be applied. The word sape originated as an acronym for the Société
 Fashion Matters 157

des ambianceurs et des personnes élégantes (Society of Ambianceurs and

Persons of Elegance), whose members were and are primarily young men
from Brazzaville (Republic of the Congo) and Kinshasa (Democratic Re-
public of the Congo). The sapeurs travel to France in order to acquire de-
signer clothes as part of a broader identitarian agenda associated with the
shifting cultural, political, and social coordinates of the colony and post-
colony as determined by hegemonic and counter-hegemonic practices.
However, there are important differences between the objectives of the
sapeurs and those of other migrants, given that the motivating factor—the
migrant impulse—of the former is inextricably linked to the anticipated
return to Africa as an integral component of the transcontinental adven-
ture and a prerequisite for the enhanced social status conferred on them
as a result of the successful completion of the circular mission.9
Explored by anthropologists and sociologists, and more recently in the
work of Congolese novelists Daniel Biyaoula and Alain Mabanckou, La
sape, as Janet MacGaffey and Rémy Bazenguissa-Ganga have demonstrat-
ed in their book Congo-Paris: Transnational Traders on the Margins of
the Law, offers “a new perspective on a little known and altogether differ-
ent facet of relations between the local and the global, one focused on in-
dividuals and their counter-hegemonic activities rather than on nation
states and large companies.”10 The relationship between these national
spaces—the Republic of the Congo, the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
and France—is symbiotic to the extent that La sape, as Justin-Daniel Gan-
doulou has shown in his study Au cœur de la sape: Mœurs et aventures de
Congolais à Paris, essentially does not exist outside of these spaces.11 Mac-
Gaffey and Bazenguissa-Ganga call for an approach that allows for “mul-
tisited ethnographies,” thereby rejoining the structure Amselle has advo-
cated through branchements (connections). Their focus is on “the ways in
which these traders organize their trade, the cultural factors on which it
depends, and the part the commodities of the trade play in structuring
identity among West Central African migrants in Europe . . . how it is able
to function in the absence of a supportive legal system, and how opportu-
nities can be found to avoid oppressive constraints by operating outside
state laws” (MacGaffey and Bazenguissa-Ganga, 3–4).
Any thinking on the concept of La sape inevitably compels us to con-
sider the broader framework represented by the formation of African di-
asporic communities in general, and, more specifically, that of the Con-
golese Diaspora. This contextual framework serves to further underline
the singularity of the sapeurs’ experience, while also providing insights
into migrant itineraries from Africa toward Europe. Indeed, this frame-
work establishes links with a plethora of social issues that have to do with
immigration legislation, reforms of citizenship criteria, and the increasing
reluctance of European nation-states to provide hospitable environments
for migrant communities. Elie Goldschmidt has investigated these trends
158 black france

in “Migrants congolais en route vers l’Europe” (“Congolese Migrants on

the Route to Europe”) through a focus on Congolese migration from
Brazzaville and Kinshasa to Morocco after 1997 as preparation for pas-
sage into the European Union.12 While migratory patterns have created
multiple Congolese diasporic communities across Africa, one of Gold-
schmidt’s central arguments is that we must avoid a reductive homoge-
neous categorization of migrants within some kind of imaginary unified
diasporic community. As we shall see in our consideration of Mabanc-
kou’s novel, the objectives of migrants are multifarious and serve to enact
a tenuous relationship among them. In fact, the sapeurs make a concerted
effort to distance themselves from associations with economic migrants,
and thus strategically avoid being incorporated in an African diasporic
community in the Hexagon, thereby further underlining the tangential
nature of their respective goals in the complex process of identity forma-
tion.
One cannot attempt to discuss the phenomenon of La sape without
considering the particular role that Paris (as the Hexagon’s capital) played
in the minds of colonized African subjects, and has continued to play since
decolonization. Indeed, the significance of Paris has been central to the
work of a number of Africanists: F. Abiola Irele, in The African Imagina-
tion: Literature in Africa and the Black Diaspora; Christopher L. Miller,
in Nationalists and Nomads: Essays on Francophone African Literature
and Culture; and Manthia Diawara, in In Search of Africa.13 As Lydie
Moudileno has observed in her reading of contemporary African writing,
“Since the beginning of the 1990s, then, young authors who have come
out of an African immigrant experience have been recentering France in
their fiction.”14 In addition to these contributions, studies of Paris have
also been foundational to a broadening of the field of African American
studies in the United States, as exemplified by Tyler Stovall’s Paris Noir:
African Americans in the City of Light and Bennetta Jules-Rosette’s Black
Paris: The African Writers’ Landscape.15 Gandoulou’s findings in his book
Dandies à Bacongo: Le culte de l’élégance dans la société congolaise con-
temporaine seem to echo this argument, since for him, “it would seem that
for a significant number of Congolese men, reaction to the Western myth
constitutes one of the positive motivating factors of emigration.”16 Paral-
lels can of course be established with other francophone areas of Africa;
Eric de Rosny, for example, has introduced the notion of an “emigration
virus” in his case study of youth in Cameroon.17 In this instance, Rosny ar-
gues that exposure to cable and satellite broadcasting and the Internet has
exponentially increased the desire to migrate: “the phenomenal impact of
new media has fueled the desire of dissatisfied youth to emigrate” (626).
France, and Paris in particular, continue to occupy the mythic status they
were invested with when they stood at the central point of France’s colo-
nial empire. This image had been widely disseminated through colonial
 Fashion Matters 159

ideology as a component of the civilizing mission and, of course, delivered

through the pedagogic arm of the imperial machinery in colonial schools.
It has in turn survived in the postcolonial context, where, as Didier Gon-
dola has shown, “it remains above all a response, a way for this ‘sacrificed’
youth to adjust to changing realities over which they have virtually no con-
trol. Through this voyage into the sape we witness the death of reality and
its reincarnation in dreams.”18
At this juncture, I would like to take up Ackbar Abbas’s usage of the
term “fascination” in order to further explicate the migrant impulse: “We
are reminded time and time again that in the allure of fascination lies a
lure.”19 Abbas’s analysis of Walter Benjamin’s objective of locating the
“unconscious of modernity . . . when the shock of modernity overwhelms
and smothers the individual, threatening to reduce private life in the big
city to inconsequentiality” (Abbas, 54), may in fact find parallels with the
colonial experience and the introduction of Africa into Western moder-
nity and capitalism. For Benjamin, this moment provides examples of an
“unconscious form of resistance . . . this makes it difficult to place and
hence to control them” (Abbas, 55). In this framework, “even the dandy,
whom the very notion of protest would strike as inelegant and hence
alien, shows traces of resistance,” since, according to Benjamin, “the dan-
dies . . . developed the ingenuous training that was necessary to overcome
these conflicts. They combined an extremely quick reaction with a re-
laxed, even slack demeanor and facial expression” (Abbas, 55).20 Clearly,
as we shall see, La sape shares interesting points of contact with the ac-
tivities of the dandies at the encounter with modernity. For Ngu“g ı“ wa
Thiong’o, a tenuousness can be located between the project of “decolo-
nizing the mind” and the countering of the fascination/myth/lure equa-
tion, since, in the words of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, “I think decolo-
nization also involves a re-fashioning of the structures that we inherit
from colonial days . . . Of course it does also require a change of mind.”21
If indeed such a gesture is enacted, then Irele’s mechanism that entails the
“deconstruction of the Western image of the native” (Irele, The African
Imagination, 72) may be enacted, yielding the potentiality for a rethink-
ing and demystification of the origins of the metropolitan fascination.
With the French context in mind, Tahar Ben Jelloun has addressed similar
issues in his book Hospitalité française: Racisme et immigration maghré-
bine; his call to decolonize the imaginary (“décoloniser l’imaginaire”)22
further complicates these circumstances by highlighting the elaborate
manner in which the other imagines the other—how Africans look at the
French and the French look at Africans—and how these processes are
also interconnected. Indeed, as we shall see, just as Ferdinand Oyono’s
novel Une vie de boy (Houseboy) undertook the task of demystifying the
colonial myth, so too does Mabanckou’s novel set out to demystify the
immigrant context.23
160 black france

There is some disagreement concerning the historical origins of La sape

and the corresponding movement that emerged from this phenomenon.
Nevertheless, few would disagree that the emergence of the organized
movement of La sape as it manifests itself today can be associated with
similar cultural and vestimentary trends going back as early as the thirt-
ies. Indeed, as Gondola has argued, “contemporary sapeurs represent at
least the third generation of Congolese dandyism” (Gondola, “Dream and
Drama,” 27). Its adherents were primarily working- or lower-middle-class
youth and high school drop-outs, although membership grew consider-
ably among increasingly disenfranchised youth under Marxism-Leninism
in the Republic of the Congo (1969–1991) and Mobutu’s rule in the Re-
public of Zaire (from 1970 onward). According to MacGaffey and Bazen-
guissa-Ganga,
The movement of la Sape emerged among unemployed youth in Brazzaville
in the 1970s. They competed for status by acquiring French designer clothing
and wearing it as part of an ostentatious lifestyle. This movement brought
young people into trade in the 1970s, as they sought the means to go to Paris
and buy expensive clothing that identifies them. The cult of appearance soon
spread to the youth of Kinshasa and has become part of the popular culture
in both Central African countries. Through their trade and other activities,
the traders protest and struggle against exclusion. (MacGaffey and Bazen-
guissa-Ganga, 3)

Clearly, colonial influences are inextricably linked to transitions in ves-

timentary codes. However, it remains of paramount importance to note
that imported codes were not adhered to in any kind of homogeneous
manner, that clothes were systematically employed as a way of establish-
ing markers of autonomous differentiation, and that examples of similar
phenomena existed in precolonial Africa, thereby making it inaccurate to
ascribe such influences only to the colonizer. The most comprehensive
analyses of these transformations are available in Jean Comaroff’s book
Body of Power, Spirit of Resistance, through the examination of “the rec-
iprocal interplay of human practice,”24 and in Phyllis M. Martin’s highly
original study of Brazzaville, Leisure and Society in Colonial Brazzaville:
“The presentation of self in outward display was an important aspect of
pre-colonial society and it was a tradition transferred and transformed in
the urban area.”25 However, colonial influences cannot be underestimated,
not only for their transformative powers, but also for the counter-hege-
monic practices they generated. Indeed, “interaction with Europeans also
influenced tastes in clothes. According to informants, their fathers and
grandfathers wanted to dress as much like Europeans as possible, for this
was the mark of an évolué” (Martin, “Dressing Well,” 158–159). Given the
process of othering that is intrinsic to colonial discourse and the accom-
panying recognition of otherness that coincides with the realization of the
impossibility of assimilation, this generated conscious attempts at achiev-
 Fashion Matters 161

ing difference. Clothing provides the occasion for the subversion of estab-
lished modes and the rejection of the dictates of accepted norms. The at-
tempt at controlling the colonized body through a standardization of
clothing was challenged by the refusal to partially assume the external ap-
pearance of the other.26 The adoption of alternative aesthetic codes pre-
sents itself as a symbolic gesture aimed at reclaiming power. This is what
Pierre Bourdieu has described as diverse “strategies of self-presentation,”
“signs of distinction,” and the ways in which “fashion offers one of the
most favorable terrains and which is the motor of cultural life as a perpet-
ual movement of overtaking and outflanking.”27
The parallels between the colonial and postcolonial eras are striking.
For example, when individuals were allowed to select their own clothing
during the colonial era, evidence suggests that “on these occasions cloth-
ing and ornamentation not only conveyed the moment in time but also
personal taste, resources and status,” and that, significantly, “European
dress was more and more adopted as the preferred attire of townsmen . . .
newly arrived workers were looked down on, as European styles, refash-
ioned in line with local tastes, became the norm” (Martin, “Dressing
Well,” 154, 165). A similar dynamic is evidenced between the sapeurs and
the economic migrants they encounter in France, who, through their cate-
gorization as paysans (peasants), are relegated to an inferior status that re-
cuperates prior colonial hierarchies of rural and urban communities and
the various associations and encodings associated with popular percep-
tions and constructs. The sapeurs endeavor to circulate outside of those
matrices, and this distantiation is intended to avoid stereotypes and pro-
jections traditionally attributed to colonized subjects and that survive to-
day in France in characterizations of African immigrants.28 These colonial
patterns had not yet come to constitute the type of “counter-culture”
available in the sixties and seventies, “when fashion became a statement
against economic deprivation and attempts at political dominance by the
party youth organization”; nevertheless, “the young men of the colonial
period blended their fascination for clothes with the formation of mutual-
aid associations . . . Through their ‘cult of elegance’ young men sought to
define their social distinctiveness, while at the same time deriving a great
deal of personal pleasure from wearing stylish clothes, admiring each oth-
ers’ dress and, hopefully, attracting girls” (Martin, “Dressing Well,” 171).
The pertinence and applicability of the historical framework to the con-
temporary circumstances of postcoloniality are unquestionable, and serve
as indicators and precursors to more recent developments: “In their ap-
preciation of the powerful symbolism of clothes and the significance of
dress in mediating social relations, modern-day Brazzavillois are celebrat-
ing a tradition that stretches back into the pre-colonial past but which
town life has only strengthened” (172).
The discourse on clothing as a symbol of assimilation has perhaps
been most powerfully exemplified in the transformation of Jean de Brun-
162 black france

hoff’s eponymous hero Babar, in Le roi Babar.29 The connections between

Brunhoff’s stories and broader social discourses and colonial ideologies
are now widely accepted, and have perhaps been most articulately and per-
suasively addressed by Ariel Dorfman in The Empire’s Old Clothes. In this
text, Dorfman demonstrated that “no sooner has he [Babar] lost his hori-
zontal nakedness and seen his clothed twin in a mirror, than he becomes
aware of his stature, his skin, his clothes.”30 Indeed, having himself success-
fully assimilated—the adoption of and adherence to Western-style clothing
serves as the explicit symbolic marker of this—Babar disseminates this
code: “Babar holds true to his promise: he handed each and every elephant
a gift and also solid clothes to work in, along with superb costumes for
parties” (18). Homi Bhabha’s work on mimicry provides a useful paradigm
for further exploring this dimension. In his “Of Mimicry and Man: The
Ambivalence of Colonial Discourse,” Bhabha illustrates how “mimicry
emerges as the representation of a difference that is itself a process of dis-
avowal . . . mimicry is at once resemblance and menace.” What is more,
“the menace of mimicry is its double vision which in disclosing the am-
bivalence of colonial discourse also disrupts its authority . . . The question
of the representation of difference is therefore always also a problem of au-
thority.”31 Further insights into these important questions are provided by
Leslie W. Rabine in her book The Global Circulation of African Fashion,
in which she adopts a transnational framework (Kenya, Senegal, and the
United States) in order to explore African fashion in the global economy.32
I would like to take up Rabine’s structural framework, according to
which “studies of globalization usually focus on dominant, high-tech net-
works—of the mass media, the Internet, or mass-marketed consumer cul-
ture—produced and disseminated by corporate capitalism. But this does
not tell the whole story of transnationally disseminated culture” (Rabine,
2). Rabine’s objective of correcting this paradigm is crucial in underlining
the manner in which certain global networks function outside of readily
identifiable trade lines—thereby echoing MacGaffey and Bazenguissa-
Ganga’s agenda in their book Congo-Paris—but also in avoiding reduc-
tive discourses on globalization that fail to take into account the multifar-
ious ways in which sociocultural processes are deployed. According to
Paul Gilroy, “chaotic cultural dissemination in more and more elaborate
circuits itself enjoys a complicated relationship to the technologies that
have conquered distance, compressed time, and solicited novel forms of
identification between the creators of cultural forms, moods, and styles
and various groups of users who may dwell far from the location in which
an object or event was initially conceived.”33 La sape as a concept shares
many points of commonality with the theoretical implications of Rabine’s
project, but also distinguishes itself from them. For Rabine, “whatever
value the overused terms ‘subversion’ or ‘resistance’ may have for studies
of mass-market consumer culture, they and the logic they connote do not
 Fashion Matters 163

apply here” (Rabine, 5). La sape is a different example of transnational-

ism, since it not only locates itself outside of the other forms of “transna-
tional disseminated culture” underscored by Rabine (2), but also situates
itself on the peripheries, through its existence outside of economic migra-
tion. Fashion, as evidenced in La sape, introduces the vocabulary and ac-
companying signifiers that are “hegemony,” “assimilation,” “subversion,”
and “resistance”—effectively rejoining Bhabha’s evocation of the “prob-
lem of authority” (Bhabha, 89). “In the postcolony,” Mbembe observes,
“magnificence and the desire to shine are not the prerogative only of those
who command. The people also want to be ‘honored, to ‘shine,’ and to
take part in celebrations . . . in their desire for a certain majesty, the masses
join in the madness and clothe themselves in cheap imitations of power to
reproduce its epistemology” (Mbembe, On the Postcolony, 131–133). The
phenomenon engages discursively and semiotically with dominant, hege-
monic norms and standards, thereby inaugurating the space for a counter-
hegemonic semiology—perhaps gaining proximity to what Rachel Lee has
referred to as “dissenting literacy,” which “acknowledges that in every act
of access to power (further incorporation into modernity, further dissemi-
nation in a wider expanse) there is also discoordination with language/
modes/forms of modernity that make, for instance, minority cultures avail-
able to translation and that teach them, as well, a literacy in those lan-
guages/modes/forms.”34 “Dissenting literacy,” then, might be recontextual-
ized as a way of deciphering various codes as they pertain to the colonial
context—the country and city, the rural and the urban—or the postcolo-
nial era—urban elites and Diasporas and minority populations. All evi-
dence indicates that parallel discourses survive in both discursive and so-
ciological spaces.
The ostentatious dimension functions similarly for political power and
La sape. Indeed, the mere possession of power in the postcolony was in-
sufficient: “state power organizes for dramatizing its own magnificence”
(Mbembe, On the Postcolony, 104). Postcolonial African fiction has pro-
vided a multiplicity of examples of such practices, from leaders obsessed
with villas, cars, wine, and women in Sony Labou Tansi’s novel La vie et
demie, the concerns of Nkem Nwankwo’s novel My Mercedes is Bigger
than Yours, and Ousmane Sembene’s film and novel Xala, in which the
transfer of power from colonial to autonomous rule takes place in a strik-
ing scene in which traditional African clothes are abandoned in favor of
the Western-style costard (suit) as a symbolic marker of power.35 Likewise
in the diasporic context, such questions have been addressed in, for exam-
ple, novels such as Simon Njami’s African Gigolo.36 Similarly, the sapeurs
require opportunities to wear, display, and exhibit their clothes. “The
sape,” Gondola observes, “is there to conceal his social failure and to
transform it into apparent victory” (Gondola, “Dream and Drama,” 31).
Indeed, La sape generated considerable societal conflict in the People’s
164 black france

Republic of the Congo, because the ostentatious performances associated

with the activities of the sapeurs challenged official Party ideology.
The act of embracing French fashion, the semiology of the accoutre-
ment, constituted for the government authorities a gesture of assimilation
and identification with bourgeois ideology, aesthetic codes, and values
that had nothing to do with the stated parameters of government ideology.
With this embrace, the sapeurs create a “particular form of resistance
through the creation of an oppositional, counter-hegemonic culture. With-
in this culture, they assert their identity and compete for status according
to their own system of values. In this process, they exclude those who are
part of the system that has excluded them” (MacGaffey and Bazenguissa-
Ganga, 137). Not unexpectedly, this tenuous relationship with the author-
ities was itself full of contradictions. Denis Sassou-Nguesso—president
from 1979 to 1991—was himself called a “Cardin-Communist” as a way
of underlining his fondness for Pierre Cardin clothes. The context is even
more fascinating when one looks at variations across the Congo river in
Mobutu’s Zaire. Shortly after his election in 1970, Mobutu outlined his
project of “zaïrianisation,” effectively deploying a campaign of “authentic-
ity” whose guidelines were provided by a conscious distancing from Euro-
pean influences. Among these newly delineated standards was the required
“abacost,” the “male attire favored by Mobutu and promoted as part of
the authenticity campaign, consisting of a short-sleeved suit worn without
a tie. The word abacost is derived from the French à bas le costume, or
‘down with the suit.’”37 This style was immediately adopted by members of
the established political party. The internationally acclaimed “world mu-
sic” artist Papa Wemba is widely perceived as one of the most powerful
advocates of La sape, and for him it constitutes “a form of rebellion against
poverty and the blues, but La sape is also a way of fighting against the dic-
tatorship of the abacost, a local form of the three-piece suit and also the
quasi-official uniform of men under Mobutu’s regime.”38 Likewise, Chéri
Samba, the famous painter from the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
has both featured sapeurs in his work and also been a sapeur himself.39 In
this context, La sape is clearly reformulated as a counter-hegemonic prac-
tice that operates symbiotically with the dictates of political authority that
serve as a catalyst for its dynamism. Nevertheless, as we shall see, the
broader problematic of adapting and adopting European aesthetic codes
to subvert local practices raises a number of issues, particularly since Afri-
can women have been harshly criticized when they have adhered to femi-
nist discourses located in the West. This question receives additional at-
tention later in the chapter through a consideration of the gendering of La
sape.
The question of power is central to Jean Allman’s edited volume Fash-
ioning Africa: Power and the Politics of Dress, which seeks to highlight
“the ways in which power is represented, constituted, articulated, and
 Fashion Matters 165

contested through dress. It seeks to understand bodily praxis as political

praxis, fashion as political language.”40 Likewise, clothing plays an inte-
gral role in the construction of identity, and La sape has much to reveal
about a broad range of gender-related issues in not only the Congolese
context but also the African context more generally, especially since this
dimension has not received significant critical attention.41 Rigid social cat-
egories of differentiation and prescriptive modes of behavior are often
only to be found in official discourses; however, these are always open to
explicit or implicit challenge and redefinition.
The figure of the “dandy” warrants additional focus and provides an
interesting point of entry to a consideration of the homosocial and homo-
erotic dimension of La sape as a masculinist practice. In her discussion of
the American context, Ruth P. Rubinstein has pointed out that “older,
venerated patriarchs such as Thomas Jefferson were chided as ‘dandified’
and accused of having what were identified as female characteristics.”42
The construction of image as a relative, juxtapository phenomenon is re-
vealed in the deliberate attempt by heterosexual men to distance them-
selves from gay male culture, in a process through which they “began
defining themselves in opposition to all that was soft and womanlike”
(Rubinstein, 125). In many ways, the economic and social emasculation of
Congolese youth partially explains how alternative expressions of mas-
culinity could have played a role in structuring a hyper-adherence to mas-
culinist codes (clothes, fashion, sexual exploits). As Joanne Entwistle has
shown in her book The Fashioned Body: Fashion, Dress, and Modern So-
cial Theory, the dandy was “a figure who made it his occupation to be a
man of leisure, who prided himself on his aesthetic superiority, seeking
distinction through the exercise of his exquisite taste . . . Frequently with-
out occupation, with no regular source of income and generally no wife or
family, the dandy lived by his wits.”43 One cannot help but draw an anal-
ogy to the concept of débrouillardise or the système D (resourcefulness,
fending for oneself) that is associated with Congolese society and ex-
plored in Mweze Ngangura’s film La vie est belle (Life is Rosy, 1987). All
of these characterizations apply to the sapeurs, for whom the ostentatious
nature of the practice is a defining component. Interestingly enough, the
practice itself is not unrelated to other Western examples of identity con-
struction. Maurizia Boscagli’s book Eye on the Flesh: Fashions of Mas-
culinity in the Early Twentieth Century is all the more interesting in this
context since part of its analysis focuses on Michel Leiris’s autobiography
Manhood (1946) and D. H. Lawrence’s novel The Plumed Serpent (1926).
For Boscagli, these works reveal
how the “native” as represented by the early twentieth century discourses
of aesthetic and ethnographic primitivism was deployed by a heterogene-
ous strand of modernist writing in the years following the First World War
to resexualize western versions of masculinity and to covertly display the
166 black france
male body as an object of homoerotic desire . . . For the western male sub-
ject under threat and seeking to recover phallic plenitude, the encounter
with the primitive promised to be both rewarding and dangerous: His im-
mersion in tribal culture and his identification with the native could pro-
duce a further dissolution of his rational subjectivity, and with it, of his
masculinity.44

Naturally, the work of Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick has been foundational in

further elucidating homosocial desire. In Between Men: English Litera-
ture and Male Homosocial Desire, Sedgwick shows us how “male ho-
mosocial desire” operates as an essentially oxymoronic construct that
contains both “discriminations and paradoxes,” since the term “homoso-
cial” “is a neologism, obviously formed by analogy with ‘homosexual,’
and just as obviously meant to be distinguished from ‘homosexual.’” Yet,
“in a society where men and women differ in their access to power, there
will be important gender differences, as well, in the structure and consti-
tution of sexuality . . . society could not cease to be homophobic and have
its economic and political structures remain unchanged.”45 This is the
component that interests me here in relation to the African context I am
exploring, particularly if one considers the ways in which sexual power re-
lations and patriarchal order have been articulated and contested in the
works of postcolonial francophone sub-Saharan African authors such
as Calixthe Beyala and Sony Labou Tansi. As Ange-Marie Hancock has
insisted, “any study of African women should situate them in a context
of social relations in which they are both instruments and agents of
power.”46
Gondola’s essay “Popular Music, Urban Society, and Changing Gen-
der Relations in Kinshasa, Zaire (1950–1990)” provides an insightful ac-
count of these issues, showing “the extent to which the triptych gender,
colonization, and urbanization functioned in Léopoldville (now Kin-
shasa), and how in its origins Congolese popular music appeared as an
eminently male culture . . . From the colonial perspective, the African city
. . . was a male bastion from which women had to be excluded.”47 Colonial
practices are shown to have consciously structured the urban environ-
ment, and thus to have much to reveal concerning the development of cul-
tural practices within these spaces: “Congolese music culture owed much
to various musical currents that were also characterized by male initiative
. . . Fashion, for instance, was one of the elements that manifested this
[gender] gap and fostered the invisibility of women and, by contrast, the
visibility of men.” Not surprisingly, the social environment is character-
ized by its homosocial nature: “Heavy smoking, drinking, obscene sexual
jokes, and sexual talk were the favorite pastime for male customers” (Gon-
dola, “Popular Music,” 70).
Important reformulations of gender relations could be witnessed dur-
ing the final years of colonial rule, when women began to alter urban de-
 Fashion Matters 167

mographics. Several developments are worth noting. Firstly, the “appear-

ance of the associations féminines d’élégances, women’s social clubs whose
main purpose was mutual assistance . . . explains how women became in-
fluential through music” (Gondola, “Popular Music,” 72). Secondly, “the
fashions adopted by these clubs suggest resistance to European values. Un-
like African men, who rapidly borrowed the European suit, African wom-
en avoided wearing European dresses and skirts” (74). And finally, in
what is arguably the most striking component of these transitions, we find
the emergence of “gigolos,” “a social phenomenon that has become much
more visible since the 1980s, facilitated by the convergence of two other
phenomena: the new economic power attained by middle-aged women
traders and the upsurge in the number of unemployed male high-school,
and even college, graduates” (78). The popular song entitled “Mario” ad-
dresses this development, and is all the more important given that “Mario’s
behavior and attitudes make us wonder if he is really a ‘man’” (81). Mas-
culinist codes are invoked here to preserve the status quo and patriarchal
authority that are further threatened by this behavior and social margin-
alization.48
The homosocial aspect of La sape that privileges, rewards, or at the
very least condones modes of behavior (alcohol consumption, promiscu-
ity) deemed unacceptable for women may hardly seem surprising or new
in sociopolitical environments traditionally dominated by men. What do
seem worthy of further inquiry, however, are the homoerotic aspects of La
sape. In their study entitled African Ceremonies, Carol Beckwith and An-
gela Fisher devote a section to the preparations for a circumcision cere-
mony in Benin:
During the eight months preceding circumcision, the initiates are looked af-
ter by guardians called Kumpara. The Kumpara also act as entertainers on
market days to announce the forthcoming rituals. They constantly devise
new ways to amuse their audiences. Acting as lewd clowns, they lampoon the
crowd and engage in exaggerated sexual horseplay, providing light relief
from ritual solemnity. Goaded on by spectators, they bring out large wooden
phalluses known as “father spirits of the penises,” and imitate every imagin-
able sexual position with exaggerated mannerisms . . . that drive the audi-
ence wild.49

The fact that the entry into masculinity in this context, in which cir-
cumcision serves to demarcate boyhood from adulthood and bestow upon
the young man the responsibilities and enhanced social status that come
with maturation, features social interaction in the form of the transgres-
sion of taboos linked to homosexuality as they pertain to codes and rules
of masculine behavior is of course intriguing. Certainly, the sapeurs would
never entertain the slightest insinuation that the practice is in any way
marked by homoerotic desire. Yet the concern with recovering an identity
that has been partially reduced by economic and social exclusion and
168 black france

marginalization generates an overcompensation for stereotypical mas-

culinist behavior in its crudest homosocial manifestation, in turn partially
undermined in the tenuous link between this social emasculation and the
kind of constitutive associations alluded to in Sedgwick’s work between
this imposed positionality and the threat of being labeled homosexual.
As Tim Edwards has argued in his book Men in the Mirror: Men’s Fash-
ion, Masculinity, and Consumer Society, “the problematic relationship of
homosexuality to masculinity and the part myth/part reality of effeminacy,
although mixed up and undermined in various ways throughout the cen-
turies, has never quite been severed.”50 His analysis of an analogous phe-
nomenon that emerged at a similar historical time, albeit in a radically dif-
ferent sociocultural context, might help further elucidate the context of
the sapeurs:
The Vogue Movement referred to an underground network of posing and
impressionist dancers taking place in New York and some other major cities
where young, gay and often black men would don the costumes and appear-
ances of many cult icons, including Hollywood idols and some, more con-
temporary, hegemonic images of femininity and masculinity. These were
then paraded in front of audiences on the street or in bars and nightclubs, as
if in a fashion show, and often set to music as part of a particular contest or
competition. The men were otherwise deeply oppressed as outsiders racially,
sexually or simply in terms of their effeminacy and poverty, and the practice
of voguing partly parodied and partly affirmed the aspirational dreams of
the famous magazine and, in particular, the desire for the front cover. (T. Ed-
wards, 109)

Prior to applying these concepts and findings to Mabanckou’s novel, I sug-

gest we engage in a further detour and consider parallels between La sape
and similar occurrences in other cultural contexts. These have much to re-
veal concerning the African context and La sape itself, given that points of
intersection can be identified between Africa, African diasporic cultures in
France, African American culture, and Chicano/a frameworks.
In “Crimes of Fashion: The Pachua and Chicana Style Politics,” Cath-
erine Ramírez demonstrates how “style politics” can be constructed as “an
expression of difference via style.”51 Considering the example of the zoot
suit, Ramírez is able to identify the role of “zoot subculture of the early
1940s” as definitional “in the politicization of Mexican Americans and in
the creation of an oppositional, rather than assimilationist, Chicano cul-
tural identity . . . the zoot suit functioned as a sign of defiance and differ-
ence” (Ramírez, 1–2). Obvious parallels with the African context emerge
from this analysis, in that “to wartime working-class youths, especially re-
cent transplants from rural areas to urban centers, the zoot suit may have
functioned as a status symbol because its wearers were working-class and
urban, rather than poor and del rancho” (7). Entry into urban centers
clearly implements divisions between social groups, much in the same way
 Fashion Matters 169

as migration from rural areas functioned in colonial Africa, and subse-

quently in the way the sapeurs condescendingly demarcate themselves
from the economic migrants they classify as peasants.
The area that is of particular interest here is the manner in which aes-
thetic codes are defined and identities in turn structured with regard to
fashion. Who, one might ask, determines what comes to constitute fash-
ionable apparel? In the context Ramírez explores, the zoot suit “became a
signifier of both conspicuous leisure and conspicuous consumption dur-
ing World War II” for young men, and provided “the impression that they
did not (or did not have to) work” (Ramírez, 6), which was accorded para-
mount importance. Indeed, zoot suit wearers’ conspicuousness and their
concern with being visible was central to their achieving an authentic po-
sitionality, enabling them to “claim a public space for themselves” (7). Yet,
significantly, “to ‘people of taste’—in particular, middle- and upper-class
Anglo Americans and Mexican Americans—the zoot suit may have ap-
peared ‘loud’ (i.e., excessive) and pretentious precisely because many of its
wearers were working-class and ‘ghetto’” (7).52 Integration through the as-
sertion of a Chicano identity remained central to the enterprise, and al-
though it is primarily the return that counts for the sapeurs, the identitar-
ian posture remains crucial, definitional. In the same way that the
relationship between “people of taste” and those people located at the so-
cial margins is a tenuous one, so too is the dynamic between dominant
norms and the manner in which they are recuperated, combined and re-
combined through the complex process of self-affirmation and the in-
scription of alternative signifiers for communication. This connects in-
evitably with the question of literacy—accepted codes and signifiers—but
also of course with Lee’s notion of “dissenting literacies.” Once again, the
relationship is a symbiotic one, since neither part can function without the
other.
As Martin was able to show, colonial employees often chose to wear
their shirts outside their pants rather than tucking them in. The sapeurs
made a concerted effort to distance themselves from African immigrants
but simultaneously from dominant fashion norms. Hildi Hendrickson has
addressed these questions:
The body surface has been a powerful arena in which colonial relations have
been enacted and contested. While colonial projects may entail the rigorous
separation of social and economic interaction between colonizer and colo-
nized, colonial domination ultimately is grounded in the face-to-face rela-
tions between local coresidents . . . Under these conditions the body is a sig-
nifier that is shared cross-culturally yet assigned contrasting, simultaneous
meanings. Especially in the absence of shared spoken language, colonial en-
counters can be seen as a particular kind of semiotic event in which a visual
language of bodily forms is especially critical . . . Possibilities for resistance
lie in the fact that this semiotic process can never be fully controlled, even by
a dominating colonial power.53
170 black france

Jean Baudrillard certainly made considerable inroads in the theorization

he provided in Simulacra and Simulation, arguing that “everything is
metamorphosed into its opposite to perpetuate itself in its expurgated
form.”54 The sapeurs’ fashion choices render them immediately recogniz-
able, but in adhering to codes they have delineated for themselves they cre-
ate a space outside of the standard Parisian matrix, thereby reclaiming
their own form of Parisianism according to autonomous aesthetic codes.
In fact, “the world of haute couture has provided another space where [Af-
rican Americans] have been able to enjoy a successful life in Paris,” partic-
ularly at a time when American society effectively practiced a politics of
exclusion (Stovall, Paris Noir, 316–317). It is precisely his “look” that ren-
ders the famous Congolese recording artist Koffi Olomide recognizable
and confers status upon him: “He takes special pride in his appearance
and in selecting his clothes. His suits are usually close to red in color.
These colors stand out on stage and for the cameras when his movie clips
are being shot. Like most Congolese artists, Koffi Olomide is an amateur
of fine clothes. He is a ‘Sapeur.’”55 Furthermore, as Roland Barthes showed
us in Système de la mode (The Fashion System), the “vestimentary code”
reveals various principles through which practices are coded, and of course
the sapeurs have their own conventions and message.56
Initially, the sapeurs gathered in clubs and groups for the purposes of
showing off their outfits:
The display of these clothes conforms to specific practices, including the
“dance of designer labels” and the issuing of “challenges.” The first entails
showing off the labels of the clothes one is wearing by means of gestures.
The second occurs when an argument arises between two sapeurs and their
friends put an end to it by proposing that the two protagonists present them-
selves the next day at an appointed place, superbly dressed. These friends
(also well dressed) make up the jury, which passes judgment on which of the
two is better turned out, pronouncing on the merit of his clothes, according
to price, quality, etc. and deciding whose are the best . . . The challenge is
thus taken up in a symbolic conflict in which the weapons are clothes. (Mac-
Gaffey and Bazenguissa-Ganga, 140)

Obvious parallels emerge here between these conventions and “bling

bling” in America, in which “jewelry, material showoff, glitter of dia-
monds” are evidenced.57 The sapeurs, appropriating clothes made by a
plethora of international designers such as J.-M. Weston, Valentino, Gi-
anni-Versace, and Yves Saint-Laurent,58 initiate the “dance of designer la-
bels,” which “consists in allowing the protagonists to dance and show off
their clothes and designer labels” (Gandoulou, Au cœur de la sape, 209).
“The clothes were worn in dancing halls and dance moves were especially
choreographed by music groups to allow the dancers to exhibit their shoes
or European designer labels on their clothes” (Goldschmidt, 222). This
exhibition takes on the form of a “ritual,” a “challenge,” or even “a de-
 Fashion Matters 171

clared battle” (Gandoulou, Dandies à Bacongo, 106, 122). This is very

similar to “battling,” the “war between or among rappers, dancers, DJs, or
emcees for prizes or bragging rights and to see who is best. The winner is
judged by crowd applause or originality. When lyrics are involved it’s
what’s said and how it is delivered—the cadence and complexity of the
lyrics; if music is used, the originality and quality of production also are
judged” (Westbrook, 8).59 The sapeur who emerges victorious will take the
title of “Grand” (big man) and be considered an “accomplished sapeur”
(Gandoulou, Dandies à Bacongo, 67). This status is the result of complet-
ing a carefully coded process. Filled with “an irrepressible desire to obtain
an honorable social status in the eyes of their peers” (Rosny, 624), and
“motivated by great curiosity and encouraged by the perspective and de-
sire for self-realization” (Goldschmidt, 239), they cannot imagine failure
and the accompanying shame: “Most of them don’t even entertain this
eventuality since they know they would risk being shamed for returning
after failing” (Goldschmidt, 239).
Young people are motivated by the desire to engage in a transconti-
nental adventure (“to take off on an adventure”) to Paris in order to ac-
quire designer clothes. A successfully completed adventure and subse-
quent descent to the country of departure results in the title of “Parisian”
being conferred upon the traveler (this is an interesting transcolonial
reappropriation of the attributes deployed by Dadié in his novel An Afri-
can in Paris, explored in chapter 2). Furthermore, as Mabanckou illus-
trates, once back from Paris, now a Parisian, “he obtains as much consid-
eration as a civil servant or important member of society” (Mabanckou,
Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 93). The migrant impulse is, however, structured
around a number of foundational principles: the dream/fascination com-
ponent I alluded to earlier, the search for recognition, and finally a very
important dimension, namely the anticipated benefit and prestige the
sapeur will bestow upon his family and community in Africa: “Very few
young people . . . leave with the idea of expatriating themselves for good.
This desire to return explains why families do nothing to discourage de-
partures. On the contrary, a trip abroad contains the promise of enrich-
ment for the group as a whole” (Rosny, 628).
The trials and tribulations the sapeur may encounter in France are ig-
nored, and the extremely dangerous and perilous nature of the quest is
perhaps indicative of the degree of fascination. In this light, Mabanckou’s
work gains additional importance in the process of demystifying and
countering the colonial project and the ongoing appeal of the idea of the
metropole. “In fact, the dream, the social imaginary of the sapeur has two
components: the initiatory Parisian voyage, conditioned by the acquisition
of a whole range of clothing gear, and then the descent, the moment of
apotheosis and consecration” (Gandoulou, Dandies à Bacongo, 73).60
Given the sociopolitical circumstances in the postcolony, dreaming and
172 black france

the imagination emerge as necessary mechanisms, for the confrontation of

reality and fiction accordingly provides the opportunity to humanize ex-
perience. “We were allowed to dream. It cost us nothing. It did not re-
quire an exit visa, a passport, an airline ticket,” explains Massala-Mas-
sala, the central protagonist of Mabanckou’s Bleu-Blanc-Rouge (36). The
desire to reach Paris provides the migrant impulse, but this quest goes be-
yond the simple physical journey that transports the individual from one
geographic space to another. The dimension of displacement locates the
transportation of the individual in what is a quest for self, for the explo-
ration of the individual—and this is where the journey’s impulse is actu-
ally enacted. As MacGaffey and Bazenguissa-Ganga have shown, “Sym-
bolically, France is simultaneously the home of these migrants and yet not
their home. In the minds of these young people, France and Congo are
two aspects of the same world, of which France represents the center . . .
Thus the departure for France, besides the fact of actually making a jour-
ney, also signifies a journey into the interior of the self” (MacGaffey and
Bazenguissa-Ganga, 62). The transposition of this question into fiction
has the capacity to reach a different audience and to offer an alternative
position—much as Akofa’s and Keïta’s works in chapters 4 and 5 brought
to our attention different facets of global interaction.
I propose to respect the structural framework of Biyaoula’s novel L’im-
passe in order to explore its contribution to the discourse on La sape. The
novel is divided into three sections: the “first constriction” (11–141), that
comprises the departure of the central protagonist, Joseph Gakatuka, from
France for Brazzaville; the “second constriction” (143–241), including his
return to Paris; and finally, the third section, entitled “transformation”
(243–327). Somewhat significantly, the novel begins in the ultimate space
of transnationalism, namely Paris’s largest airport, Roissy-Charles-de-
Gaulle, as Joseph prepares to board a flight for Brazzaville. For Joseph,
this journey symbolizes a return to his native land, from which he has
been away fifteen years. As Joseph deplanes and is reunited with his family
and friends, he comes to realize that there is a significant discrepancy be-
tween the image he offers and that which his people expect of him: “It
doesn’t take me long to figure out that they expected something of me,
that I didn’t bring it from France, that I do not embody an ideal, that I am
shattering people’s dreams” (30). This discrepancy is in part due to his fif-
teen-year absence, to the significant societal changes the Congo had un-
dergone during Marxist-Leninist rule, and to the experience of exile, but
more specifically to his failure to correspond to the image that is expected
of young men returning from exile in Paris.
When these young men leave the Congo for Paris, they are welcomed
by a network of compatriots who provide them with housing, working pa-
pers, and so forth, thus enabling then to rapidly adjust to the demands of
exile. Although the socioeconomic circumstances of residing in France are
 Fashion Matters 173

extremely challenging and have little to do with the mythic constructs they
had assimilated of life there, young immigrants, referred to as adventurers,
draw upon their tremendous resourcefulness in order to achieve their pri-
mary objective of eventually undertaking a glorious descent on either the
capital, Brazzaville, or the main town on the west coast, Pointe Noire. The
adventure is often a lengthy process, one that begins at a young age in the
Congo, and that is sustained over the years through a transnational dia-
logue with young men who have already undertaken the quest. In fact,
these young men are so well prepared when they arrive in Paris that they
are already acquainted with the city’s topography, métro, monuments, and
so forth.
Joseph has established residence in France for the purpose of employ-
ment, and does not partake in the sociocultural practice that is La sape.
However, he chooses to ignore it at his own peril, since when he returns to
the Congo he effectively fails to fulfill his family’s expectations, and his
brother Samuel informs him of his shortcoming:
He cleared his throat and then told me that there were rules to follow, that I
might not like wearing suits, but that I was a Parisian, that a Parisian has an
image to uphold, and that the members of my family would be permanently
disgraced if there were a Parisian among them who did not resemble one. (39)

The transnational experience, the hybridity of the subject, and the be-
longing and nonbelonging to each respective space become increasingly
problematic. Indeed, Joseph’s relationships with his people at “home” are
characterized through terms such as “separation,” “distance,” and “barri-
ers.” While his national status as a citizen of the Republic of the Congo
has not changed, he is constructed as an outsider: “Listen, Joseph, you
must understand that you’re almost a foreigner here in Brazza” (81). Yet
there is no room for his French life in his Congolese one. For example, his
relationship with Sabine, a white French woman, is unacceptable (in his
second novel, Agonies, Biyaoula explores the problematic nature of exog-
amous unions, particularly when they take place between an African
woman and a French man). Furthermore, he is informed that his newly
acquired values have no currency in the Congo: “forget about how things
take place in France” (93). He soon learns that the identity he claims for
himself is irrelevant, and that he must accept, instead, that identity which
is constructed for him, as a Parisian, and act accordingly. Furthermore, his
own nostalgic image of Africa and constructions of homeland from exile
have no correlation with the reality on the ground, thus further displacing
him: “When I’m in Poury . . . I dream of Brazza, of the warmth in which
one lives here. But once I’m back there, I realize that things aren’t any bet-
ter” (96). By the time Joseph finally returns to Paris, he has compromised
his identity, relinquished his autonomy, and capitulated to the exigencies
of his family and friends.
174 black france

Whether through the images available in literature, in popular dis-

course, on television, or in the music of Congo-Zaire’s most celebrated
performer, Papa Wemba, Paris remains a mythic construct. For Joseph,
however, displacement to France is initially conceived as a quest to solve
the following mathematical equation: “x + African man + African woman
+ cosmetic products = skin discoloration + hair straightening” (86). He is
finally able to solve the equation by recognizing that the enigmatic “x” in
fact refers to the constructed superiority of whites over Blacks. However,
the process through which Joseph reaches this conclusion has much to re-
veal about France itself and about the situatedness of the African immi-
grant there, and ultimately contributes to the complex process of uncover-
ing the mythic constructs that have everything to do with the continued
positive representation of Paris (and of course France) in the African imag-
ination. This was Mabanckou’s project in Bleu-Blanc-Rouge in charting
the itinerary of Moki, the central protagonist. As Pierrette Herzberger-Fo-
fana has shown, “Throughout the novel, he will be the victim of the Blue-
White-Red dream. He will be the one who will inform his compatriots at
home, the one who will remain trapped in the mirage. But he will have
pursued his goal to the end.”61 Moki’s proximity to France and French cul-
ture allows him to distinguish between illusion and reality, to expose the
delusionary qualities of the imaginary construct and challenge the assimi-
lationist dream that is contained in the invocation of the blue, white, and
red of the French flag.
The cover of the novel, created in 1998 by Saliou Démanguy Diouf
(who also produced the cover of Biyaoula’s Agonies), combines a multi-
tude of ethnic features and colors (blue, white, red, black, orange), in what
cannot but remind one of what Françoise Lionnet has described in her
analysis of antiracist posters in France as the “indeterminate, inclusionary
identity” in which “the other and the self clearly share a space and an in-
tersubjective realm in which hair, eye and skin color are secondary to the
ability to engage in another form of identification: that which is mediated
by the geographical space of France.”62 Joseph is of course an outsider in
France, and unambiguously made to feel that way through his repeated
encounters with racist practices. Some of the more striking instances oc-
cur during a dinner he has been invited to at the home of his girlfriend’s
parents. Sabine’s father provides an appropriate example of the type of ig-
norance and prejudicial constructs to which Joseph is constantly exposed.
For example, Mr. Rosa takes it upon himself to discuss Joseph’s housing,
when the latter politely comments upon the nice home in which his family
lives:
You have a nice apartment, I said.
Things aren’t that bad here, are they! responded Mr. Rosa. You live in pub-
lic housing, right?
Yes, that’s right, Mr. Rosa.
 Fashion Matters 175
Of course, you can’t really compare the two . . . It can’t be much fun living
over there?
To tell you the truth, it’s not that pleasant!
For you it must be a nice change from home! Apparently it’s even worse
there!
It’s not quite the same thing.
Yes, because Alain told us that people in your countries live in appalling, in-
humane conditions. He was overwhelmed, very shocked . . . It must be
quite something for you to live in a civilized country even if you’re in
public housing! . . . Please forgive me if I seem nosy. I hope I haven’t of-
fended you? . . . And how do you see yourself? Because after all this time,
you can’t feel much like a real African any longer! (154–155)63

The articulation of these comments, accompanied by the statement “I

hope I have not offended you?” void the legitimacy of a response and
force Joseph to remain silent, to decline the invitation to respond for fear
of offending the host who has extended hospitality to him in the form
of an invitation to dinner.64 Furthermore, the conclusion to Mr. Rosa’s
statement underlines the inescapability of Joseph’s African origins, since,
through their invocation, they are simultaneously reconfirmed, thus em-
phasizing the impossibility of the assimilationist or integrational ideal.
Institutionalized racism simply reiterates the preconceived notions and
prejudicial representations he has himself assimilated. While opposition to
racism in France may be widespread among certain groups, the manner in
which immigrants continue to be imagined remains problematic. While
these images prevail, the discourse will remain self-defeating, as will soci-
ety’s efforts at eradicating racism. Racial injustice is intellectualized, ratio-
nalized, in order to objectify immigrant subjects and deny them their hu-
manity, while society focuses instead on the emotional appeal of housing
projects, crime, the shortcomings of single parenthood, drug habits, and
poverty, for which there are somehow always explanations. There is evi-
dence that claims, assertions, and articulations of the injustice of racism
are being formulated, but these are being underpinned by the semiology in
its emphasis on stereotyping immigrants.
Joseph’s relationship with Sabine becomes increasingly problematic, as
racial tension contributes to the gradual disintegration of their union—or
at least as Joseph experiences more and more pressure from his immigrant
circumstances (unemployment, social alienation, racism, and so forth), in
addition to other pressures concerning their exogamous union, in particu-
lar from other Africans who see his union as a betrayal, a refusal to accept
other Africans. Somewhat paradoxically, when Sabine tells him that his
mistake lies in seeing himself through what others think of him (166), she
actually anticipates in many ways the manner in which Joseph will attempt
to recover his self-esteem. However, her comment also underlines her
faith in the ability of their relationship to survive outside of and beyond
societal constructs. Joseph, however, is unable to live in a vacuum, because
176 black france

he experiences social pressures every day. While Sabine may overcome so-
cial prejudice in her pursuit of a relationship with Joseph, the pressures on
her are, arguably, radically different in nature. Indeed, Joseph begins to
manifest physical symptoms in the form of severe headaches caused by
stress, generating additional anxiety and culminating in acute depression,
from which a subsequent mental breakdown provides the necessary es-
cape. The point of no return occurs when his friend Dieudonné is mur-
dered, and marks, symbolically, the end of his union with Sabine and the
end of the second constriction.
The final section of the novel, contained under the heading “the trans-
formation” (la mue), a term which in French can also signify molting,
sloughing, shedding, and metamorphosis, explores Joseph’s attempts at
recovery. This is an important notion because it underlines the reciprocal
nature of transnational influences, not only in terms of the transforma-
tional imperative that is incumbent upon the immigrant subject as a pre-
condition for assimilation or integration, but also in the implied cultural
and social changes that the immigrant’s entrance (or, as anti-immigrant
rhetoric would characterize the dynamic, the immigrants’ contaminating
influence) will enact upon the receiving territory. In Joseph’s particular
case, these transitions are mediated through a number of factors, which in-
clude fashion, race, and broader identitarian concerns. Indeed, as Edouard
Glissant has observed in his book Caribbean Discourse,
There is a difference between the transplanting (by exile or dispersion) of a
people who continue to survive elsewhere and the transfer (by the slave
trade) of a population to another place where they change into something
different, into a new set of possibilities. It is in this metamorphosis that we
must try to detect one of the best kept secrets of creolization. Through it one
can see that the mingling of experiences is at work, there for us to know and
producing the process of being. We abandon the idea of fixed being.65

A number of expressions in French are pertinent to this investigation.

One, “changer de peau” (“shed one’s skin”), takes on particular signifi-
cance here given the ethnic/racial identity of the narrator: to shed one’s
skin means to become a different person. Someone can also be described
as being “mal dans sa peau” (“uncomfortable in one’s skin,” ill at ease),
and one can even attempt to “se mettre dans la peau de quelqu’un” (“put
oneself in another’s skin,” or, in the English idiom, in another’s place or
shoes), which is of course the assimilationist ideal. Joseph relinquishes his
struggle with racial identity and finds salvation through the assistance of
Dr. Malfoi, a psychotherapist, leading to the recovery of his self-esteem
through the acquisition of the status of adventurer and sapeur: “I’ve got to
conform completely to the image I present to others, to the image they’ve
come to expect” (268). His psychotherapist also finds him a job, and thus
effectively allows Joseph to plan a successful descent on Brazzaville: “And
since I have an income, I plan to take a trip home two years from now”
 Fashion Matters 177

(267–268). Joseph gradually begins to command the respect of his immi-

grant peers and to attend social gatherings. However, as it did for Ma-
banckou’s protagonist Moki, “this duplicity and this ambivalence lead to
a personality change” (Mabanckou, “A l’écoute”), and this newfound so-
cialization is not without its own shortcomings as a consequence of the
superficial human relationships that are generated, and the role models
they yield for a new generation of disenfranchised African youth. (The
irony is hinted at in Malfoi’s name, which connects easily with the French
mauvaise foi, bad faith.) In a chance encounter with Sabine, several
months after their separation, he discovers that she has a child, and al-
though he refuses to entertain the possibility that the child is his, the most
significant component of this moment is contained in the fact that he re-
linquishes parenthood and the possible reconciliation that this cross-cul-
tural model of hybridity could offer. While this could be read as a com-
mentary on the impossibility of interracial métissage in the current
political climate in France, perhaps a more significant issue is raised here.
Joseph is so consumed by the masculinist exigencies of La sape that he ne-
glects his parental responsibilities—a behavior that has received much
criticism in works by francophone sub-Saharan women, such as Mariama
Bâ and Calixthe Beyala.
A symbolic meeting at a party with a young man named Justin, nick-
named “le Goudron” (Tar), plays an important part in Joseph’s itinerary.
Later that evening Justin dies in a car accident. Joseph establishes similar-
ities between the fate of this young man and his current predicament: his
own childhood name Kala (Coal) shares points of commonality with
Justin’s, as does, indeed, his account of exile and immigration. The circu-
larity of experience motivates him to engage in further psychotherapy and
eventually to acknowledge that his identity as a sapeur has no solid foun-
dation. In turn, Biyaoula’s novel contains a counter-narrative that—much
as Justin’s death “saves” Joseph—might serve to warn potential adventur-
ers, whose origins may become clearer and their journey less painful. In
many ways, the notion of descent, as it is employed by Biyaoula, functions
as a symbol for transnationalism, one that is not fully encompassed by the
notion of “return” that I discussed earlier, or contained in Glissant’s use
of the term “detour” in his discussion of “diversion” and “reversion” in
Caribbean Discourse.66 Instead, it attempts to incorporate the multitude
of communities and populations that undergo transformation through the
complex mechanisms and manipulations that are generated in the organi-
zation of transnational communities outside of the homeland, foremost
among which are the community of origin, the receiving territory, and of
course those individuals whose identities as immigrants are transformed
through the experience of transplantation or displacement. As we shall
see, the work of Mabanckou offers interesting variations in his treatment
of La sape.
178 black france

Mabanckou was born in the Republic of the Congo in 1966, and

moved to France in the 1980s.67 He has achieved considerable critical ac-
claim, especially for his superb novel Verre cassé (2005), published by the
prestigious Editions du Seuil, which has received the Ouest-France/Eton-
nants Voyageurs prize, the Cinq Continents de la Francophonie prize, and
the Radio France Outre-mer prize.68 The publication of Bleu-Blanc-Rouge
marked Mabanckou’s entry on the literary scene as a novelist (culminat-
ing in the award of the Grand prix littéraire de l’Afrique noire), and inau-
gurated a new direction for this author, who had until then restricted his
productions to the field of poetry (editing five volumes between 1993 and
1997). In many ways, Mabanckou’s novel explores themes that have long
informed the narratives of those francophone sub-Saharan authors for
whom the experiences of displacement—exile, travel, nomadism, return—
have been central markers.69 However, notions of departure and return
are invested with additional symbolism in the context in which Mabanc-
kou locates these transitions, although of course they continue to share
some important parallels with the motives and objectives of prior genera-
tions. Furthermore, his narrative offers a similar framework with which to
formulate social commentary and explore alienating practices and mech-
anisms, while also outlining various expectations on the individual, collec-
tive, and immigrant level.
In Mabanckou’s novel Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, the narrative and topogra-
phy shift accordingly between Africa and France, between the point of
origin, the destination, and eventually the space to which one returns. This
structure is important in delineating the spaces in which the narrative
takes place, and has much to reveal with regard to the issues Mabanckou
has chosen to explore. The preface to the text (9–27) informs the reader of
the aborted illusory quest of the central protagonist, Massala-Massala
a.k.a. Marcel Bonaventure, reiterating his commitment to exploring the
chronology of events and the various processes that culminated in his
downfall or failure: “I wish everything could return to some kind of
chronological order. That each link in the broken chain could return to its
place. Each fact and gesture be accurately repeated. That my thoughts
could become clear again” (13–14).
The first part of the book, “The country” (29–118), takes place in
Pointe Noire, on the west coast of the Republic of the Congo, after which
the topography shifts to Paris’s 14th and 18th arrondissements (119–
209).70 The epigraph to the African section of the novel is taken from
Marcel Proust’s A la recherche du temps perdu and underlines the hallu-
cinatory dimension of the voyage: “Better to dream one’s life than to live
it, if only living it were not to dream it over again” (31). The epigraph that
introduces the second part of the book serves as a premonition of the
problematic voyage that lies ahead for Proust’s namesake Marcel; it both
underlines the mythic dimension that France promises to offer and fore-
 Fashion Matters 179

warns us that this quest may in fact be a fallacy: “Apparently, the gates of
hell are next to those of heaven / The great carpenter made them out of the
same crude materials” (121). These words are taken from the Moroccan
poet Abdellatif Lâabi’s book Le spleen de Casablanca (enacting an obvi-
ous intertextual gesture toward Baudelaire’s famous text Le spleen de
Paris), and the fact that the “hexagonal” section of the novel begins with
an epigraph from a francophone author while the “African” section
opened with an epigraph from Proust (subverting and questioning canon-
ical traditions) serves to further underline the symbolic and symbiotic as-
sociations between French and African spaces.
The final section of the novel, entitled “Closure” (211–222), offers
Massala-Massala a sense of psychological closure, to the extent that the
recounting of his story provides him with the opportunity to reflect on and
process his choices. Furthermore, this final section rejoins the opening
one, thus effectively completing the cyclical narrative, but also duplicating
the experience of the adventurer for whom the journey away from and
then back to the Congo is also complete—this is what Moudileno has de-
scribed as the “fundamental circularity” (Moudileno, “La fiction de la mi-
gration,” 183). The novel opens with the narrator’s incarceration in France,
so that the reader finds out immediately that the outcome of the journey to
Paris has not been that which was projected. The text is thus less about the
outcome (although our curiosity drives us to explore this dimension and
accord the narrative some kind of linearity) than it is about the manner in
which France (here, primarily Paris) continues to represent a mythic space
for the African subject in the era of postcoloniality.
The novel begins with the narrator’s commitment to authenticity as a
precondition for emancipating himself from the anxiety that this experi-
ence has afforded him: “What counts at this stage is to better understand
things. To look at everything without abbreviating or falsifying the facts.
I would not want to relive the illusion that started me out on this journey
. . . This reminiscence will begin with a close and inescapable internal
exam that will rid me of the remorse that clogs my thoughts” (Mabanc-
kou, Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 27). His anxiety is inextricably associated with
his failure to live up to expectations and to fulfill his people’s dreams,
hopes, and aspirations. The first part of the book engages in an explo-
ration of those mechanisms and events that served as a catalyst for the de-
parture, of the inner and physical journey that transports him from Pointe
Noire to Paris and back again. One of the most significant indicators is lo-
cated in the manner in which France is represented as a mythic, imaginary
construct:
It was that distant country, inaccessible in spite of the fireworks that scin-
tillated in the least of my daydreams and left me, upon awakening, with the
sweet taste of honey in my mouth . . . Who, of my generation, had not visited
France through the mouth, as one said back home? Just one word, Paris, was
180 black france
sufficient for us to find ourselves almost like magic before the Eiffel Tower,
the Arc de Triomphe, or the Avenue des Champs Elysées. (36)

The paradigm for Massala-Massala, as indeed for other would-be adven-

turers, is provided by fellow Congolese who have successfully completed
the departure-descent-return components of the equation. The paradig-
matic figure whom Massala-Massala will endeavor to emulate is exempli-
fied by Moki, a character who serves as a double or mirror image of the
identity he will attempt to migrate into: “I was Moki’s shadow. He molded
me” (39). Furthermore, Moki’s multiple returns or descents on the home-
land do not go unnoticed—as we shall see, the purpose of such trips is
precisely to exhibit the newly acquired markers of the transplanted mi-
grant’s identity. However, Moki’s name has a particular significance. “The
expression milikiste,” as Gondola has shown, “designates the young Con-
golese who live in Europe and, to a lesser extent, in North America . . . Mi-
liki in Lingala is the plural for mokili, the ‘world,’ and has become syn-
onymous for Europe. When the French suffix is added, the word identifies
the young who made it to Europe” (Gondola, “Dream and Drama,” 28).71
Moki’s status as a Parisian also bestows tremendous prestige on the fam-
ily, and while his father has never been to France himself, he has neverthe-
less succeeded in establishing a strong sense of French history. From this
information, one can deduce that these representations of France con-
tributed to the myth that young Moki would later explore. The repeated
references by Moki’s father to General de Gaulle’s famous visit to Braz-
zaville in 1948 serve to further underline historical links between the
metropole and the Congo. Something of a storyteller, Moki’s father is able
to captivate his audience with his descriptions of France, much in the same
way that Moki uses this inherited skill to narrate compelling stories dur-
ing his descent on the Congo.
When his son Moki comes back to Pointe Noire, he makes every effort
to reproduce the imagined French environment. In a symbolic reversal of
the performative dimension of the Colonial Exposition held in Paris in
1931, the returning native informer is now on exhibit so that his fellow
Africans may observe his Frenchness: “A small table made of liana was set
up under the mango tree, right in the middle of the courtyard. That’s
where the Parisian would have his meals . . . In reality, this was so that
everyone could either see him or know about him having his meals out-
side” (51). The transformed native subject, who has deliberately altered his
complexion through the application of skin-lightening substances, gained
considerable weight, and changed his hair color and even his way of
speaking—after all, “there is a world of difference between speaking in
French and speaking the [i.e., proper] French” (63)—has now mutated
into an object of ethnographic scrutiny, whose every gesture and item of
clothing stands to be emulated by those privy to the encounter. Signifi-
cantly, he now refuses to eat manioc and foufou, symbolically rejecting the
 Fashion Matters 181

African component of his personality by no longer ingesting the African

part of his diet. MacGaffey and Bazenguissa-Ganga have commented on
the importance of manioc as a key marker of cultural symbolism: “Man-
ioc holds a special place . . . For members of the Diaspora from both banks
of the Zaire river, it marks both national and family identity” (MacGaffey
and Bazenguissa-Ganga, 61–62).
The narrator plays a significant role in that his observations provide
the reader with information on Moki’s life in Paris, while simultaneously
subverting Moki’s ethnographic authority to the extent that he is trans-
formed, through the narrator’s gaze, into an archival object. The narra-
tor observes and records—for us, the readers—those actions performed
by Moki in the spectacle he delivers before the adulating crowd of on-
lookers:
As soon as he was out of the car, making sure that everyone was looking at
him, he set about a demonstration that was close to a fashion show, much to
the pleasure of his fans who had besieged the bar. He unbuttoned his jacket
and handed it over to one of his brothers following closely behind him. Be-
neath his transparent shirt, one could see his light, almost pale skin, with
none of the blemishes or other allergies local imitations caused. This meta-
morphosis stupefied the crowd. The Parisian adjusted his pants up to his
belly button. The gesture was measured, controlled, and studied, with the
aim of highlighting his socks that perfectly matched his tie. (70)

Using a photograph album that he carries with him, Moki narrates a rep-
resentation of Paris that he has constructed for his audience and to which
they willingly subscribe, unquestioningly and without doubting his au-
thority—he has assumed the position of insider with regard to the France
in which he resides. The text offers a specific idea of a space in which his
actual status as an immigrant outsider restricts him to the peripheries,
which he is able to exceed only as a Parisian in the homeland. In the next
chapter, a similar master narrative is presented through the migrant expe-
rience of “l’homme de Barbès” (the man from Barbès).
Onlookers are mesmerized and seduced by this narrative, and intent
on finding out how they too can engage in this secular quest and become
Parisians. Moki reiterates that “clothes are our passport. Our religion.
France is the country of fashion because it’s the only place on earth where
you can still judge people by appearances” (78). This obsession with ap-
pearance underlines the need to articulate a specific, authentic narrative,
in order to avert the possibility of a crisis of legitimacy that a challenge to
the sapeurs’ narrative authority would engender. Anticipating the possi-
bility of alternative discourses on France and Paris—that is, of narratives
that would destabilize the hegemonic discourse they have created and on
which the myth of Paris and the experience of the adventurers is con-
structed—Moki proceeds to denigrate the type of person he describes as a
peasant: “He lacks elegance. He has no idea what elegance is . . . He com-
182 black france

plains about how difficult life is in France. Liar! Always telling lies . . .
Luckily the Parisian is there to tell us the contrary. To bring us light. To
speak to us about the City of Lights. Of the Paris we love” (89–91). The
sapeurs thus delegitimize the alternative narrative offered by other mi-
grants in order to legitimize their own and sustain the myth/dream/illu-
sion to which they subscribe. “The peasant represents a threat to the fic-
tion of emigration”—for this reason, Moki carefully reformulates “his
own personal epic, and the odyssey of migration imposes itself as a new
foundational narrative” (Moudileno, “La fiction de la migration,” 186,
185). Massala-Massala takes up the challenge that is contained in Moki’s
concluding words: “There is no other country that resembles France in my
imagination . . . To go there is to accept to henceforth never live without
her again” (Mabanckou, Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 86). In this statement, Proust’s
words from the epigraph to the novel are rejoined, underlining Massala-
Massala’s conflictedness as he pursues this illusory quest. The lack of hope
at home motivates him to leave, or at least provides the logical framework
for leaving, for entertaining that the illusion—and perhaps even the delu-
sion that is implied in Proust’s statement—that elsewhere will be better.
As his father says to him, “I always knew that one day you would leave.
Go far, far away from here. Far from all this misery” (94). These words
echo those of Laye’s father in a prior generation of francophone sub-Sa-
haran African literature, namely Laye Camara’s 1954 novel, The Dark
Child, as Laye prepared to leave for France in order to pursue further edu-
cation: “I knew quite well that eventually you would leave us” (The Dark
Child, 181).
However, Massala-Massala’s immediate identitarian shift, symbolized
in the abandonment of his previous identity when he adopts the name
Marcel Bonaventure for the adventure, is an indicator of how the act of re-
linquishing the foundations of his identity constitutes the first of many
steps toward the crisis of legitimacy he experiences. This decision to
change his name is linked to his desire to cast aside his prior experiences
in order to focus on the task at hand. This process culminates in a pro-
found identitarian crisis, as he gradually distances himself both physically
from Africa and psychologically from the identity he has carried up to this
point. Rather than duplicating the form letters fellow migrants send
home—letters that operate as revisionist narratives of the migrant experi-
ence—Moki initially writes letters (which he refrains from mailing) that
are anchored in nostalgia and homesickness for the homeland. These con-
stitute more emotionally grounded accounts of the mental responses to
transplantation. However, Moki’s response to Marcel’s narrative reveals
the problematic component of this experience, and forces him to confront
the dynamic he has instituted between homeland and migration, in terms
of how expectations have been placed upon him. “They won’t believe you
back home,” Moki tells him. “These people have never changed, and the
 Fashion Matters 183

tears you have shed won’t earn you any compassion. They love to dream.
Do you hear me, to dream” (Mabanckou, Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 131–132).
The point of transition for him can therefore be located at that moment
when he becomes aware of the necessary delusion that accompanies the
adventure, and how his contribution to perpetuating the myth—con-
structed and sustained in the homeland—is grounded in subscribing to an
official “form letter” (132), a self-reproducing prototypical narrative of-
fering a positive image of transculturalism, exile, and migration—itself a
“foundational text in the imaginary of migration” (Moudileno, “La fiction
de la migration,” 187). From this arises the symbiotic dimension of the ex-
perience, and the inextricable link to the homeland underlines the adven-
ture, in order to maintain the status of the myth.
Once in France, Massala-Massala’s/Marcel’s primary concern shifts to
obtaining documents that will enable him to prolong his stay, to legalize
his status in order to avoid the risk of expulsion: “I too had to play cat and
mouse with the authorities” (Mabanckou, Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 141). In or-
der to conform to the legal requirements and conditions of residency in
France, Marcel Bonaventure obtains a fake birth certificate, a measure
that allows him to file a lost identity card report and thus to secure the
documents he needs to live, ironically, within the parameters of the law.
This further removes Marcel from his identity upon leaving the Congo,
and allows the narrator to expose immigration bureaucracy. While pursu-
ing the objectives outlined for an adventurer to become a Parisian, the
narrator occupies and moves within the diasporic space that is constituted
by the 14th and 18th arrondissements of Paris. The sapeurs generally
avoid other Africans in Paris, but there are times when exposure to the Af-
rican diasporic community provides an element of relief. These spaces also
allow Marcel to come into contact with many other adventurers, enabling
the narrator to describe their respective experiences of migration and the
wide range of mostly illicit activities they have engaged in in order to sur-
vive and attain their goals, including provision of illegal documents, lists
of unoccupied properties, and stolen goods.
Marcel’s first assignment, which he has to complete in order to repay
the assistance he has been given in securing documents and settling down
in Paris, is referred to as a baptism. It consists of buying monthly métro
passes with a stolen checkbook. However, while he successfully purchases
the passes, he is arrested for selling them. Incarceration provides him with
the opportunity to reflect on his adventure, to focus on the homeland, and
to reexperience those feelings of nostalgia he had repressed: “In the dark-
ness, I rediscovered the shadows, the faces, and the images of my home
country, the only true loves that gave any joy in life, in the hope that I
would one day get over this cold wall. Beyond this cell, I dreamed of a
space where an honest and sober happiness could be found. The country
was there” (203).
184 black france

After eighteen months in prison, he is expelled from France. The ad-

venture has ended in failure and disillusionment. This he resolves to come
to terms with, but the more challenging task that lies ahead is to confront
the disappointment of those he left behind. The originality of the novel
resides in this concluding sequence, since it is Mabanckou’s novel that
assumes the responsibility for demystifying the migrant experience. Mou-
dileno argues that, “by imagining a narrative that provides us with per-
spectives on and the reality of the failure of migration, Mabanckou . . .
undertakes to tell us ‘everything’: to tell the truth about social conditions,
to reveal formulas, to repudiate predecessors, and to reestablish a few
truths” (Moudileno, “La fiction de la migration,” 188).72 Bleu-Blanc-Rouge
exhibits a complex structure in which several narratives challenge one an-
other in a constitutive framework, one that juxtaposes the experiences of
the sapeurs and economic migrants (peasants) who circulate between ur-
ban spaces in Africa and France with the process of unveiling that is in-
trinsic to Mabanckou’s project. “Expulsion from French territory, how-
ever, is the most damaging possible punishment, because it signals failure
in the process of ‘becoming somebody’” (MacGaffey and Bazenguissa-
Ganga, 56–57). The protagonist thus finds himself located somewhere be-
tween Africa and France, between the postcolony and the former colonial
center, having reconfigured his own narrative through the reformulation
and demystification of the previous transnational urban myth and narra-
tive of Paris and having failed to acquire the necessary designer clothes for
a successful descent. In fact, an earlier African text, examined in chapter
4, had provided a parallel narrative and warning, namely Sembene’s 1962
short story “Black Girl,” in which a migrant worker cautioned young
Diouana prior to her departure for France:
What young African doesn’t dream of going to France? Unfortunately, they
confuse living in France with being a servant in France. I come from the vil-
lage next to Diouana’s, in Casamance. There, we don’t say the way you do
that it is the light that attracts the moth, but the other way round. In my
country, Casamance, we say that the darkness pursues the moth. (“Black
Girl,” 49)
 SEVEN

African Youth in the

Global Economy

And my non-enclosure island, its clear

boldness standing at the back of this
Polynesia, before it, Guadeloupe split
in two along its backbone and sharing
our misery, Haiti where negritude
stood up for the first time and said
it believed in its humanity and the
comic little tail of Florida where the
strangulation of a nigger is about to
be completed and Africa gigantically
caterpillaring as far as the Hispanic
foot of Europe, its nakedness where
Death swings its scythe widely.
Aimé Césaire, Notebook of a
Return to My Native Land1

Migration to the French metropole has been a constant feature of fran-

cophone sub-Saharan African literature from colonial times to the con-
temporary moment of postcoloniality. Naturally, this phenomenon can be
located in a much broader transhistorical economic and political frame-
work in which the displacement of populations has been a common de-
nominator over several centuries. These factors have much to reveal about
the dynamic between the symbiotically related spaces that are sub-Saharan
Africa and France. Indeed, explorations of colonial history have helped us
to better contextualize recent trends in population movements between
Africa and France and France and Africa, and have convincingly demon-
strated the complex connections evidenced in the mythic construct of
France evoked by colonial and postcolonial subjects. The Senegalese
writer Fatou Diome, who resides in the city of Strasbourg in northeastern
France, explores the bilateralism of French-African relations in her novel
186 black france

Le ventre de l’Atlantique, thereby inscribing herself in a long intertextual

genealogy of African writers to whose writings this mediation has been
foundational.2
The question of migration has of course been a central factor in con-
necting colonialism and postcolonialism, although the term has taken on
even greater significance as African nation-states have been confronted by
the economic and social realities of globalization and the accompanying
challenge to sovereignty.3 Indeed, as Saskia Sassen has argued,
The specific forms of the internationalization of capital over the past twenty
years have contributed to mobilizing people into migration streams. They
have done so principally through the implantation of Western development
strategies . . . At the same time the administrative, commercial, and develop-
ment networks of the former European empires and the newer forms these
networks assumed under the Pax Americana (international direct foreign in-
vestment, export-processing zones, wars for “democracy”) have not only cre-
ated bridges for the flow of capital, information, and high-level personnel
from the center to the periphery but . . . also for the flow of migrants from
the periphery to the center.4

A rather unusual set of circumstances inform the African context, particu-

larly if one takes into consideration regional and national particularities,
such as a broad range of colonial and decolonizing experiments, recent
experiences of national sovereignty, vast discrepancies in natural re-
sources, uneven border control, and population mobility, as well as com-
plex regional trade networks. Naturally, “through these apparently novel
forms of integration into the international system,” as Achille Mbembe
writes, “and the concomitant modes of economic exploitation, equally
novel technologies of domination are taking shape over almost the entire
continent.”5
For Arjun Appadurai, “the greatest of these apparently stable objects is
the nation-state, which is today frequently characterized by floating popu-
lations, transnational politics within national borders, and mobile config-
urations of technology and expertise.”6 As we shall see, this tenuous rela-
tionship between the imperatives of national sovereignty and those of
globalization (considered as a transnational phenomenon that works to-
ward the eradication of national borders) is contained in the conclusion to
Diome’s novel. Given the bilateralism of African-French relations intrinsic
to Diome’s work, she would surely concur with Fredric Jameson, who sig-
naled that the result of globalizing processes would inevitably be “the
forced integration of countries all over the globe into precisely that new
division of labor.”7
Whereas writers during the colonial era such as Ousmane Socé,
Cheikh Hamidou Kane, and Bernard Dadié (all of whom Diome alludes
to in her novel) were concerned with the “ambiguous” nature of the cul-
tural encounter with France—initially in colonial schools through the ex-
 African Youth in the Global Economy 187

igencies of the civilizing mission, and subsequently through travel to the

metropole—Diome extends and updates the implications and parameters
of her work in order to situate her observations and critique within the
contextual framework of a reflection on globalization and its impact on
Africa. Xavier Garnier has convincingly illustrated how Diome’s work
foregrounds “bilateral relations” between France and Senegal in order to
address the “interstitial space” that connects the realities of “dictatorship
in Africa” and “the broader mythic construct of Europe itself.”8 This myth
has emerged as a factor in “relieving the weight of reality,” but has shifted
Africa’s “center of gravity” outside of the continent (Garnier, “L’exil let-
tré,” 31–32). Accordingly, the “ambivalence” of this positionality struc-
tures the coordinates of “local-global” links that inform her text (35), and
Garnier highlights not only how Diome has signaled the transcoloniality
of this phenomenon through multiple references to colonial novels in
which this question was central, but also how these early literary myths
and mirages, available in texts and oral narratives, have now been acceler-
ated and intensified by new communication technologies and literacies
that provide for the rapid delivery and dissemination of images.
The striking pertinence of her work as a text engaged with the broader
concerns of globalization becomes all the more evident if one applies the
criteria outlined by Philippe Hugon in his essay “L’Afrique dans la mondi-
alisation” (“Africa in Globalization”), according to which globalization
“corresponds to the interdependence of five processes: financial globaliza-
tion, worldwide organization of production, free circulation of goods, mi-
grations and movements of population, and the instantaneous nature of
information.”9 Accordingly, rather than addressing the limits and poten-
tialities of the assimilation of young African protagonists, Diome consid-
ers the socioeconomic realities confronting individual and collective mi-
grants upon entry into the sociopolitical zones of both France and of
course the European Union as well. The experiences of these migrants are
now informed by the difficulties associated with the new lexicon of migra-
tion, namely border control, travel and residency documents, refugee sta-
tus, and the risks of clandestinity. “In 1993,” Mireille Rosello shows, “the
so-called Pasqua laws became the most obvious manifestation of the
French government’s anti-immigration attitude. They reflected an increas-
ingly repressive and restrictive philosophy, turning the ‘clandestin’ (ille-
gal/undocumented immigrant) into an enemy of the state.”10 In turn, Eti-
enne Balibar has highlighted the impact on human rights:
There is another aspect that has been forced on our attention by the prob-
lems relative to the treatment of asylum seekers and the modalities of con-
trol of so-called clandestine immigrants in Western Europe, which pose seri-
ous problems of the protection and institution of human rights: the system
of identity verifications (generally occurring within the territory) allowing a
triage of travelers admitted to and rejected from a given national territory.11
188 black france

Ultimately, though, while Diome’s novel explicitly acknowledges the trans-

colonial nature of African-French relations, the author emerges as a new
voice in the category that has become known in France as “literature of
immigration.” Rather than restricting her narrative to the provision of a
reductive account of some of the complex mechanisms connected with
immigration to Europe (incarceration, exploitation, repatriation), Diome
endeavors to contribute to the process of demystifying the centrality of
France as a construct for African youth circulating at the global periphery,
but also goes a step further in incorporating a programmatic component
that consists in proposing a solution to what Eric de Rosny has character-
ized as an “emigration virus.”12
Diome’s first published work was a collection of short stories entitled
La préférence nationale (National Preference), published by Présence
Africaine in 2001, that explored the question of immigration and integra-
tion in contemporary France.13 Many of those issues are also addressed in
her first novel, Le ventre de l’Atlantique, which was published in 2003.
The central protagonist, Salie, has, like the author herself, taken up resi-
dence in Strasbourg. The experience of exile affords her the opportunity
to reflect on her encounter with the economic and social realities of being
a sub-Saharan African residing in France and the quotidian experience of
racism, in order to offer an image of France that contests the imagined
idea her younger half-brother Madické, living in Senegal, adheres to. (We
later discover that Madické’s full name is, in fact, Samba Madické. Samba
is a common name, of course, but it is hard to avoid seeing a link with the
earlier Samba Diallo of Kane’s Ambiguous Adventure.) For her, much in
the same way as for other African women writers of an earlier generation
(such as Mariama Bâ), writing provides the space to explore the ambiguity
of her displacement and the opportunity to reflect on the circumstances of
migration as they pertain to Senegal in general and her native island of
Niodior more specifically.14 Of course, her observations are pertinent in
many ways to analogous situations in other African countries in which
population movements are now well documented. This framework also
allows her to consider her own choices and trajectory, while simultane-
ously exploring her marginalized status in France. From this positionality,
she juxtaposes her narrative with the projections and expectations of
those “back home” in Senegal, by whom she is perceived as residing in a
veritable “paradise” (Diome, Le ventre, 21) across the Atlantic.
The relationship between the socioeconomic realities in France and
the distorted projections of them from Africa provides the central discon-
nect that Diome proposes to analyze. After marrying a Frenchman and
moving to France, Salie is confronted with the inescapability of her posi-
tion once her relationship comes to an end: “determined not to return
home with my head held down after a failure that many had happily pre-
dicted, I stubbornly persisted with my studies” (51). She relies on work as
a cleaning lady in order to subsidize her studies and living costs, but no
 African Youth in the Global Economy 189

one at “home” can conceive of the living conditions of Africans in France,

since they are blinded by their own domestic circumstances: “The Third
World cannot see Europe’s wounds since it is blinded by its own; it cannot
hear its cries, its own are so deafening” (51). Indeed, as Joseph Stiglitz has
argued in his book Globalization and Its Discontents, “To many in the
developing world, globalization has not brought the promised economic
benefits. A growing divide between the haves and have-nots has left in-
creasing numbers in the Third World in dire poverty.”15 There are of
course numerous reasons why populations are displaced, and Michel
Samuel has explored many of these in his book Le prolétariat africain en
France.16 The text is structured around a series of interviews conducted
with young sub-Saharan Africans. Each account underlines the lack of lo-
cal opportunities as the primary motivating factor for departure, particu-
larly for the uneducated illiterate proletariat, thereby creating the condi-
tions for a permanent migration. “Young people are right to go to France,”
we hear from one interviewee, because “here, at home in Mauritania, even
educated people have no place; so it makes even more sense for those who
are illiterate . . . they can make money in France, feed themselves and their
old parents. In the years to come, I plan on continuing to work in France.
When I make money, I prefer leaving during the holidays, coming home,
chatting a little with my folks, and then returning, going to work there
again” (Samuel, Le prolétariat africain, 173).17 These kinds of comments,
along with both real and imagined socioeconomic disparities between Af-
rica and France, might help us to better grasp how Salie’s position as a do-
mestic worker in France could be the target of great envy in Senegal. Nat-
urally, this envy is more than just ironic; it serves as an indicator of the
ideological structure deployed by global capitalism and simultaneously
further underlines the power such relativistic constructs are accorded at
the service of dominant hegemonic structures of oppression. Appadurai’s
research corroborates this finding:
Globalization (understood as a particular, contemporary configuration in the
relationship between capital and the nation-state) is demonstrably creating
increased inequalities both within and across societies, spiraling processes of
ecological degradation and crisis, and unviable relations between finance
and manufacturing capital, as well as between goods and the wealth re-
quired to purchase them. (Appadurai, “Grassroots Globalization,” 17)

While struggling herself to confront the “solitude of exile,” Salie is thought

of as living in a “European Eden” (Diome, Le ventre, 51) by those still in
Senegal. However, “having chosen a path completely foreign to my peo-
ple, I was determined to prove its validity to them. I had to ‘succeed’ at all
costs so as to assume the role assigned to every child in my country: to
serve as a safety net for our loved ones. This obligation of assistance is the
greatest burden carried by those who emigrate” (51–52). Aware of the un-
reasonable expectations placed on her by her family and community,
190 black france

faced with her own “ambiguous adventure” (74) (an obvious allusion to
Kane’s critically acclaimed novel by that title), she is determined to count-
er the narrative offered by a man referred to as “the man from Barbès,” a
figure who has emerged as a prototype in recent immigration narratives.
The man from Barbès regularly travels to Senegal with his material acqui-
sitions, tangible evidence of the possibility for success by those “that have
come from France” (70). As Diome argues, “After the historical recogni-
tion of colonialism, a new form of mental colonization reigns: young soc-
cer players venerated and continue to venerate France. In their eyes, all
that is enviable comes from France” (60). My objective in chapter 2 was to
show how this mental colonization was intrinsic to the colonial era, as in-
dicated by the lure of francocentrism and the acquisition of cultural capi-
tal. The fact that Diome’s novel alludes to these earlier texts further in-
scribes the transcolonial dimension of these questions, and we shall return
to these shortly.
Diome quotes the refrain of a popular American song circulating in
Africa: “Anything you want, you’ve got it!”; in French, it is “Quand on
veut, on peut” (Diome, Le ventre, 29). The meaning of this song plays a
very important role in the novel, since it indicates Diome’s positionality
on migration, emphasizing her faith in what she perceives as the benefit of
remaining in Africa rather than leaving the continent. The translation un-
derscores the notion of potentiality contained in the lyrics, and is recuper-
ated in economic terms as a component of the migratory project. How-
ever, there is also a second interpretation available in the ambiguity of the
English sentence structure; one could foreground the dimension of finality
and closure as evidenced by “you’ve got it,” in which case the suggested
migration becomes redundant, since the local is adequate. In many ways,
as will become evident, these words anticipate the concluding message
Diome is elaborating in her text. Accordingly, the mediation of Salie’s per-
ceived privilege must of course be framed in the context of circumstances
in Senegal. For example, only one television is available to local youth and
its presence is thanks to the man from Barbès, who transported it back
from France. Given the opportunity to recount his experiences in France
to an audience that is both attentive and full of admiration, “the man
from Barbès . . . never ran out of marvelous stories about his odyssey”
(93). Young people are eager to learn more about the mythic city: “So un-
cle, how was it over there in Paris?” (95).18 They relish the occasion, and
the setting echoes the format of the traditional communal palabre:
It was such that you will never be able to imagine it. Just like on TV, but bet-
ter because you see it all for real. If I tell you what it was like you won’t be-
lieve me. Having said that, it was magnificent, and the word doesn’t do it jus-
tice . . . I landed in Paris at night; you’d have thought the good Lord gave
those people billions of red, blue, and yellow stars to light things up; the city
was lit up everywhere . . . I lived in this immense city of Paris. Their airport
 African Youth in the Global Economy 191
is bigger than our village. Before going there, I never thought it possible that
such a beautiful city could exist. But I saw it, right there, with my own eyes.
The Eiffel Tower and the Obelisk, they look like they reach the sky. And
there are so many luxury boutiques lining the Champs-Elysées, all of them
overflowing with extraordinary merchandise you cannot stop yourself from
admiring, so much so that you need at least a whole day to walk the length
of the avenue. And there are beautiful historical monuments, such as the Arc
de Triomphe, because, you should know, the French are proud; and since
they are rich, they erect a monument for the slightest of their exploits. That
allows them also to remember the great men in their history. (95–96)

There are of course remarkable parallels between this performance and

those given by the sapeurs in the novels of Daniel Biyaoula and Alain Ma-
banckou. In this instance, the narrative is organized around what Pierre
Nora has described as “memory sites,” places and monuments that are
linked to the record of history and national consciousness, establishing
common denominators in a shared memory of the nation. Well-known
topographic sites—streets, commemorative monuments, burial grounds—
are organized into readily identifiable repositories of collective memory,
themselves broadly disseminated through colonial education in the former
French empire:
The young listeners never tired of his digressions. They wanted to hear stories
about over there; there where the dead slept in palaces, the living must surely
dance in heaven. And so they urged on their narrator, who wanted nothing
more than to be spurred on by their curiosity. Assessing the growing interest
in his story, the man from Barbès sipped away at a cup of tea, offered up a big
toothy smile, and started up again with an even more lively voice. (97)

Yet these memory sites call for further interpretation, since they are also
the markers of France’s Republican ideals and a celebration of military
and colonial glory. “This uprooting of memory, its eradication by the con-
quering force of history,” Nora argues, “has had the effect of a revelation,
as if an ancient bond of identity had been broken, calling into question
something once taken for granted: the close fit between history and mem-
ory.”19 Because of this, the various monuments alluded to in the master
narrative offered by the man from Barbès serve to highlight the degree of
conditioning that has taken place; since he is seemingly unaware of the
very irony of his commentary (unlike his predecessor Tanhoe Bertin in
Dadié’s novel An African in Paris), he cannot therefore be relied upon to
correct the illusory nature of his formulations. “Like all old capitals,
moreover,” Maurice Agulhon shows us, “Paris is dotted with important
commemorative sites invested with more or less clearly understood politi-
cal or ideological significance.”20 The Obelisk functions as a symbol of the
domination and invasion of Africa, the Arc de Triomphe as a metonym for
various military accomplishments, and the Champs-Elysées as a mythic,
enchanted construct. The Eiffel Tower is of course inextricably linked to
192 black france

the Universal Exposition of 1889 and the celebration of technological

progress, imperial expansion, and the centennial of the Republic. As Henri
Loyrette has demonstrated, France “erected [the Eiffel Tower as] a proud
monument as proof of its technological prowess and symbol of its role as
a beacon among nations.”21 Beyond the historicity of these sites, one also
has to consider how a process of amnesia and revisionism has generated
redefinitions of the symbolic nature of these sites. Indeed, Agulhon has ad-
dressed these developments, in which “the logic of spatial requirements
preceded the logic of local preference,” and this is particularly relevant to
the manner in which the man from Barbès conceives of these memory-re-
lations (Agulhon, 545).
His return to Africa is granted significant attention. “Every two years,”
we are informed, “their son came back for a whole month during the sum-
mer. He handed out a few banknotes and poor-quality goods [pacotille]
made in France that no one would have traded for a block of emeralds.
Here, secondhand goods from Barbès gave you an air of importance and
that, that was priceless” (Diome, Le ventre, 35). The central objective re-
mains an exhibitionary one, located in his material identity: “Upon his ar-
rival, people were contentedly admiring his purchasing power” (37). With
each visit, the symbols of his success in France become more tangible: “On
his third leave, he started to build an imposing home . . . That home would
guarantee him forever the respect and admiration of the villagers . . . [It
was] the emblem of his successful emigration” (38). For local youth, this
kind of economic success supports the powerful narrative that Diome and
other writers are concerned with countering and undermining. In fact, re-
joining the aforementioned reference to the material acquisitions “made”
in France, Agulhon’s essay “Paris: A Traversal from East to West” has much
to reveal: “There is of course a whole commerce of tourism. The relative
permanence of souvenir items both shapes and reflects public opinion.
The Eiffel Tower, the Arc de Triomphe, Notre Dame, and Sacré-Cœur all
but monopolize the market for trinkets, for great monuments reduced to
the size of paperweights” (Agulhon, 524, emphasis mine). In this way, the
man from Barbès ultimately ends up according importance to the very an-
tithesis of the monuments and sites he had evoked, erecting himself new
monuments in the guise of commodities and raw materials that may very
well not be made in France, and that are the contemporary products of la-
bor forces located in Africa, other former colonies, and so-called Third
World countries around the world feeding these Western markets. In actu-
ality—and this further contributes to the remarkable irony and even
pathos of the situation—this network of relations is also contained in the
very presence of Africans in France who also serve the dominant order
within mechanisms (such as sweatshops, underpaid jobs, and undeclared
operations) that are now inseparable from the functioning and operations
of global cities. The authoritative account provided by the man from Bar-
 African Youth in the Global Economy 193

bès is invested with the legitimacy of experience, and he claims that the
French are “very rich,” that they live in “luxurious apartments” with elec-
tricity and running water, and that they also have cars, televisions, refrig-
erators, freezers, washing machines and dishwashers, vacuum cleaners,
and supermarkets (Diome, Le ventre, 97–98). The narrative is of course
self-serving and would not stand up to concerted scrutiny, but it neverthe-
less safeguards the legitimacy of his position.
The Paris neighborhood of Barbès itself has become inextricably asso-
ciated with the African Diaspora in France and enjoys a mixed reputation
(along with such analogous areas as Belleville) as simultaneously the nu-
cleus of a vibrant multiculturalism and the focal point of negative charac-
terizations of the immigrant underclass; because of this, deconstruction of
the term “Barbès” reveals a multiplicity of signifiers pertinent to the bi-di-
rectionality of projections in Diome’s work organized around the simulta-
neously “exotic” (in the African imaginary) and “pejorative” (in French
stereotypes) site of Barbès. For example, the title itself, “from Barbès,” un-
ambiguously becomes an honor in the African context, and the prestige
accorded to the “man from Barbès” as a result of this enhanced social sta-
tus following his multiple returns to Niodior (he has the status of “village
dignitary” [Diome, Le ventre, 60]) resembles the descent of the sapeurs,
who are themselves invested as Parisians once they have completed a sim-
ilar circular trajectory.22 The label “Barbès” is a variation on the traditional
title of “Parisian” that confers social capital on those that have completed
the secular pilgrimage of travel to Paris. With the Congolese context in
mind, Justin-Daniel Gandoulou has observed that “the Occidental myth
constitutes one of the positive motivating factors for emigration,” and Di-
dier Gondola has shown that “it remains above all a response, a way for
this ‘sacrificed’ youth to adjust to changing realities over which they have
virtually no control. Through this voyage into the sape we witness the
death of reality and its reincarnation in dreams.”23 In both cases, one
could argue that the avenir (the promise of enhanced social status in the
future) lies in the revenir (the anticipated constitutive return that is both a
physical journey but also of course a symbol of economic advancement).
Because of this, the man from Barbès emerges as an emblem of opportu-
nity and therefore of power, but in reality, contextualized within global
capitalism, he stands paradoxically as an instrument of continued oppres-
sion since his master narrative both relegates him to a position of perpet-
ual subjugation and triggers successive migrations that perpetuate a myth
that ultimately serves the capitalist interests of European markets that
control the economy and further marginalize Africa.
Diome provides two further intertextual references to earlier fran-
cophone sub-Saharan African novels that had explored migration to
France from French colonies, namely Bernard Dadié’s An African in Paris
and Ousmane Socé’s Mirage of Paris.
194 black france
Biting his cheek, the man from Barbès threw himself down on his bed, re-
lieved at having yet again preserved, better even, consolidated his rank. He
had been An African in Paris and had set out, upon his return, to keep alive
the mirages that crowned him with prestige. Relying on orality to combat all
those who had written about this city, he had become France’s best ambas-
sador. (Diome, Le ventre, 101)

A linearity from the colonial era to contemporary globalization emerges

in terms of the economics of human mobility. While the man from Barbès
must take full responsibility for his deception, for what he selectively si-
lences, he both perpetuates a myth and partially responds to the local need
for a such a narrative about France. To this end, the newly arrived griot
serves the desired purpose by delivering a well-received performance, and
the absence of veracity remains a matter for his conscience. In fact, he
even justifies his lie: “what harm was there in him being selective about his
memories, in methodically choosing those that could be told and leaving
the others buried beneath the trap door of oblivion? Not once did his tor-
rential stories ever let slip anything about the wretched life he had led in
France” (101–102).24 Nevertheless, the fact remains that he sustains a
myth, an illusion, and erects a fiction that renders him complicit in a
process that will culminate in further migration and disillusionment.
These issues were at the very heart of what Dadié, Kane, and Socé were
exploring, and while Diome’s work deviates in numerous ways from this
intertextual historiography, these parallels are paradigmatic of the kind of
approach I have insisted upon throughout Black France. In Kane’s novel,
recourse to philosophical discourse provided the framework with which
to explore the myth of occidental superiority, and to examine the colo-
nizer/colonized relationship that is so crucial to our understanding of the
migration myth. To this end, the works of Dadié and Socé provide unique
examples of the ways in which the myth of French cultural superiority op-
erates as a strategic device for imposing colonial rule, and how in turn it
can be unpacked and demystified by an attentive observer of these elabo-
rate dynamics. If the novels of Kane and Socé (among others, of course)
foregrounded displacement as the mode through which greater conscious-
ness was achieved in order to decondition and question colonialism, then
Dadié’s novel exhibits a key difference by distancing itself from this
process in order to provide an unprecedented concentration on the foun-
dations of the ideological project as a way of demystifying the fantasy of
Occidental superiority.
The tremendous appeal of migration for African youth naturally war-
rants further consideration. As Stiglitz has explained, “Fundamentally,
[globalization] is the closer integration of the countries and peoples of the
world which has been brought about by the enormous reduction of costs
of transportation and communication, and the breaking down of artificial
barriers to the flows of goods, services, capital, knowledge, and (to a lesser
 African Youth in the Global Economy 195

extent) people across borders. Globalization has been accompanied by the

creation of new institutions that have joined with existing ones to work
across borders” (Stiglitz, 9). Economic disparities between geographic and
continental zones provide, of course, the central determining indicator,
but one cannot underestimate the fundamental centrality of France with
regard to the African periphery—a phenomenon that has survived beyond
colonial propagandist mechanisms into the postcolonial imagination.
Both economic and cultural factors were intrinsic to colonial relations be-
tween Africa and Europe, and these factors continue to inform the bilater-
alism of relations in the form of transnational capital and labor as consti-
tutive markers of globalization. Furthermore, while Diome’s novel is very
much anchored in a contemporary context, the text itself calls for pre-
cisely this kind of transhistorical contextualization in its repeated allu-
sions to the colonial texts I mentioned. These links are not arbitrary, but
rather serve to underscore the fact that while African-French relations may
have changed from colonial to postcolonial times, African interests are
still not well served. Central to this phenomenon are more complex cir-
cumstances pertaining to the desperation of African youth, who are able
to express their disillusionment with the local economy by engaging in
transnational migration as part of an externalization process that involves
identification with the perceived potentialities and possibilities of enhanced
economic mobility in global cities such as Brussels, London, Los Angeles,
New York, Paris, and Rome.25 As Sassen rightly concludes, “The worldwide
evidence shows rather clearly that there is considerable patterning in the
geography of migrations, and that the major receiving countries tend to
get immigrants from their zones of influence” (Globalization, 8).26 Thus,
Diome proposes a counter-narrative to that of individuals such as the man
from Barbès, aligning herself with a long list of African authors who have
engaged in similar oppositional practices from the colonial period to the
present day.
Diome’s novel is set in the popular context of world soccer, and it is
within this framework that the analysis of globalization and its impact on
African youth is mapped out. The opening section takes us to the 2000
European championship. Significantly, Salie’s half-brother—quite unlike
his local friends—is obsessed with the Italian sensation Paolo Maldini (in
fact, he has gone so far as to adopt Maldini’s name as his own nickname).
This might be partly explained by the fact that Italy remains a privileged
destination for Senegalese migrants,27 but his process of identification with
global “commodities” is indicative of the degree to which Africa is of
course influenced by a highly complex network of global cultural influ-
ences outside of former colonial ties.28 Because of the striking inequities of
global communications systems and the disproportionate cost of making
calls relative to local income and GDP, Madické relies on his sister’s
phone calls to a call center to receive regular score updates and match
196 black france

summaries. Madické, of course, cannot even entertain the thought that

these exchanges might represent a financial burden on his sister, since he
perceives the position she occupies as a resident in France as privileged.
This affords Salie the opportunity to engage with this imaginary projec-
tion in order to further reflect on the disconnect between myth and reality:
How many miles, days of hard work, and sleepless nights still separate me
from what remains a hypothetical success, yet a success that has been a
given for my loved ones ever since I announced my departure for France? So
I move on, my steps heavy with their dreams, my thoughts filled by my loved
ones. I move on without knowing my destination. I’m not sure on which
flagpole they will raise the flag to my victory, and I also have no idea which
fountains will be capable of washing away the affront of failure. (Diome, Le
ventre, 15)

The challenge facing Salie (and therefore by association Diome’s literary

project) is to correct the illusion by describing the socioeconomic condi-
tions of immigration in France. At the heart of her analysis is the realiza-
tion that the man from Barbès has caught himself in a lie from which it
gets more difficult to extricate himself each time he recounts his story:
“Scepter in hand, how could he have admitted that he had started out by
haunting métro exits, been forced to pilfer to appease his hunger, begged,
survived the winter thanks to the Salvation Army, before finding a squat to
share with companions in misfortune?” (102). Compelled to conceal the
reality of his experiences in France for the dual purpose of enhancing his
social capital and fulfilling the needs and expectations of his community,
he has become only too aware that “his body was his only capital” (102).
The immigrant’s body and the slavery topos are common features of Di-
ome’s text as she establishes further transhistorical links pertaining to the
relations between Africa and France and the ongoing problem of ex-
ploitation in competitive labor markets. Arguably, though, while both the
slave and the migrant worker are reduced to bodily labor, a distinction
can be drawn given that the slave’s body does not function as capital, pre-
cisely because slavery is unpaid labor. Colonial ideology is central to this
construct given that it indicates how raw materials and labor served the
interests of European market economies in which Africans functioned as
physical laborers, a topos that is recuperated transcolonially as the immi-
grant’s body is now also a disposable commodity. Indeed, these questions
are central to Rebecca’s Saunders’s discussion of the figure of the “global
foreigner.”29 As Saunders has indicated, “the transnationalization of labor
has not only dramatically increased global migration, but solidified the as-
sociation of the foreigner with poverty, and with particular ethnic groups”
(Saunders, 89). In many cases, governments and international organiza-
tions rely on GDP as the indicator of progress, and these evaluative mech-
anisms have proved grossly inconclusive in measuring the economic, so-
cial, and political stability and growth of various countries.30
 African Youth in the Global Economy 197

One must consider the rationale for deploying such mechanisms. A

widely held misconception that informs immigration policy has led orga-
nizations and governments “to promote economic growth in the migrant-
sending countries by encouraging direct foreign investment and export-
oriented international development assistance, in the belief that raising
economic opportunities in the developing world will deter emigration”
(Sassen, Globalization, 32). However, Sassen has successfully illustrated
how the “very measures commonly thought to deter immigration—foreign
investment and the promotion of export-oriented growth in developing
countries—seem to have had precisely the opposite effect” (34). In fact,
such conceptualizations of economic inequities provided the logic behind
the introduction of Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP), and pressures
from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank to enact
economic liberalism and development politics.31 As S. M. Ravi Kanbur has
explained, the objective is to “attain stabilization through demand-side
measures, increase production tradeables, liberalize the domestic and in-
ternational sectors . . . and reduce the scope of the public sector.”32 How-
ever, “the IMF’s allegedly liberatory practices,” Saunders continues, “are
customarily effected through the mechanism of Structural Adjustment
Programs—and the term adjustment (to settle, put in order, regulate,
make fit for use, alter slightly) merits its own analysis—which insists on
privatization of health services, water supplies, education, public housing
and transport, safety, sanitation, and other public services. These services,
that is, are transferred into the hands of transnational corporations to be
operated as profit-generating businesses, which will, in turn, produce rev-
enue to service the debt” (Saunders, 94). With the American context in
mind, Sassen underscores that governments have failed “to appreciate the
political and economic forces that give rise to immigration in the first
place” and that
international migrations are partly embedded in conditions produced by
economic internationalization both in sending and in receiving areas. While
a national state may have the power to write the text of an immigration pol-
icy, it is likely to be dealing with a complex, deeply embedded and transna-
tional process that it can only partly address and regulate through immigra-
tion policy as conventionally understood. (Sassen, Globalization, 31, 13)

These findings are corroborated by Rosello’s analysis of the contradictory

nature of “postcolonial hospitality.”
Both scholars and groups such as Africa Trade Bill Alert and the Africa
Faith and Justice Network have been critical of the African Growth and
Opportunity Act, whose objective since 2000 has been to encourage Afri-
can countries to develop free markets; they see it as serving the interests of
multinational corporations. Makhtar Diouf, in his book L’Afrique dans la
mondialisation, has insisted on the importance of adopting a transcolo-
nial framework in order to adequately assess the place of Africa in global
198 black france

economic relations and structural adjustment measures since 1990.33 While

the World Bank assessed the Senegalese public works and employment
agency AGETIP as a “development success,”34 the International Labor Or-
ganization has reached radically different conclusions:
Structural adjustment programmes in many developing countries and some
industrialized countries have also caused hardship, especially to the lower in-
come strata of the population. These programmes advocate liberalization in
economic affairs, thus providing a golden opportunity for the rich and the
educated—and sometimes also the unscrupulous and powerful—to profit at
the expense of the weaker sections of society . . . While these problems affect
all countries, there is a general consensus that the situation of most develop-
ing countries—particularly of Africa—is critical and requires special atten-
tion and action.35

Now, the man from Barbès is at least aware of his marginalized status in
France. Indeed, Diome explores his predicament:
The solitary hunter is alone in knowing the cost of his game. If he comes
home smiling, the village is happy to praise his skill and bravery. Having sur-
vived, the lion conceals his scars beneath his glossy coat. The man from Bar-
bès did just the same, and he was quite sure his veneer ran no risk of being
scratched. The grown-ups envied him too much to try and make trouble for
him, and as for the young, well, their claws weren’t solid enough yet to worry
him. Small pelicans thirsting after new horizons, they needed his beakfuls
of color to paint the sky. As they said their goodbyes after an evening spent
in his company, they were always thankful and respectful. (Diome, Le ven-
tre, 104)

Anyone who attempts to counter these fables faces a daunting task. How-
ever, the village schoolteacher is determined to avoid the further disillu-
sionment of young African men and shares with them the story of the
failed migration of a young man named Moussa.36 “The schoolteacher was
the only one who knew the complete version of the story. Upon his return,
the young man had made him his confidant” (109), and he is therefore in-
vested with a particular rhetorical agency. Moussa was recruited to join a
soccer training camp in France, and all kinds of promises were made to
him. Gradually, however, he discovered that he had entered into a sinister
“pro-slavery process” (112). The slavery topos reemerges with his realiza-
tion that he has become a commodity because he has mortgaged his future
for the funds he needed to travel to France. His own travels across the At-
lantic effectively lead him into slavery, since when he fails to progress to
the next level and obtain a remunerated contract, his clandestine status in
France renders him vulnerable to exploitation and deportation:
A buddy of mine has a boat. We’ll go and see him and I’ll get him to take
you on over there. We won’t ask for too much, and that’ll help him keep
things quiet. He’ll pay your wages to me, and when you’re done reimbursing
 African Youth in the Global Economy 199
me you’ll be able to save enough to go and live it up back home. You’re a
solid guy, you’ll take care of things. But don’t forget, sh! Don’t forget you’re
an illegal. (117)

The link with slavery is explicit once again as Moussa labors alongside his
fellow “galley workers” (123). His predicament is further complicated by
additional pressure from his family back in Africa, who insist on the im-
portance of his success: “Spare us any shame from our people. You must
work, save, and return to the country” (119), and then by his arrest in
Marseilles. Following in the footsteps of another sub-Saharan African
protagonist, namely Diaw Falla in Ousmane Sembene’s Black Docker, he
ventures out into the city of Marseilles, where he is immediately subjected
to the equivalent of racial profiling.37 The assumptions by the police con-
cerning his clandestine status are confirmed in this particular case, but
have less to do with efficient policing than they do with a complex net-
work of stereotypes and projections. His visit to France ends with depor-
tation and further engagement with the brutal realities of contemporary
immigration. In this instance the African body as a commodity is declared
undesirable in France now that it is marked as clandestine.
Deportation is only the first of his concerns, since he must now also
disappoint his family. Festivities have been arranged to celebrate his re-
turn, but ultimately he opts to share with them the official story: “No
longer able to let his loved ones go into more debt to honor him, he gave
them a summary of his experience in France. The explosion of truth cov-
ered him in cinders. He ceased to shine from European light and became
less interesting than the most sedentary islander. Just about everyone de-
spised him” (126). He is blamed for his failure and the marginalization he
experienced in France is now reproduced on the other side of the Atlantic.
In this, he joins the long list of disillusioned Africans who have either trav-
eled to the metropole or returned to Africa, and for whom suicide pro-
vides the only escape. In this instance, Ndétare retells Moussa’s biography
as an attempt to preempt further migrations: “France is not paradise.
Don’t let yourselves get ensnared in the nets of emigration” (132).38 The
fact that such narratives have existed since the colonial period and sur-
vived into the contemporary era is an indicator of the magnitude of the
task of reconditioning with which they are confronted. Returning to the
central problem confronting African youth addressed earlier—namely the
lack of economic and social opportunities on a continent that continues to
be relegated to the margins of the global economy—we note that several
factors have exacerbated local conditions. Manthia Diawara, for example,
has assessed the dramatic impact of the devaluation of the CFA franc on
January 10, 1994. Prior to this event, globalization was already viewed
with a pronounced skepticism: “Some people perceived it as the new colo-
nialism of cultural forms of life in Africa by transnational corporations in
complicity with Western governments and corrupt African leaders. Others
200 black france

viewed it as an opportunity for African artists and entrepreneurs to leave

the periphery and join the metropolitan centers in Europe and America.”39
The solution Diawara proposes to the hegemonic impulses of globaliza-
tion, based on extensive analysis of local and regional economies and
transnational cultural, economic, and social networks, is located in Afri-
can market economies: “West African markets, traditionally the centers of
international consumption and cross-cultural fertilization, provide a seri-
ous challenge to the scheme of globalization and structural adjustment
fostered by the World Bank and other multinational corporations that are
vying to recolonize Africa” (Diawara, “Toward a Regional Imaginary,”
114). Diawara’s support of regionalism coincides with Diome’s faith in the
local, yet it remains crucial to emphasize that while such positions may
well be recuperated in order to justify the kinds of adjustment politics de-
scribed earlier, this is certainly not their intention. It is one thing to under-
score the need to develop local socioeconomic structures that are capable
of engaging with the transnational economy, and quite another to address
the reality of the disparities in place that foster exploitative structures.
“This role of the market,” Diawara insists,
is often overlooked by African political scientists who, in their desire to be-
come advisers to the World Bank, ignore the role of European governments
and international institutions in the corruption of the state and blame Afri-
can traditions for failing to embrace modernization because of their innate
predisposition to debauchery. (123)

All of these measures share points of commonality with the efforts of new
organizations, such as the Union nationale des commerçants et industriels
du Sénégal (National Union of Senegalese Retail Merchants and Industri-
alists, UNACOIS), that, as Momar-Coumba Diop has shown, comprise
factors “that explain the need to carefully understand the protocol that at-
tempts to shift sources of national influence to the local level by allowing
for the creation and development of underexploited complex strategies at
the heart of communities.”40 Ultimately, none of these enterprises will be
productive unless a specific set of cautions provided by Mbembe in his es-
say “On Private Indirect Government” are taken seriously:
it is impossible to approach these issues without first placing three major his-
torical processes at the very center of our analysis: first, the de-linking of Af-
rica from formal international markets; second, the forms of its integration
into the circuits of the parallel international economy; and third, the frag-
mentation of public authority and emergence of multiple forms of private
indirect government accompanying these two processes.41

Our consideration of these issues should not overlook the fact that
Salie left Senegal under different circumstances than Moussa did. How-
ever, this factor cannot obfuscate the fact that her experience of return to
Africa is characterized by sentiments similar to his, since in addition to her
 African Youth in the Global Economy 201

marginal status in France, she is also identified as an outsider in the local

context: “Yet returning has become the same as departing for me. I go
home as one goes abroad, because I have become the other for those I con-
tinue to call my loved ones” (Diome, Le ventre, 190). Her idea of home
has been displaced by exile and she no longer fully belongs to Africa. The
teacher implores her to tell them her “truth,” to share the parameters of
the immigrant context in order to arrive at an alternative topography an-
chored outside of and reversing the sites of memory evoked in the mythic
construct. At this point, Diome begins to delineate some of the links she
indicated at the beginning of the novel between international soccer and
the politics of migration. The question of sport is central to the broader
discourse on immigration in France.42 As Salie states to her brother and his
friends about the French authorities,
Well, as for their policy of integration, at the very best it applies to their na-
tional soccer team. Blacks, Blancs, Beurs,43 that’s just a slogan as a showcase
for the world . . . Foreigners are accepted, loved, and even claimed as their
own only when they are among the best in their field. Blacks, Blancs, Beurs:
if that were a given, you wouldn’t need a slogan for it. (204–205)

Indeed, the tremendous visibility of the French national soccer team dur-
ing the 1998 World Cup, which was held in France, generated consider-
able discussion of the question of multiculturalism, since the team’s mul-
tiethnic make-up was capitalized upon by the authorities and certain
media outlets as a kind of example of France’s progressive politics of inte-
gration. Perhaps the most compelling moment occurred when the image
of the French captain Zinadine Zidane (the child of North African immi-
grants) was beamed onto the Arc de Triomphe. France’s national team
does of course reflect a long and complicated history of African-French re-
lations, but the alignment of players of multiple ethnic origins under the
aegis of the “bleu-blanc-rouge” (blue, white, and red, the colors of the
French flag) had very little to do with broader social policy and the cir-
cumstances of minority populations in France. Diome challenges this offi-
cial discourse on successful integration, highlighting the shortcomings of
these integrational objectives. Indeed, this approach connects with her po-
sition in her first book, La préférence nationale, in which she suggested
that mobility in French society centers on epidermal factors contained in
an “epidermic preference” (Diome, La préférence nationale, 202). Gradu-
ally, Diome frames these questions in the broader context of globalization
and the position of Africa in the economically disenfranchised zones of
the South, where the cultural, political, and social problems of under-de-
velopment (poverty, issues of women’s rights, polygamy, and reproductive
concerns) are immediate symptoms: “The worst of the twentieth century’s
indecencies,” as Salie argues, “is the image of an obese West juxtaposed
with a Third World suffering from rickets” (Diome, Le ventre, 192). For
Salie, exile is characterized by loss and displacement, as she is positioned
202 black france

in the transnational space characterized by the kind of cultural and social

“double-unbelonging” alluded to by Salman Rushdie,44 whereby she is no
longer completely African and not quite French: “With roots everywhere,
permanently exiled, I am at home at that point where Africa and Europe
lose their pride and are content with becoming one” (210). The central
point of intertextuality between colonial and postcolonial texts is located
in the shared concern with assessing, documenting, and recording the ge-
nealogy of economic and social struggle, the disintegration of the social
fabric, and the impact of that disintegration on African youth. The multi-
generational component is highlighted in disturbing militaristic terminol-
ogy through the evocation of “economic bazookas aimed at us from the
West” (214). Diome’s work serves to further substantiate Mongo Beti’s
denunciations, in his Main basse sur le Cameroun: Autopsie d’une dé-
colonisation and La France contre l’Afrique: Retour au Cameroun, of the
uneven and exploitative nature of France’s treatment of Africa from colo-
nial to postcolonial times, and to underscore the growing disparities be-
tween the two regions.45
Juxtaposed with Salie’s own “solitary life in Europe” (Diome, Le ven-
tre, 220) is the equally negative experience of being back in Senegal.
Rather than staying only with her family, she decides to travel and visit her
own country. At first, hotel receptionists assume she is a prostitute, but
once they realize she is in fact on vacation “from” France, she is labeled as
an outsider by the term “Francenabé” (228). “A foreigner in France,” she
points out, “I was welcomed as such in my own country: as illegitimate
with a resident’s permit as with my identity card” (228). Her entry into
France had been mediated through a series of formalities that forced her
to select between passenger lines in the arrivals terminal according to the
categories of “European passports” and “foreign passports” (234) and
then to navigate and negotiate her way by the customs officer, who has be-
come a “caretaker for the nation” (235); the notion of a “passport” and
the implied crossing through ports—from “pass” to “port”—has a partic-
ular resonance in this context. While she makes it past these obstacles, she
witnesses a couple being taken away to the transnational zones reserved
for the clandestine.46 Further connections with slavery are established here
when Diome delineates parallel conventions related to the medical status
of the displaced slave and the immigrant required to undergo medical
evaluation prior to the issuance of residency documents: “at a time when
one went about selling negroes, ebony, and spices, no one would buy a
sick slave” (248). Salie decries and deplores these new formalities: “Pass-
ports, a certificate of domicile, visas / And all the other things they don’t
tell you about / Have become the new chains of slavery” (250, emphasis
mine). Writing offers an escape mechanism with which to process her anx-
iety—“Nostalgia is my open wound and I cannot stop myself from stick-
ing my pen into it” (259)—thereby enabling her to reconcile the duality of
 African Youth in the Global Economy 203

her transnationality, “two selves: the I from here, and the I from there”
(“double soi: moi d’ici, moi de là-bas,” 259).
This context leads us to a consideration of the significance of Senegal’s
May 31 victory over France in the 2002 soccer World Cup. Immediately af-
ter the event, bumper stickers were widely available for sale in the Sene-
galese capital of Dakar: “France 0 Senegal 1 / Nous n’oublierons JAMAIS”
(“We will never forget”).47 Diome’s novel is framed around this victory,
and it provides an initial step toward the rethinking of the myth of French
superiority and an occasion to celebrate a newfound pride in the au-
tonomous nation-state of Senegal, now accorded visibility on the global
stage. Celebrations adopt a transnational quality: “Even those who are
afraid to go back home with their bags filled with failure, humiliation, and
deception came out of their projects in the Hexagon to yell out the new
pride they had discovered” (Diome, Le ventre, 278–279). This challenge
by the “Senegalese in Paris” (also referred to as the “Senegauls” [Séné-
gaulois, 281]) leads to a rethinking of the hegemonic paradigm that has
become inseparable from the French Republican ideal of assimilation.
Once again, the metaphor of slavery is evidenced as Diome’s text evokes
“the slave trade in soccer players” (“la traite du footeux,” 282). Indeed, the
circulation of athletes is a fascinating dimension of global labor markets,
and one should note that some twenty-one out of the twenty-three players
selected for the Senegalese national squad actually trained and played in
France at the time. Ironically, some even characterized the victory as a be-
trayal of France’s codes of hospitality, as a symbolic affront by an ungrate-
ful guest!
One might have expected the accolades bestowed on Senegalese play-
ers (the majority of whom enjoy lucrative contracts in European clubs) af-
ter their victory to have made the myth of migration even more complex
to counter. Significantly, Salie’s brother does not call her after the World
Cup, as he had previously after every match. With the funds he has re-
ceived from his sister, he decides to start a small business. In fact, he even
begins to pressure her to come home, but her circumstances are more
complex: “Hybrid being that I am, Africa and Europe are asking them-
selves which part of me belongs to them” (294). After going to live in
France, she now confronts her “fragmented identity” (295). However,
with her brother’s change of heart, Diome is able to articulate the broader
message I discussed earlier concerning her faith in local solutions. There
are no simple solutions to these new twenty-first-century challenges—ad-
justment policies have not been beneficial to Africa, nor has the migration
myth been entirely countered. Mbembe has addressed this challenge in the
following terms:
To conceptualize globalization adequately, the classical distinction between
spatiality and temporality has to be made more relative. Interpreted from
what is wrongly considered to be the margins of the world, globalization
204 black france
sanctions the entry into an order where space and time, far from being op-
posed to one another, tend to form a single configuration. The domestica-
tion of global time proceeds by way of the material deconstruction of exist-
ing territorial frameworks, the excision of conventional boundaries, and the
simultaneous creation of mobile spaces and spaces of enclosure intended to
limit the mobility of populations judged to be superfluous.48

Madické now finds himself carefully negotiating a space for himself out-
side of the context of migration, preferring instead to remain in Senegal.
The Senegalese victory has provided one of the only examples in the novel
of a local indicator of success and pride, as opposed to the multiple indica-
tors available concerning Africans in France—the marriage of former pres-
ident Léopold Sédar Senghor to a white French woman, the Senegalese
athletes training in France, and so on. The objective is not to condone a re-
turn to antiquated models of development politics, but rather to address
and reconsider the inequality of bilateral relations between France and Af-
rica and the disproportionate circulation of economic and human capital.
To this end, the very transcoloniality of these phenomena also needs to be
addressed, whereby, as Obioma Nnaemeka has argued, “colonialism’s fo-
cus on natural resources, institutions, and frameworks is matched by de-
velopment’s focus on economics, institutions, and processes,” and “devel-
opment discourse and practice stand to gain from the development of the
particular. Until development assumes an individual, human face instead
of the anonymity of the collective (the poor, the needy), it will remain an
unrealizable goal in the ‘third world.’ The goal will be accomplished
through an honest effort to humanize development processes and not as-
sume that economic growth guarantees development.”49 In this case, we
witness Madické’s recovery of self as a result of a gesture of partial demys-
tification of France through its trenchant defeat in the World Cup. The vic-
tory is naturally only a symbolic one since, much as France’s 1998 victory
did nothing to change race relations in France, Senegal’s victory has not ul-
timately transformed or realigned French-Senegalese relations. Neverthe-
less, the victory operates in such a way as to allow Madické to confirm his
newfound interest in the potential of the local. To a certain extent, this
conclusion coincides with political transitions in Senegal itself since 2000,
when Abdoulaye Wade’s Front pour l’alternance (FAL) replaced Abdou
Diouf in power, triggering various socioeconomic restructuring initia-
tives.50
Whereas for Salie writing offers a way to process the legacy of migra-
tion in which exile represents a “geographic suicide” (Diome, Le ventre,
263), Madické ultimately relinquishes solutions that would take him away
from Africa. In so doing, he distances himself from the portrait gallery of
dislocated sub-Saharan African protagonists who constituted the earlier
demographics of migration, and effectively maps out the new coordinates
of a transnational geometry in which the periphery is repositioned as an-
 African Youth in the Global Economy 205

other center, even if this new center is to be found in “le ventre de l’Atlan-
tique,” the belly of the Atlantic. “The future of the Senegalese state,” Donal
Cruise O’Brien has argued, “will surely depend more on decisions made
by the Senegalese than on international initiatives.”51 These new coordi-
nates align themselves with a similar position adopted by Ousmane Sem-
bene when he rejected the implication that African film required mediation
through Western critical reception: “Europeans don’t care whether or not
Africa is represented. It’s not their navel. Much in the same way that they
are not our center. Europe is our periphery.” 52
 Conclusion

Black is not a color, it’s an experience.

Black de France1

Black France has underlined the importance of the racial signifier as a way
of validating ethnicity as a category of inquiry and in order to counter and
negate the French authorities’ historical inclination to address immigra-
tion issues in the Hexagon through an undifferentiated paradigm. Accord-
ingly, the framework adopted in Black France has insisted on the impor-
tance of a transcolonial approach in order to better access the connections
between colonial Occidentalist concepts of superiority and their inherited
reformulations in contemporary postcolonial France at the service of cul-
turalist arguments linked to the consolidation of antiquated and mythic
notions of French identity. The centrality of Paris as former center of the
metropole and French capital city is acknowledged and its continued im-
portance accentuated; but the site is also partially decentered by shifting
the focus of the analysis to provincial sites while also suggesting how Paris
operated, and continues to operate, as a broader iconic symbol for the
metropole and the Hexagon as mutable territorial concepts circulating in
the imaginations of migrants and writers. Finally, Black France demon-
strates that both francophone colonial and postcolonial sub-Saharan Af-
rican literatures have always been symbiotically linked to French histori-
ography, and the constitutive nature of literary production that emerges
from this demonstration complicates French and European debates on
identity and singularity. As a whole, these factors have aimed to provide a
better contextualization of the bilateral histories of African-French rela-
tions, and in so doing to account for blackness in its multiple expressive
forms in France as a lived experience, particularly since these questions
have, until recently, been ignored in France. Richard Senghor, in an essay
in the journal Esprit, outlined the parameters of a rising Black conscious-
 Conclusion 207

ness in France (expressed through the formation of Black activist groups,

claims for civil rights, debates on communitarianism and positive dis-
crimination), and traced the roots of this emerging consciousness back to
the 1998 commemorations of the 150th anniversary of the abolition of
slavery.2
A consideration of political discourse in France is indicative of the
confused and conflicted approach to minority populations. The most neg-
ative components have to do with an apparent consolidation of extreme
right-wing positions that have coincided with increasing border control
throughout “fortress Europe” and revitalized discussions of the parame-
ters of a European identity. These developments have been accompanied
by the deployment of a new official lexicon with which to classify and des-
ignate asylum seekers, foreigners, immigrants, and refugees. In We, the
People of Europe: Reflections on Transnational Citizenship, French phi-
losopher Etienne Balibar was one of the first to signal this phenomenon
and to expose its broader implications. Additionally, a number of “affairs”
and crises have been at the forefront of public debate and have received
extensive media coverage. For example, on August 23, 1996, several hun-
dred sub-Saharan Africans were removed from the Eglise Saint-Bernard in
Paris in what has come to be known as the “affaire des sans-papiers” (“the
undocumented immigrant affair”), and in 2004, some fifteen years after
the initial “affaire du foulard” (“headscarf affair”) and subsequent “af-
faire du voile” (“veil affair”), Bernard Stasi published his report, commis-
sioned by the French government, on the state of secularism in France.
(That state was aptly characterized by Emmanuel Terray as “Headscarf
Hysteria!”3) Perhaps one of the most disturbing expressions of these ten-
sions is contained in street graffiti observed in Paris in 1997 by Catherine
Raissiguier, namely “Islam = SIDA” (Islam = AIDS); “‘Islam’ is used here
to represent a whole set of undesirable immigrants who will not/cannot
be integrated into French society.”4 Indeed, if these questions focus on Af-
rica in France, another dimension has also received concerted attention,
namely the continuing presence of France in Africa. To this end, the his-
tory of French “contact” with Africa has been addressed in the writings of
Mongo Beti, such as Main basse sur le Cameroun: Autopsie d’une dé-
colonisation (1972) and France contre l’Afrique: Retour au Cameroun
(1993). France’s foreign policy on Africa has been the object of much crit-
icism, particularly through the term françafrique, which combines the
French words for France and Africa to reflect the underhanded quality of
economic and political relations that are perceived—often rightly so, if
one examines the evidence—to function at the expense of African popula-
tions and to hinder their ability to compete in the global economy.5
Naturally, though, these elements do not constitute the full picture,
and the contradictory nature of the French government’s actions is con-
firmed by many alternative examples that offer a glimpse of hope. For ex-
208 black france

ample, while legislation was being debated in the French National Assem-
bly that would encourage the positive reevaluation of the colonial project,
plans were moving ahead to open a museum of the history of immigra-
tion, the Cité nationale de l’histoire de l’immigration—while I (along with
many others) have underscored some of the ways in which the encourag-
ing aspects of this commemorative project are undermined by the accom-
panying semiology, I nevertheless do not want to seem disparaging of
what may very well turn out to be a step in the right direction. At the very
least, public debate on this issue might very well lead to a rearticulation of
some of the initial premises that informed the initiative in its embryonic
stages. The French “no” vote in 2005 against the latest draft of the Euro-
pean Union constitution triggered government reform and the promotion
of Dominique de Villepin to the post of prime minister. No sooner had he
taken up office than he appointed the critically acclaimed Beur writer and
sociologist Azouz Begag (born in France to Algerian parents) as the first-
ever minister of equal opportunity. Since ethnicity is not officially recog-
nized by the French Republic, Begag will face a real challenge in meeting
his responsibility to identify, label, and document concrete instances of in-
equality, and then to rectify them, particularly since these inequities be-
came all the more apparent during the civil unrest of October and No-
vember 2005. As Patrick Weil has lucidly argued, “In France, the need for
equality is all the more crucial given that the very principle has, since the
Revolution, been inscribed at the very heart of Republican values.”6
Having said this, a work of nonfiction, Je suis noir et je n’aime pas le
manioc (I’m Black but I Don’t Care for Manioc), which was published in
2003 by Gaston Kelman (who is himself Black) and became a best-seller,
effectively ventriloquizes the kind of recuperative discourse fostered by
the French authorities in favor of a color-blind policy of assimilation.7 Kel-
man self-identifies as a bourguignon (a man from the Burgundy region of
France), and although he recognizes that race is a problem in France, he
insists that ethnic specificity should be relinquished in the name of domi-
nant norms, and even denounces what he perceives as the “victimary” dis-
course advocated by figures in the Black community, such as Calixthe
Beyala.8 “All that is asked of each inhabitant is to live as we live in France
and not how one lives in the country of one’s distant origins . . . To be
French is to be assimilated, to dissolve into the local milieu” (Kelman,
166). In what might well be described as the “affaire des incendies,”
namely the apartment-building fires that occurred in Paris during the sum-
mer of 2005 and that took the lives of several low-income sub-Saharan Af-
rican immigrants, profound social inequities were brought to public at-
tention.9 The right-wing National Front may draw upon racist principles
as a way of enlisting support, but these exclusive agendas are being pas-
sionately combated by such organizations as SOS-Racisme, Collectif égal-
ité, and the Mouvement contre le racisme et pour l’amitié entre les peu-
 Conclusion 209

ples, which are successfully mobilizing supporters. As Beyala has argued,

“by refusing to deal in a concerted manner with the problem of the inte-
gration of visible minorities, they [French authorities] are contributing to
the existence of an ossified system, ill-adapted to the multiracial and mul-
ticultural realities of France.”10
Culture and politics are inextricably linked in the French context, as
Danielle Marx-Scouras’s cultural history of one of France’s most success-
ful “multiethnic” groups, Zebda, illustrates.11 In La France de Zebda,
1981–2004: Faire de la musique un acte politique, Marx-Scouras locates
Zebda’s contributions in a broader discourse that concerns both immigra-
tion policies and the French state’s pro-active role in controlling urban
culture. In some cases, these have helped bring greater visibility to France’s
multicultural expressive cultures. For example, 2006 was devoted to the
Festival francophone en France (see http://www.francofffonies.fr), which
included numerous conferences, symposia, and cultural events throughout
France, in addition to the already well established Festival international
des Francophonies in Limoges, the Etonnants voyageurs meeting in Saint-
Malo, and Festafrica in Lille. In many ways, this government involvement
and interference in the cultural domain has simply served to provide offi-
cial recognition of vibrant cultural practices that have been in evidence in
every artistic domain in the Hexagon as cumulative historical processes. A
cursory glance at African influences in and on the Hexagon yields a sub-
stantial list: a number of African-themed films have been produced, from
Paulin S. Vieyra’s Afrique sur Seine (1957), Mamadou Kone’s Un village
africain à Paris (1980), and Ben D. Beye’s Les princes noirs de Saint-Ger-
main-des-Prés (1975) to Cheik Doukouré’s more recent Paris selon Moussa
(2003);12 magazines and journals that either sometimes feature Africa-re-
lated events or are entirely devoted to them, such as Cité black, Jeune
Afrique, Bingo, Présence africaine, Le nouvel observateur, Libération, Le
monde, Le figaro, and Politique africaine, are widely available at news-
stands and bookstores throughout France; soccer icons such as Thierry
Henri have attained global name recognition; restaurants such as Le petit
Dakar in the Marais are now familiar sights; African detective fiction now
jumps back and forth between Kinshasa and Château-Rouge; art galleries
display Africa-related art; the works of playwrights such as Sony Labou
Tansi, Tchicaya U Tam’si, Kossi Efoui, and Koffi Kwahulé have been per-
formed in France (Marie N’Diaye has even been staged at the Comédie
française!);13 French television has been compelled to rethink “the multi-
cultural reality that is contemporary France and its homogeneously white
representation on national TV”;14 new voices and approaches to the exi-
gencies of bicultural experiences are to be found each year, most notably
with Abdourahman A. Waberi, Sami Tchak, Bilguissa Diallo, and Sayouba
Traoré,15 and in turn these authors are finding new outlets for their works
as the publishing industry has come to recognize the broad constituencies
210 black france

to whom they speak;16 and musical influences have had a dramatic impact
on radio broadcasting structures (MC Solaar, IAM, NTM, Zebda). While
this list cannot claim to be exhaustive, it nevertheless reflects the diversity
of influences that have tangibly affected the cultural landscape. A conclu-
sive indicator of this was the brilliant exhibit held at the Centre Georges
Pompidou in Paris during the summer of 2005, Africa Remix, of which the
African writer Simon Njami served as chief curator.17 As Njami wrote, “An
opposition thus appeared between a collective memory that sealed
[Africans’] sense of belonging and laid down roots, and a personal mem-
ory where a jumbled combination of sexuality, politics, feminism, race and
origins all confronted each other.”18
Invariably, these questions have taken on a very different dimension to-
day, and in many ways have everything to do with current debates on the
future cultural, economic, political, and social coordinates of the Euro-
pean Union.19 Boniface Mongo-Mboussa has even suggested (drawing on
a concept evoked by Achille Ngoye) that a writer such as Sami Tchak
“might just be announcing (indirectly) the emergence of a black or eurob-
lack literature.”20 Productive links may thus be found in further exploring
the ways in which writers such as Azouz Begag, Farida Belghoul, Alain
Mabanckou, and Sami Tchak intersect with and diverge from writers
across the Channel in Britain, such as Diran Abedayo, Monica Ali, Biyi
Bandele-Thomas, Hanif Kureishi, and Zadie Smith, in their respective in-
vestigations into the challenges of building coalitions and fostering har-
monious coexistence across complex (post)colonial divides. The question,
of course, as Balibar has signaled, concerns the reconfiguration of mem-
bership as contained under the “We” to which he alludes in the title to his
book on Europe. There lies the challenge.
Proposed solutions to the imminent dangers of failing to achieve a
more incorporative model of citizenry in Europe have been numerous, and
have ranged from Balibar’s notion of civilité (civility), “that would allow
individuals and groups the means to identify and disidentify themselves, to
travel in identity. To claim at the same time the right to difference and
equality, solidarity and community,”21 to Achille Mbembe’s “cosmopoli-
tanism,” for which the prerequisite would be the “idea of a common world,
of a common humanity, of a shared history and future” that would in turn
negate the inclination of official discourse to seek “refuge behind the
purely ahistoric mask of universalism in order to claim more assertively
its move beyond ‘race.’”22 The most compelling have come from the As-
sociation pour la connaissance de l’histoire de l’Afrique contemporaine
(ACHAC) under the leadership of Pascal Blanchard, who, along with the
associates of the collective, remains committed to not only simultaneously
documenting and recording the Asian, Maghrebi, and sub-Saharan immi-
grant experience through such works as Le Paris noir, Le Paris arabe:
Deux siècles de présence des Orientaux et des Maghrébins, 1830–2003,
 Conclusion 211

and Le Paris Asie: Du rêve d’Asie à Chinatown, 1854–2004, but also to

underscoring the transcoloniality of current issues in La fracture colo-
niale: La société française au prisme de l’héritage colonial so as to bridge
the gap between the revisionist imperative and social activism.23
Black France builds on the pathbreaking work of many other scholars
in disciplines too numerous to enumerate again at this juncture. What this
points to is the growing interdisciplinary potential of recontextualizing
history through a focus on the various mediations of global blackness and
the multiple ways in which people circulate. I am reminded of a poster at
the James S. Coleman African Studies Center at my home institution of
UCLA: “When you study Africa, you study the world.” Salman Rushdie
has used the phrase “new empire within Britain” to describe the various
ways in which racial fissures in Britain mirror imperial practices,24 and
Mbembe has evoked how decolonization has generated a kind of reversed
colonization: “The colony was ‘elsewhere,’” but at this time “the colony
has moved and has planted its tent here” (Mbembe, “La République et
l’impensé de la ‘race,’” 140). Africa and France are forever imbricated, and
I have endeavored through a historical framework anchored across colo-
nial divides to emphasize how the African presence in France—while of
course having altered demographic and cultural identities—should by no
means be understood as a threat to “Frenchness” but should rather, along-
side other immigrant experiences, emerge as constitutive of hexagonal
and European identity. The responsibility and methodological imperative
in which we all share will consist in monitoring Europe’s ability to let go
of reductive and misinformed monolithic and unilinear historical narra-
tives. In a recent series of interviews with Françoise Vergès, Martinican
poet, playwright, and politician Aimé Césaire further underscored the im-
portance of the term “Black” in order to designate an incorporative and
inclusive understanding of Africa’s “transcontinental history.”25 If France
is able to successfully navigate its way across this terrain, to acknowledge
that traces of the past have forever impregnated the shared trajectories of
the future, then Africa and France as mutually constitutive categories may
permit “blackness” in France to be less of a “color” and more of an “ex-
perience.”
 Notes

1 . I N T RO D U C T I O N
1. Jean Genet, The Blacks (New York: Grove Press, 1960).
2. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “Poème liminaire,” in Œuvre poétique (Paris: Seuil,
1990), 7.
3. Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann
(New York: Grove Press, 1967).
4. I find Obioma Nnaemeka’s distinction between the French and English
terms useful: “La mondialisation, derived from le monde with its double meaning
of the physical world (materiality) and people (humanity), captures both the ma-
teriality and humanity of globalization. The humanity that is at best minimized
and at worst ignored in the discourse and practice of globalization in general takes
center stage in discourses and practices that I see evolving in Africa.” Obioma
Nnaemeka, “Nego-Feminism: Theorizing, Practicing, and Pruning Africa’s Way,”
Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 29, no. 2 (Winter 2004): 371.
5. Benjamin Barber, Jihad versus McWorld: How Globalism and Tribalism
Are Reshaping the World (New York: Crown, 1995); Samuel Huntington, The
Clash of Civilizations (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996); Michael Hardt and
Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001), xii,
and Multitude (New York: Penguin, 2004); and Jean-François Bayart, Le gou-
vernement du monde (Paris: Fayart, 2004). Bayart’s faith in the nation-state is
somewhat at odds with most conclusions and findings concerning practices of
globalization, as exemplified by Alain Joxe, for example, who characterizes these
trends in the following terms: “These organisms [states and governments] have
now been stripped of almost all their former political power to shape local society
through the transnationalization of capital and multinational conglomerates.”
Alain Joxe, Empire of Disorder (New York: Semiotext(e), 2002), 104–105. How-
ever, I do think that an unusual set of circumstances inform the African context,
particularly if one takes into consideration regional and national particularities.
Some of these might include (i) a broad range of colonial and decolonizing experi-
ences; (ii) relatively recent, historically speaking, experiences of national sover-
eignty; (iii) vast discrepancies in natural resources (such as oil and diamonds); (iv)
uneven border control and examples of population mobility; and (v) complex re-
gional trade networks.
6. Lawrence Kritzman, “Identity Crises: France, Culture, and the Idea of the
Nation,” SubStance 76–77 (1995), 13; and Pierre Nora, ed., Les lieux de mémoire,
7 vols. (Paris: Gallimard, 1984–1992). Such debates have proved to be of great gen-
eral interest and have received extensive newspaper coverage, and more recently
informed the diplomatic tension between America and France.
7. Of course, these debates are not unique to the French context. See for exam-
ple the Turkish novelist Orhan Pamuk’s treatment of this question in Snow (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004).
8. Dominic Thomas, Nation-Building, Propaganda, and Literature in Fran-
cophone Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002).
9. Saskia Sassen, Globalization and Its Discontents: Essays on the New Mo-
bility of People and Money (New York: New Press, 1998), 96.
214 Notes to pages 3–5
10. Jean-Marc Moura has been at the forefront of literary debates in France,
arguing “the necessity of a transnational literary history, distinct from a literary
history centered on the national canon,” in “Des études postcoloniales dans l’e-
space littéraire francophone,” in Exotisme et lettres francophones (Paris: Presses
Universitaires de France, 2003), 200. See also his Littératures francophones et
théorie postcoloniale (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1999); Jacqueline
Bardolph, Etudes postcoloniales et littérature (Paris: Champion, 2001); and Mi-
chel Beniamino, La francophonie littéraire: Essai pour une théorie (Paris: L’Har-
mattan, 1999).
11. Arjun Appadurai, “Grassroots Globalization and the Research Imagina-
tion,” in Globalization, ed. Arjun Appadurai (Durham, N.C.: Duke University
Press, 2001), 5.
12. Nancy L. Green, Repenser les migrations (Paris: Presses Universitaires de
France, 2002), 1. See also Maxime Tandonnet, Migrations: La nouvelle vague
(Paris: L’Harmattan, 2003).
13. Manthia Diawara, In Search of Africa (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Uni-
versity Press, 2000); F. Abiola Irele, The African Imagination: Literature in Africa
and the Black Diaspora (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Mireille Ro-
sello, Postcolonial Hospitality: The Immigrant as Guest (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford
University Press, 2001); and Jean-Loup Amselle, Branchements: Anthropologie de
l’universalité des cultures (Paris: Flammarion, 2001).
14. Henri Lopes, Ma grand-mère bantoue et mes ancêtres les Gaulois (Paris:
Gallimard, 2003).
15. Yambo Ouologuem, Lettre à la France nègre (Paris: Le Serpent à Plumes,
2003); and Mongo Beti, La France contre l’Afrique: Retour au Cameroun (Paris:
La Découverte, 1992).
16. Bernard Dadié, An African in Paris, trans. Karen C. Hatch (Urbana: Uni-
versity of Illinois Press, 1994), 3.
17. Pius Ngandu Nkashama, Vie et mœurs d’un primitif en Essone quatre-
vingt-onze (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1987); Blaise N’Djehoya, Nègre de Potemkine
(Paris: Lieu Commun, 1988); Simon Njami, African gigolo (Paris: Seghers, 1989);
Léandre-Alain Baker, Ici s’arrête le voyage (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1989); V. Y. Mu-
dimbe, Entre les eaux (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1973); Denis Oussou-Essui, La
souche calcinée (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2004; first pub. 1973); Sally N’Dongo, Exil,
connais pas (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1976); Gaston-Paul Effa, Tout ce bleu (Paris:
Grasset, 1996); Monique Ilboudo, Le mal de peau (Paris: Gallimard, 2001); Saïdou
Boukoum, Chaîne (Paris: Denoël, 1974); Sayouba Traoré, Loin de mon village,
c’est la brousse (La Roque d’Anthéron, France: Editions Vents d’Ailleurs, 2005);
Bilguissa Diallo, Diasporama (Paris: Editions Anibwe, 2005); Lauren Ekué, Icône
urbaine (Paris: Editions Anibwe, 2005); Léonora Miano, L’intérieur de la nuit
(Paris: Plon, 2005); Aleth-Felix Tchicaya, Lumière de femme (Paris: Hatier, 2003);
and Gaston-Paul Effa, Voici le dernier jour du monde (Monaco: Editions du
Rocher, 2005).
18. Saskia Sassen, “Spatialities and Temporalities of the Global: Elements for a
Theorization,” Public Culture 12, no. 1 (Winter 2000): 221; and Romuald Fonk-
oua, “Diasporas littéraires: Quels statuts? Ecrire après les dictatures,” Notre li-
brairie, nos. 155–156 (July–December 2004): 22. See also Yves Chemla, “Dire
l’ailleurs,” Notre librairie, nos. 155–156 (July–December 2004): 48–53; and Papa
Samba Diop, “Le pays d’origine comme espace de création littéraire,” Notre li-
brairie, nos. 155–156 (July–December 2004): 54–61.
 Notes to pages 5–7 215
19. Emmanuel Dongala, “From Negritude to Migritude: The African Writer in
Exile,” speech delivered at UCLA, October 14, 2005, as part of the conference
“Experiencing Exile in Literature and the Arts.”
20. Jacques Chevrier, “Afrique(s)-sur-Seine: Autour de la notion de ‘migri-
tude,’” Notre librairie, nos. 155–156 (July–December 2004): 96.
21. Albert Memmi, Portrait du décolonisé arabo-musulman et de quelques
autres (Paris: Gallimard, 2004).
22. Adele King, Rereading Camara Laye (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press,
2002), 5. See for example André Gide, Voyage au Congo (Paris: Gallimard, 1927),
and Retour du Tchad (Paris: Gallimard, 1928); and also Michel Leiris, L’Afrique
fantôme (Paris: Gallimard, 1934).
23. Eileen Julien, African Novels and the Question of Orality (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1992), 8.
24. Elisabeth Mudimbe-Boyi, “Travel Representation and Difference, or How
Can One Be a Parisian?” Research in African Literature 23, no. 3 (Fall 1992): 34.
25. See for example Xavier Garnier, “L’exil lettré de Fatou Diome,” Notre li-
brairie, nos. 155–156 (July–December 2004): 30–35.
26. Achille Mbembe, On the Postcolony (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University
of California Press, 2001), 242.
27. According to Stéphane Dufoix, the notion of an African Diaspora first ap-
peared in print in F. Abiola Irele, “Négritude or Black Cultural Nationalism,”
Journal of Modern African Studies 3, no. 3 (October 1965): 321–348, and “Négri-
tude—Literature and Ideology,” Journal of Modern African Studies 3, no. 4 (De-
cember 1965): 499–526. See Stéphane Dufoix, Les diasporas (Paris: Presses Uni-
versitaires de France, 2003), 15.
28. See Brigitte Bertoncello and Sylvie Bredeloup, “Marseille, carrefour d’Afri-
que,” Hommes et migrations, no. 1224 (March–April 2000).
29. Emmanuel Todd, Le destin des immigrés: Assimilation et ségrégation dans
les démocraties occidentales (Paris: Seuil, 1994), 406–407. See also Allen F. Rob-
erts and Mary Nooter-Roberts, eds., Passport to Paradise: The Senegalese Mourides
(Los Angeles: UCLA, Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 2003); François Man-
chuelle, Les diasporas des travailleurs soninké (1848–1960): Migrants volontaires
(Paris: Karthala, 2004); Mahamet Timera, Les Soninkés en France: D’une histoire
à l’autre (Paris: Karthala, 1996); and B. Granotier, Les travailleurs immigrés en
France (Paris: Maspéro, 1971).
30. For the Caribbean context of blackness and Diaspora, and the mediation
between the Caribbean and France, see Philippe Dewitte, ed. “Diasporas caribéen-
nes,” special issue of Hommes et migrations, no. 1237 (May–June 2002).
31. There have even been shifts in methodological approaches that have yielded
renewed critical options. See Ali Behdad, “Postcolonial Theory and the Predica-
ment of ‘Minor Literature,’” in Minor Transnationalism, ed. Françoise Lionnet
and Shu-mei Shih (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005), 223–236.
32. Hafid Gafaiti, “Nationalism, Colonialism, and Ethnic Discourse in the
Construction of French Identity,” in French Civilization and Its Discontents: Na-
tionalism, Colonialism, Race, ed. Tyler Stovall and Georges Van Den Abbeele
(Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books: 2003), 193; and Christopher L. Miller, The
French Atlantic Triangle: Literature and Culture of the Slave Trade. (Durham,
N.C.: Duke University Press, forthcoming).
33. William B. Cohen, The French Encounter with Africans: White Response
to Blacks, 1530–1880 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980); and Patrick
216 Notes to pages 7–10
Manning, Francophone Sub-Saharan Africa, 1880–1985 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1998).
34. See Alice L. Conklin, A Mission to Civilize: The Republican Ideal of Em-
pire in France and West Africa, 1895–1930 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University
Press, 1997).
35. For French discourse on Africa, see Christopher L. Miller, Blank Darkness:
Africanist Discourse in French (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985); and
Cohen, The French Encounter with Africans.
36. As a member of the UCLA-based Multicampus Group on Transcolonial
and Transnational Studies, I have benefited enormously from conversations with
other members engaged in contemporary theorizations of the humanities and so-
cial sciences.
37. Françoise Lionnet, “Transnationalism, Postcolonialism, or Transcolonial-
ism? Reflections on Los Angeles, Geography, and the Uses of Theory,” Emergences:
Journal for the Study of Media and Composite Cultures 10, no. 1 (May 2000):
28–29. Stovall has also applied a transcolonial model to illustrate how “the inter-
weaving of colonialism and postcolonialism, like that of race and class, constitutes
an important characteristic of French identity in the twentieth century as a whole,”
in “From Red Belt to Black Belt: Race, Class, and Urban Marginality in Twentieth-
Century Paris,” in The Color of Liberty: Histories of Race in France, ed. Susan
Peabody and Tyler Stovall (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003), 363.
38. Françoise Lionnet and Shu-mei Shih, “Thinking through the Mirror, Trans-
nationally,” in Lionnet and Shih, Minor Transnationalism, 11, 8.
39. See Pierre-André Taguieff, “The Doctrine of the National Front in France
(1972–1989): A ‘Revolutionary’ Programme?” New Political Science, nos. 16–17
(Fall–Winter 1989): 29–70, and “Le Front national: Du désert à l’enracinement,”
in Face au racisme, vol. 2, Analyses, hypothèses, perspectives, ed. Pierre-André
Taguieff (Paris: La Découverte, 1991), 83–104; and also Sennen Andriamirado,
“Le Pen, quel dangers pour les Africains?” Jeune Afrique, no. 1426 (May 4, 1998):
13–15.
40. See Michèle Tribalat, De l’immigration à l’assimilation: Enquête sur les
populations d’origine étrangère en France (Paris: La Découverte, 1996).
41. Tyler Stovall, Paris Noir: African Americans in the City of Light (New
York: Houghton Mifflin, 1996); Michel Fabre, La rive noire: Les écrivains noirs
américains à Paris, 1830–1995 (Marseille: André Dimanche, 1999), published in
English as From Harlem to Paris: Black American Writers in France, 1840–1980
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1991); Bennetta Jules-Rosette, Black Paris:
The African Writers’ Landscape (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998); and
Pascal Blanchard, Eric Deroo, and Gilles Manceron, Le Paris noir (Paris: Editions
Hazan, 2001). See also Boniface Mongo-Mboussa’s declaration in a Figaro lit-
téraire interview conducted by Bertrand Galimard Flavigny on January 6, 2005,
that “Paris is Africa’s cultural capital.”
42. Pascale Casanova, The World Republic of Letters, trans. M. B. DeBevoise
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004).
43. On the legacy of Senghor, see for example F. Abiola Irele, ed., “Léopold Sé-
dar Senghor,” special issue of Research in African Literatures 33, no. 4 (Winter
2002); and André-Patient Bokiba, ed., Le siècle Senghor (Paris: L’Harmattan,
2001).
44. Edmund White, The Flâneur: A Stroll through the Paradoxes of Paris
(London: Bloomsbury, 2001), 66.
 Notes to pages 10–13 217
45. Brent Hayes Edwards, The Practice of Diaspora: Literature, Translation,
and the Rise of Black Internationalism (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University
Press, 2003), 13–14. Edwards is citing Stuart Hall’s use of concepts such as “artic-
ulation,” in “Race, Articulation, and Societies Structured in Dominance” (1980),
reprinted in Black British Cultural Studies: A Reader, ed. Houston A. Baker, Man-
thia Diawara, and Ruth H. Lindeborg (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1996), 16–60.
46. See Bennetta Jules-Rosette, “Conjugating Cultural Realities: Présence Afri-
caine,” in The Surreptitious Speech: Présence Africaine and the Politics of Other-
ness, 1947–1987, ed. V. Y. Mudimbe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992),
14–44.
47. See also William A. Shack, Harlem in Montmartre: A Paris Jazz Story be-
tween the Great Wars (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press,
2001).
48. See Phyllis Rose, Jazz Cleopatra: Josephine Baker in Her Time (New York:
Vintage Press, 1989); Tyler Stovall, “Bringing the Jazz Age to Paris,” in Paris Noir,
25–81; and David Murphy, “La danse et la parole: L’exil et l’identité chez les Noirs
de Marseille dans Banjo de Claude McKay et Le docker noir d’Ousmane Sem-
bene,” Canadian Review of Comparative Literature 27, no. 3 (September 2000):
462–479.
49. Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993), 3, and There Ain’t No Black
in the Union Jack: The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1987).
50. Lisa Lowe, Immigrant Acts: On Asian American Cultural Politics (Durham,
N.C.: Duke University Press, 1996), 67.
51. Blanchard, Deroo, and Manceron, Le Paris noir, 8; and Cohen, The French
Encounter with Africans, 132.
52. Valérie Zerguine, “Fier d’être noir,” De l’air: Reportages d’un monde à
l’autre 11 (June–July 2002): 8.
53. Didier Gondola, “‘But I Ain’t African, I’m American!’: Black American Ex-
iles and the Construction of Racial Identities in Twentieth-Century France,” in
Blackening Europe: The African American Presence, ed. Heike Raphael-Hernan-
dez (New York: Routledge, 2004), 212.
54. Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994), 38.
55. See Salman Rushdie, East, West (London: Jonathan Cape, 1994), 141.
56. Mireille Rosello, “The ‘Beur Nation’: Toward a Theory of ‘Departenance,’”
trans. Richard Bjornson, Research in African Literatures 24, no. 3 (Fall 1993):
13.
57. May Joseph, “New Hybrid Identities and Performance,” in Performing
Hybridity, ed. May Joseph and Jennifer Natalya Fink (Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 1999), 2.
58. Bonnie Honig, Democracy and the Foreigner (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
University Press, 2001), 8.
59. James Clifford, Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Cen-
tury (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997), 255, 251–252.
60. Jean-Loup Amselle and Elikia M’Bokolo, eds., Au cœur de l’ethnie: Eth-
nies, tribalisme et état en Afrique (Paris: La Découverte, 1985); and Jean-Loup
Amselle, Logiques métisses: Anthropologie de l’identité en Afrique et ailleurs
(Paris: Payot, 1990). Lionnet’s work has made the most significant contributions to
218 Notes to pages 14–17
demonstrating how métissage can be used as a critical framework for the compar-
ative investigation of a wide range of sociocultural mechanisms. See for example
Postcolonial Representations: Women, Literature, Identity (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell
University Press, 1995).
61. See William Safran, “Diasporas in Modern Societies: Myths of Homeland
and Return,” Diaspora 1 (1991): 83–99.
62. See Paul Gilroy, Postcolonial Melancholia (New York: Columbia Univer-
sity Press, 2005).
63. Bill Ashcroft, Post-colonial Transformation (London: Routledge, 2001),
214.
64. On these theoretical paradigms, see Edouard Glissant, Le discours antillais
(Paris: Seuil, 1981); and Jean Bernabé, Patrick Chamoiseau, and Raphaël Confiant,
Eloge de la créolité (Paris: Gallimard, 1989), respectively.
65. Nurrudin Farah, Yesterday, Tomorrow: Voices from the Somali Diaspora
(New York: Cassell, 2000).
66. René Maran was of course the first black man to win the prestigious Prix
Goncourt in 1921 for his novel Batouala, véritable roman nègre.
67. Françoise Lionnet, “Logiques métisses: Cultural Appropriation and Post-
colonial Representations,” in Postcolonial Subjects: Francophone Women Writ-
ers, ed. Mary Jean Green, Karen Gould, Micheline Rice-Maximin, Keith L. Walker
and Jack A. Yaeger (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1996), 339.
68. Calixthe Beyala, Les honneurs perdus (Paris: Albin Michel, 1996).
69. See Graham Huggan, The Post-colonial Exotic: Marketing the Margins
(London: Routledge, 2001).
70. See for example Graziella Parati’s work on immigrant literatures in Italy, in
particular her edited volume Mediterranean Crossroads: Migration Literature in
Italy (Madison, N.J.: Farleigh Dickinson University Press, 1999) and her Migra-
tion Italy: The Art of Talking Back in a Destination Culture (Toronto: University
of Toronto Press, 2005). In Théo Ananissoh’s novel Lisahohé (Paris: Gallimard,
2005), the central character moves between Germany and the Central African Re-
public.
71. Salman Rushdie, “The New Empire within Britain,” in Imaginary Home-
lands: Essays and Criticism, 1981–1991 (London: Granta, 1991), 132. See also
Tirthandar Chanda, “Les écrivains noirs d’Angleterre: Naissance d’une tradition,”
Notre librairie, nos. 155–156 (July–December 2004): 88–95.
72. See for example Ian Baucom, Out of Place: Englishness, Empire, and the
Locations of Identity (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999). Jean-
Yves Loude treats similar questions in Portugal in Lisbonne dans la ville noire
(Paris: Actes Sud, 2003).
73. Mark Stein, Black British Literature: Novels of Transformation (Colum-
bus: Ohio State University Press, 2004), xv, 8. Among works by writers either born
in Nigeria, of Nigerian descent, or of partial Nigerian heritage currently living in
Britain whose works are concerned with issues analogous to those treated by their
francophone counterparts, Stein includes Diran Adebayo, Some Kind of Black
(London: Virago, 1996), and My Once Upon a Time (London: Abacus, 2000); Biyi
Bandele, The Street (London, Picador, 1999); and Bernardine Evaristo, Lara
(Kent: Angela Royal, 1997), and The Emperor’s Babe (London: Penguin, 2001); in
addition of course to the more established and better known authors, such as
Buchi Emecheta and Ben Okri. See also Courttia Newland and Kadija Sesay, eds.,
IC3: The Penguin Book of New Black Writing in Britain (London: Hamish Ham-
 Notes to pages 17–21 219
ilton, 2000); and James Procter, ed., Writing Black Britain: An Interdisciplinary
Anthology (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000).
74. See Jean-Pierre Dozon, Frères et sujets: La France et l’Afrique en perspec-
tive (Paris: Flammarion, 2003).
75. Susan Peabody and Tyler Stovall, “Race, France, Histories,” in Peabody and
Stovall, The Color of Liberty, 4–5. See also Pierre-André Taguieff, La couleur et le
sang: Doctrines racistes à la française (Paris: Fayard, 2002).
76. Achille Mbembe, “At the Edge of the World: Boundaries, Territoriality, and
Sovereignty in Africa,” trans. Steven Rendall, in Appadurai, Globalization, 24.
77. See Jules-Rosette, Black Paris. Michel Laronde has argued that these labels
are often more indebted to attempts by cultural critics to categorize authors than
they are to sociocultural realities. Rather than underlining how a writer like Cal-
ixthe Beyala can be classified as both an African and an Afro-French writer, I pre-
fer to foreground the bilateralism and transversality of her work as it relates—in
each and every text—to Africa (as continent) and France (as hexagonal space) in a
transcolonial framework. See Michel Laronde, “Les littératures des immigrations
en France: Question de nomenclature et directions de recherche,” Le Maghreb lit-
téraire 1, no. 2 (1997): 25–44.
78. The primary focus is provided by Yodi Karone, Nègre de paille (Paris:
Karthala, 1982), and A la recherche du cannibale amour (Paris: Nathan, 1988);
and Njami, African gigolo.
79. More recently, Odile Cazenave has contributed to the further elaboration
of this problematic concept. See Odile Cazenave, Afrique sur Seine: Une nouvelle
génération de romanciers africains à Paris (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2003).
80. Boniface Mongo-Mboussa, “Grammaire de l’immigration,” in L’indocilité:
Supplément au Désir d’Afrique (Paris: Gallimard, 2005), 103.
81. Alec G. Hargreaves, Voices from the North African Immigrant Commu-
nity in France: Immigration and Identity in Beur Fiction (London: Berg, 1991), 1.
82. For Laronde, “the term beur must be understood in its ethnic dimension
(novels written by the Beurs) and also expanded toward a dialectic meaning
(works that address the circumstances of young maghrebis in contemporary
French society).” Michel Laronde, Autour du roman beur: Immigration et identité
(Paris: L’Harmattan, 1993), 6.
83. Odile Cazenave, Afrique sur Seine: A New Generation of African Writers
in Paris (Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2005), first published as Une nouvelle
génération de romanciers africains à Paris (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2003).
84. The journal Notre librairie devoted an issue to this question. See “Nouvelle
génération,” Notre librairie, no. 146 (October–December 2001).
85. Bernard Magnier, “Beurs noirs à Black Babel,” Notre librairie, no. 103 (Oc-
tober–December 1990): 102, 106, 103.
86. Abdourahman A. Waberi, “Les enfants de la postcolonie: Esquisse d’une
nouvelle génération d’écrivains francophones d’Afrique noire,” Notre librairie,
no. 135 (September–December 1998): 11, 8.
87. Lydie Moudileno, “Littérature et postcolonie,” Africultures, no. 26 (March
2000): 11.
88. Thomas, Nation-Building, 7. The main focus is provided by a considera-
tion of Guy Ossito Midiohouan’s revised historiography and challenge to Lilyan
Kesteloot’s insistence on “engagement” as a category in L’idéologie dans la littéra-
ture négro-africaine d’expression française (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1986), and also
questions Jacques Chevrier’s criteria for classifying African writers in Anthologie
220 Notes to pages 21–25
africaine d’expression française, vol. 1, Le roman et la nouvelle (Paris: Hatier,
1981).
89. Furthermore, I should add, the importance accorded to the aesthetic com-
ponent of the literary project is certainly not a new feature of African literature.
See for example Bernard Geniès’ article on Sony Labou Tansi, “Africain d’accord,
écrivain d’abord,” Le nouvel observateur, August 19–25, 1988, 58–61.
90. As Boniface Mongo-Mboussa has argued, “This passage from memory to
history is not unique to writers addressing the colonial problematic, it can also
be found in the ‘novel of emigration.’” “Les méandres de la mémoire dans la
littérature africaine,” Hommes et migrations, no. 1228 (November–December
2000): 76.
91. The 1997 edition of his book Voices from the North African Immigrant
Community in France, for example, includes a new chapter devoted to develop-
ments during the 1990s, and he has continued to redefine the parameters of that
identity, theorizing both its usefulness and its limitations. Laronde’s own book on
the Beurs underlined this problem and this was implicit in its title, Autour du ro-
man beur (Around the Beur Novel).
92. Mamadou Diouf, “Africain, citoyen du monde du XXIe siècle,” in Etudi-
ants africains en France, 1951–2001, ed. Michel Sot (Paris: Karthala, 2002), 173.
93. Etienne Balibar, “De la préférence nationale à l’invention de la politique,”
in Droit de cité (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2002), 98–99; and Fatou
Diome, La préférence nationale (Paris: Présence Africaine, 2001).
94. “In fact,” as Gérard Noiriel has argued, “history shows that by altering the
criteria employed to define immigration from the juridical domain to the ‘cultural’
or ‘ethnic’ domain, one arrives upon a fundamental problem that has profoundly
affected French political life since the nineteenth century.” Le creuset français: His-
toire de l’immigration, XIXe–XXe siècles (Paris: Seuil, 1988), 9–10. See also Diane
Béranger, “Les chiffres de l’immigration en France,” Regards sur l’actualité, no.
299 (March 2004): 6–9; Michèle Tribalat, ed., Cent ans d’immigration: Etrangers
d’hier, Français d’aujourd’hui (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1991), and
De l’immigration à l’assimilation; and Patrick Weil, La France et ses étrangers:
L’aventure d’une politique de l’immigration, 1938–1991 (Paris: Calmann-Lévy,
1991).
95. Michel Wieviorka, “Culture, société et démocratie,” in Une société frag-
mentée? Le multiculturalisme en débat, ed. Michel Wieviorka (Paris: La Décou-
verte and Syros, 1996), 15–16, L’espace du racisme (Paris: Seuil, 1991), and Le
racisme, une introduction (Paris: La Découverte et Syros, 1998).
96. Rey Chow, The Protestant Ethnic and the Spirit of Capitalism (New York:
Columbia University Press, 2002), 127. See also Maxim Silverman’s distinction
between indigènes and nationals in Deconstructing the Nation: Immigration,
Racism, and Citizenship in Modern France (London: Routledge, 1992), 30.
97. Haut conseil à l’intégration, “La connaissance de l’immigration et de l’inté-
gration” (Paris: La Documentation Française, 1992), 14.
98. André Lebon, Immigration et présence étrangère en France en 1999:
Premiers enseignements du recencement (Paris: La Documentation Française,
2001), 9.
99. In L’immigration (Paris: La Découverte, 1990), 94, Ezzedine Mestiri cited
a poll conducted in France in 1990, in which 30 percent of respondents said there
were “too many” Blacks in France, and 16 percent said there were “far too many.”
The corresponding numbers for Arabs were 35 percent (“too many”) and 41 per-
 Notes to pages 25–27 221
cent (“far too many”), and for Muslims, 34 percent (“too many”) and 37 percent
(“far too many”).
100. Todd’s figures are slightly higher. Of significance are the figures he provides
for Tunisians, who he says numbered 206,336 by 1990. Le destin des immigrés,
338.
101. Alec G. Hargreaves, Immigration, “Race,” and Ethnicity in Contemporary
France (London: Routledge, 1995), 8. See also the Haut conseil à l’intégration’s re-
port to the prime minister, “La connaissance de l’immigration” (Paris: La Docu-
mentation Française, 1992), 20.
102. Philippe Dewitte, Les mouvements nègres en France, 1919–1939 (Paris:
L’Harmattan, 1985), 25.
103. Michelle Guillon, “La mosaïque des migrations africaines,” Vues d’Afrique,
Esprit, no. 317 (August–September 2005): 174.
104. The number of Asians from former French colonies (Vietnam, Laos, and
Cambodia) rose from 11,368 in 1968 to 112,915 in 1990. Todd, Le destin des im-
migrés, 406.
105. Hargreaves, Immigration, “Race,” and Ethnicity, 1–2. Jus sanguinis was
privileged initially over jus solis. “The 1993 reform,” Hargreaves explains, “which
ended the automatic acquisition of French nationality by the children of immi-
grants at the age of majority, was the first under a republican regime to move in an
exclusionary direction” (161). See in particular Alec G. Hargreaves, “National
Identity, Nationality, and Citizenship,” in Immigration, “Race,” and Ethnicity,
149–176; and Patrick Weil, Qu’est-ce qu’un Français? Histoire de la nationalité
française depuis la Révolution (Paris: Grasset, 2002).
106. Lorenzo Prencipe, “Médias et immigration: Un rapport difficile,” Migra-
tions société 14, nos. 81–82 (May–August 2002): 140.
107. Etienne Balibar, “Racism and Crisis,” in Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous
Identities, ed. Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein (London: Verso, 1991),
220.
108. See Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall, “Eliminating Race, Eliminating Difference:
Blacks, Jews, and the Abbé Grégoire,” in Peabody and Stovall, The Color of Lib-
erty, 28–41; Roger Little, “Seeds of Postcolonialism: Black Slavery and Cultural
Difference to 1800,” in Francophone Postcolonial Studies: A Critical Introduc-
tion, ed. Charles Forsdick and David Murphy (London: Arnold, 2003), 17–26; and
Annette Smith, Gobineau et l’histoire naturelle (Geneva: Droz, 1984).
109. Pascal Blanchard, Nicolas Bancel, and Sandrine Lemaire, eds., La fracture
coloniale: La société française au prisme de l’héritage colonial (Paris: La Décou-
verte, 2005).
110. Pascal Blanchard and Nicolas Bancel, “Les origines républicaines de la frac-
ture coloniale,” in Blanchard, Bancel, and Lemaire, La fracture coloniale, 38, 37.
111. See Pierre-André Taguieff, La République enlisée: Pluralisme, communau-
tarisme et citoyenneté (Paris: Editions des Syrtes, 2005). To designate what he sees
as a limitless pluralism that ends up being self-defeating since it eliminates or voids
tolerance of difference, Taguieff uses the terms “hyperpluralism” (23) and “multi-
communitarianism” (24). See also Michel Wieviorka, “Un débat nécéssaire,” in
Wieviorka, Une société fragmentée? 5.
112. Etienne Balibar, “Racism and Nationalism,” in Balibar and Wallerstein,
Race, Nation, Class, 43.
113. Etienne Balibar, “Is There a ‘Neo-Racism’?” in Balibar and Wallerstein,
Race, Nation, Class, 21.
222 Notes to pages 28–29
114. For further discussion of these questions, see Mireille Rosello, “Tactical
Universalism and New Multiculturalist Claims in Postcolonial France,” in Fors-
dick and Murphy, Francophone Postcolonial Studies, 135–143.
115. David Blatt, “Immigrant Politics in a Republican Nation,” in Post-colonial
Cultures in France, ed. Alec G. Hargreaves and Mark McKinney (London: Rout-
ledge, 1997), 40–41.
116. Most notably, one might mention the 1980–1981 Rock against the Police;
the 1983 Marche pour l’égalité et contre le racisme (March for Equality and
against Racism), also known as La marche des Beurs (The March of the Beurs);
Convergence 84; and the launching of SOS Racisme’s yellow-hand symbol ex-
pressing solidarity: “Touche pas à mon pote” (“Hands off my buddy”). See
Harlem Désir, “Pour l’intégration: Conditions et instruments,” in Taguieff, Face au
racisme (Paris: La Découverte, 1991), 1:106–119. Africans make contributions in
all realms of French society, including ethnic solidarity, music (including world
music, rap, and hip-hop, by such artists as NTM, IAM, MC Solaar, Khaled, Cheb
Mami, Zebda, Salif Keita, Alpha Blondy, Papa Wemba, and Angélique Kidjo,
among others), tagging, and of course sport, while simultaneously intersecting
with urban housing policies. See “La prison pour NTM: L’insulte faite aux je-
unes,” L’événement du Jeudi, no. 629 (November 21–27, 1996); “Les chanteurs de
NTM condamnés à la prison ferme pour outrage à la police,” Le monde, Novem-
ber 16, 1996; Chris Warne, “The Impact of World Music in France,” in Hargreaves
and McKinney, Post-colonial Cultures in France, 133–149; Steve Cannon,
“Paname City Rapping: B-Boys in the Banlieues and Beyond,” in Hargreaves and
McKinney, Post-colonial Cultures in France, 150–166; and Christian Mousset,
“La musique africaine et la France,” in Sot, Etudiants africains en France,
163–167. On housing policy, from the bidonvilles (shantytowns), cité de transit
(temporary housing), and habitation à loyer modéré (rent-controlled housing,
H.L.M.) to the housing projects of La Courneuve, Nanterre, and Sartrouville (to
the north and west of Paris), Vaulx-en-Velin and Vénissieux (in Lyon), and les
quartiers du nord (in Marseilles), and Clignancourt, la Goutte-d’Or, and Château-
Rouge in Paris itself, see for example Alec G. Hargreaves, “Socio-economic Struc-
tures,” in Immigration, “Race,” and Ethnicity, 38–84. See also Loïc Wacquant,
“Banlieues françaises et ghetto noir américain: De l’amalgame à la comparaison,”
French Politics and Society 10, no. 4 (Autumn 1992): 81–103.
117. Christopher L. Miller, Nationalists and Nomads: Essays on Francophone
African Literature and Culture (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1998), 54.
118. Pascal Blanchard and Eric Deroo, “Contrôler: Paris, capitale coloniale,” in
Culture impériale: Les colonies au cœur de la République, 1931–1961, ed. Pascal
Blanchard and Sandrine Lemaire (Paris: Editions Autrement, 2004), 120.
119. See for example Pascal Blanchard and Eric Deroo, Le Paris Asie: Du rêve
d’Asie à Chinatown, 1854–2004 (Paris: La Découverte, 2004); and Pascal Blan-
chard, Eric Deroo, Driis El-Yazami, Pierre Fournié, and Gilles Manceron, Le Paris
arabe: Deux siècles de présence des Orientaux et des Maghrébins, 1830–2003
(Paris: La Découverte, 2003).
120. On these newspapers, see Miller, Nationalists and Nomads, 28–48. See
also Jean-Claude Michel, The Black Surrealists (New York: Peter Lang, 2000), on
Légitime Défense. According to Midiohouan, “the distribution of all these news-
papers was regularly interrupted by government decrees.” Midiohouan, L’idéolo-
gie, 36.
121. See Dewitte, Les mouvements nègres en France, 126–170.
 Notes to pages 29–32 223
122. Philippe Dewitte, Deux siècles d’immigration en France (Paris: La Docu-
mentation Française, 2003), 29. See also John Horne, “Immigrant Workers in
France during World War I,” French Historical Studies 14 (1985): 57–88; Tyler
Stovall, “Colour-blind France? Colonial Workers during the First World War,”
Race and Class 35, no. 2 (October–December 1993): 35–55; and Marc Michel,
Les Africains et la Grande Guerre: L’appel à l’Afrique, 1914–1918 (Paris:
Karthala, 2003).
123. Midiohouan has talked of 211,000 tirailleurs in Africa in 1918. L’idéolo-
gie, 68.
124. See Bernard Mouralis, République et colonies: Entre histoire et mémoire;
La République française et l’Afrique (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1999), 33. On the
tirailleurs sénégalais, see Myron Echenberg, Colonial Conscripts: The Tirailleurs
Sénégalais in French West Africa, 1857–1960 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann,
1991); Ousmane Sembene’s 1987 film Camp de Thiaroye; János Riesz, “The
Tirailleur sénégalais Who Did Not Want to Be a ‘Grand Enfant’: Bakary Diallo’s
Force-Bonté (1926) Reconsidered,” Research in African Literatures 27, no. 4
(Winter 1996): 157–179; János Riesz, “La folie des tirailleurs sénégalais: Fait his-
torique et thème littéraire de la littérature coloniale à la littérature africaine de
langue française,” in Black Accents: Writing in French from Africa, Mauritius,
and the Caribbean, ed. J. P. Little and Roger Little (London: Grant and Cutler,
1997), 139–156; Charles Onama, La France et ses tirailleurs: Enquête sur les com-
battants de la République (Paris: Duboiris, 2003); Mar Fall, Des Africains noirs en
France: Des tirailleurs sénégalais aux Blacks (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1986); and
János Riesz and Joachim Schultz, eds., Tirailleurs sénégalais (Frankfurt-am-Main:
Peter Lang Verlag, 1989).
125. The votes were 471,000 for Yes and 1,120,000 for No. See Marc Ferro,
Histoire des colonisations des conquêtes aux indépendances, XIIIème–XXème
siècle (Paris: Seuil, 1994), 478.
126. David E. Gardinier, “Historical Origins of Francophone Africa,” in Political
Reform in Francophone Africa, ed. John F. Clark and David E. Gardinier (Boulder,
Colo.: Westview Press, 1997), 13. See also Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, “Coloni-
sation, coopération, partenariat: Les différentes étapes (1950–2000),” in Sot, Etu-
diants africains en France, 29–48.
127. Fabienne Guimont, Les étudiants africains en France, 1950–1965 (Paris:
L’Harmattan, 1997), 13.
128. Abdoulaye Gueye, Les intellectuels africains en France (Paris: L’Harmat-
tan, 2001), 49.
129. See also Hélène d’Almeida-Topor, “Le nombre d’étudiants africains en
France (1951–2000),” in Sot, Etudiants africains en France, 109–115. A number of
factors account for the drop in African students in France: development of African
universities, reduction in bursaries for international education, and stricter guide-
lines for issuing student visas. D’Almeida-Topor, “Le nombre d’étudiants,” 110–
111.
130. Mamadou Diouf, “Postface,” in Gueye, Les intellectuels africains en
France, 246.
131. See Sekou Traoré, La Fédération des étudiants d’Afrique noire en France
(Paris: L’Harmattan, 1985); and Guimont, Les étudiants africains, 107–124.
132. J.-P. N’Diaye, Enquête sur les étudiants noirs en France (Paris: Editions
Réalités Africaines, 1962), 83, 84, 285. See also Achille Mbembe, Les jeunes et l’or-
dre politique en Afrique noire (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1985).
224 Notes to pages 32–36
133. As Gueye points out, this is partly corroborated by Manthia Diawara’s ex-
perience as recounted in his book In Search of Africa. See also Gueye’s new re-
search findings, in “Les chercheurs africains en demande d’Occident,” Vues
d’Afrique, Esprit, no. 317 (August–September 2005): 219–227.
134. See Irele, “Négritude or Black Cultural Nationalism.”
135. Jacques Chevrier, “La littérature francophone et ses héros,” Vues d’Afrique,
Esprit, no. 317 (August–September 2005): 83.
136. Saskia Sassen, Guests and Aliens (New York: New Press, 1999), 63. See
also Gilles Manceron, “La République et son passé coloniale,” in Marianne et les
colonies: Une introduction à l’histoire coloniale de la France (Paris: La Décou-
verte, 2003), 7–23.
137. Nicolas Bancel, Pascal Blanchard, and Françoise Vergès, La République
coloniale: Essai sur une utopie (Paris: Albin Michel, 2003), 41.
138. Jean-Loup Amselle, Affirmative Exclusion: Cultural Pluralism and the
Rule of Custom in France, trans. Jean Marie Todd (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univer-
sity Press, 2003), first published as Vers un multiculturalisme français: L’empire de
la coutume (Paris: Flammarion, 2001); and F. Gaspard and F. Khosrokhavar, Le
foulard et la République (Paris: La Découverte, 1995).
139. Adrian Favell, Philosophies of Integration: Immigration and the Idea of
Citizenship in France and Britain (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 1998), 2. See in particu-
lar “France: The Republican Philosophy of Intégration; Ideas and Politics in the
1980s,” 40–93.
140. Alec G. Hargreaves, “Multiculturalism,” in Political Ideologies in Contem-
porary France, ed. Christopher Flood and Laurence Bell (London: Cassell, 1997),
198.
141. These practices received considerable public attention, and racism itself
was explicitly the subject of two books by the Moroccan author Tahar Ben Jel-
loun, winner of the Goncourt Prize, namely L’hospitalité française (Paris: Seuil,
1984) and Le racisme expliqué à ma fille (Paris: Seuil, 1990), published in English
as Racism Explained to My Daughter, trans. Carol Volk (New York: New Press,
1999).
142. Jean-Paul Sartre, “Présence noire,” Présence africaine, no. 1 (Novem-
ber–December 1947): 28.
143. These questions were of course central to Tvetan Todorov’s discourse on
the Other in The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other, trans. Richard
Howard (New York: Harper and Row, 1984), and to his Nous et les autres (Paris:
Seuil, 1989). See also Arnauld Le Brusq, “De ‘notre’ mémoire à ‘leur’ histoire: Les
métamorphoses du Palais des colonies,” in Blanchard, Bancel, and Lemaire, La
fracture coloniale, 255–262. In this essay, Le Brusq explores the architectural lay-
erings upon which the CNHI will rest: the former Palais des colonies, the Musée
permanent des colonies, the Musée de la France d’Outre Mer, and finally the
Musée des arts africains et océaniens.
144. See for example Pascal Blanchard and Sandrine Lemaire, “Les colonies au
cœur de la République,” in Blanchard and Lemaire, Culture impériale, 5–32.
145. Jacques Toubon, Mission de préfiguration du Centre de ressources et de
mémoire de l’immigration (Paris: La Documentation Française, 2004).
146. Ali Behdad, A Forgetful Nation: On Immigration and Cultural Identity in
the United States (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005), 3–4.
147. Marc Augé, Oblivion, trans. Marjolijn de Jager (Minneapolis: University
of Minnesota Press, 2004), 3. See also Sarah Frohning Deleporte, “Trois musées,
 Notes to pages 37–38 225
une question, une République,” in Blanchard, Bancel, and Lemaire, La fracture
coloniale, 105–111. Noiriel has highlighted the central dilemma that confronts the
project, whose objective is to “strengthen national cohesion” by emphasizing “the
national ‘we’ (“le ‘nous’ national”) and “honoring the French who have come
from elsewhere” (“venus d’ailleurs”), in “Histoire, mémoire, engagement civique,”
Hommes et migrations, no. 1247 (January–February 2004): 22. See also Gilles
Manceron, “De la débauche de propagande au ‘trou de mémoire’ colonial,” in
Marianne et les colonies, 267–282.
148. Benjamin Stora anticipated this response in many ways in his book La gan-
grène et l’oubli (Paris: La Découverte, 1991).
149. See Françoise Lionnet, “The Mirror and the Tomb: Africa, Museums, and
Representation,” African Arts 34, no. 3 (Fall 2001): 50–59.
150. Michel Wieviorka, La différence: Identités culturelles; Enjeux, débats et
politiques (Paris: Editions de l’Aube, 2005), 180; and Patrick Weil, La République
et sa diversité: Immigration, intégration, discriminations (Paris: Seuil, 2005), 108.
As Wieviorka signals, these distinctions have of course been central to the work of
Paul Ricœur, La mémoire, l’histoire, l’oubli (Paris: Seuil, 2000); Tvetan Todorov,
Les abus de la mémoire (Paris: Arléa, 1995); and Pierre Nora, ed., Les lieux de mé-
moire (Paris: Gallimard, 1984).
151. Pascal Blanchard, Nicolas Bancel, and Sandrine Lemaire, “La fracture colo-
niale: une crise française,” in Blanchard, Bancel, and Lemaire, La fracture colo-
niale, 30.
152. See Bruno Etienne, La France et l’Islam (Paris: Hachette, 1989); and Gilles
Kepel, Les banlieues de l’Islam (Paris: Seuil, 1987).
153. The bilateral process of corruption is widely known as “la françafrique.”
See François-Xavier Verschave and Philippe Hauser, Au mépris des peuples: Le
néocolonialisme franco-africain (Paris: La Fabrique Editions, 2004); François-
Xavier Verschave, La françafrique: Le plus long scandale de la République (Paris:
Stock, 1998); and Jean-Paul Gourévitch, L’Afrique, le fric, la France: L’aide, la
dette, l’immigration, l’avenir; Vérités et mesonges (Paris: Le Pré aux Clercs, 1997).
Jean-François Bayart emphasizes “internal” responsibility as well. See his “The ‘So-
cial Capital’ of the Felonious State,” in The Criminalization of the State in Africa,
ed. Jean-François Bayart, Stephen Ellis, and Béatrice Hibou (Oxford: James Cur-
rey; Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), 32–48. Usage of the term “so-
cial capital” in this context differs of course from my invocation of the acquisition
of cultural and social capital through travel to France, and in this instance denotes
“the ensemble of configurations and the texture of relationships which are the
outcome of sub-Saharan Africa’s long historical trajectory, or rather of the cluster
of historical trajectories, distinct but acting upon one another over long periods, of
an entire sub-continent.” Bayart, “The ‘Social Capital,’” 32.
154. Pascal Blanchard and Nicolas Bancel, De l’indigène à l’immigré (Paris: Gal-
limard, 1998), 90–91. Cilas Kemedjio has also drawn on the analysis formulated
by Blanchard and Bancel in order to demonstrate how “forgetting or reconstruct-
ing colonial history has consequences for the perception of the peoples of the post-
colonial era, or the peoples coming from former colonies . . . The spread of an
imagination that is essentially negative and misery-laden over Africa opens the
road to a celebration of the colonial epic that should never have been interrupted
by the instigators of independence.” Cilas Kemedjio, “The Western Anticolonialist
of the Postcolonial Age: The Reformist Syndrome and the Memory of Decoloniza-
tion in (Post-)Imperial French Thought,” in Remembering Africa, ed. Elisabeth
226 Notes to pages 38–42
Mudimbe (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 2002), 48. See also Susan Sontag, Re-
garding the Pain of Others (New York: Penguin, 2003); and Jean-Pierre Chrétien,
“L’Afrique face aux défis du monde,” Esprit, no. 317 (August–September 2005):
8–16.
155. Seyla Benhabib, The Claims of Culture: Equality and Diversity in the
Global Era (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002), 8.
156. Ousmane Socé, Mirages de Paris (Paris: Nouvelles Editions Latines, 1937);
Laye Camara, L’enfant noir (Paris: Plon, 1954); Bernard Dadié, Un nègre à Paris
(Paris: Présence Africaine, 1959); Ferdinand Oyono, Chemin d’Europe (Paris: Jul-
liard, 1960); and Cheikh Hamidou Kane, L’aventure ambiguë (Paris: Julliard,
1961). See also Bernard Dadié, Patron de New York (Paris: Présence Africaine,
1969), One Way: Bernard Dadié Observes America, trans. Jo Patterson (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1994), and La ville où nul ne meurt (Paris: Présence
Africaine, 1968), published in English as The City Where No One Dies, trans. Ja-
nis A. Mayes (Washington, D.C.: Three Continents Press, 1986).
157. Ousmane Sembene, Le docker noir (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1973; first
pub. 1956); Richard Wright, Native Son (New York: Harper Collins, 1993; first
pub. 1940).
158. Ousmane Sembene, “La Noire de . . .” in Voltaïque (Paris: Présence Afri-
caine, 1962), 149–174; and Henriette Akofa, with Olivier de Broca, Une esclave
moderne (Paris: Michel Lafon, 2000).
159. Fatou Keïta, Rebelle (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1998); and Calixthe Beyala,
Lettre d’une Africaine à ses sœurs occidentales (Paris: Spengler, 1995), and Lettre
d’une Afro-française à ses compatriotes (Paris: Editions Mango, 2000).
160. The question of polygamy is also related to these questions. See C. Poiret,
“Le phénomène polygamique en France,” Migrants-formation, no. 91 (December
1992): 24–42; Gérard Petitjean, “Polygamie: Les femmes d’à côté,” Le nouvel ob-
servateur, no. 1389 (June 2–26, 1991): 52–53; and Rabia Abdelkrim-Chikh, “Les
femmes exogames: Entre la loi de Dieu et les droits de l’homme,” in L’Islam en
France: Islam, état et société, ed. Bruno Etienne (Paris: CNRS, 1991) , 235–254.
161. Alain Mabanckou, Bleu-Blanc-Rouge (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1998);
and Daniel Biyaoula, L’impasse (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1996), and Agonies
(Paris: Présence Africaine, 1998).
162. Fatou Diome, Le ventre de l’Atlantique (Paris: Editions Anne Carrière,
2003).

2. FRANCOCENTRISM AND
T H E AC Q U I S I T I O N O F
C U LT U R A L C A P I TA L
1. Ferdinand Oyono, Chemin d’Europe (Paris: Julliard, 1960), 45.
2. Jean-Paul Sartre, preface to The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon
(London: Penguin, 1971), 7.
3. Nicolas Bancel, Pascal Blanchard, and Françoise Vergès, La République
coloniale: Essai sur une utopie (Paris: Albin Michel, 2003), 142.
4. I am borrowing the term “francocentrism” from Christopher L. Miller, Na-
tionalists and Nomads: Essays on Francophone African Literature and Culture
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 62.
5. Pascale Casanova, The World Republic of Letters, trans. M. B. DeBevoise
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 25.
 Notes to pages 43–44 227
6. Laye Camara, L’enfant noir (Paris: Plon, 1954), published in English as The
Dark Child, trans. James Kirkup (London: Collins, 1955) and The African Child,
trans. James Kirkup and Ernest Jones (New York: Noonday Press, 1954); Cheikh
Hamidou Kane, L’aventure ambiguë (Paris: Julliard, 1961), published in English as
Ambiguous Adventure, trans. Katherine Woods (London: Heinemann, 1972; first
translated in 1969); Ousmane Socé, Mirages de Paris (Paris: Nouvelles Editions
Latines, 1937); and Bernard Dadié, Un nègre à Paris (Paris: Présence Africaine,
1959), published in English as An African in Paris, trans. Karen C. Hatch (Chi-
cago: University of Illinois Press, 1994).
7. Cameroonian novelists Mongo Beti and Ferdinand Oyono would figure as
the most important authors of this period. For Beti, see for example Ville cruelle
(Paris: Editions Africaines, 1954) as Eza Boto, Le pauvre Christ de Bomba (Paris:
Laffont, 1956), Mission terminée (Paris: Buchet-Chastel, 1957), and Le roi mirac-
ulé (Paris: Buchet-Chastel, 1958). His works are powerful critiques of a dimension
that remains relatively unexplored in this chapter, namely the role of missionaries
in assisting the colonial project. For Oyono, see Une vie de boy (Paris: Julliard,
1956), Le vieux nègre et la médaille (Paris: Julliard, 1956), and Chemin d’Europe.
On these questions, see V. Y. Mudimbe, “The Power of Speech,” in The Invention
of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy, and the Order of Knowledge (Bloomington: Indi-
ana University Press, 1988); Richard Bjornson, The African Quest for Freedom
and Identity: Cameroonian Writing and the National Experience (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1991); and Eloise A. Brière, Le roman camerounais et ses
discours (Ivry: Editions Nouvelles du Sud, 1993).
8. It might be worth noting that while African writers were focusing on
France, a number of French writers were looking to Africa for inspiration. Most
notably, see André Gide, Voyage au Congo (Paris: Gallimard, 1927), and Retour
du Tchad (Paris: Gallimard, 1928); and of course Michel Leiris, L’Afrique fantôme
(Paris: Gallimard, 1934).
9. Ch.-André Julien, Les techniciens de la colonisation (XIXe–XXe siècles),
Colonies et empires, 1. sér., Etudes coloniales 1 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de
France, 1947); and Robert Delavignette, “Faidherbe,” in Les politiques d’expan-
sion impérialiste, Colonies et empires, 1. sér., Etudes coloniales 5 (Paris: Presses
Universitaires de France, 1949), 83. See also Sandrine Lemaire, “Promouvoir: Fab-
riquer du colonial,” in Culture impériale: Les colonies au cœur de la République,
1931–1961, ed. Pascal Blanchard and Sandrine Lemaire (Paris: Editions
Autrement, 2004), 45–60; and János Riesz, “Regards critiques sur la société colo-
niale, à partir de deux romans de Robert Randau et de Robert Delavignette,” in
Regards sur les littératures coloniales: Afrique francophone; Approfondissements,
ed. Jean-François Durand (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1999), 51–77.
10. Bernard Mouralis, République et colonies: Entre histoire et mémoire; La
République française et l’Afrique (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1999), 88.
11. See Barthélémy Kotchy, “Critique des institutions coloniales,” in La cri-
tique sociale dans l’œuvre théâtrale de Bernard Dadié (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1984),
94–123.
12. See William B. Cohen, The French Encounter with Africans: White Re-
sponse to Blacks, 1530–1880 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980); and
Patrick Manning, Francophone sub-Saharan Africa, 1880–1985 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1998).
13. See for example Henri Brunschwig, Mythes et réalités de l’impérialisme
colonial français, 1871–1914 (Paris: Armand Colin, 1960), and L’avènement de
228 Notes to pages 44–47
l’Afrique noire du XIXe siècle à nos jours (Paris: Armand Colin, 1963); Jean Suret-
Canale, “Le système administratif,” in Afrique noire: L’ère coloniale, 1900–1945
(Paris: Editions Sociales, 1964), 93–121; and Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch,
L’Afrique et les Africains au XIXe siècle (Paris: Armand Collin, 1999).
14. Bernard Mouralis, Littérature et développement: Essai sur le statut, la
fonction et la représentation de la littérature négro-africaine d’expression fran-
çaise (Paris: Silex, 1984), 22, 30. See also Marc Ferro, Histoire des colonisations,
des conquêtes aux indépendances, XIIIe–XXe siècle (Paris: Seuil, 1994).
15. See Guy Ossito Midiohouan, L’idéologie dans la littérature négro-africaine
d’expression française (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1986), 44–51.
16. Alice L. Conklin, A Mission to Civilize: The Republican Ideal of Empire in
France and West Africa, 1895–1930 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press,
1997), 1.
17. Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink, “Acculturation coloniale et pédagogie intercul-
turelle: L’œuvre de Georges Hardy,” in Sénégal-Forum: Littérature et Histoire, ed.
Papa Samba Diop (Frankfurt: IKO Verlag, 1995), 114.
18. Georges Hardy, Une conquête morale: L’enseignement en A.O.F. (Paris,
Armand Colin, 1917); see also his L’enseignement au Sénégal de 1817 à 1857
(Paris: Larose, 1920) and Histoire sociale de la colonisation française (Paris:
Larose, 1953); J.-P. Makouta-Mboukou, Le français en Afrique noire: Histoire et
méthodes de l’enseignement du français en Afrique noire (Paris: Bordas, 1973);
and Bernard Mouralis, “L’écriture, le réel et l’action: Le cas de Georges Hardy
dans Egarste ou la vocation coloniale,” in Durand, Regards sur les littératures
coloniales, 63–84.
19. Philippe Dewitte, “Un centre de l’histoire de l’immigration: Pourquoi et
comment?” Hommes et migrations, no. 1247 (January–February 2004): 9; and in-
deed the whole of that issue is relevant to the discussion here.
20. See http://www.assembleenationale.fr/12/propositions/pion0667.asp and
http://www.admi.net/jo/20050224/DEFX0300218L.html, respectively. The lat-
ter was sponsored by Jean-Louis Debré and is collectively referred to as the Loi
Debré.
21. Sandrine Lemaire, “Colonisation et immigration: Des ‘points aveugles’ de
l’histoire à l’école?” in La fracture coloniale: La société française au prisme de
l’héritage colonial, ed. Pascal Blanchard, Nicolas Bancel, and Sandrine Lemaire
(Paris: La Découverte, 2005), 95–96. See also a chapter and two appendixes in La
fracture coloniale concerning the study conducted in Toulouse on colonial mem-
ory by Bancel, Blanchard, and Lemaire: “Les enseignements de l’étude conduite à
Toulouse sur la mémoire coloniale,” 247–254; “Méthodologie de l’étude ‘Mémoire
coloniale, mémoire de l’immigration, mémoire urbaine’ menées à Toulouse en
2003,” 263–267; and “Synthèse des principaux résultats de l’étude de Toulouse,”
269–300.
22. Mohamadou Kane, Roman africain et tradition (Dakar: Les Nouvelles
Editions Africaines, 1982), 39–40.
23. See Thomas G. August, The Selling of the Empire: British and French Im-
perialist Propaganda, 1890–1940 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1985); and
Catherine Hall, Civilising Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English Imagi-
nation, 1830–1867 (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2002).
24. Guy Ossito Midiohouan, Ecrire en pays colonisé: Plaidoyer pour une nou-
velle approche des rapports entre la littérature négro-africaine d’expression
française et le pouvoir colonial (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2002), 28–29.
 Notes to pages 47–57 229
25. Sayouba Traoré, “Un Burkinabé dans la brousse,” interview by Eloïse
Brezault, Notre librairie, no. 158 (April–June 2005): 48.
26. See Raoul Girardet, L’idée coloniale en France de 1871 à 1962 (Paris: Edi-
tions de la Table Ronde, 1962).
27. Albert Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized, trans. Howard Green-
field (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991; first pub. 1957), 79.
28. The main critical works that have focused on what is traditionally under-
stood as “colonial literature” are, chronologically, by Roland Lebel, L’Afrique oc-
cidentale dans la littérature française (Paris: Larose, 1925), and Etudes de littéra-
ture coloniale en France (Paris: Larose, 1931); Léon Fanoudh-Siefer, Le mythe du
nègre et de l’Afrique noire dans la littérature française, de 1800 à la 2e guerre
mondiale (Paris: Klincksieck, 1968); Martine Astier Loufti, Littérature et colonial-
isme: L’expansion coloniale vue dans la littérature romanesque française (Paris:
Mouton, 1971); and Léon-François Hoffman, Le nègre romantique: Personnage
littéraire et obsession collective (Paris: Payot, 1973).
29. Dominic Thomas, Nation-Building, Propaganda, and Literature in Fran-
cophone Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), 5.
30. Ahmadou Mapaté Diagne, Les trois volontés de Malic (Paris: Larose,
1920); Bakary Diallo, Force-Bonté (Paris: Rieder, 1926); and Lamine Senghor,
La violation d’un pays (Paris: Bureau d’Editions, de Diffusion et de Publicité,
1927).
31. These findings are corroborated by Philippe Dewitte, Les mouvements nè-
gres en France, 1919–1939 (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1985), 50–51.
32. Most notably, prefaces were written to Paul Hazoumé’s Doguicimi (Paris:
Larose, 1938) by Georges Hardy, and to Ousmane Socé’s Karim: Roman séné-
galais (Paris: Nouvelles Editions Latines, 1935) by Robert Delavignette. On the im-
portance of these paratextual devices, see Richard Watts, Packaging Post/Colo-
niality: The Manufacture of Literary Identity in the Francophone World
(Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2005).
33. See Yves Bénot, Les parlementaires africains à Paris, 1914–1958 (Paris:
Editions Chaka, 1989); and Jacques Frémeaux, “L’union française: Le rêve d’une
France unie,” in Blanchard and Lemaire, Culture impériale, 163–174.
34. See Bernard Dadié, interview by Bennetta Jules-Rosette, in Black Paris:
The African Writers’ Landscape, by Bennetta Jules-Rosette (Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, 1998), 140–146.
35. Christopher L. Miller, “L’enfant noir, Totemism, and Suspended Animism,”
in Theories of Africans: Francophone Literature and Anthropology in Africa
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 159.
36. Charles Nokan, Le soleil noir point (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1962), 22.
37. Yambo Ouologuem, Le devoir de violence (Paris: Seuil, 1968), published in
English as Bound to Violence, trans. Ralph Manheim (London: Heinemann,
1971).
38. For examples in the Maghrebi community in France, see Azouz Begag, Le
gone du Châaba (Paris: Seuil, 1986), and Béni ou le paradis privé (Paris: Seuil,
1986).
39. In the study of La sape in chapter 6, I return to the question of fashion and
cultural capital.
40. The Congolese novelist and playwright Sony Labou Tansi talked about an
analogous practice “in which his colonial teachers daubed him with human feces
as a punishment for his early grammatical solecisms.” Quoted in Kwame Anthony
230 Notes to pages 60–65
Appiah, In My Father’s House: Africa in the Philosophy of Culture (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1992), 52. As Emily Apter has argued, “these concerns
are of particular significance in places with a history of colonial or neocolonial
rule in which standard languages have been imposed and native tongues are over-
managed, banned, or reduced to the status of endangered species.” Emily Apter,
“On Translation in a Global Market,” in “Translation,” ed. Emily Apter, special is-
sue of Public Culture 13, no. 1 (Winter 2001): 6.
41. F. Abiola Irele, “In Praise of Alienation,” in The Surreptitious Speech:
Présence Africaine and the Politics of Otherness, 1947–1987, ed. V. Y. Mudimbe
(Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1992), 202.
42. Achille Mbembe, On the Postcolony (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University
of California Press, 2001), 104.
43. Later, in Dramouss (Paris: Plon, 1966), published in English as A Dream of
Africa, trans. James Kirkup (Glasgow: William Collins Sons, 1968), Camara
would introduce a protagonist named Fotoman who initially evoked the seductive
qualities of Paris: “the Eiffel Tower with its multicolored lights that sweep the sky
and the Invalides, with a dome shaped like a balloon” (62–63). Later, when his
scholarship (bursary) is taken away from him, he comes into contact with a differ-
ent France as he joins the ranks of the numerous other Africans, “the young disin-
herited men of the Latin Quarter” (81). Eventually he finds a position at the Simca
automobile factory, where, “right at 6 a.m., the metallic forest started to hum”
(98), and immigrant workers daily confront harsh socioeconomic realities. Even-
tually, compelled to confront the failure of his migration to the North, he returns
to his native Guinea. Indeed, in Kocumba, l’étudiant noir (Paris: Flammarion,
1960), the novelist Aké Loba, from the Ivory Coast, also explores the trials and
tribulations of study in France, the appalling living and working conditions of im-
migrants, but unlike other African protagonists of his generation, the protagonist
of Kocumba successfully returns and reintegrates into African society. Some years
later Kanaan Niane, the central protagonist of Saïdou Boukoum’s novel Chaîne
(Paris: Denöel, 1974), abandons his legal studies in France and ends up wandering
through the streets of Paris.
44. Mildred Mortimer, Journeys through the French African Novel (Ports-
mouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1990), 55.
45. See Jean-Loup Amselle and Elikia M’Bokolo, eds., Au cœur de l’ethnie:
Ethnies, tribalisme et état en Afrique (Paris: La Découverte, 1985).
46. As Appiah has shown, V. Y. Mudimbe’s novel Entre les eaux “provided a
powerful critique of this binarism: we can read it as arguing that if you postulate
an either-or choice between Africa and the West, there is no place for you in the
real world of politics, and your home must be the otherworldly, the monastic re-
treat.” Kwame Anthony Appiah, In My Father’s House: Africa in the Philosophy
of Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 155.
47. Léopold Sédar Senghor, Liberté I: Négritude et humanisme (Paris: Seuil,
1964), and Liberté II: Nation et voie africaine du socialisme (Paris: Seuil, 1971);
and Cheikh Anta Diop, Nations nègres et culture: De l’antiquité négro-égyptienne
aux problèmes culturels de l’Afrique noire aujourd’hui (Paris: Présence africaine,
1954), L’Afrique noire précoloniale: Etude comparée des systèmes politiques et so-
ciaux de l’Europe et de l’Afrique noire, de l’antiquité à la formation des états
modernes (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1960), L’unité culturelle de l’Afrique noire
(Paris: Présence Africaine, 1960), and Antériorité des civilisations nègres: Mythe
ou vérité historique? (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1967).
 Notes to pages 65–71 231
48. Frantz Fanon, Peau noire, masques blancs (Paris: Seuil, 1995), published in
English as Black Skin, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann (New York:
Grove Press, 1967); Aimé Césaire, Discours sur le colonialisme (Paris: Présence
Africaine, 1955); Edouard Glissant, Le discours antillais (Paris: Seuil, 1981), pub-
lished in English as Caribbean Discourse: Selected Essays, trans. J. Michael Dash
(Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1989); and Jean Bernabé, Patrick
Chamoiseau, and Raphaël Confiant, Eloge de la créolité (Paris: Gallimard, 1989).
49. The centrality of literacy is evoked here. For other examples, see Begag, Le
gone; and Joseph Zobel, La rue Cases-Nègres (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1974).
50. As a special issue of the journal Notre librairie illustrates, these images
have been around for some time. See “Images du noir dans la littérature occiden-
tale: Du Moyen-Age à la conquête coloniale,” Notre librairie, no. 90 (October–De-
cember 1987).
51. Edwin Hill, “Imagining Métissage: The Politics and Practice of Métissage in
the French Colonial Exposition and Ousmane Socé’s Mirages de Paris,” Social
Identities 8, no. 4 (2002): 634.
52. See also Nicolas Bancel, Pascal Blanchard, Gilles Boëtsch, Eric Deroo, and
Sandrine Lemaire, Zoos humains: De la Vénus hottentote aux reality shows
(Paris: La Découverte, 2002); and Pascal Blanchard and Sandrine Lemaire, “Les
colonies au cœur de la République,” in Blanchard and Lemaire, Culture impériale,
5–32. See also Jean-Michel Bergougniou, Rémi Clignet, and Philippe David, “Vil-
lages noirs” et visiteurs africains et malgaches en France et en Europe, 1870–1940
(Paris: Karthala, 2001).
53. Subsequently, some of the structures from the Colonial Exposition came to
form the Musée des colonies, then the Musée de la France d’Outre-Mer, and fi-
nally the Musée des arts africains et océaniens. This museum closed on January 31,
2003, and the site will be used for the new Musée de l’histoire et des cultures de
l’immigration en France. See Jacques Toubon, Mission de préfiguration du Centre
de ressources et de mémoire de l’immigration (Paris: La Documentation Française,
2004); and Philippe Dewitte, ed., “Vers un lieu de mémoire de l’immigration,”
Hommes et migrations, no. 1247 (January–February 2004). On museums in
France, see Herman Lebovics, “The Dance of the Museums,” in Bringing the Em-
pire Back Home: France in the Global Age (Durham, N.C.: Duke University
Press, 2004), 143–177.
54. Fanon addressed this kind of exchange in Black Skin, White Masks.
55. Pierre Nora, ed., Les lieux de mémoire, 7 vols. (Paris: Gallimard, 1984–
1992). Of particular interest in this context would be Charles-Robert Ageron,
“L’exposition coloniale de 1931: Mythe républicain ou mythe impérial,” in La
République, vol. 1 of Nora, Les lieux de mémoire, 493–515.
56. See also Lynn E. Palermo, “Identity under Construction: Representing the
Colonies at the Paris Exposition Universelle of 1889,” in The Color of Liberty:
Histories of Race in France, ed. Sue Peabody and Tyler Stovall (Durham, N.C.:
Duke University Press, 2003), 285–301.
57. See also Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink, “Les expositions coloniales: Lieux d’ex-
hibition et de débats identitaires,” in La conquête de l’espace public colonial:
Prises de parole et formes de participation d’écrivains et d’intellectuels africains
dans la presse à l’époque coloniale (Frankfurt: IKO Verlag für Interkulturelle
Kommunikation, 2003), 175. Miller writes, “The continuing prosperity—and later
(after the onset of the depression in France in 1931), the economic recovery of
France—depended on the colonies. In order for the French public to support this
232 Notes to pages 73–77
vital colonial endeavor, they needed to be seduced, they needed to be made to
dream of the colonies.” Nationalists and Nomads, 74.
58. Emmanuel Dongala, Jazz et vin de palme (Paris: Le Serpent à Plumes,
1982).
59. Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink, “Métissage et société coloniale,” in La conquête
de l’espace public colonial, 215.
60. Alice Conklin, “Redefining ‘Frenchness’: Citizenship, Race Regeneration,
and Imperial Motherhood in France and West Africa, 1914–40,” in Domesticating
the Empire: Race, Gender, and Family Life in French and Dutch Colonialism, ed.
Julia Clancy-Smith and Frances Gourda (Charlottesville: University Press of Vir-
ginia, 1998), 76–77.
61. Tyler Stovall, “Love, Labor, and Race: Colonial Men and White Women in
France during the Great War,” in French Civilization and Its Discontents: Nation-
alism, Colonialism, Race, ed. Tyler Stovall and Georges Van Den Abbeele (Lan-
ham, Md.: Lexington Books: 2003), 297.
62. See for example Philippe Farine, ed., “Colonisations, immigration: Le com-
plexe impérial,” special issue of Migrations société 14, nos. 81–82 (May–August
1982).
63. Failed métissage is common in postcolonial novels set in France. See for ex-
ample Daniel Biyaoula, Agonies (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1998). Mireille Rosello
has also shown how mixed couples raise complex questions in Calixthe Beyala’s
novel Le petit prince de Belleville (Paris: Albin Michel, 1992). In Declining the
Stereotype: Ethnicity and Representation in French Cultures (Hanover, N.H.:
University Press of New England, 1998), she writes, “The text makes it clear, how-
ever, that the presence of an interracial couple, or even their friendship, should not
be equated with a simple solution. In fact, it is always difficult to ascertain whether
Beyala’s novels celebrate such possibilities or mock those who imagine that there is
an adequate response to institutionalized racism” (146).
64. Bernard Dadié, Climbié (Paris: Seghers, 1956), published in English as
Climbié, trans. Karen C. Chapman (London: Heinemann, 1971).
65. Elisabeth Mudimbe-Boyi, “Travel Representation and Difference, or How
Can One Be a Parisian?” Research in African Literatures 23, no. 3 (Fall 1992): 27,
35. See also Aedín Ní Loingsigh, “Immigration, Tourism, and Postcolonial Rein-
ventions of Travel,” in Francophone Postcolonial Studies: A Critical Introduction,
ed. Charles Forsdick and David Murphy (London: Arnold, 2003), 156–165.
66. Ali Behdad, Belated Travelers: Orientalism in the Age of Colonial Dissolu-
tion (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1994). See also Jean-Marc Moura,
“Littérature coloniale et exotisme: Examen d’une opposition de la théorie lit-
téraire coloniale,” in Durand, Regards sur les littératures coloniales, 21–39.
67. On epistolarity and Un nègre à Paris, see Mwamba Cabaculu, “L’épisto-
larité dans l’œuvre de Bernard B. Dadié: Le cas de Un nègre à Paris,” in Bernard
Bilin Dadié: Conscience critique de son temps, ed. Valy Sidibé and Bruno Gna-
oulé-Oupoh (Abidjan, Ivory Coast: Centre d’Edition et de Diffusion Africaines,
1999), 185–190.
68. Pierre Bourdieu, La distinction: Critique sociale du jugement (Paris: Edi-
tions de Minuit, 1979).
69. This translation is my own, since the line is omitted from the English ver-
sion: “j’en arrive à dire qu’on connaît mal un peuple en ne le connaissant que par
les ouvrages qu’on écrit sur lui” (Un nègre à Paris, 140).
 Notes to pages 77–83 233
70. Jean-Loup Amselle, Mestizo Logics: Anthropology of Identity in Africa
and Elsewhere, trans. Claudia Royal (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press,
1998), originally published as Logiques métisses: Anthropologie de l’identité en
Afrique et ailleurs (Paris: Payot, 1990); Miller, Theories of Africans; V. Y.
Mudimbe, The Idea of Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994); and
Françoise Lionnet, “Logiques métisses: Cultural Appropriation and Postcolonial
Representation,” in Postcolonial Representations: Women, Literature, Identity
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1995), 1–21.
71. See Pierre Halen, “Pour en finir avec une phraséologie encombrante: La
question de l’Autre et de l’exotisme dans l’approche critique des littératures colo-
niales et post-coloniales,” in Durand, Regards sur les littératures coloniales, 41–
62.
72. In the context of postcolonial France and the perceived threat to Republi-
can ideals posed by “headscarves” and “veils,” Emmanuel Terray has character-
ized early twenty-first-century responses to these questions in terms of “hysteria.”
See his “Headscarf Hysteria,” New Left Review 26 (March–April 2004): 118–127.
73. André-Patient Bokiba, Ecriture et identité dans la littérature africaine
(Paris: L’Harmattan, 1998), 172, 155.
74. Jean-Pierre Makouta-Mboukou, Introduction à l’étude du roman négro-
africain de langue française: Problèmes culturels et littéraires (Abidjan, Ivory
Coast: Les Nouvelles Editions Africaines, 1980), 247.
75. Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon, 1978).
76. Jean Derive, “Un nègre à Paris: Contexte littéraire et idéologique,” in
Bernard Dadié: Hommages et études (Ivry-sur-Seine: Nouvelles du Sud, 1992),
190. See also Jacques Chevrier, “Lecture d’un Nègre à Paris: Où il est prouvé
qu’on peut être Parisien et raisonner comme un Agni,” L’Afrique littéraire et artis-
tique 85 (1989): 42–50.
77. F. Abiola Irele, The African Imagination: Literature in Africa and the Black
Diaspora (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 70.

3 . T E X T U A L OW N E RS H I P A N D
T H E G L O B A L M E D I AT I O N
O F B L AC K N E S S
1. Ousmane Sembene, “Interview with Ousmane Sembene at Filmi Doom-
ireew, Dakar, 30 November 1995,” interview by David Murphy, in Sembene: Imag-
ining Alternatives in Film and Fiction, by David Murphy (Oxford: James Currey,
2000), 227–228.
2. Albert Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized (Boston: Beacon Press,
1991; first pub. 1957), 120.
3. FBI file on Richard Nathaniel Wright, file number 100–157464, part 1b,
page 20, http://foia.fbi.gov/foiaindex/rnwright.htm. The FBI’s introductory web
page says, “This famous writer was investigated by the FBI for being a member of
the Communist Party between 1932 and 1942. He left the party in 1942 because of
ideological disputes.” The Public Information Act has also forced the FBI to make
available the files of Josephine Baker, James Baldwin, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Lang-
ston Hughes.
4. Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin, The Empire Writes Back:
Theory and Practice in Post-colonial Literatures (London: Routledge, 1989), 38,
234 Notes to pages 83–84
39. Frantz Fanon addressed this important question in “The Negro and Lan-
guage,” in Black Skin, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann (New York:
Grove Press, 1967), 17–40.
5. A broadening of this perspective, as suggested by Kwame Anthony Appiah,
might also be important: “If there is a lesson in the broad shape of this circulation
of cultures, it is surely that we are all already contaminated by each other.” Kwame
Anthony Appiah, In My Father’s House: Africa in the Philosophy of Culture
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 155.
6. Jacques Chevrier, Littérature nègre (Paris: Armand Colin, 1984), 118.
7. See Christopher L. Miller, Theories of Africans: Francophone Literature
and Anthropology in Africa (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990); F. Abi-
ola Irele, The African Experience in Literature and Ideology (London, Heine-
mann, 1981); Richard Bjornson, The African Quest for Freedom and Identity:
Cameroonian Writing and the National Experience (Bloomington: Indiana Uni-
versity Press, 1991); Adrien Huannou, La question des littératures nationales en
Afrique noire (Abidjan, Ivory Coast: CEDA, 1989); Guy Ossito Midiohouan,
L’idéologie dans la littérature négro-africaine d’expression française (Paris: L’Har-
mattan, 1986); and Dominic Thomas, Nation-Building, Propaganda, and Litera-
ture in Francophone Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002).
8. Jean-Paul Sartre, “Orphée noir,” in Les temps modernes, no. 37 (October
1948): 590.
9. “Sony Labou Tansi,” Equateur, no. 1 (October–November 1986): 30.
10. Christopher L. Miller, “Dis-figuring Narrative: Plagiarism and Dismem-
berment in Yambo Ouologuem’s Le devoir de violence,” in Blank Darkness:
Africanist Discourse in French (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985),
216–245; Nicki Hitchcott, “Calixthe Beyala and the Post-colonial Woman,” in
Post-colonial Cultures in France, ed. Alec G. Hargreaves and Mark McKinney
(London: Routledge, 1997), 211–225; Nicki Hitchcott, “Calixthe Beyala: Prizes,
Plagiarism, and ‘Authenticity,’” in “Textual Ownership in Francophone African
Writing,” ed. Alec G. Hargreaves, Nicki Hitchcott, and Dominic Thomas, special
issue of Research in African Literatures 37, no. 1 (Spring 2006): 100–109; Adele
King, Rereading Camara Laye (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2002); and
Jean Derive, “Un nègre à Paris: Intertexte et contexte,” Komparatistische Hefte
15–16 (1987): 177–195.
11. On the theorization of intertextuality, see Mikhail Bakhtin, Dialogism,
trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist (Austin: University of Texas Press,
1981); and of course Julia Kristeva, “Bakhtine, le mot, le dialogue et le roman,”
Critique, no. 239 (April 1967): 438–465, and Le texte du roman (La Haye: Mou-
ton, 1970); and Roland Barthes, Le plaisir du texte (Paris: Seuil, 1973).
12. Ousmane Sembene, Le docker noir (Paris: Editions Debresse, 1956). Quo-
tations in French are from the 1973 Présence Africaine edition, and quotations in
English from the translation by Ros Schwartz, Black Docker (London: Heine-
mann, 1987).
13. Lilyan Kesteloot, Black Writers in French: A Literary History of Negritude,
trans. Ellen Conroy Kennedy (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1974);
Dorothy S. Blair, African Literature in French (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1976); Chevrier, Littérature nègre; Bernard Mouralis, Littérature et dével-
oppement: Essai sur le statut, la fonction et la représentation de la littérature né-
gro-africaine d’expression française (Paris: Silex, 1984); Wilfried F. Feuser, “Na-
 Notes to pages 84–86 235
tive Son and Ousmane Sembene’s Le docker noir,” Konparatistische Hefte 14
(1986): 103–116, also published as “Richard Wright’s Native Son and Sembene
Ousmane’s Le docker noir,” in Essays in Comparative African Literature, ed. Wil-
fried F. Feuser and I. N. C. Aniebo (Lagos, Nigeria: Centre for Black and African
Arts and Civilization, 2001), 252–267 (quotations are from the 1986 publication);
János Riesz, “Le dernier voyage du Négrier Sirius: Le roman dans le roman,” in
Sénégal-Forum: Littérature et histoire, ed. Papa Samba Diop (Frankfurt, Germany:
IKO Verlag, 1995), 178–196; Anthère Nzabatsinda, “La figure de l’artiste dans le
récit d’Ousmane Sembene,” Etudes françaises 31, no. 1 (Summer 1995): 51–60;
Sélom Komlan Gbanou, “Textes, contextes et intertextes dans les romans Le
docker noir de Sembene Ousmane et Le crime de la rue des notables de Ekue Ak-
oua T.,” Palabres: Revue culturelle africaine 1, nos. 3–4 (1997): 81–93; and David
Murphy, “La danse et la parole: L’exil et l’identité chez les Noirs de Marseille dans
Banjo de Claude McKay et Le docker noir d’Ousmane Sembene,” Canadian Re-
view of Comparative Literature 27, no. 3 (September 2000): 462–479. Two addi-
tional studies of Le docker noir are forthcoming: Christopher L. Miller, “African
‘Silence,’” in The French Atlantic Triangle: Literature and Culture of the Slave
Trade; and Francis Higginson, “Le docker noir or Race, Revolution and the
Novel,” in “Blood and the Canon: The Advent of Francophone African Crime Fic-
tion.”
14. Richard Wright, Native Son (New York: Harper Collins, 1993; first pub.
1940 by Harper and Brothers, New York), published in French as Un enfant du
pays, trans. Hélène Bokanowsky and Marcel Duhamel (Paris: Albin Michel,
1947). Native Son was also translated into Russian in 1945 and was popularly ac-
claimed. See Kate A. Baldwin, Beyond the Color Line and the Iron Curtain: Read-
ing Encounters between Black and Red, 1922–1963 (Durham, N.C.: Duke Uni-
versity Press, 2002).
15. Ousmane Sembene, “Sembene présente Molaade à Cannes: Une présence af-
ricaine plus importante est possible,” interview by Walfadjiri, http://www.africatime.
com/togo/nouv_pana.asp?no_nouvelle=119602&no_categorie=.
16. Michel Fabre, From Harlem to Paris: Black American Writers in France,
1840–1980 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1991), 92. The importance of this
dialogue and mediation between Africa and African America has been exploited in
postcolonial works. See for example Emmanuel Dongala’s collection of short sto-
ries, Jazz et vin de palme (Paris: Le Serpent à Plumes, 1982), in which he writes
about John Coltrane and America during the 1960s.
17. Claude McKay, Banjo: A Story without a Plot (New York: Harper and
Brothers, 1929), published in French as Banjo, trans. Ida Treat and Paul-Vaillant
Couturier (Paris: Rieder, 1931). Citations are to the original English edition.
18. Manthia Diawara, In Search of Africa (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Uni-
versity Press, 1998), 63. See in particular the chapter “Richard Wright and Mod-
ern Africa,” 59–76. These issues receive further attention in his We Won’t Budge:
An African Exile in the World (New York: Basic Civitas Books, 2003).
19. Our attention should also be drawn to Tyler Stovall’s foundational study of
African Americans in Paris, Paris Noir: African Americans in the City of Light
(New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1996), in which he corroborates these positions,
arguing that Wright “also exercises a strong influence on the younger generation of
negritude writers, notably Ousmane Sembene, whose novel The Black Docker
owed much to both Native Son and Claude McKay’s Banjo” (197).
236 Notes to pages 87–89
20. The work of Kristin Ross is one example of this. See Fast Cars, Clean Bod-
ies: Decolonization and the Reordering of French Culture (Cambridge, Mass.:
MIT Press, 1995).
21. See for example Pascal Blanchard and Nicolas Bancel, De l’indigène à l’im-
migré (Paris: Gallimard, 1998); Bernard Mouralis, “Le colonisé est-il un étran-
ger?” in République et colonies: Entre histoire et mémoire; La République fran-
çaise et l’Afrique (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1999), 34–39; and Elizabeth Ezra, The
Colonial Unconscious: Race and Culture in Interwar France (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cor-
nell University Press, 2000).
22. Brent Hayes Edwards, The Practice of Diaspora: Literature, Translation,
and the Rise of Black Internationalism (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University
Press, 2003), 4, 7.
23. For more specific information on the long history of African Americans in
France, see Michel Fabre, La rive noire: Les écrivains noirs américains à Paris,
1830–1995 (Marseille: André Dimanche, 1999), 21–41.
24. Christopher L. Miller, Nationalists and Nomads: Essays on Francophone
African Literature and Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 22.
See also Wayne F. Cooper, Claude McKay: Rebel Sojourner in the Harlem Renais-
sance; A Biography (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 1987); and Tyrone
Tillery, Claude McKay: A Black Poet’s Struggle for Identity (Amherst: University
of Massachusetts Press, 1992).
25. In critical readings of McKay’s work, such conclusions have become com-
mon. See Fabre, “Claude McKay, visiteur averti,” in La rive noire, 95–107; and
Sandra L. West, “Paris,” in Encyclopedia of the Harlem Renaissance, ed. Aberjhani
and Sandra L. West (New York: Checkmark Books, 2003), 253–256. West notes
that McKay “never forgot, however, and never feared to discuss, the hard-to-ac-
cept, little acknowledged fact (by African Americans) of the exploitation of
Africans by the French” (255).
26. Richard Wright, “Le feu dans la nuée,” parts 1 and 2, trans. Marcel Duha-
mel, Les temps modernes, no. 1 (October 1, 1945): 22–47; no. 2 (November 1,
1945): 291–319.
27. Richard Wright, “Littérature noire américaine,” trans. René Guyonnet, Les
temps modernes, no. 35 (August 1948): 193–221, and “J’ai essayé d’être commu-
niste,” trans. René Guyonnet, Les temps modernes, no. 45 (July 1949): 1–45.
28. Edouard Glissant, “Terre à terre,” Les temps modernes, no. 36 (September
1948): 429–438; Sartre, “Orphée noir”; and Michel Leiris, “Martinique, Guade-
loupe, Haïti,” Les temps modernes, no. 52 (February 1950): 1345–1368, and
“Poèmes,” Les temps modernes, no. 37 (October 1948): 607–625.
29. See Lilyan Kesteloot, “In Paris: Founding Présence Africaine” and “The
Nature and Influence of Présence Africaine” in Black Writers in French, 279–287,
288–297; Bennetta Jules-Rosette, “Conjugating Cultural Realities: Présence Afri-
caine,” in The Surreptitious Speech: Présence Africaine and the Politics of Other-
ness, 1947–1987, ed. V. Y. Mudimbe (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1992),
14–44; Mildred A. Hill-Lubin, “Présence Africaine: A Voice in the Wilderness, a
Record of Black Kinship,” in Mudimbe, The Surreptitious Speech, 157–173; and
Elisabeth Mudimbe-Boyi, “Harlem Renaissance and Africa: An Ambiguous Ad-
venture,” in Mudimbe, The Surreptitious Speech, 174–184.
30. Richard Wright, “Claire étoile du matin,” trans. Boris Vian, Présence afri-
caine, no. 1 (November–December 1947): 120–135.
 Notes to pages 89–91 237
31. Madeleine Gautier, “Un romancier de la race noire: Richard Wright,”
Présence africaine, no. 1 (November–December 1947): 163–165. Subsequent vol-
umes also featured Wright’s work. See Claudine Chonez, “De L’enfant noir à la
libération de l’homme,” Présence africaine, no. 3 (1948): 515–518; and R. J. Rou-
gerie, “Les enfants de l’oncle Tom par Richard Wright,” Présence africaine, no. 3
(1948): 518–519.
32. Detailed analysis of the Congress can be found in Bennetta Jules-Rosette,
“Antithetical Africa: The Conferences and Festivals of Présence Africaine, 1956–
73,” in Black Paris: The African Writers’ Landscape (Urbana: University of Illi-
nois Press, 1998), 48–78.
33. Richard Wright, “Tradition and Industrialization: The Plight of the Tragic
Elite in Africa,” special issue of Présence africaine, nos. 8–10 (June–November
1956): 347–360.
34. Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993), 152. Additional concerns
raised by Gilroy are extremely pertinent in the context of this chapter: “Analysis of
Wright’s legacy has been impoverished as a result of his being overidentified with
the same narrow definitions of racialized cultural expression that he tried to over-
turn . . . What would it mean to read Wright intertextually with Genet, Beauvoir,
Sartre, and the other Parisians with whom he was in dialogue? Examining his
route from the particular to the general, from America to Europe and Africa,
would certainly get us out of a position where we have to choose between the un-
satisfactory alternatives of Eurocentrism and black nationalism” (186).
35. See Schofield Coryell, “Itinéraire d’un écrivain engagé: Richard Wright le
subversif,” Le monde diplomatique, August 2003.
36. See for example James Campbell, Exiled in Paris: Richard Wright, James
Baldwin, Samuel Beckett, and Others on the Left Bank (Berkeley and Los Ange-
les: University of California Press, 2003); and Hazel Rowley, Richard Wright: The
Life and Times (New York: Henry Holt, 2003).
37. Richard Wright, The Outsider (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1953),
and Le transfuge (Paris: Gallimard, 1953); Albert Camus, L’étranger (Paris: Galli-
mard, 1942); and Laye Camara, L’enfant noir (Paris: Plon, 1954). The two English-
language versions of Camara’s novel avoid the direct translation of the title into
English—“Black Boy” or “The Black Child”—that would have inscribed further
proximity to Wright’s title; it was published instead as The Dark Child, trans.
James Kirkup (London: Collins, 1955) and The African Child, trans. James
Kirkup and Ernest Jones (New York: Noonday Press, 1954).
38. In fact, when one considers the multiple points of referentiality to which
francophone writers have been exposed, from specifically “indigenous” cultural
influences, through the colonial pedagogical project that provided for new ances-
tors (“nos ancêtres les Gaulois”), to the Caribbean and African America, among
others, I am inclined to expand the “triangular” framework proposed by Roger
Little in his “Reflections on a Triangular Trade in Borrowing and Stealing: Textual
Exploitation in a Selection of African, Caribbean and European Writers in French,”
in “Textual Ownership in Francophone African Writing,” ed. Alec G. Hargreaves,
Nicki Hitchcott, and Dominic Thomas, special issue of Research in African Liter-
atures 37, no. 1 (Spring 2006): 16–27.
39. References henceforth will be to Lilyan Kesteloot, “Situation actuelle des
écrivains noirs,” in Les écrivains noirs de langue française: Naissance d’une lit-
238 Notes to pages 92–98
térature (Brussels: Institut de sociologie de l’Université libre de Bruxelles, 1963),
273–315.
40. Henry Louis Gates, The Signifying Monkey: A Theory of African-Ameri-
can Literary Criticism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988).
41. The question of “literary cannibalism” has received considerable critical at-
tention in recent years. In 2003, for example, the Guadeloupean author Maryse
Condé offered a seminar entitled “Literary Cannibalism in the Antillean Novel” at
the School of Criticism and Theory at Cornell University that considered the ques-
tion in a transnational framework. See also Françoise Lionnet, “Transcolonial-
ismes: Echoes et dissonances de Jane Austen à Marie-Thérèse Humbert et d’Emily
Brontë à Maryse Condé,’’ in Ecrire en langue étrangère et de cultures dans le
monde francophone, ed. Robert Dion, Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink, and János Riesz
(Quebec City: Editions Nota Bene, 2002), 227–243; and Caryn James, “Stop!
Thief! An Author’s Mind Is Being Stolen!” New York Times, June 25, 2004.
42. Yambo Ouologuem, Le devoir de violence (Paris: Seuil, 1968), published in
English as Bound to Violence, trans. Ralph Manheim (London: Heinemann,
1971). See also Seth I. Wolitz, “L’art du plagiat, ou une brève défense de Ouo-
loguem,” Research in African Literatures 4, no. 1 (Spring 1973): 130–134.
43. Achille Mbembe, On the Postcolony (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University
of California Press, 2001), 188.
44. Ariel Dorfman, The Empire’s Old Clothes (New York: Penguin, 1996; first
pub. 1983), 18. See Jean de Brunhoff, Le roi Babar (Paris: Hachette, 1988; first
pub. 1939).
45. See for example how this process has operated in relation to Arabs in
France, in Thomas Deltombe and Mathieu Rigouste, “L’ennemi intérieur: La con-
struction médiatique de la figure de l’’Arabe,’” in La fracture coloniale: La société
française au prisme de l’héritage colonial, ed. Pascal Blanchard, Nicolas Bancel,
and Sandrine Lemaire (Paris: La Découverte, 2005), 191–198.
46. Joseph Zobel, La rue Cases-Nègres (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1974); and
Azouz Begag, Le gone du Châaba (Paris: Seuil, 1986).
47. See Alec G. Hargreaves, Voices from the North African Community in
France: Immigration and Identity in Beur Fiction (London: Berg, 1991), 123.
48. Marseilles also provides the site for Sembene’s short story “Letters from
France,” in Tribal Scars (London: Heinemann, 1974). In “Letters from France,”
Nafi mails a series of letters to Africa describing her living conditions: “My dear,
you can’t possibly imagine my disillusionment . . . I’m not in France, at least not
the France that came into our dreams and fed our ambitions. I’m in a different
world, a gloomy, depressing world which weighs me down, is slowly killing me off,
day by day” (56). See also Yaël Simpson Fletcher, “Catholics, Communists, and
Colonial Subjects: Working-Class Militancy and Racial Difference in Postwar
Marseille,” in The Color of Liberty: Histories of Race in France, ed. Sue Peabody
and Tyler Stovall (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003), 338–350.
49. Brigitte Bertoncello and Sylvie Bredeloup, eds., “Marseille, carrefour
d’Afrique,” Hommes et migrations, no. 1224 (March–April 2000), in particular
the editors’ article “Commerce africain, réseaux transnationaux et société locale,”
5–21; Brigitte Bertoncello, Colporteurs africains à Marseille: Un siècle d’aventures
(Paris: Autrement, 2004); and Pascal Blanchard and Gilles Boëtsch, Marseille porte
sud: Un siècle d’histoire coloniale et d’immigration (Paris: La Découverte, 2005).
50. On the question of writing in Le docker noir, see Nzabatsinda, “La figure
de l’artiste,” 51–60.
 Notes to pages 98–104 239
51. On usage of the term nègre, see Miller, Nationalists and Nomads, 30–43;
Edwards, “Translating the Word Nègre,” in The Practice of Diaspora, 25–38; and
on usage of the term “negro” and its broader associations in colonial discursive
constructs, see Mbembe, On the Postcolony, 180–181.
52. Etienne Balibar, “Racism and Nationalism,” in Race, Nation, Class: Am-
biguous Identities, ed. Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein (London: Verso,
1991), 49. Balibar’s notion of “neo-racism” applies to the postcolonial context,
but clearly Sembene’s text emphasizes the transcolonial nature of the concept.
53. See also Ann Laura Stoler’s brilliant study of colonial “intimacies,” Carnal
Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (Berke-
ley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2002); T. Sharpley-Whiting,
Black Venus: Sexualized Savages, Primal Fears, and Primitive Narratives in
French (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1999); and Nacira Guénif-Souila-
mas, “La réduction à son corps de l’indigène de la République,” in Blanchard, Ban-
cel, and Lemaire, La fracture coloniale, 199–208.
54. Some years later, Sartre’s exploration of racism in the American South in
his play La putain respectueuse (Paris: Gallimard, 1946) would focus on the col-
lectivity as a mechanism for restoring the power of the dominant group.
55. The figure of “Mamadou” was of course central to the marketing of “Ba-
nania” products, which featured the face of a smiling African man apparently
thrilled with his exposure to French universalism, and which Senghor spoke out
against so vociferously: “Mais je déchirerai les rires banania sur tous les murs de
France” (“I will tear down those Banania smiles from the walls of France”). See
Léopold Sédar Senghor, “Poème liminaire,” in Œuvre poétique (Paris: Seuil, 1990),
7. On this question, see Mireille Rosello, Declining the Stereotype: Ethnicity and
Representation in French Cultures (Hanover, N.Y.: University Press of New Eng-
land, 1998).
56. This type of belief has characterized the French electoral landscape for
many years now, and came to prominence with the rise of extreme-right politics
during the 1980s. In a review of Bernard Stasi’s Laïcité et République: Rapport de
la commission de réflection sur l’application du principe de laïcité dans la
République (Paris: La Documentation Française, 2004), Emmanuel Terray has
used the term “hysteria” to describe the official response to the perceived threat to
secularism. See Emmanuel Terray, “Headscarf Hysteria,” New Left Review 26
(March–April 2004): 118–127.
57. See Frantz Fanon, “L’homme de couleur et la Blanche,” in Peau noire,
masques blancs (Paris: Seuil, 1952), 51–66; Fanon knew Richard Wright and had
read his work, in fact even mentioning Native Son in Peau noire, masques blancs
in his discussion of the Negro’s “sentiment d’infériorité” (inferiority complex),
112–113.
58. In a paper entitled “Paul Smaïl m’a tué ou histoire parisienne d’un faux-
beur écrivain,” delivered at Florida State University at the conference “Textual
Ownership in Francophone African Writing” on October 22, 2004, Azouz Begag
demonstrated the appeal and comforting nature to a French audience (confirmed
by an extraordinary print run) of a text written about contemporary immigration
in France by an impostor. Furthermore, as Begag demonstrated, the inauthenticity
of the narrative was immediately detectable by Beur writers because of the vocab-
ulary and terminology it employed.
59. Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink, Schrift, Buch und Lektüre in der französisch-
sprachigen Literatur Afrikas: Zur Wahrnehmung und Funktion von Schriftlichkeit
240 Notes to pages 105–114
und Buchlektüre in einem kulturellen Epochenumbruch der Neuzeit (Tübingen,
Niemeyer, 1990).
60. As discussed in Gbanou (87), the excerpt Diaw recites reminds Mouralis of
Prosper Mérimée’s Tamango.
61. Interesting parallels emerge here between the discourse surrounding the al-
leged rape of Ginette Tontisane and J. M. Coetzee’s novel Disgrace (London:
Viking, 1999). In the latter, the reader is taken on a troubling journey into post-
Apartheid South Africa, framed under the aegis of complicated relations between
men and women and, perhaps more importantly, between one Black African man
and a young white woman upon whom violence is visited in what might constitute
“retribution” for earlier generations of white dominance.
62. Feuser is quoting from Marius-François Guyard’s book La littérature com-
parée (Paris: PUF, 1969).
63. Arnold Rampersad, introduction to Native Son, by Richard Wright (New
York: Harper, 1993), xxv.
64. Writing in 1986, Feuser makes the point that Sembene, “whose English is
virtually non-existent even today” (“Native Son,” 105), must have read Wright in
translation. The Sembene scholar David Murphy confirmed this in an e-mail mes-
sage to me on November 3, 2004: “I doubt if he had enough English to read Amer-
ican texts in the original back in the 1950s.”
65. Ekue Akoua, Le crime de la rue des notables (Lomé, Togo: Editions NEA,
1989).
66. As Charles R. Larson contends, “the larger issue, which extends well be-
yond the domain of the vanity publishers, is that of a general lapse of ethics among
both African publishers and, to a lesser extent, their European counterparts.” The
Ordeal of the African Writer (New York: Zed Books, 2001), 60.
67. For a brilliant analysis of the Sambo figure as an example of “the interrela-
tionship of the global and the local and the current configurations of race, racial-
ization, and racism” in France, see Leora Auslander and Thomas C. Holt, “Sambo
in Paris: Race and Racism in the Iconography of the Everyday,” in Peabody and
Stovall, The Color of Liberty, 151.
68. Lamine Diakhaté, review of Le docker noir in Présence Africaine, no. 13
(1957): 153–154.
69. This question was addressed by Jean-Marc Moura at the conference “Tex-
tual Ownership in Francophone African Writing,” held at Florida State University,
October 22–23, 2004. See Jean-Marc Moura, “Textual Ownership in L’étrange
destin de Wangrin (The Fortunes of Wangrin) by Amadou Hambaté Bâ,” in Harg-
reaves, Hitchcott, and Thomas, “Textual Ownership in Francophone African Writ-
ing,” 91–99.
70. See Françoise Lionnet and Shu-mei Shih, “Thinking Through the Mirror,
Transnationally,” in Minor Transnationalism, ed. Françoise Lionnet and Shu-mei
Shih (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005), 1–23.

4 . R H E TO R I CA L M E D I AT I O N S
O F S L AV E RY
1. Jean-Loup Amselle, Branchements: Anthropologie de l’universalité des
cultures (Paris: Flammarion, 2001), 7–8.
2. Jean Baudrillard, Screened Out, trans. Chris Turner (London: Verso, 2002),
155.
 Notes to pages 114–124 241
3. Saskia Sassen, Globalization and Its Discontents: Essays on the New Mo-
bility of People and Money (New York: New Press, 1998), 81.
4. Ousmane Sembene, Le docker noir (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1973; first
pub. 1956); and Bernard Dadié, Un nègre à Paris (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1959).
5. Henriette Akofa, with Olivier de Broca, Une esclave moderne (Paris:
Michel Lafon, 2000).
6. Roger Botte, “Le spectre de l’esclavage,” Les temps modernes, nos. 620–
621 (August–November 2002): 145–164.
7. See also Fatou Keïta, Rebelle (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1998); this novel
highlights tenuous links between the hegemonic parameters of Frenchness and the
imperatives of a multicultural society.
8. F. Abiola Irele, The African Imagination: Literature in Africa and the
Black Diaspora (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 46–47.
9. Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994), 15.
10. See for example Richard Watts, Packaging Post/Coloniality: The Manu-
facture of Literary Identity in the Francophone World (Lanham, Md.: Lexington
Books, 2005).
11. Sekai Nzenza-Shand, “Take Me Back to the Village: African Women and
the Dynamics of Health and Human Rights in Tanzania and Zimbabwe,” in En-
gendering Human Rights: Cultural and Socio-economic Realities in Africa, ed.
Obioma Nnaemeka and Joy Ngozi Ezeilo (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005),
66.
12. See Christopher L. Miller, Blank Darkness: Africanist Discourse in French
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985).
13. The “migrant impulse” and “demystification of France” will be discussed
further in chapter 6.
14. This is a real organization that is active in France. Visit http://www.es-
clavagemoderne.org for further information. Other groups have been active in de-
nouncing the exploitation of immigrant workers. See “‘Nous sommes les indigènes
de la République!’ Appel pour les Assises de l’anti-colonialisme post-colonial,”
http://toutesegaux.free.fr/article.php3?id_article=90; and Sylvie O’Dy, Esclaves en
France (Paris: Albin Michel, 2001). Sylvie O’Dy is a chief editor for the maga-
zine L’express and the vice-president of the Comité contre l’esclavage moderne
(CCEM). See Gilbert Charles, “Cosette du tiers-monde,” http://livres.lexpress.fr/
critique.asp?idC=2220&idR=12&idTC=3&idG=8, and the website of the Inter-
national Organization for Migration (IOM) at http://www.iom.int/. For scholarly
writings on the legacy of slavery in France and its historical links to the Hexagon,
see Jean-Pierre N’Diaye, Négriers modernes: Les travailleurs noirs en France (Paris:
Présence Africaine, 1970); and Roger Botte, “Traite et esclavage, du passé au pré-
sent,” Vues d’Afrique, Esprit, no. 317 (August–September 2005): 188–199.
15. Janet MacGaffey and Rémy Bazenguissa-Ganga have extensively explored
the correlation between the shifting demands and exigencies of French immigra-
tion law and the rise of trade practices by individuals outside of legalistic frame-
works. See their Congo-Paris: Transnational Traders on the Margins of the Law
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000).
16. See http://press.coe.int/cp/2005/240a(2005).htm.
17. See http://press.coe.int/cp/2005/415a(2005).htm. For the official position
of the French National Assembly, see “Rapport d’information, deposé . . . par la
mission d’information commune sur les diverses formes de l’esclavage moderne,”
December 12, 2001, http://www.assembleenationale.fr/rap-info/i3459-11.asp.
242 Notes to pages 125–133
18. Ousmane Sembene, “La Noire de . . . “ in Voltaïque (Paris: Présence
Africain, 1962), published in English as “Black Girl,” trans. Ellen Conroy Kennedy,
in Under African Skies: Modern African Stories, ed. Charles R. Larson (New
York: Noonday Press, 1997), 42–54.
19. Mireille Rosello, Postcolonial Hospitality: The Immigrant as Guest (Stan-
ford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2001), 122.
20. Fatou Diome, La préférence nationale (Paris: Présence Africaine, 2001), 65.

5 . A F RO - PA R I S I A N I S M A N D
AFRICAN FEMINISMS
1. Salman Rushdie, East, West (London: Jonathan Cape, 1994), 141.
2. Adrienne Rich, “Notes toward a Politics of Location,” in Blood, Bread, and
Poetry: Selected Prose, 1979–1985 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1986), 210–231.
3. Dominic Thomas, Nation-Building, Propaganda, and Literature in Fran-
cophone Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), 17.
4. Obioma Nnaemeka and Joy Ngozi Ezeilo, “Context(ure)s of Human Rights
—Local Realities, Global Contexts,” introduction to Engendering Human Rights:
Cultural and Socio-economic Realities in Africa, ed. Obioma Nnaemeka and Joy
Ngozi Ezeilo (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 18.
5. Alec G. Hargreaves, “Testimony, Co-authorship and Dispossession among
Women of Maghrebi Origin in France,” in “Textual Ownership in Francophone
African Writing,” ed. Alec G. Hargreaves, Nicki Hitchcott, and Dominic Thomas,
special issue of Research in African Literatures 37, no. 1 (Spring 2006): 42–54.
The quotation is from the introduction to the edited volume. See Leila with Marie-
Thérèse Cuny, Mariée de force (Paris: Oh! Editions, 2004); Jamila Aït-Abbas, La
Fatiha: Née en France, mariée de force en Algérie (Paris: Michel Lafon, 2003);
Samira Bellil and Josée Stoquart, Dans l’enfer des tournantes (Paris: Denoël,
2002); and Souad with Marie-Thérèse Cuny, Brûlée vive (Paris: Oh! Editions,
2003). These questions are currently very much the subject of debate within the
European Union itself. See also Jody K. Biehl, “The Death of a Muslim Woman:
‘The Whore Lived Like a German,’” Der Spiegel, March 2, 2005, http://service
.spiegel.de/cache/international; and Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Insoumise (Paris: Editions
Robert Laffont, 2005), for reference to the Netherlands.
6. Bill Ashcroft, Post-colonial Transformation (London: Routledge, 2001),
214.
7. Laurence Porgès, “Un thème sensible: L’excision en Afrique et dans les pays
d’immigration africaine,” Afrique contemporaine, no. 196 (October–December
2000): 49.
8. I am consciously embracing Nnaemeka’s insistence on the plural “femi-
nisms”: “to speak of feminism in Africa is to speak of feminisms in the plural
within Africa and between Africa and other continents in recognition of the mul-
tiplicity of perspectives” and “it will be more accurate to argue not in terms of a
monolith (African feminism) but rather in the context of a pluralism (African fem-
inisms) that captures the fluidity and dynamism of the different cultural impera-
tives, historical forces, and localized realities conditioning women’s activism/
movements in Africa—from the indigenous variants to the state-sponsored config-
urations in the postcolonial era.” Obioma Nnaemeka, “Mapping African Femi-
nisms,” in Readings in Gender in Africa, ed. Andrea Cornwall (Bloomington: In-
diana University Press, 2005), 31, 32.
 Notes to pages 133–135 243
9. Fatou Keïta, Rebelle (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1998).
10. Obioma Nnaemeka, “The Challenges of Border-Crossing: African Women
and Transnational Feminisms,” in Female Circumcision and the Politics of Knowl-
edge: African Women in Imperialist Discourses, ed. Obioma Nnaemeka (West-
port, Conn.: Praeger, 2005), 4.
11. Roland Robertson, “Glocalization: Time-Space and Homogeneity-Hetero-
geneity,” in Global Modernities, ed. Mike Featherstone, Scott Lash, and Roland
Robertson (London: Sage, 1995), 25–44. On the notion of “interpenetration,” see
Bill Ashcroft, Post-colonial Transformation (London: Routledge, 2001), 214.
12. Jean-Loup Amselle, Branchements: Anthropologie de l’universalité des
cultures (Paris: Flammarion, 2001), 47.
13. Obioma Nnaemeka, “If Female Circumcision Did Not Exist, Western Fem-
inism Would Invent It,” in Eye to Eye: Women Practising Development across
Cultures, ed. Susan Perry and Celeste Schenck (London: Zed Books, 2001), 174,
172. The latter point is crucial, since, as Nnaemeka says, “it is unwise for Western
women to think that they are fully capable of solving their own problems, whereas
‘Third World’ women need their help because they are totally incapable of doing
so” (183).
14. Sekai Nzenza-Shand, “Take Me Back to the Village: African Women and
the Dynamics of Health and Human Rights in Tanzania and Zimbabwe,” in
Nnaemeka and Ezeilo, Engendering Human Rights, 66. Naturally, this position is
quite contrary to that of Corinne Packer, who has argued that “a principal reason
why the human rights discourse has not yet made that much of an impact on the
practice of FC [female circumcision] is because, in many cases, it has been the first
discourse of its kind to be introduced to individuals unfamiliar with the notion of
human rights.” Corinne Packer, “Understanding the Sociocultural and Traditional
Context of Female Circumcision and the Impact of the Human Rights Discourse,”
in Nnaemeka and Ezeilo, Engendering Human Rights, 242.
15. One should not forget contributions made by African writers outside of
the domain of fiction. See for example Awa Thiam, La parole aux négresses (Paris:
Denöel, 1978).
16. Eloïse A. Brière, “Confronting the Western Gaze,” in Nnaemeka, Female
Circumcision and the Politics of Knowledge, 166–167. Additionally, Brière ad-
dresses certain problematic aspects of Anne Laure Folly’s documentary Femmes
aux yeux ouverts/Women with Open Eyes (San Francisco: California Newsreel,
1994), and Pratibha Parmar and Alice Walker’s Warrior Marks (New York:
Women Make Movies, 1993). Alternatively, Ange-Marie Hancock accords more
value to the manner in which Walker “straddles a unique position as a woman of
African descent from a predominantly Western cultural orientation” and of the
potentiality of Walker’s contribution, so long as “egalitarian multicultural coali-
tion building addresses differential power among women.” Ange-Marie Hancock,
“Overcoming Willful Blindness: Building Egalitarian Multicultural Women’s
Coalitions,” in Nnaemeka, Female Circumcision and the Politics of Knowledge,
252.
17. Etienne Balibar, “Is There a ‘Neo-racism’?” in Race, Nation, Class: Am-
biguous Identities, ed. Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein (London: Verso,
1991), 21. In turn, Catherine Raissiguier has convincingly demonstrated how Is-
lam functions in the French context: “‘Islam’ is used here to represent a whole set
of undesirable immigrants who will not/cannot be integrated into French society.
These immigrants are from sub-Saharan Africa and the Maghreb. They, like their
244 Notes to page 136
religion (assumed to be Islam and equated with radical fundamentalism) and their
culture (reduced to a monolithic backward and dangerous whole), are invading
and polluting the national space”; and “The re-articulation of existing forms of
racism, xenophobia, and nationalism in France with deeply rooted patriarchal
(and hetero-normative) understandings of citizenship has created a context where
some immigrant women and their daughters find themselves particularly vulnera-
ble to processes of exclusion and marginalization.” Catherine Raissiguier,
“Women from the Maghreb and Sub-Saharan Africa in France: Fighting for
Health and Basic Human Rights,” in Nnaemeka and Ezeilo, Engendering Human
Rights, 111, 124.
18. A varied lexicon in both English and French has been deployed to describe
the practice; terms include “excision” (excision), “female circumcision” (circonci-
sion féminine), and “female genital cutting” or “female genital mutilation” (FGM;
mutilations génitales féminines, MGF). See Porgès, “Un thème sensible,” 72. Exci-
sion has been the subject of numerous studies that have addressed the reasons for
the practice or tradition, its health risks, and of course its implications for human
rights. I have found the following books and essays helpful in different ways to
thinking and teaching on and around the question of excision: Nnaemeka and
Ezeilo, Engendering Human Rights; Nnaemeka, Female Circumcision and the
Politics of Knowledge; Nahid Toubia, Female Genital Mutilation: A Call for
Global Action (New York: Women Ink, 1995); Nawal El Saadawi, The Hidden
Face of Eve: Women in the Arab World, trans. Sherif Hetata (London: Zed Books,
1980); Evelyne Accad, The Excised (Colorado Springs, Colo.: Three Continents
Press, 1994); Françoise Couchard, L’excision (Paris: Presses Universitaires de
France, 2003); Martine Lefeuvre-Déotte, L’excision en procès: Un différend cul-
turel? (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1997); Michel Erlich, La femme blessée: Essai sur les
mutilations sexuelles féminines (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1986); Molly Melching,
“Abandoning Female Genital Cutting,” in Perry and Schenck, Eye to Eye,
156–170; Alice Walker and Pratibha Parmar, Warrior Marks: Female Genital Mu-
tilation and the Sexual Blinding of Women (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1993);
Theresa M. Klingenberg, “The Cultural Practice of Female Genital Mutilation and
the Implications for Social Work,” Social Work Perspectives 7, no. 1 (Spring 1997):
7–12; and Melissa Parker, “Rethinking Female Circumcision,” Africa: Journal of
the International African Institute/Revue de l’Institut africain international 65,
no. 4 (1995): 506–523. See also the websites of the World Health Organization,
UNICEF, and Amnesty International; organizations such as the Commission pour
l’abolition des mutilations sexuelles (CAMS), the Comité inter-africain sur les pra-
tiques traditionelles ayant effet sur la santé des femmes et des enfants, and the
Comité national sur les pratiques néfastes à la santé de la femme et de l’enfant
(COSEPRAT, Senegal); and films by Boureima Nikiema (Ma fille ne sera pas ex-
cisée, Burkina Faso), Cheikh Oumar Sissoko (Finzan, Mali), Anne-Laure Folly,
(Femmes aux yeux ouverts, France); Jean-Pierre Zirn (L’Afrique accusée, France);
and Ousmane Sembene (Molaade, Senegal).
19. Françoise Lionnet, “Feminisms and Universalisms: ‘Universal Rights’ and
the Legal Debate around the Practice of Female Excision in France,” in Feminist
Postcolonial Theory: A Reader, ed. Reina Lewis and Sara Mills (New York: Rout-
ledge, 2003), 370.
20. Françoise Lionnet, Postcolonial Representations: Women, Literature,
Identity (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1995), 162.
 Notes to pages 136–137 245
21. See for example Linda Weil-Curiel, “Female Genital Mutilation in France:
A Crime Punishable by Law,” in Perry and Schenck, Eye to Eye, 190–197. Similar
debates have recently been held in the Italian Somali community, and in Germany.
On the latter, see Tobe Levin, “Female Genital Mutilation: Campaigns in Ger-
many,” in Nnaemeka and Ezeilo, Engendering Human Rights, 285–301. The ju-
ridical position on female circumcision has been carefully summarized by Corinne
Packer: “It is certainly a delicate matter when Westerners condemn the practices
and beliefs of non-Western communities. To be sure, careful attention to argument
is needed to maintain legitimacy . . . Despite some views to the contrary, the human
rights guaranteed within the universal instruments are guaranteed to all equally.
Human rights and the human dignity and life they protect are universal values that
transcend all cultural rights . . . Human rights reflect minimal ethical imperatives
shared by all and codified into law. On this basis, ‘outsiders’ may have a say on
how a community treats its individuals and advocate change. The recognition that
FC is a violation of the rights of women and children lends legitimacy to the con-
cerns of the international community.” Packer, “Understanding the Sociocultural
and Traditional Context,” 231.
22. Chima Korieh, “‘Other’ Bodies: Western Feminism, Race, and Representa-
tion in Female Circumcision Discourse,” in Nnaemeka, Female Circumcision and
the Politics of Knowledge, 119.
23. Sondra Hale, “Colonial Discourse and Ethnographic Residuals: The ‘Fe-
male Circumcision’ Debate and the Politics of Knowledge,” in Nnaemeka, Female
Circumcision and the Politics of Knowledge, 209, 213.
24. Calixthe Beyala, Lettre d’une Africaine à ses sœurs occidentales (Paris:
Spengler, 1995), and Lettre d’une Afro-française à ses compatriotes (Paris: Edi-
tions Mango, 2000). The most complete studies of the work of Calixthe Beyala are
Nicki Hitchcott, Women Writers in Francophone Africa (Oxford: Berg, 2000),
and “Calixthe Beyala: Performances of Migration,” unpublished ms.; Rangira
Béatrice Gallimore, L’œuvre romanesque de Calixthe Beyala: Le renouveau de
l’écriture en Afrique francophone sub-saharienne (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1997);
Odile Cazenave, Femmes rebelles: Naissance d’un nouveau roman africain au
féminin (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1996); Jean-Marie Volet, La parole aux africaines ou
l’idée de pouvoir chez les romancières d’expression française de l’Afrique sub-sa-
harienne (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1993); and Pierrette Herzberger-Fofana, Littéra-
ture féminine francophone d’Afrique noire (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1993).
25. Jacques Chevrier, “Calixthe Beyala: Quand la littérature féminine africaine
devient féministe,” Notre librairie, no. 146 (October–December 2001): 22, 24;
Calixthe Beyala, C’est le soleil qui m’a brûlée (Paris: Stock, 1987). Similarly, in
Femme nue, femme noire (Paris: Albin Michel, 2003), Beyala subverts the title of
Senghor’s famous colonial-era ode to the beauty of blackness and the African
woman in order to address the emancipation of African women in France in the
postcolonial era, precisely outside of the reductive characterization of women
from the positions of domestic servants and objects of male desire. In this case, the
diasporic experience allows for a reformulation of relations outside of local pres-
sure—though these are not necessarily intrinsic to sociocultural relations in
France, of which she remains highly critical. In an interview with Bennetta Jules-
Rosette, Beyala mentioned that “an image of a certain type of sexuality stereotypes
me as a black woman writer.” “Interview: Calixthe Beyala,” in Black Paris: The
African Writers’ Landscape, by Bennetta Jules-Rosette (Urbana: University of Illi-
246 Notes to pages 138–147
nois Press, 1998, 204. Zadie Smith has also addressed the manner in which women
writers have been objectified, and these questions inform her novel On Beauty
(London: Penguin, 2005). And the novelist Sami Tchak has devoted a work of
nonfiction to some of these questions, La sexualité féminine en Afrique (Paris:
L’Harmattan, 1999).
26. Nicki Hitchcott, “Calixthe Beyala: Black Face(s) on French TV,” Modern
and Contemporary France 12, no. 4 (November 2004): 479.
27. Useful additional references provided by Hitchcott include Antonio Per-
otti, “Présence et représentation de l’immigration et des minorités ethniques à la
télévision française,” Migrations société 3, no. 18 (November 1991): 39–55; Marie-
France Malonga, “Présence et représentation des ‘minorités visibles’ à la télévision
française,” unpublished ms., “Ethnic Minorities: Which Place and Which Image on
French Television? Televisual Representation of People of Extra European Origin,”
http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/EMTEL/Minorities/papers/franceminorepres.doc,
and “Fictions TV: Des Noirs dans l’ombre,” Africultures 27 (2000): 34–37; and J. M.
McGonacle, “Ethnicity and Visibility in Contemporary French Television,” French
Cultural Studies 13, no. 3 (October 2002): 281–292.
28. Bennetta Jules-Rosette, “Parisianism: The African Writers’ Reality,” in Black
Paris, 188.
29. See also Obioma Nnaemeka, “African Women, Colonial Discourses, and
Imperialist Interventions: Female Circumcision as Impetus,” in Nnaemeka, Female
Circumcision and the Politics of Knowledge, 27–45.
30. Obioma Nnaemeka, “Nego-feminism: Theorizing, Practicing, and Pruning
Africa’s Way,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 29, no. 2 (Winter
2004): 377–378.
31. Niara Sudarkasa, “‘The Status of Women’ in Indigenous African Societies,”
in Feminist Frontiers: Rethinking Sex, Gender, and Society, ed. Laurel Richardson
and Verta Taylor (New York: McGraw Hill, 1989), 157.
32. Chandra Talpade Mohanty, “Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship
and the Colonial Discourses,” in Lewis and Mills, Feminist Postcolonial Theory,
60.
33. Nnaemeka has demonstrated how these struggles are recuperated by West-
ern feminists, leading to “the decontextualization and banalization of African
women’s lives as they take centre stage in the narratives of feminist insurgence
against female circumcision.” Nnaemeka, “If Female Circumcision Did Not Ex-
ist,” 175.
34. See Jean-Marie Volet, “Calixthe Beyala, or the Literary Success of a Cam-
eroonian Living in Paris,” World Literature Today 67, no. 2 (Spring 1993): 309–
314; and Nicki Hitchcott, “Calixthe Beyala and the Post-colonial Woman,” in
Post-colonial Cultures in France, ed. Alec G. Hargreaves and Mark McKinney
(London: Routledge, 1997), 211–225.
35. Laye Camara, L’enfant noir (Paris: Plon, 1954); Cheikh Hamidou Kane,
L’aventure ambiguë (Paris: Julliard, 1961).
36. Simone de Beauvoir, Le deuxième sexe (Paris: Gallimard, 1949).
37. See also Françoise Lionnet, Obioma Nnaemeka, Susan H. Perry, and Ce-
leste Schenck, eds., “Development Cultures: New Environments, New Realities,
New Strategies,” special issue of Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society
29, no. 2 (Winter 2004); Aminata Traoré, Le viol de l’imaginaire (Paris: Actes
Sud/Fayard, 2002), and L’Afrique dans un monde sans frontières (Arles: Actes
Sud, 1999); and Perry and Schenck, Eye to Eye.
 Notes to pages 148–156 247
38. On this topic, see for example Alec G. Hargreaves, Immigration, “Race,”
and Ethnicity in Contemporary France (London: Routledge, 1995): “The desire to
exercise personal control in the fields of sexuality and matrimony is indicative of
important attitudinal changes among young people of immigrant origin compared
with their parents . . . In most Third World countries it has been customary for par-
ents to arrange marriages for their children. Those who migrate often expect to re-
tain this prerogative and to use it in such a way as to ensure that succeeding gener-
ations remain faithful to the cultural heritage of their ancestors” (110).
39. Ange-Marie Hancock, “Overcoming Willful Blindness: Building Egalitar-
ian Multicultural Coalitions,” in Nnaemeka, Female Circumcision and the Politics
of Knowledge, 252.
40. Seyla Benhabib, The Claims of Culture: Equality and Diversity in the
Global Era (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002), 100.
41. Vicky Kirby, “Out of Africa: ‘Our Bodies Ourselves,’” in Nnaemeka, Fe-
male Circumcision and the Politics of Knowledge, 83.
42. Françoise Lionnet, “Excision,” in Encyclopedia of African Religions and
Philosophy, ed. V. Y. Mudimbe (Amsterdam: Kluwer, forthcoming).
43. See references provided by Hancock to Molara Ogundipe-Leslie, Recreat-
ing Ourselves: African Women and Critical Transformations (Trenton, N.J.: Af-
rica World Press, 1994); and Philomena E. Okeke, “Postmodern Feminism and
Knowledge Production: The African Context,” Africa Today 43, no. 3 (1999):
223–234.
44. Nnaemeka has argued along similar lines: “the subtext of the barbarism of
African and Muslim cultures, and the relevance (even indispensability) of the West
in purging the barbaric flaw, mark another era where colonialism and missionary
zeal determined what ‘civilization’ was, and figured out how and when to force it
on people who did not ask for it. Only imperialist arrogance can imagine what
Africans want, determine what they need, and devise ways to deliver the goods.”
“If Female Circumcision Did Not Exist,” 178. Of course, this is a classic example
of how people’s “identity as immigrants supersedes their ‘Africanness’” (Lionnet,
Postcolonial Representations, 164) on French soil.

6 . FA S H I O N M AT T E RS
1. Ousmane Sembene, “Black Girl,” trans. Ellen Conroy Kennedy, in Under
African Skies: Modern African Stories, ed. Charles R. Larson (New York: Noon-
day Press, 1997), 49; originally published as “La Noire de . . . ,” in Voltaïque (Paris:
Présence Africaine, 1962), 162.
2. Achille Mbembe, On the Postcolony (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University
of California Press, 2001), 131–133.
3. Albert Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized, trans. Howard Green-
field (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991; first pub. 1957), 121.
4. This “quest” has often been playfully invoked, since many sapeurs were
housed at the Maisons des étudiants congolais (Congolese Student House) in
Paris; the acronym MEC is pronounced the same way in French as Mecque (Mecca),
thereby associating the secular quest of La sape with the religious pilgrimage.
Given La sape’s masculinist qualities, it is also interesting to note that mec is the
French word for “guy.”
5. Alain Mabanckou, Bleu-Blanc-Rouge (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1998);
and Daniel Biyaoula, L’impasse (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1996), and Agonies
248 Notes to pages 156–157
(Paris: Présence Africaine, 1998). See for example Jean Allman, ed., Fashioning
Africa: Power and the Politics of Dress (Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
2004). Shifting styles associated with alhajis (men who have completed the pil-
grimage to Mecca) and “Hausa style” or agbada (a term that designates upwardly
mobile entrepreneurs or politicians in Nigeria) are discussed in Misty L. Bastian,
“Female ‘Alhajis’ and Entrepreneurial Fashions: Flexible Identities in Southeast-
ern Nigerian Clothing Practice,” in Clothing and Difference: Embodied Identities
in Colonial and Post-colonial Africa, ed. Hildi Hendrickson (Durham, N.C.:
Duke University Press, 1996), 97–132; and Andrew M. Ivaska has shown how, “as
visual signs, fashions like the miniskirt in the late sixties in Tanzania were extra-
ordinary indices of social conflict, registering debates over national culture and
‘modern development,’ the construction and crises of new femininities and mas-
culinities, generational conflicts over resources, and contests over public space in
a postcolonial capital.” Andrew M. Ivaska, “‘Anti-mini Militants Meet Modern
Misses’: Urban Style, Gender, and the Politics of ‘National Culture’ in 1960s Dar
es Salaam, Tanzania,” in Material Strategies: Dress and Gender in Historical
Perspective, ed. Barbara Burman and Carole Turbin (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell,
2003), 234.
6. Janet MacGaffey and Rémy Bazenguissa-Ganga describe one woman as a
sapeur, when their account indicates that she is in fact a transnational trader. See
Janet MacGaffey and Rémy Bazenguissa-Ganga, Congo-Paris: Transnational Trad-
ers on the Margins of the Law (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000),
151.
7. Barbara Burman and Carole Turbin, “Material Strategies Engendered,” in-
troduction to Burman and Turbin, Material Strategies, 6. As Philip Holden and
Richard J. Ruppel have argued, “any discussion of masculinity cannot ignore the
social position and the representation of women.” Introduction to Imperial Desire:
Dissident Sexualities and Colonial Literature, ed. Philip Holden and Richard J.
Ruppel (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003), xiii. As we saw in the
previous chapter, questions of gender and identity are central in Black France, and
a clear understanding of the cultural and social circumstances that inform gender
questions as they pertain to excision, feminism, and masculinist codes in La sape is
explored in this chapter.
8. Jean-Loup Amselle, Branchements: Anthropologie de l’universalité des
cultures (Paris: Flammarion, 2001), 7.
9. Whereas both soldiers and students were encouraged to come to France
during the colonial period, French laws have become much stricter since the
1970s, beginning with the “zero immigration” policies of 1974. Many francoph-
one sub-Saharan African youth want to leave Africa for complex economic, polit-
ical, and social reasons, but find fewer and fewer host nations willing to provide
them with entry visas. The sans-papiers affair of 1996 was but one example of
harsh governmental responses to illegal and undocumented subjects, and as
“Fortress Europe” becomes more real (with the so-called global war on terror fu-
eling debates on immigration), incidents such as that which took place in October
2005 in Bou-Izakarn in Morocco, when thousands of African migrants awaiting
passage to Spain were placed in the desert in holding camps, will surely multiply.
10. MacGaffey and Bazenguissa-Ganga, Congo-Paris, 3.
11. Justin-Daniel Gandoulou, Au cœur de la sape: Mœurs et aventures de
Congolais à Paris (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1989), first published as Entre Paris et Ba-
congo (Paris: Editions Centre Pompidou, 1984).
 Notes to pages 158–161 249
12. Elie Goldschmidt, “Migrants congolais en route vers l’Europe,” Les temps
modernes, nos. 620–621 (August–November 2002): 208–239.
13. F. Abiola Irele, The African Imagination: Literature in Africa and the Black
Diaspora (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Christopher L. Miller, Na-
tionalists and Nomads: Essays on Francophone African Literature and Culture
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998); and Manthia Diawara, In Search of
Africa (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998).
14. Lydie Moudileno, “La fiction de la migration: Manipulation des corps et
des récits dans Bleu blanc rouge d’Alain Mabanckou,” Présence africaine, nos.
163–164 (2001): 182.
15. Tyler Stovall, Paris Noir: African Americans in the City of Light (New
York: Houghton Mifflin, 1996); and Bennetta Jules-Rosette, Black Paris: The Af-
rican Writers’ Landscape (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998).
16. Justin-Daniel Gandoulou, Dandies à Bacongo: Le culte de l’élégance dans
la société congolaise contemporaine (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1989), 62.
17. Eric de Rosny, “L’Afrique des migrations: Les échappées de la jeunesse de
Douala,” Etudes: Revue de culture contemporaine, no. 3965 (May 2002): 623.
18. Didier Gondola, “Dream and Drama: The Search for Elegance among
Congolese Youth,” African Studies Review 42, no. 1 (April 1999): 40–41, also
published as “La Sape des milikistes: Théâtre de l’artifice et représentation
onirique,” Cahiers d’études africaines, no. 153.39–1 (1999): 13–47. See also
Charles Tshimanga, Jeunesse, formation et société au Congo/Kinshasa, 1890–1960
(Paris: L’Harmattan, 2001).
19. Ackbar Abbas, “On Fascination: Walter Benjamin’s Images,” New German
Critique 48 (Autumn 1989): 50. See Walter Benjamin, Charles Baudelaire: A Lyric
Poet in the Era of High Capitalism, trans. Harry Zohn (London: New Left Books,
1973).
20. In this instance, Abbas is alluding to Benjamin. For further parallels, see
Domna C. Stanton, The Aristocrat as Art: A Study of the Honnête Homme and
the Dandy in Seventeenth- and Nineteenth-Century French Literature (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1980).
21. Gayatri Spivak, “Mapping the Present,” interview by Meyda Yegenoglu
and Mahmut Mutman, New Formations 45 (Winter 2001–2002): 10. See also
Ngu“g ı“ wa Thiong’o, Decolonizing the Mind: The Politics of Language in African
Literature (London: James Currey, 1986).
22. Tahar Ben Jelloun, Hospitalité française: Racisme et immigration
maghrébine (Paris: Seuil, 1984), 61.
23. Ferdinand Oyono, Une vie de boy (Paris: Julliard, 1956).
24. Jean Comaroff, Body of Power, Spirit of Resistance (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1985), 3.
25. Phyllis M. Martin, “Dressing Well,” in Leisure and Society in Colonial
Brazzaville (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 155.
26. For a supranational approach to these questions in the African context, see
Hildi Hendrickson’s introduction to Clothing and Difference: “our African case
studies allow us to state that the body surface has been a powerful arena in which
colonial relations have been enacted and contested” (15).
27. Pierre Bourdieu, Masculine Domination (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univer-
sity Press, 2001), 101.
28. On the question of stereotyping and the apparent mutation and survival of
these constructs into contemporary politics, see Mireille Rosello, Declining the
250 Notes to pages 162–166
Stereotype: Ethnicity and Representation in French Cultures (Hanover, N.H.:
University Press of New England, 1998); and Pascal Blanchard and Nicolas Ban-
cel, “De l’indigène à l’immigré: Le retour du colonial,” Hommes et migrations, no.
1207 (May–June 1997): 100–113. See also Fanon’s work on Creole and French ex-
pression as identity markers for students from the Antilles in the metropole in
Peau noire, masques blancs (Paris: Seuil, 1995; first pub. 1952).
29. Jean de Brunhoff, Le roi Babar (Paris: Hachette, 1988; first pub. 1939),
published in English as The Story of Babar, the Little Elephant, trans Merle S.
Haas.
30. Ariel Dorfman, The Empire’s Old Clothes (New York: Penguin, 1996; first
pub. 1983), 18.
31. Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994), 86,
88–89.
32. Leslie W. Rabine, The Global Circulation of African Fashion (Oxford:
Berg, 2002). Many of these concerns are shared by Margaret Maynard in her re-
cent Dress and Globalisation (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004).
33. Paul Gilroy, Between Camps: Race, Identity, and Nationalism at the End
of the Colour Line (London: Penguin, 2000), 251.
34. Rachel Lee, “Dissenting Literacy and Transnationalism,” unpublished ms.
35. Sony Labou Tansi, La vie et demie (Paris: Seuil, 1979); Nkem Nwankwo,
My Mercedes Is Bigger than Yours (London: André Deutsch Limited, 1975); and
Ousmane Sembene, Xala (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1973).
36. Simon Njami, African gigolo (Paris: Seghers, 1989).
37. Allrefer.com, http://reference.allrefer.com/country-guide-study/zaire/zaire
214.html.
38. Radio France internationale, “Biographie: Papa Wemba,” http://www.
rfimusique.com/siteFr/biographie/biographie_8839.asp. See also Michela Wrong,
“The Importance of Being Elegant,” in In the Footsteps of Mr. Kurz: Living on the
Brink of Disaster in Mobutu’s Congo (New York: Harper Collins, 2001), 169–191.
39. See Chéri Samba, Chéri Samba (Paris: Hazan, 1997); and André Magnin
and Robert Storr, eds., J’aime Chéri Samba (Arles: Actes Sud/Fondation Cartier
pour l’art contemporain, 2004).
40. Jean Allman, “Fashioning Africa: Power and the Politics of Dress,” intro-
duction to Allman, Fashioning Africa, 1.
41. Judith Butler’s work has of course been central in achieving a broader un-
derstanding of how gender itself is constructed. See her Gender Trouble: Feminism
and the Subversion of Identity (London: Routledge, 1990), and Bodies That Mat-
ter (London: Routledge, 1993).
42. Ruth P. Rubinstein, Dress Codes: Meanings and Messages in American
Culture (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 2001), 124.
43. Joanne Entwistle, The Fashioned Body: Fashion, Dress, and Modern So-
cial Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000), 127.
44. Maurizia Boscagli, Eye on the Flesh: Fashions of Masculinity in the Early
Twentieth Century (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996), 166–167.
45. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Between Men: English Literature and Male Ho-
mosocial Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), 1, 2–4.
46. Ange-Marie Hancock, “Overcoming Willful Blindness: Building Egalitar-
ian Multicultural Coalitions,” in Female Circumcision and the Politics of Knowl-
edge: African Women in Imperialist Discourses, ed. Obioma Nnaemeka (West-
port, Conn.: Praeger Publishers, 2005), 254.
 Notes to pages 166–171 251
47. “Popular Music, Urban Society, and Changing Gender Relations in Kin-
shasa, Zaire (1950–1990),” in Gendered Encounters: Challenging Cultural Bound-
aries and Social Hierarchies in Africa, ed. Maria Grosz-Ngaté and Omari H.
Kokole (New York: Routledge, 1997), 65–66. See also Didier Gondola’s exhaus-
tive study of Brazzaville and Kinshasa, Villes miroirs: Migrations et identités ur-
baines à Kinshasa et Brazzaville, 1930–1970 (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1996), in par-
ticular “L’espace du migrant: Les modifications de l’après-guerre,” 141–164, and
“Musique populaire et société urbaine: Essai d’interprétation,” 193–231.
48. As Gondola points out, “the word Mario is now commonly used in Lingala
for ‘gigolo’” (Gondola, “Popular Music,” 82). In fact, as Gondola shows, “in most
African cities gender relations evolved in favor of women due to economic trans-
formations. The phenomenon of nana Benz [a title used to designate successful Af-
rican businesswomen] originating in West Africa is now common in major African
cities” (Gondola, “Popular Music,” 81). See also Jules-Rosette, Black Paris,
163–168; and her interview with Simon Njami in Black Paris, 196–200. Nicki
Hitchcott has shown how in Calixthe Beyala’s novel Le petit prince de Belleville
(Paris: Albin Michel, 1992) “Abdou’s masculinity is threatened. He has to learn
how not to be a ‘man’ just as Beyala’s female protagonists have learnt how not to
be ‘women.’ Gender roles are destabilized and then constantly renegotiated as
these modern African women become post-colonial travellers.” Nicki Hitchcott,
Women Writers in Francophone Africa (Oxford: Berg, 2000), 145.
49. Carol Beckwith and Angela Fisher, African Ceremonies, vol. 1 (New York:
Harry N. Abrams, 1999), 68. These links are perhaps also playfully implied in the
title of a volume edited by Calvin Thomas, Straight with a Twist: Queer Theory
and the Subject of Heterosexuality (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000).
50. Tim Edwards, Men in the Mirror: Men’s Fashion, Masculinity, and Con-
sumer Society (London: Cassell, 1997), 108.
51. Catherine S. Ramírez, “Crimes of Fashion: The Pachua and Chicana Style
Politics,” Meridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism 2, no. 2 (2002): 3.
52. See for example James Laver, Taste and Fashion: From the French Revolu-
tion until Today (London: George G. Harrap, 1937).
53. Hendrickson, introduction to Clothing and Difference, 15.
54. Jean Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation, trans. Sheila Faria Glaser
(Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994), 19.
55. See David Ndachi Tagne, “Koffi Olomidé: Le dandysme comme mode de
vie,” Mots pluriels, no. 10 (May 1999), http://www.arts.uwa.edu.au/MotsPluriels/
MP1099dnt.html.
56. Roland Barthes, Système de la mode (Paris: Seuil, 1967).
57. See Alonzo Westbrook, Hip Hoptionary: The Dictionary of Hip Hop Ter-
minology (New York: Broadway Books, 2002). The fascination for the “glitter” of
material goods comes up in several novels considered in Black France: in Ous-
mane Socé’s Mirages de Paris (examined in chapter 2) we hear of local African
traders eagerly acquiring poor-quality French products known as pacotille, and in
Fatou Diome’s Le ventre de l’Atlantique (examined in chapter 7) such products
are among the gifts the “man from Barbès” brings with him on his various trips
back to Senegal.
58. For more information on selected design houses, see Gandoulou, Au cœur
de la sape, 143.
59. Examples of variations of this practice are available in Merzak Allouache’s
1996 film Salut Cousin! in which the character Mok adapts Jean de La Fontaine’s
252 Notes to pages 171–186
fables to the rhythms of hip-hop performance. On this, see Mireille Rosello, Post-
colonial Hospitality: The Immigrant as Guest (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univer-
sity Press, 2001), and also the film 8 Mile, directed by Curtis Hanson and featur-
ing Eminem, and Gang Starr’s song “Battle” on its soundtrack.
60. See Jean-Jacques Sewanou-Dabla, “Alain Mabanckou, sous le signe du bi-
naire,” Notre librairie, no. 146 (October–December 2001): 46–48.
61. Alain Mabanckou, “A l’écoute d’Alain Mabanckou, lauréat du Grand prix
littéraire de l’Afrique noire, 1999,” interview by Pierrette Herzberger-Fofana,
Mots pluriels, no. 12 (December 1999), http://www.arts.uwa.edu.au/MotsPluriels/
MP1299mabanckou.html.
62. Françoise Lionnet, “Immigration, Poster Art, and Transgressive Citizen-
ship: France, 1968–1988.” SubStance 76–77 (1995): 103.
63. The two phrases translated here as “public housing” are, in the original
French text, “Z.U.P.,” standing for “zone à urbaniser en priorité,” and “H.L.M.,”
standing for “habitation à loyer modéré.” The former designates a zone that is
scheduled for priority housing development, and the latter, rent-controlled gov-
ernment or public housing. Mr. Rosa seems to use these terms interchangeably to
designate government housing.
64. See for example Rosello, Declining the Stereotype.
65. Edouard Glissant, Caribbean Discourse: Selected Essays, trans. J. Michael
Dash (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1989), 14.
66. See Glissant’s essay “Reversion and Diversion,” in Caribbean Discourse,
14–26. For Glissant, “diversion” is “formed . . . from an interweaving of negative
forces that go unchallenged. . . . Diversion is the ultimate resort of a population
whose domination by an Other is concealed” (19–20), while “reversion” refers to
an “obsession with a single origin” (16).
67. Mabanckou is now on the faculty at the University of California–Los Angeles.
68. Alain Mabanckou, Verre cassé (Paris: Seuil, 2005).
69. See Laye Camara, L’enfant noir (Paris: Plon, 1954); Bernard Dadié, Un nè-
gre à Paris (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1959); Cheikh Hamidou Kane, L’aventure
ambiguë (Paris: Julliard, 1961); and Aminata Sow Fall, Le revenant (Dakar: Nou-
velles Editions Africaines, 1976) for additional examples.
70. Similar structural shifts between Africa and France have become a com-
mon feature in recent texts by African authors, most noticeably in the works of
Calixthe Beyala, Le petit prince de Belleville (Paris: Albin Michel, 1992), and Les
honneurs perdus (Paris: Albin Michel, 1996); and Biyaoula.
71. Gondola argues that the term parisien is “outmoded” (“Dream and
Drama,” 28).
72. The fictional element and the evidentiary mode are of course constantly
blurred, since the sapeurs do actually exist. See for example the extensive inter-
views conducted by Gandoulou, “Histoires de vies,” in his Au cœur de la sape,
53–89.

7 . A F R I CA N YO U T H I N
THE GLOBAL ECONOMY
1. Aimé Césaire, Notebook of a Return to My Native Land, trans. Mireille
Rosello (Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe Books, 1995), 91.
2. Fatou Diome, Le ventre de l’Atlantique (Paris: Editions Anne Carrière,
2003).
 Notes to pages 186–191 253
3. Development politics and globalization have become central issues in con-
temporary African fiction. See for example Sony Labou Tansi, Le commencement
des douleurs (Paris: Seuil, 1995); and Bessora, Petroleum (Paris: Denöel, 2004);
and Xavier Garnier’s article “Derrière les ‘vitrines du progrès” in a special issue of
Notre librairie devoted to these questions, “Littérature et développement,” no. 157
(January–March, 2005): 38–43.
4. Saskia Sassen, Globalization and Its Discontents: Essays on the New Mo-
bility of People and Money (New York: New Press, 1998), xxxvi.
5. Achille Mbembe, “On Private Indirect Government,” in On the Postcolony
(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2001), 67.
6. Arjun Appadurai, “Grassroots Globalization and the Research Imagina-
tion,” in Globalization, ed. Arjun Appadurai (Durham, N.C.: Duke University
Press, 2001), 5.
7. Fredric Jameson, “Notes on Globalization as a Philosophical Issue,” in The
Cultures of Globalization, ed. Fredric Jameson and Masao Miyoshi (Durham,
N.C.: Duke University Press, 1998), 57.
8. Xavier Garnier, “L’exil lettré de Fatou Diome,” Notre librairie, nos. 155–
156 (July–December 2004): 30.
9. Philippe Hugon, “L’Afrique dans la mondialisation,” Vues d’Afrique, Es-
prit, no. 317 (August–September 2005): 158–164.
10. Mireille Rosello, Postcolonial Hospitality: The Immigrant as Guest (Stan-
ford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2001), 1.
11. Etienne Balibar, We, the People of Europe: Reflections on Transnational
Citizenship (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2004), 111. See also Sassen,
“The De Facto Transnationalizing of Immigration Policy,” in Globalization, 5–30;
and Janet MacGaffey and Rémy Bazenguissa-Ganga, Congo-Paris: Transnational
Traders on the Margins of the Law (Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
2000).
12. Eric de Rosny, “L’Afrique des migrations: Les échappées de la jeunesse de
Douala,” Etudes: Revue de culture contemporaine, no. 3965 (May 2002): 623.
13. Fatou Diome, La préférence nationale (Paris: Présence Africaine, 2001).
14. See for example Christopher L. Miller on Senegalese women writers in
Theories of Africans: Francophone Literature and Anthropology in Africa (Chi-
cago: Chicago University Press, 1990).
15. Joseph E. Stiglitz, Globalization and Its Discontents (New York: W. W.
Norton, 2002), 5.
16. Michel Samuel, Le prolétariat africain en France (Paris: Françoise Mas-
péro, 1978).
17. See also the testimonies provided in Jean-Yves Carfantan, ed., Rêves d’en
France: Des Africains parlent; Qui les écoutent? (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1979).
18. One should note that the man from Barbès is called “Tonton,” the familiar
term employed in France for “Uncle.” In the African context, this position of se-
niority in the family hierarchy and the title itself are often accompanied by signifi-
cant respect—in this case, social capital is transferred onto the figure of the re-
turning migrant in recognition of material “success.”
19. Pierre Nora, “General Introduction: Between Memory and History,” in
Realms of Memory: Rethinking the French Past, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1996), 2.
20. Maurice Agulhon, “Paris: A Traversal from East to West,” in Realms of
Memory: The Construction of the French Past, ed. Pierre Nora, English edition
254 Notes to pages 192–196
ed. Lawrence D. Kritzman, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 1998), 525.
21. Henri Loyrette, “The Eiffel Tower,” in Nora, Realms of Memory: The Con-
struction of the French Past, 360.
22. See Alain Mabanckou’s novel Bleu-Blanc-Rouge (Paris: Présence Africaine,
1998).
23. Justin-Daniel Gandoulou, Dandies à Bacongo: Le culte de l’élégance dans
la société congolaise contemporaine (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1989), 62; and Didier
Gondola, “Dream and Drama: The Search for Elegance among Congolese Youth,”
African Studies Review 42, no. 1 (April 1999): 40–41. See also Justin-Daniel Gan-
doulou, Au cœur de la sape: Mœurs et aventures de Congolais à Paris (Paris:
L’Harmattan, 1989); and chapter 6 of this book.
24. Others struggle and experience considerable stress entertaining the lie, and
in secret welcome the opportunity to be home, dreading the imminent return into
exile: “One dies alone on the journey, but one often leaves on the adventure for
others” (Diome, Le ventre, 278). In order to protect their image and keep the myth
alive, migrants end up suffering a double exile: “Identitarian pride is the dopamine
of the exiled” (188).
25. It might be worth noting that Dadié’s “travel writings” of the 1950s and
1960s, describing New York, Paris, and Rome, were always already marked by a
profound transnationality. See La ville où nul ne meurt (Paris: Présence Africaine,
1968), published in English as The City Where No One Dies, trans. Janis A.
Mayes (Washington, D.C.: Three Continents Press, 1986), and Patron de New
York (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1969), published in English as One Way: Bernard
Dadié Observes America, trans. Jo Patterson (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1994).
26. Sassen has made tremendous contributions to the understanding of eco-
nomic and social globalization in other books, such as The Global City: New
York, London, Tokyo (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1991). How-
ever, it might be worth noting that Paris operates as a different kind of global city
than the one Sassen has in mind when she argues that “inside global cities we see a
new geography of centrality and marginality. The downtowns of global cities and
metropolitan business centers receive massive investments in real estate and
telecommunications while low-income city areas are starved for resources”
(Sassen, Globalization, xxvi), since the French authorities have made a concerted
effort to develop the banlieues at the peripheries of French cities. See, for example,
Alec G. Hargreaves, “Socio-economic Structures,” in Immigration, “Race,” and
Ethnicity in Contemporary France (London: Routledge, 1995), 38–84.
27. See for example the work of Pap Khouma, Io, venditore di elefanti: Una
vita per forza fra Dakar, Parigi e Milano (Milan: Garzanti, 1990).
28. The work of Emmanuel Dongala also indicates this, showing young Con-
golese youth to have become avid consumers of Western films and Japanese
comics. See his Les petits garçons naissent aussi des étoiles (Paris: Le Serpent à
Plumes, 1997), published in English as Little Boys Come from the Stars, trans. Joël
Réjouis and Val Vinokurov (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2001).
29. Rebecca Saunders, “Uncanny Presence: The Foreigner at the Gate of Glob-
alization,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa, and the Middle East 21,
nos. 1–2 (2001): 88–98.
30. In fact, GDP has more recently also been employed in revisionary analyses
of imperialism. See for example Nial Ferguson, Empire: The Rise and Demise of
 Notes to pages 197–200 255
the British World Order and the Lessons for Global Power (New York: Basic
Books, 2004).
31. See for example World Bank, Sénégal: Stabilisation, ajustement partiel et
stagnation, report no. 11506-SE, 1993; and Ibrahima Thioub, Momar-Coumba
Diop, and C. Boone, “Economic Liberalization in Senegal: Shifting Politics of In-
digenous Business Interests,” African Studies Review 41, no. 2 (September 1998):
63–89. On trade agreements and arrangements under the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade, see Trade Policy Review: Senegal, vols. 1–2 (Geneva: General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, 1994).
32. S. M. Ravi Kanbur, “The Theory of Structural Adjustment and Trade Pol-
icy,” in Jonathan H. Frimpong-Ansah, S. M. Ravi Kanbur, and Peter Svedberg,
eds., Trade and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa (Manchester: Manchester
University Press, 1991), 188.
33. Makhtar Diouf, L’Afrique dans la mondialisation (Paris: L’Harmattan,
2002). See also Thandika Mkandawire and Charles C. Soludo, Our Continent,
Our Future: African Perspectives on Structural Adjustment (Dakar: CODESRIA,
1999); and François Boye, “Economic Mechanisms in Historical Perspective,” in
Senegal: Essays in Statecraft, ed. Momar-Coumba Diop (Dakar: CODESRIA,
1993), 28–84. Many of these problems were anticipated some time ago by Im-
manuel Wallerstein, “Africa in a Capitalist World,” in Africa and the Modern
World (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1986), 47–76.
34. “A Success and Challenge: AGETIP in Senegal,” http://lnweb18.worldbank.
org/oed/oeddoclib.nsf/DocUNIDViewForJavaSearch/88629E1A3D3B14A585256
7F5005D8F6F?opendocument.
35. See International Labour Organization, 89th session, June 2001, Report V
(1), “Promotion of Cooperatives,” http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/
relm/ilc/ilc89/rep-v-1.htm (the quotation is from chapter 1, section 1.1). See also
“Structural Adjustment Failed Senegal” (“After twenty years of structural adjust-
ment, Senegal finds itself listed by the UN as a Least Developed Country”), an in-
terview with Demba Dembele, linked from http://www.oneworld.ca/. For an as-
sessment of the impact of structural adjustment programs on African women, see
Sekai Nzenza-Shand, “Take Me Back to the Village: African Women and the Dy-
namics of Health and Human Rights in Tanzania and Zimbabwe,” in Engen-
dering Human Rights: Cultural and Socio-economic Realities in Africa, ed.
Obioma Nnaemeka and Joy Ngozi Ezeilo (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005),
61–79.
36. The futility of his attempts is echoed in other texts explored in chapter 4,
such as Ousmane Sembene’s short story “La Noire de . . . “ and Henriette Akofa
and Olivier de Broca’s Une esclave moderne, texts whose central protagonists ig-
nored warnings concerning the perils inherent to migration. See Ousmane Sem-
bene, “La noire de . . . ,” in Voltaïque (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1962); and Henri-
ette Akofa, with Olivier de Broca, Une esclave moderne (Paris: Michel Lafon,
2000).
37. Ousmane Sembene, Le docker noir (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1956).
38. See J. R. Essomba’s Le paradis du nord (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1996) for
an additional example of this concept.
39. Manthia Diawara, “Toward a Regional Imaginary in Africa,” in Jameson
and Miyoshi, The Cultures of Globalization, 111. See also Oladeji O. Ojo, “The
CFA Franc Devaluation and the Future of Monetary Cooperation in Africa,” in
256 Notes to pages 200–205
Africa and Europe: The Changing Economic Relationship, ed. Oladeji O. Ojo
(London: Zed Books, 1996), 111–128.
40. Momar-Coumba Diop, “L’aboutissement d’une si longue quête,” in Le
Sénégal contemporain (Paris: Karthala, 2002), 25.
41. Mbembe, “On Private Indirect Government,” 67.
42. See Evelyne Combeau-Mari, ed., Sports et loisirs dans les colonies,
XIXe–XXe siècles (Paris: Editions SEDES, 2004); Phyllis Martin, “Colonialism,
Youth, and Football in French Equatorial Africa,” International Journal of the
History of Sport 8, no. 1 (May 1991): 56–71; and Philippe Liotard, “Sport, mé-
moire coloniale et enjeux identitaires,” in La fracture coloniale: La société
française au prisme de l’héritage colonial, ed. Pascal Blanchard, Nicolas Bancel,
and Sandrine Lemaire (Paris: La Découverte, 2005), 227–236.
43. This is a popular catchphrase that came into use in France to designate the
multiethnic make-up of immigrant youth minorities. See Alec G. Hargreaves, “The
Contribution of North and Sub-Saharan African Immigrant Minorities to the Re-
definition of Contemporary French Culture,” in Francophone Postcolonial Stud-
ies: A Critical Introduction, ed. Charles Forsdick and David Murphy (London:
Arnold, 2003), 145–154.
44. Salman Rushdie, East, West (London: Jonathan Cape, 1994), 141.
45. Mongo Beti, Main basse sur le Cameroun: Autopsie d’une décolonisation
(Paris: François Maspéro, 1972), and La France contre l’Afrique: Retour au
Cameroun (Paris: La Découverte, 1993).
46. Etienne Balibar has provided an incisive analysis of “the system of identity
verifications (generally occurring within the territory) allowing a triage of travelers
admitted to and rejected from a given national territory. For the mass of humans
today, these are the most decisive borders, but they are no longer ‘lines’: instead
they are detention zones and filtering systems such as those located in the center or
on the periphery of major international airports. It is well known that these transit
zones are zones of ‘nonright’ in which guarantees of individual freedom are sus-
pended for a variable length of time, and where foreigners again become nonciti-
zens and pariahs.” Balibar, We, the People of Europe, 111.
47. For further discussion of the tenuous relationship between the French na-
tional soccer team and immigrants, see Mireille Rosello, “Football Games and Na-
tional Symbols: Reconfiguration of the French-Algerian Border through Philoso-
phy and Popular Culture,” in France and the Maghreb: Performative Encounters
(Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005), 25–47.
48. Achille Mbembe, “At the Edge of the World: Boundaries, Territoriality, and
Sovereignty in Africa,” in Appadurai, Globalization, 50–51.
49. Obioma Nnaemeka, “Nego-feminism: Theorizing, Practicing, and Pruning
Africa’s Way,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 29, no. 2 (Winter
2004): 370, 375.
50. Diop, “L’aboutissement d’une si longue quête,” 25. On sopi (political tran-
sition), see Linda J. Beck, “Le clientélisme au Sénégal: Un adieu sans regrets?” in
Diop, Le Sénégal contemporain, 529–547.
51. Donal Cruise O’Brien, “Le sens de l’Etat au Sénégal,” in Diop, Le Sénégal
contemporain, 506. See also Momar-Coumba Diop, ed., Sénégal: Trajectoires d’un
état (Dakar: CODESRIA, 1992).
52. Ousmane Sembene, “Sembene présente Molaade à Cannes: Une présence af-
ricaine plus importante est possible,” interview by Walfadjiri, http://www.africatime.
com/togo/nouv_pana.asp?no_nouvelle=119602&no_categorie=.
 Notes to pages 206–208 257

CONCLUSION
1. Black de France, http://www.blackdefrance.com.
2. Richard Senghor, “Le surgissement d’une ‘question noire’ en France,” Es-
prit, no. 321 (January 2006), 5–19.
3. See Mireille Rosello, “Representing Illegal Immigrants in France: From clan-
destins to l’affaire des sans-papiers de Saint-Bernard,” Journal of European Stud-
ies 38 (1998): 137–151; Madjiguène Cissé, Parole de sans-papiers (Paris: La Dis-
pute/Snédit, 1999); Ababacar Diop, Dans la peau d’un sans-papiers (Paris: Seuil,
1997); Georges Courade, “Des papiers et des hommes: L’épreuve des politiques
d’endiguement,” Politique Africaine 67 (October 1997): 3–30; Bernard Stasi, Laïc-
ité et République: Rapport de la commission de réflection sur l’application du
principe de laïcité dans la République (Paris: La Documentation Française, 2004);
and Emmanuel Terray, “Headscarf Hysteria!” New Left Review 26 (March–April
2004): 118–127.
4. Catherine Raissiguier, “Women from the Maghreb and Sub-Saharan Africa
in France: Fighting for Health and Basic Human Rights,” in Engendering Human
Rights: Cultural and Socio-economic Realities in Africa, ed. Obioma Nnaemeka
and Joy Ngozi Ezeilo (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 111.
5. See Daniel Bourmaud, “La nouvelle politique africaine de la France à l’é-
preuve,” Esprit, no. 317 (August–September 2005): 17–27; François Gèze, “L’héri-
tage colonial au cœur de la politique étrangère française,” in La fracture coloniale:
La société française au prisme de l’héritage colonial, ed. Pascal Blanchard, Nicolas
Bancel, and Sandrine Lemaire (Paris: La Découverte, 2005), 155–163; Tamar
Golan, “A Certain Mystery: How Can France Do Everything That It Does in Af-
rica—and Get Away with It?” African Affairs 80, no. 318 (January 1981): 3–11;
Jean-Paul Gourévitch, L’Afrique, le fric, la France: L’aide, la dette, l’immigration,
l’avenir; Vérités et mesonges (Paris: Le Pré aux Clercs, 1997); François-Xavier Ver-
schave, La françafrique, le plus long scandale de la République (Paris: Stock,
1998); and “L’héritage colonial: Un trou de mémoire,” Hommes et migrations, no.
1227 (November–December 2000).
6. Patrick Weil, La République et sa diversité: Immigration, intégration, dis-
criminations (Paris: Seuil, 2005), 88. See also Michel Wieviorka, La différence:
Identités culturelles; Enjeux, débats et politiques (Paris: Editions de l’Aube, 2005),
82–102; Catherine Withol de Wenden, Olivier Roy, Alexis Tadié, Marie Mendras,
Khalid Hamdani, and Antoine Garapon, “La France des émeutes,” Esprit, no. 320
(December 2005): 22–43; and Yazid Sabeg and Yacine Sabeg, Discrimination pos-
itive: Pourquoi la France ne peut y échapper (Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 2004). During
the month of November 2005, Begag found himself at the center of a public con-
troversy in France over Minister of the Interior Nicolas Sarkozy’s handling of civil
unrest in the Paris banlieues.
7. Gaston Kelman, Je suis noir et je n’aime pas le manioc (Paris: Max Milo
Editions, 2003).
8. Mireille Rosello has pointed out that “Beyala goes as far as to use the taboo
word ‘quotas’ and she even invents a daring acronym: ‘des quotas à durée déter-
minée—QDD’ [fixed-term quotas].” Mireille Rosello, “Tactical Universalism and
New Multiculturalist Claims in Postcolonial France,” in Francophone Postcolo-
nial Studies: A Critical Introduction, ed. Charles Forsdick and David Murphy
(London: Arnold, 2003), 143.
258 Notes to pages 208–210
9. See a report published one year before the tragic fires, “La lutte des mal-
logés,” Cité Black, no. 35 (July–August 2004): 1, 20; and also coverage of the fires
themselves in “Le drame des mal-logés noirs,” Cité Black, no. 58 (September 12,
2005): 4, 24; “Manifestation de soutien aux victimes du Boulevard Vincent Au-
riol,” Cité Black, no. 58 (September 12, 2005): 25.
10. Calixthe Beyala, Lettre d’une Afro-française à ses compatriotes (Paris: Edi-
tions Mango, 2000), 52.
11. Danielle Marx-Scouras, La France de Zebda, 1981–2004: Faire de la
musique un acte politique (Paris: Les Editions Autrement, 2005).
12. See for example Carrie Tarr, “French Cinema and Post-colonial Minori-
ties,” in Post-colonial Cultures in France, ed. Alec G. Hargreaves and Mark McK-
inney (London: Routledge, 1997), 59–83; and Jean-Pierre Chrétien, “Regards
africains au cinéma,” Esprit, no. 317 (August–September 2005): 86–92.
13. See for example Koffi Kwahulé, Bintou (Carnières-Morlanwelz, Belgium:
Editions Lansman, 1997); and Achille Ngoye, Ballet noir à Château-Rouge (Paris:
Gallimard, 2001); for the most comprehensive study to date of African detective
fiction, see Francis Higginson, “Blood and the Canon: The Advent of Francophone
African Crime Fiction,” unpublished ms.
14. Nicki Hitchcott, “Calixthe Beyala: Black Face(s) on French TV,” Modern
and Contemporary France 12, no. 4 (November 2004): 480.
15. Abdourahman A. Waberi, Transit (Paris: Gallimard, 2003) and Aux Etats-
Unis d’Afrique (Paris: Lattès, 2006); Sami Tchak, Place des fêtes (Paris: Gallimard,
2001); Bilguissa Diallo, Diasporama (Paris: Editions Anibwe, 2005); and Sayouba
Traoré, Loin de mon village, c’est la brousse (La Roque d’Anthéron, France: Edi-
tions Vents d’Ailleurs, 2005).
16. See Bernard Magnier’s overview of francophone sub-Saharan African liter-
ature, “Le livre africain: Un livre comme les autres,” Esprit, no. 317 (August–Sep-
tember 2005): 53–60.
17. The exhibit could be visited during 2004–2005 at the Museum Kunst Palast
in Düsseldorf, the Hayward Gallery in London, the Centre Georges Pompidou in
Paris, and finally at the Mori Art Museum in Tokyo.
18. Simon Njami, “Identity and History,” trans. Gail de Courcy-Ireland, in Af-
rica Remix: Contemporary Art of a Continent, ed. Simon Njami et al. (Ostfildern-
Ruit, Germany: Hatje Cantz Verlag, 2005), 55. See also the French catalogue: Si-
mon Njami et al., eds., Africa Remix: L’art contemporain d’un continent (Paris:
Editions du Centre Pompidou, 2005).
19. See Marie Poinsot, ed., “Les chantiers de l’histoire,” special issue, Hommes
et migrations, no. 1255 (May–June 2005), for examples of similar historiographic
projects in Britain, Germany, and the Netherlands; and Lionel Arnaud, ed., Les
minorités ethniques dans l’Union européenne: Politiques, mobilisations, identités
(Paris: La Découverte, 2005).
20. Boniface Mongo-Mboussa, “Grammaire de l’immigration,” in L’indocilité:
Supplément au Désir d’Afrique (Paris: Gallimard, 2005), 115.
21. Etienne Balibar, “De la préférence nationale à l’invention de la politique,”
in Droit de cité (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2002), 130. See Suzanne
Gearhart, who has argued that “civility lies in the ambivalence of identification
and the ambiguity of repression to the extent that they are viewed or lived not as
limitations to be overcome but rather as conditions of sociability and freedom.
This means that civility cannot be identified with national culture—but equally im-
portant, it cannot be simply identified with minority or immigrant culture either.”
 Notes to pages 210–211 259
Suzanne Gearheart, “Psychoanalysis, Transnationalism, and Minority Cultures,” in
Minor Transnationalism, ed. Françoise Lionnet and Shu-mei Shih (Durham, N.C.:
Duke University Press, 2005), 40.
22. Achille Mbembe, “La République et l’impensé de la ‘race,’” in Blanchard,
Bancel, and Lemaire, La fracture coloniale, 140, 153.
23. Pascal Blanchard, Eric Deroo, and Gilles Manceron, Le Paris noir (Paris:
Editions Hazan, 2001); Pascal Blanchard, Eric Deroo, Driis El-Yazami, Pierre
Fournié, and Gilles Manceron, Le Paris arabe: Deux siècles de présence des Ori-
entaux et des Maghrébins, 1830–2003 (Paris: La Découverte, 2003); Pascal Blan-
chard and Eric Deroo, Le Paris Asie: Du rêve d’Asie à Chinatown, 1854–2004
(Paris: La Découverte, 2004; and Blanchard, Bancel, and Lemaire, La fracture
coloniale.
24. Salman Rushdie, “The New Empire within Britain,” in Imaginary Home-
lands: Essays and Criticism: 1981–1991 (London: Granta, 1991), 129–138.
25. See Aimé Césaire, Nègre je suis, nègre je resterai: Entretiens avec Françoise
Vergès (Paris: Albin Michel, 2005), 15.
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 Index

A la recherche du temps perdu (Proust), African Growth and Opportunity Act,

178 197
abacost, 164. See also Mobutu; La sape The African Imagination: Literature in
Abbas, Ackbar, 159 Africa and the Black Diaspora (Irele),
acculturation, 51, 64 3, 80–81
activism, 38, 134 African soldiers, 29–30
AEF/AOF countries, 30–31 African students: in France, 30–32,
Affirmation Exclusion: Cultural Plural- 223n129
ism and the Rule of Custom in France African women, 177; emancipation of,
(Amselle), 33 245n25; in Rebelle, 146; social clubs
Africa: cultural elements of, 9; as deterri- of, 167; testimonial narratives by, 132;
torialized entity, 14, 141; European treatment of, 134–135, 137, 142. See
stereotypes of, 6; extracontinental, 33; also female excision; feminism(s); hu-
France’s foreign policy on, 207; fran- man rights
cophone sub-Saharan, 63, 142; higher- Afrique contemporaine, 132
education systems in, 31; oral lan- “L’Afrique dans la mondialisation”
guage’s dominance in, 6; as territorial (Hugon), 187, 197
signifier, 22; texts on, 93; Western atti- Afrique sur Seine: A New Generation of
tudes in, 150; Western construct of, African Writers (Cazenave), 19
54. See also French colonial mecha- Afro-Parisian, 18–19; novel, 20
nisms; French-African relations Agonies (Biyaoula), 156
Africa Faith and Justice Network, 197 Agulhon, Maurice, 191–192
Africa Trade Bill Alert, 197 Akofa, Henriette, 4, 39, 114–130, 146,
An African in Paris (Dadié), 74–80, 115, 172; case against France, 122–125
171, 193; colonial ideology in, 76; Akoua, Ekue, 111
compared with Mirages de Paris, Allman, Jean, 164–165
74; correcting negative constructs Amselle, Jean-Loup, 3, 13–14, 33, 62,
of Africans in, 80; on French moder- 77, 114–115, 133, 156–157
nity in, 76 anticolonialism, 7, 31, 50, 99
African(s): barbarism, 37–38, 125; Appadurai, Arjun, 186, 189
Diaspora, 10, 13, 135, 141–142, 146, Appiah, Kwame Anthony, 230n46
213n27; eighteenth-century repre- Apter, Emily, 229–230n40
sentations of, 7; in France, 8; history Ashcroft, Bill, 141–142
of, 3; interdisciplinary study of, in Asian American culture, 11
France, 19; schools available to, 45; assimilationist paradigm, 9
sub-Saharan, 12, 40, 42; treatment Association pour la connaisance de l’his-
of, versus African Americans, 87; toire de l’Afrique contemporaine, 36,
writers, 4, 6, 9, 10, 22–24, 42, 44, 210
105, 133–134, 166, 195, 227n8. See Au coeur de la sape: Moeurs et aven-
also France; globalization; migration; tures de Congolais à Paris (Gan-
Paris; writers doulou), 157
African American(s): African counter- Au coeur de l’ethnie (Amselle), 13
parts of, 10; artists, 50; interdiscipli- Augé, Marc, 36
nary study of, in France, 19; in Paris, L’aventure ambiguë (Kane), 43, 60–66,
10, 87, 170; plight of, 87; treatment 67, 117, 188; compared with L’enfant
of, versus Africans, 87; writers, 4, 11, noir, 62, 64–66; compared with Mi-
85–86, 88, 105, 107 rages de Paris, 67; context of Islam in,
African Ceremonies (Beckwith and 60–61; French opinions of Africans in,
Fisher), 167 63; Koranic school in, 60–61; violence
African Gigolo (Njami), 163 in, 61
294 Index
Bâ, Miriama, 177, 188 Black British Literature: Novels of
Badinter, Robert, 117–118 Transformation (Stein), 17
Baker, Josephine, 11 The Black Docker (Sembene), 4, 27, 39,
Baldwin, James, 88 75, 79, 84–113, 115; colonial language
Balibar, Etienne, 23, 26–27, 99–100, 135, in, 100; colonial stereotyping in, 100;
187, 207, 210 compared with Banjo, 84–86, 88;
bamiléké, 7 compared with Native Son, 108–113;
Bancel, Nicolas, 27, 33, 37–38, 47 English translation of, 109–110; narra-
Banjo: A Story without a Plot (McKay), tives in, 97–98; plagiarism in, 101,
84–88; compared with The Black 103–106, 108–113; question of liter-
Docker, 84–86, 88 acy in, 99; race relations in, 102, 199;
barbarism, 125, 141, 247n44; African, sex in, 102; slavery in, 105–106; three
37–38, 125; in Rebelle, 149 parts of, 98; violence in, 100–101;
Barber, Benjamin, 1 voices in, 97–98
Barthes, Roland, 84, 170 Black Paris: The African Writers’ Land-
battling, 170–171. See also sapeurs scape (Jules-Rosette), 9, 18
Baudrillard, Jean, 114, 170 Black Skin, White Masks (Fanon), 70,
Bayart, Jean-François, 1 102
Bazenguissa-Ganga, Rémy, 157, 160, Black Writers in French (Kesteloot), 91;
162, 172, 181 French version of, 91–92
Beauvoir, Simone de, 143 blackness, 14, 29, 78, 206; beauty of,
Beckwith, Carol, 167 245n25; British, 11; as colonial con-
Begag, Azouz, 94–95, 208, 210 struct, 79; in France, 17, 211; global,
Behdad, Ali, 36, 75 11, 86–88, 112, 211
Belated Travelers: Orientalism in the Blanchard, Pascal, 9, 11–12, 27, 33,
Age of Colonial Dissolution (Behdad), 36–38, 47, 96, 210
75 Blatt, David, 28
Benhabib, Seyla, 38, 152 Bleu-Blanc-Rouge (Mabanckou), 156,
Benjamin, Walter, 159 168, 172–184; appearance in,
Berlin Congress, 1884–1885, 8, 47 181–182; identity in, 182–183; incar-
Berlin Olympics of 1936, 87 ceration in, 183–184; narrative/topog-
Bertoncello, Brigitte, 96 raphy in, 178; narratives in, 179, 184.
Beti, Mongo, 19, 202, 207, 227n7 See also Paris
Between Men: English Literature and Body of Power, Spirit of Resistance
Male Homosocial Desire (Sedgwick), (Comaroff), 160
166 Boëtsch, Gilles, 96
Beurs, 12, 19, 22, 219n82 Bokanowsky, Hélène, 111
“Beurs noirs à Black Babel” (Magnier), Bokiba, André-Patient, 78
20 Boscagli, Maurizia, 165–166
Beyala, Calixthe, 4, 16, 39, 83, 110–111, Botte, Roger, 115
137–141, 151, 166, 177, 208–209, Boukoum, Saïdou, 230n43
219n77, 232n63, 245n25 Bourdieu, Pierre, 76
Bhabha, Homi K., 13, 16, 116, 162 Branchements: Anthropologie de
Biyaoula, Daniel, 40, 120, 156–157, 172, l’universalité des cultures (Amselle),
177, 191 3, 13, 156
black: Britain, 17; historiography, 9; Brazzaville, Congo, 33, 46, 157, 160;
identity, 86; intelligentsia, 29, 85; liter- colonial versus postcolonial eras in,
ature, 210; noir versus, 11; political 161. See also Congo-Zaire; La sape;
organizations, 29; usage of, 12 sapeurs
Black American culture, 87 Brière, Eloïse, 135
Black Atlantic, 11 Britain: black, 17; race relations in, 33
The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Dou- Britishness, 17
ble Consciousness (Gilroy), 11 Broca, Olivier de, 116
Black Boy (Wright), 89 Brunhoff, Jean de, 93, 161–162
 Index 295
Bugul, Ken, 151 colonial zones: literacy rates in, 31
Burkina Faso, 47 colonialism, 82, 186; ideology of, 50–51,
Burman, Barbara, 156 76, 102, 196; immigration and, 47;
practices in, 11; principles of, 44; pro-
Camara, Laye, 43, 51–60, 62, 74, 83, 90, paganda of, 71. See also globalization;
106, 117, 143, 182, 230n43 Western language literacy
Cameroon, 158 colonial/postcolonial era, 41; in Brazza-
Camus, Albert, 90 ville, Congo, 161; textbooks in, 45–46;
Cannes Film Festival, 85 texts, 4, 39, 42, 49, 202. See also edu-
Caribbean Discourse (Glissant), 176–177 cation
Caribbean experience, 65 Colonies et empires: Collection interna-
Caribbeans, 17 tionale de documentation coloniale,
Casanova, Pascale, 9, 42, 68 43
Cazenave, Odile, 19, 21 colonized: inferiority of, in Mirages de
Centre national de l’histoire et des cul- Paris, 69; political consciousness of,
tures de l’immigration, 45 30; relationship to colonizer, 8, 47–48,
Certeau, Michel de, 18 65, 102
Césaire, Aimé, 7, 10, 11, 88, 185, 211 colonizer: basic needs of, 48; logic of, 48;
C’est le soleil qui m’a brûlée (Chevrier), relationship to colonized, 8, 47–48,
137 65, 102
Chemin d’Europe (Oyono), 81 The Colonizer and the Colonized
Chenal, Pierre, 90 (Memmi), 94
Chevrier, Jacques, 5, 33, 83, 137, 219n88 colony/postcolony, 2
Chow, Rey, 24 The Color of Liberty: Histories of Race
circumcision, 167. See also female exci- in France (Peabody, Stovall), 17
sion; rites of passage Colporteurs africains à Marseille: Un
Cité nationale de l’histoire de l’immigra- siècle d’aventures (Bertoncello), 96
tion, 20, 35 Coltrane, John, 72–73
civilizing mission, 7, 28, 38, 42–44, 51, Comaroff, Jean, 160
54; pedagogic branch of, 93, 159, 187. Committee against Modern Slavery, 129
See also education communitarianism, 7
The Claims of Culture: Equality and Di- Congo-Paris: Transnational Traders on
versity in the Global Era (Benhabib), the Margins of the Law (Bazenguissa-
152 Ganga, MacGaffey), 157, 162
The Clash of Civilizations (Huntington), Congo-Zaire, 172; gender relations in,
1 166–167; gigolos in, 167; music cul-
Clifford, James, 13, 37 ture in, 166; women’s social clubs in,
Climbié (Dadié), 57, 74 167. See also Brazzaville, Congo; Dias-
clothing, 165. See also identity; La sape pora; Kinshasa, Congo
Cohen, William B., 7, 28 Conklin, Alice, 44–45, 61, 73
Collectif égalité, 137–138 Une conquête morale: L’enseignement en
“Colonial Discourse and Ethnographic A.O.F. (Hardy), 45
Residuals: The ‘Female Circumcision’ Conseil supérieur de l’audiovisuel, 138
Debate and the Politics of Knowl- Les contes d’Amadou Koumba (Diop),
edge” (Hale), 137 113
colonial expansionism, 7, 8, 44–45; in Coquery-Vidrovitch, Catherine, 30
L’enfant noir, 58 cosmopolitanism, 210
Colonial Exposition. See Exposition of Council of Europe, 122
1931 creativity, 84
colonial influences: as technological Le creuset français: Histoire de l’immi-
modernity, 55 gration, XIXe–XXe siècles (Noiriel),
colonial project, 51, 66 25
colonial schooling: three stages of, Le crime de la rue de notables (Akoua),
46–47. See also education 111
296 Index
“Crimes of Fashion: The Pachua and individual rights, 28; on integration,
Chicana Style Politics” (Ramírez), 28; monolithic/hegemonic, 16; multi-
168 directional, 138; on nation-state, 28;
cult of elegance, 161. See also La sape Occidentalist, 80; on race, 107; on
cultural homogeneity, 9–10 racial equality, 47; sensationalist, 132;
victimary, 208
Dadié, Bernard, 4, 42–43, 47, 51, 57, dissenting literacy, 163, 169
66, 68, 70, 74–80, 115, 171, 186, Le docker noir (Sembene). See The Black
193–194 Docker
Dakar, 46 Dongala, Emmanuel, 5, 72
Damas, Léon-Gontran, 10, 88 Dorfman, Ariel, 162
dandies/dandyism, 159, 160, 165 double-unbelonging, 12, 140, 202
De la littérature des nègres (Grégoire), Dufoix, Stéphane, 213n27
27 Duhamel, Marcel, 89, 111
décalage, 10
decentralization, 51 Ecrire en pays colonisé (Midiohouan),
decolonization, 42, 51, 99, 131 48
deconstruction, 84 Ecriture et identité dans la littérature
Deferre, Gaston, 50 africaine (Bokiba), 78
Delafosse, Maurice, 43 Editions du Seuil, 178
Delali, Davi, 111 Editions Rieder, 85
Delavignette, Robert, 43 education: colonial, 44–46, 51, 53–54,
democratic equality, 152 58–59, 60, 66, 71, 74, 159, 186–187;
demystification, 79, 106, 159 dreams of, 121; Koranic versus colo-
Départements d’Outre-mer, 7, 10 nial, 61; policy in France, 31; public
Derive, Jean, 79 versus private, in L’enfant noir, 56–57;
Deroo, Eric, 9, 11–12 in Rebelle, 150–151. See also civiliz-
Derrida, Jacques, 84 ing mission; colonial schooling; L’en-
Le deuxième sexe (Beauvoir), 143 fant noir; Mirages de Paris; school
Le devoir de violence (Ouologuem), 53, system
93 Edwards, Brent Hayes, 10, 87–88
Dewitte, Philippe, 34, 229n31 Edwards, Tim, 168
Diagne, Ahmadou Mapaté, 49–50 Ellington, Duke, 72
Diagne, Blaise, 29 emigration virus, 158, 188
Diallo, Bakary, 49–50 Eminem, 252n59
Diaspora, 19, 22–23, 32; African, 10, 13, Empire: imperialism versus, 1
135, 141–142, 146, 213n27; black, 87; Empire (Hardt and Negri), 1
Congolese, in France, 40; discourse, Empire of Disorder (Joxe), 213n5
13; features of, 14; French, 132; gender The Empire’s Old Clothes (Dorfman),
issues in, 40; sub-Saharan African, 16. 162
See also Mirages de Paris L’enfant noir, 43, 51–60, 62, 64, 90, 117,
Diawara, Manthia, 3, 86, 199 143, 182; behavior of schoolchildren
Diome, Fatou, 23, 40, 68, 127, 185–205 in, 57; as circular narrative, 52; colo-
Diop, Birago, 112–113 nial expansionism in, 58; compared
Diop, Momar-Coumba, 200 with L’aventure ambiguë, 62, 64–66;
Diouf, Abdou, 204 public versus private education in,
Diouf, Mamadou, 22–23, 31, 197 56–57; sexual overtones in, 60. See
discourse, 20; on Africa/Africans, 97, 99; also education
anticolonial, 50; bilateral symbiotic, “Les enfants de la postcolonie: Esquisse
140; on civil rights, 28; on clothing, d’une nouvelle génération d’écrivains
161; colonial, 27, 38, 47; culturalist, francophones d’Afrique noire”
27; Diaspora, 13; French civilationist, (Waberi), 20
48; on global blackness, 88; humanis- Enquête sur les étudiants noirs en France
tic, 47; immigration, 16–17, 41–42; on (N’Diaye), 32
 Index 297
Entre les eaux (Mudimbe), 230n46 passage, 12, 144. See also feminism(s);
Entwistle, Joanne, 165 human rights
Equiano, Olaudah, 116 feminism(s): African, 133–134, 154,
Une esclave moderne (Akofa), 4, 242n8; European model of, 140;
115–130, 146, 148; compared with “La nego-, 138–40; third-world, 133;
Noire de . . .,” 125; French hypocrisy Western, 134, 138–140, 246n33
in, 118; injustice in, 121; legal invisi- feminitude, 138
bility in, 121; liberation in, 120, 122; Feuser, Wilfried F., 107–109, 240n64
mediation in, 121; notion of return in, First Congress of Black Writers and
120–121; oppression in, 118–121, 129; Artists, 11, 50
Paris in, 119; slavery in, 118; universal- First Congress of Scholars of the Negro
ism in, 118; victimization in, 129 World, 89–90
Esprit, 206 First World Festival of Negro Arts, 11
Essai sur l’inégalité des races humaines Fisher, Angela, 167
(Gobineau), 27 Folies-Bergères, 11
ethnological reason, 77 Fonkoua, Romuald, 5
L’etranger (Camus), 90 Force Bronté (Diallo), 49–50
etrangers, 25 A Forgetful Nation: On Immigration
Euro-African empire, 74 and Cultural Identity in the United
European Convention on Human States (Behdad), 36
Rights, 122 Le foulard et la République (Gaspard
European Court of Human Rights, and Khosrokhavar), 33
122–125, 129. See also Akofa, Henri- La fracture coloniale: La Société
ette française au prisme de l’héritage colo-
European Union, 2, 9, 37–38, 208, 210 nial (Bancel, Blanchard, and Lemaire),
European-African relations, 68, 195 27
exile, 5 frameworks: diasporic, 133; transna-
exogamous relationships, 240n61; in tional, 133
L’impasse, 175; in Rebelle, 147. See France: African foreign policy of, 207;
also métissage African presence in, 9, 22, 25; African
Exposition of 1931, 70–73, 79 students in, 30–32, 223n129; Black
Eye on the Flesh: Fashions of Masculin- American experience in, 9; black con-
ity in the Early Twentieth Century sciousness in, 207; blackness in, 10,
(Boscagli), 165–166 17, 24, 211; colonial legacy of, 45; de-
Ezeilo, Joy Ngozi, 132 colonization of, 2; defeated by Senegal
in World Cup of 2002, 203–204; edu-
Faat-Kine (Sembene), 134 cational policy in, 31; and francoph-
Fabre, Michael, 9, 11, 85, 87–88 one world, 3; immigration in, 2, 16,
Fanon, Frantz, 1, 10, 11, 70, 102, 213n3 27, 114–115, 196, 239n58, 243n17; Is-
Farah, Nurrudin, 15 lam in, 243n17; left wing in, 208–209;
fashion. See identity military forces of, 28; minority popu-
The Fashioned Body: Fashion, Dress, lations in, 95–96; multiculturalism in,
and Modern Social Theory (En- 33, 209–210; Pasqua laws of, 187; po-
twistle), 165 litical discourse in, 207; population of
Fashioning Africa: Power and the Poli- metropolitan, 25–26; postcolonial
tics of Dress (Allman), 164–165 communities of, 2; post-Empire, 2;
Favell, Adrian, 33 racism in, 10, 34, 72, 97; Republican
FBI, 87 ideals of, 8, 191, 203; right wing of, 2,
Female Circumcision and the Politics of 208, 239n56; secularism in, 207; soc-
Knowledge: African Women in Impe- cer in, 201; writers in, 16, 22–23; zero-
rialist Discourse (Nnaemeka), 133 immigration policy, 248n9. See also
female excision, 131–136, 141, 143, Paris
152–153, 243n14, 244n18, 245n21; in La France contre l’Afrique: Retour au
Rebelle (Keïta), 147, 150; as right of Cameroun (Beti), 202, 207
298 Index
La France de Zebda, 1981–2004: Faire Front pour l’alternative, 204
de la musique un acte politique
(Marx-Scouras), 209 Gafaiti, Hafid, 7
Franco-African community, 50 Gandoulou, Justin-Daniel, 157, 193
francocentrism, 32, 42, 44; in Mirages de Gaspard, F., 33
Paris, 70, 73 Gates, Henry Louis, 92, 105–106, 112
francophone, 16; culture, French culture Gautier, Madeleine, 90
versus, 15, 16; literary production, 46, Gbanou, Sélom Komlan, 101, 104, 111
82; studies, 132; sub-Saharan African Gearheart, Suzanne, 258n21
literature, 7, 29, 43, 182, 193; writers, gender issues, 4, 40
15–16; writing, originality in, 83 gender relations, in Congo-Zaire,
Francophone Sub-Saharan Africa: 166–167. See also La sape
1530–1985 (Manning), 7 Genet, Jean, 1
Francophonie, 7, 9, 15–16, 80 ghetto, 28
French assimilation, 9, 208. See also as- Gilroy, Paul, 11, 17, 105, 162, 237n34
similationist paradigm Glissant, Edouard, 176–177
The French Atlantic Triangle: Literature global, local versus, 3, 156–157, 200
and Culture of the Slave Trade The Global Circulation of African Fash-
(Miller), 7 ion (Rabine), 162
French colonial mechanisms, 9 global foreigner, 196
French colonial school, 79 global security, 2
French culture, 44; francophone culture globalization, 1, 8, 14, 186–187, 194–203,
versus, 15, 16; francophone realities 213n4, 254n26; effects on African
versus, 15 youth, 195, 199–200; five processes
French Diaspora, 132 of, 187; hegemonic impulses of, 200;
The French Encounter with Africans: impact of, 13, 189; logic of, 8; usages
White Response to Blacks (Cohen), of, 114
7, 28 Globalization and Its Discontents
French fashion, 164. See also La sape (Stiglitz), 189
French hegemonic practices, 7 glocalization, 133
French language literacy, 6 Gobineau, 27, 73
French literary prizes, winners of, 15 Goldschmidt, Elie, 157–158
French literature, 7 Gondola, Didier, 159–160, 163, 166,
French Ministry for France Overseas, 50 179, 193
French National Assembly, 29, 36, 208; Le gone du Châaba (Begag), 94–95
significant bills signed by, 36, 45 Le gouvernement du monde
French Republic, 24; assimilation of out- (Bayart), 1
siders in, 33; citizenship in, 34; found- Green, Nancy, 3
ing of, 27; origins of, 2, 12; structure Grégoire, Abbé, 27
of, 32 Gueye, Abdoulaye, 30–32
French-African relations, 4, 30, 43, 51, Guillon, Michelle, 26
73, 97, 196; bilateralism of, 6–7, 9, Guimont, Fabienne, 30
14–15, 17, 21, 29, 34–35, 71, 185–186,
204, 206; changes in, 18, 24, 195; ex- Hancock, Ange-Marie, 150, 154, 166,
ploitation in, 196, 202; history of, 70, 243n16
96; identity of, 64; nature of, 22, 35, Hardt, Michael, 1
188. See also soccer Hardy, George, 45–46
French-Africans, 28 Hargreaves, Alec, 19, 22, 26, 132
Frenchness, 9, 16, 28, 64, 142, 211; in Harlem Renaissance, 50
Mirages de Paris, 70; perceived threats Harper and Brothers, 111
to, 17 Haut conseil à l’intégration, 24
From Harlem to Paris: Black American hegemonic/monolithic system, 58, 203
Writers in France, 1840–1980 (Fabre), Hendrickson, Hildi, 169
85 Herzberger-Fofana, Pierrette, 174
 Index 299
Hexagon, 2, 7, 16, 20, 29, 38–40, 74, immigration, 4, 9, 16, 26; African, 29,
100, 133, 135, 153, 203; frontiers 116; colonialism and, 47; debates on,
of, 50 41–42; discourse, 16–17, 41–42; in
Higginson, Francis, 235n13 France, 2, 27, 114–115, 196, 239n58,
Hill, Edwin, 67–68, 73 243n17, 248n9; legislation, 157; liter-
Himes, Chester, 87, 91 ature of, 188; policies/politics, 2, 6, 8,
historiography, 37, 48; black, 9; literary, 13, 34, 135, 153, 197
9, 22; Paris’s importance to, 9; of race, immigrés, 25
12 L’impasse (Biyaoula), 156, 172–173; as-
history: colonial, 17, 225n154; French, similation in, 175–176; exogamous
96; French/African, 37; postcolonial, union in, 175; identity in, 177; racism
17. See also French-African relations in, 174–175; three sections of, 172;
Hitchcott, Nicki, 138 transnational experience in, 173
Hitler, 87 imperialism, Empire versus, 1
Hommes et migrations, 96 In Search of Africa (Diawara), 3, 86
homosexuality, 166, 168. See also mas- insiders versus outsiders, 140
culinity; La sape integration, 33–34
Honig, Bonnie, 13 intercommunication, 14–15
Les honneurs perdus (Beyala), 16 The Interesting Narrative of the Life of
Hospitalité française: Racisme et immi- Alaudah Equiano (Equiano), 116
gration maghrébine (Jelloun), 159 International Labor Organization, 198
hospitality: postcolonial, 197; private, International Monetary Fund, 197
13; state, 13 intertextuality, 83, 92–93, 116, 202
Hughes, Langston, 11, 91 Introduction à l’étude du roman négro-
Hugon, Philippe, 187 africain de langue française (Makouta-
human rights, 187, 243n14; conflicting Mboukou), 78
versions of, 136; legislation, 2; viola- Irele, F. Abiola, 3, 10, 32, 60, 62, 64–65,
tion of, 141; Western interpretations 80, 116, 159, 213n27
of, 134–135. See also European Court Islam, 60; in France, 243n17. See also
of Human Rights L’aventure ambiguë
Huntington, Samuel, 1
hybridity, 12–13, 58 James S. Coleman African Studies Center
at UCLA, 211
The Idea of Africa (Mudimbe), 77 Jameson, Fredric, 186
identities, 4, 10 Jazz et vin de palme (Dongala), 72
identity, 13, 14; in Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, Je suis noir et je n’aime pas le manioc
182–183; construction of, 138, 165; (Kelman), 208
European, 37, 207, 211; and fashion/ Jefferson, Thomas, 165
clothing, 165, 169; French, 36; in Le Jelloun, Tahar Ben, 159
ventre de l’Atlantique, 203; in L’im- Jihad versus McWorld (Barber), 1
passe, 177; in Mirages de Paris, 70; Joxe, Alain, 213n5
national, 41; personal, 19; racial, 12; Jules-Rosette, Bennetta, 9, 18–20, 24, 90,
verification systems, 256n46 138
“Identity Crises: France, Culture, and Julien, Ch.-André, 43
the Idea of the Nation” (Kritzman), Julien, Eileen, 6
213n6
identity formation: among minority Kanbur, Ravi S. M., 197
groups, 11; slavery’s influence on, 13 Kane, Cheikh Hamidou, 43, 47, 51,
immigrant(s): African, 7, 132; definition 60–66, 74, 117, 143, 186, 194
of, 25; in France, 16, 25, 153, 196; Keïta, Fatou, 39, 133–154, 156, 172
matrimony of, 247n38; in Paris, 29; Kelman, Gaston, 208
second-generation, 17; sexuality of, Kesteloot, Lilyan, 85–86, 90–91, 219n88
247n38; sovereign subjects versus, 5; Khosrokhavar, F., 33
workers, 24; writers, 22 King, Adèle, 6
300 Index
Kinshasa, Congo, 157, 160. See also Lowe, Lisa, 11
Congo-Zaire; La sape Loyrette, Henri, 192
Kirby, Vicki, 152 Lüsebrink, Hans-Jürgen, 44–45, 74,
Korieh, Chima, 136 104
Kourouma, Ahmadou, 19
Kristeva, Julia, 84 Ma grand-mère bantoue et mes ancê-
Kritzman, Lawrence, 2, 213n6 tres les Gaulois (Lopes), 4
Kumpara, 167 Mabanckou, Alain, 40, 120, 156–158,
168, 171–172, 174, 177–184, 191,
Lâabi, Abdellatif, 179 210; narratives of, 178
language: colonial, in The Black Docker, MacGaffey, Janet, 157, 160, 162, 172,
100; dominance of oral, in Africa, 6 181
Laronde, Michel, 219nn77,82 Magnier, Bernard, 20
Lawrence, D. H., 165 Main basse sur le Cameroun: Autopsie
Lee, Rachel, 163, 169 d’une décolonisation (Beti), 202,
Légitime Défense, 88 207
Leiris, Michel, 165 Makouta-Mboukou, Jean-Pierre, 78
Leisure and Society in Colonial Brazzav- Manceron, Gilles, 9, 11–12
ille (Martin), 160 Mande: culture, 52, 54, 57
Lemaire, Sandrine, 27, 37, 45–46 Manhood (Leiris), 165
Lettre d’une Africaine à ses soeurs occi- manioc, 180–181
dentale (Beyala), 39, 137, 140; identity Manning, Patrick, 7
construction in, 138 markets: free, 197; labor, 196. See also
Lettre d’une Afro-française à ses compa- globalization
triotes (Beyala), 39, 137 Markmann, Charles Lam, 213n3
Lettres (Beyala), 4 Marseille porte sud: Un siècle d’histoire
Lettres persanes (Montesquieu), 76, 79 coloniale et d’immigration (Blan-
L’idéologie dans la littérature négro- chard, Boëtsch), 96
africaine d’expression française (Mid- Marseilles, 85, 96, 98; boundaries
iohouan), 20–21, 48 within, 96; connections to African
Les lieux de mémoire (Nora), 2, 213n6 America, 96
L’immigration (Mestiri), 220n99 Martin, Phyllis M., 160, 169
Lionnet, Françoise, 8, 9, 15, 23–24, 77, Marx-Scouras, Danielle, 209
136, 141, 144, 147, 152, 174, 217n60 masculinity, 167, 168
literature: in African history, 3; Beur, 20; Mbembe, Achille, 93, 155, 163, 186, 200,
black, 210; colonial/postcolonial, 4; 203–204, 210–211
in decolonization, 3; in forging nation- M’Bokolo, Elikia, 62
states, 3; francophone/sub-Saharan McKay, Claude, 84–86, 88, 91
African, 7, 29, 43, 182, 193; French, mediation, 5–6, 92, 104, 116; in Une es-
7; immigrant/immigration, 38, 188; clave moderne, 121; process of, 5, 140;
Parisianist, 19. See also narratives; usefulness of, 5. See also feminism;
texts plagiarism
“Littérature et postcolonie” Memmi, Albert, 5, 28, 47–48, 70, 75, 82,
(Moudileno), 20 94, 155
Little, Roger, 237n38 Men in the Mirror: Men’s Fashion, Mas-
Loba, Aké, 230n43 culinity, and Consumer Society (Ed-
local, 203; global versus, 3, 156–157, wards, Tim), 168
200. See also globalization Mestiri, Ezzedine, 220n99
Logiques métisses (Amselle), 13, 77 Mestizo Logics: Anthropology of Iden-
“Logiques métisses: Cultural Appropria- tity in Africa and Elsewhere (Am-
tion and Postcolonial Representation” selle), 77
(Lionnet), 77 métissage, 9, 13, 58, 72–74; failed,
loi-cadre, 50 232n63; interracial, 177. See also Mi-
Lopes, Henri, 4 rages de Paris
 Index 301
metropole, 20, 45; French racism in, 34; Mudimbe-Boyi, Elisabeth, 6, 74, 76
student groups in, 31. See also Paris Multicampus Group on Transcolonial
Michel, Albin, 111 and Transnational Studies at UCLA,
Midiohouan, Guy Ossito, 20–21, 46–47, 216n36
49, 51–52, 73, 219n88 multinational corporations, 197,
“Migrants congolais en route vers” 199–200. See also globalization
(Goldschmidt), 157–158 Multitude (Hardt and Negri), 1
migration, 4, 190, 193, 204; appeal of, Murphy, David, 86, 88, 101, 240n64; in-
194; to Morocco, 158; to Paris, terview with Sembene, 84–85
185–186; politics of, 201. See also Le “Museums as Contact Zones” (Clifford),
ventre de l’Atlantique 37
migratory patterns, 41, 157–158, 195. See My Mercedes is Bigger than Yours
also sapeurs (Nwankwo), 163
migritude, 5 myth: colonial, 159; dismantling of, 80;
Miller, Christopher L., 7, 48–49, 51–60, of effeminacy, 168; French superiority,
68, 77, 88, 93, 104–105, 111, 231n57 62, 66, 194; migration, 65; Occidental
mimicry, 162 superiority, 53, 65, 73, 75, 193–194,
Ministry of Cooperation, 30 206
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 30
Ministry of France Overseas, 6, 43 Napoleon, 6
Minor Translation (Lionnet and Shih), 8 narratives: African student, 51; by
minority populations: inclusion of, 33 African women, 132; colonial, 121;
Mirages de Paris (Socé), 43, 66–75, 86, immigrant, 4, 38; of oppression, 94;
193; African Diaspora in, 72; com- postcolonial, 121; testimonial, 4
pared with An African in Paris, 75; National School of France Overseas,
compared with L’aventure ambiguë, 43
67; compared with L’enfant noir, 67; nationalist ideologies, 8
ethnography in, 68; exoticism in, 67, nationalist imperative: failure of, 2; im-
72; francocentrism in, 70, 72–73; pact on African societies, 2
French-language acquisition in, 67; Nationalists and Nomads: Essay on
Frenchness in, 70; identity in, 70; infe- Francophone African Literature and
riority of colonized in, 69; Koranic Culture, 48–49
school in, 67. See also métissage; Nation-Building, Propaganda, and Lit-
racism erature in Francophone Africa
Mission de préfiguration du Centre de (Thomas), 2–3, 20, 131, 213n8
ressources et de mémoire de l’immi- nation-state, 1, 3, 213n5
gration, 35–36 Native Son (Wright), 39, 83, 90, 107;
A Mission to Civilize: The Republican compared with The Black Docker,
Ideal of Empire in France and West 108–113; French translation of,
Africa, 1985–1930 (Conklin), 44 109–110
missionary activity, 7 N’Diaye, J.-P., 32
Mobutu, 160, 164 “Nego-Feminism: Theorizing, Practicing,
mondialisation, 1, 213n4 and Pruning Africa’s Way” (Nnae-
Mongo-Mboussa, Boniface, 18, 210, meka), 213n4
220n90 nègre, 12, 98, 105
Montesquieu, 76, 79 Un nègre à Paris, 43, 68
Moolade (Sembene), 85, 134 Negri, Antonio, 1
Mortimer, Mildred, 61–62, 64, 66 negritude, 5, 7, 83; movement, 88; pro-
Moudileno, Lydie, 20–22, 179 ject, 78
Moura, Jean-Marc, 214n10 “Négritude or Black Cultural National-
Mouralis, Bernard, 43, 46–47, 51, ism” (Irele), 213n27
102 “Neocolonists Seize the French Lan-
Mourides population, 7 guage,” 15
Mudimbe, V. Y., 77, 230n46 New York Times, 15
302 Index
Ngangura, Mweze, 165 ary journals/magazines of, 29; monu-
Ngoye, Achille, 210 ments of, 191–192; as mythic space,
Ngu“g ı“ wa Thiong’o, 159 40; political leaders in, 29; in Rebelle,
Ni putes, ni soumises, 138 146; Senegalese in, 203; travel/migra-
Njami, Simon, 163, 210 tion to, 185–186, 190; in Une esclave
Nnaemeka, Obioma, 132–134, 138–140, moderne, 119. See also An African in
142, 153, 204, 213n4, 242n8, 247n44 Paris; France; Mirages de Paris; La
noir, 12, 98, 107; black versus, 11 sape; sapeurs
“La Noire de . . .” (Sembene), 4, 39, 68, “Paris: A Traversal from East to West”
125–130, 146, 148, 184; colonial hier- (Agulhon), 192
archy in, 128; compared with Une es- Le Paris arabe: Deux siècles de présence
clave moderne, 4, 39, 68, 125–130; des Orientaux et des Maghrébins,
victimization in, 129 1830–2003 (Blanchard), 210
Noiriel, Gérard, 25, 220n94 Le Paris Asie: Du rêve d’Asie à China-
Nokan, Charles, 53 town, 1854–2004 (Blanchard), 211
Nora, Pierre, 2, 191, 213n6 Le Paris noir (Blanchard, Deroo, and
“Notes towards a Politics of Location” Manceron), 9, 11, 210
(Rich), 131 Paris Noir: African Americans in the
notion of generation, 21 City of Light (Stovall), 9, 86
Nouvelles Editions Africaines, 111 Parisianism, notion of, 18, 24
novel, 83 Peabody, Susan, 17, 25
Nwankwo, Nkem, 163 peasants, 56
Nzabatsinda, André, 106 Pierre Cardin, 164
Nzenza-Shand, Sekai, 117 place, 22; territory versus, 18
plagiarism, 92–93; in The Black Docker,
“Oblivion” (Augé), 36 101, 103–106, 108–113
O’Brien, Donal Cruise, 205 The Plumed Serpent (Lawrence), 165
“Of Mimicry and Man: The Ambiva- “Poème liminaire” (Senghor), 213n2
lence of Colonial Discourse” politics: of identity, 2; of migration, 201;
(Bhabha), 162 style, 168
Ogundipe-Leslie, Molara, 153 politics/policies: immigration, 2, 6, 8, 13,
Okeke, Philomena, 153 34, 135, 153, 197
Olomide, Koffi, 170 Ponty, William, 45, 61, 74
“On Private Indirect Government” “Popular Music, Urban Society, and
(Mbembe), 200 Changing Gender Relations in Kin-
On the Postcolony (Mbembe), 93 shasa, Zaire (1950–1990)” (Gondola),
Orientalism (Said), 79 166
Oulipo, 83 population: displacement, 2; minority,
Ouologuem, Yambo, 53, 83, 93, 111 33; movements, 3
The Outsider (Wright), 90 Porgès, Laurence, 136, 153
Owens, Jesse, 87 Portrait du décolonisé arabo-musulman
Oyono, Ferdinand, 41, 60, 69, 81, 159, et de quelques autres (Memmi), 5
227n7 Postcolonial Hospitality: The Immigrant
as Guest (Rosello), 3
Packer, Corinne, 243n14 Postcolonial Melancholia (Gilroy), 17
Pamuk, Orhan, 213n7 postcolonial productions, 8
Papa Wemba, 164, 174 postcolonial theory, 83; abrogation as,
Paris, 9–10, 11, 23, 32, 42, 50, 85, 96, 83, 92; appropriation as, 83, 92
155–156; African Americans in, 10, postcolonialism, 2, 186. See also colo-
87, 170; and African writers, 9, 18, nialism
19; in Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, 179–184; postcolony: colony versus, 2; gender is-
centrality of, 16, 19, 24, 42, 206; im- sues in, 40
migrant populations in, 29; in Le The Practice of Diaspora: Literature,
ventre de l’Atlantique, 190–195; liter- Translation, and the Rise of Black
 Index 303
Internationalism (Edwards, Brent Riesz, János, 103–105, 113
Hayes), 10, 87 rites of passage, 144
La préférence nationale (Diome), 23, La rive noire (Fabre), 9
127, 188, 201 Robertson, Roland, 133
Présence africaine, 89–90, 112 Le roi Babar (Brunhoff), 162
Presses Universitaires de France, 43 Rosello, Mireille, 3, 12–13, 110–111,
Le prolétariat africain en France 125, 127–128, 187, 197
(Samuel), 189 Rosny, Eric de, 158, 188
Proust, Marcel, 178, 182 Rubinstein, Ruth P., 165
La rue Cases-Nègres (Zobel), 94–95
Rabine, Leslie W., 162–163 Rushdie, Salman, 12, 17, 202, 211
race, 210; in Britain, 33; and citizenship,
12; in France, 17; historiography of, Safran, William, 14
12; relations, 26; in Western Europe, Said, Edward, 78–79
85 Samba, Chéri, xii, 164
racism, 17, 24, 27–28, 100, 239n54; in Samuel, Michel, 189
France, 10, 34, 72, 97; in Le gone du Sangre negra (Chenal), 90
Châaba, 95 La sape, 40, 131, 156–172, 248n7; ho-
Raffarin, Jean-Pierre, 35 moerotic/homosocial dimension of,
railroad, 55 165, 167; masculinist exigencies of,
Raissiguier, Catherine, 207 177, 247n4; origins of, 150; as
Ramírez, Catherine, 168–169 transnationalism, 163. See also Paris
Rampersad, Arnold, 109 sapeurs, 40, 56, 74, 157–177, 183–184,
reappropriation. See plagiarism 191; challenges/battles of, 170–171;
Rebelle (Keïta), 39, 133–146, 133–154; circular mission of, 157, 171–172,
activism in, 147; barbarism in, 149; 193; dance of designer labels of, 170;
dignity/respect in, 143; education in, experience of, 157; in Paris, 170–171,
150–151; exogamous relationship in, 183, 193, 247n4; resistance of, 164.
147; female excision in, 143, 147, See also Paris
148–150; gender roles in, 145; mas- Sartre, Jean-Paul, 34, 41, 83, 239n54
culinity in, 145; Paris in, 146; rite of Sassen, Saskia, 2, 33, 114, 186, 195, 197,
passage in, 144; traditionalism in, 142; 254n26
treatment of African women in, 146; Sassou-Nguesso, Denis, 164
violence in, 145 Saunders, Rebecca, 196–197
recycling, 83, 92 savage, 136–137
“Reflections on a Triangular Trade in school system, in Climbié, 57
Borrowing and Stealing: Textual Ex- Schwartz, Rémy, 35
ploitation in a Selection of African, secularism, future of, 17
Caribbean and European Writers in Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky, 166, 168
French” (Little), 237n38 Sembene, Ousmane, 4, 10, 19, 27, 39, 47,
Regarding the Pain of Others (Sontag), 68, 75, 79, 82, 84–113, 115, 125–130,
37 134, 146, 155, 163, 184, 199, 205,
relations of disjuncture, 3 240n64, 245n25; Afrocentrist tone of,
Repenser les migrations (Green), 3 85; interview, 84–85
La République coloniale: Essai sur une Senegal, 203–205. See also France; soc-
utopie (Bancel, Blanchard, Vergès), 33, cer
34, 42 Senghor, Lamine, 49
République et colonies: Entre histoire et Senghor, Léopold Sédar, 1, 7, 10, 11, 64,
mémoire; La République française et 88, 204, 239n55
l’Afrique (Mouralis), 43 Senghor, Richard, 206
Rereading Camara Laye (King), 6 sexuality, 100, 149, 247n38
reversed colonization, 2 Shand, Sekai Nzenza, 134
La revue du monde noire, 88 Shih, Shui-mei, 8, 9
Rich, Adrienne, 131 Signification, 92
304 Index
The Signifying Monkey: A Theory of Territoires d’Outre-mer, 7, 10
African-American Literary Criticism territory, 21–22; place versus, 18
(Gates), 92 “Testimony, Co-authorship, and Dispos-
Siliadin, Siwa-Akofa. See Akofa, Henri- session among the Maghrebi Minority
ette in France” (Hargreaves), 132
Simulacra and Simulation (Baudrillard), texts: on Africa, 93; colonial/postcolonial
170 era, 4, 39, 42, 49, 202; francophone,
slavery, 7, 115, 122–125, 129, 130; aboli- 6, 48; new immigrant, 6; originality in
tion of, 6, 115; in The Black Docker, francophone, 83; protagonists of Afri-
105–106; in Une esclave moderne, can, 52–53; sub-Saharan African, 48.
118; identity formation and, 13; servi- See also literature; narratives
tude versus, 124–125; in Le ventre de textual ownership, 83–84, 99
l’Atlantique, 198–199, 202 Theories of Africans (Miller), 77
Snow (Pamuk), 213n7 There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack:
soccer, 203; multiculturalism in, 201; in The Cultural Politics of Race and Na-
Le ventre de l’Atlantique, 195, 201. tion (Gilroy), 11
See also globalization; migration Third Republic, 47
Socé, Ousmane, 42, 43, 51, 66–75, 86, third space, 5, 12, 13, 31
186, 193–194 Thomas, Dominic, 213n8
social capital, 55–56, 121, 196, 225n153 Todd, Emmanuel, 7, 26
Société des ambianceurs et des personnes Toubon, Jacques, 35
élégantes. See La sape transcolonialism, 4; consciousness of, 8;
Société des amis des Noirs, 6, 12 model of, 216n37; subjectivity of, 8
La sociéte française au prisme de translation, 111. See also plagiarism
l’héritage colonial (Blanchard), 211 transnationalism, 4, 16, 177. See also
Le soleil noir point (Nokan), 53 La sape
Somalis, 15 Traoré, Aminata, 153–154
soninké, 7 Traoré, Sayouba, 47
Sontag, Susan, 37 Treat, Ida, 85
South Asians, 17 triangulation, 13
sovereign subjects, 5; immigrants versus, Les trois volontés de Malic (Diagne),
5 49–50
“Le spectre de l’esclavage” (Botte), 115 Turbin, Carole, 156
Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty, 159
Le spleen de Casablanca (Lâabi), 179 unconscious of modernity, 159
Stasi, Bernard, 207 Union nationale des commerçants et in-
“‘The Status of Women’ in Indigenous dustriels du Sénégal, 200
African Societies” (Sudarkasa), 139 universalism, 8–9, 142, 210; in Une es-
Stein, Mark, 17, 21 clave moderne, 118; French, 239n55;
Stiglitz, Joseph, 189, 194–195 interactive, 152
Stovall, Tyler, 9, 10, 17, 25, 29–30, 73, universalist deliberative democracy, 152
86, 216n37 University of Paris, 43
Structural Adjustment Programs, 197 us versus them, 35
student(s), 32; associations, 32, 50
style politics, 168 Vaillant-Couturier, Paul, 85
Sudarkasa, Niara, 139 Le ventre de l’Atlantique (Diome), 40,
Système de la mode (Barthes), 170 68, 186, 188–205, 195; disillusionment
in, 198; identity in, 203; man from
Tansi, Sony Labou, 83, 151, 163, 166, Barbès in, 190–193, 198; memory sites
229n40 in, 191; notion of passport in, 202;
Tchak, Sami, 210 slavery in, 198–199, 202; social capital
Les techniciens de la colonisation, 43 in, 196; world soccer in, 195. See also
Les temps modernes, 89–90 migration; Paris
Terray, Emmanuel, 207 Vergès, Françoise, 47, 211
 Index 305
Verre cassé (Mabanckou), 178 Wright, Richard, 10, 11, 39, 82–83,
vestimentary code, 170 86–92, 107–113, 237n34; received in
Une vie de boy (Oyono), 60, 69, 159 France, 90
La vie est belle (Ngangura), 165 writer(s): African, 4, 6, 9, 10, 22–24, 42,
La vie et demie (Tansi), 163 44, 105, 133–134, 166, 195, 227n8;
Villepin, Dominique de, 208 African American, 4, 11, 85–86, 88,
La violation d’un pays (Senghor), 49–50 105, 107; avant-garde resistance, 49;
violence, 100; in L’aventure ambiguë, 61; Beur, 19, 208, 239n58; colonial, 8;
in The Black Docker, 100–101; in Re- consciousness versus projects, 84;
belle, 145 diasporic, 120; English language, 15;
Vogue Movement, 168 expatriate, 5; fourth-generation, 20;
Voices from the North African Commu- in France, 16, 22–23; francophone,
nity in France: Immigration and Iden- 15–16, 23, 43, 47, 70, 78, 82, 90, 116,
tity in Beur Fiction (Hargreaves), 19 178, 237n38; French, 227n8; immi-
grant, 22; nationalist, 49; North Afri-
Waberi, Abdourahman A., 20–21 can, 19; official, 49; postcolonial, 8;
Wade, Abdoulaye, 204 sub-Saharan African, 18, 24, 43, 46,
Watts, Richard, 229n32, 241n10 58, 70, 166, 178; young, 23. See also
We, the People of Europe: Reflections on literature; Paris; texts
Transnational Citizenship (Balibar), writing: African-American, 85; Ameri-
207 can, 89; anticolonial, 7; Caribbean,
Weil, Patrick, 37, 208 89; diasporic, 85; francophone
Welles, Orson, 90 African, 133
Western language literacy, 82
White, Edmund, 10 Xala (Sembene), 163
Wieviorka, Michel, 24, 37
women. See African women Yazami, Driss El, 35
World Bank, 197–198, 200
World Cup: 1998, 201; 2002, 203–204 Zaire, 160, 164
World War I, 29–30 Zebda, 209
World War II, 29–30, 50, 88, 96–97, 169 Zidane, Zinadine, 201
The World Republic of Letters Zobel, Joseph, 94
(Casanova), 9, 23 zoot-suit subculture, 168–169
 Dominic Thomas is Chair of the Department of French and
Francophone Studies and Professor of Comparative Literature
at the University of California, Los Angeles. He is author of
Nation-Building, Propaganda, and Literature in Francophone Africa
(Indiana University Press, 2002).