Turkan-i Chihilgani (Barani calls them bandagan Turk Chihilgan; group of ‘forty’ Turkish slave officers)

was the creation of Iltutmish who used their expertise, unflinching courage, commitment, unconditional
fidelity and adroitness for the consolidation of his nascent Sultanate. These Turkish slaves were nurtured
with extreme care. They were purchased by Iltutmish at an high cost (each for an average of 50000 jitals
or more). They excelled in valour and courage and possessed excellent qualities to administer the
territories. Minhaj lists twenty-five from the ‘group of forty’. Some of them are referred to by Minhaj as
Muizzi suggests probably Iltutmish inherited them from his master Muizuddin bin Sam. These slave
officers were well trained in the art of warfare, provided educational training of Persian, Arabic and
Shariat. The most prominent among them were: Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan Ayaz. Iltutmish purchased
him from the heirs of Malik Nasiruddin Husain. Ruknuddin Firuz made him iqtadar of Sunam. Raziya
appointed him at Lahore and also gave iqta of Multan; Malik Izzuddin Salari was appointed by Raziya
iqtadar of Badaun; Malik Saifuddin Kuchi was appointed iqtadar of Hansi; Malik Alauddin Jani held the
iqtadari of Lahore; Ikhtiyaruddin Qaraqash Khan Aitigin was a Qara-Khita Turk. Iltutmish assigned him
iqta of Multan. He purchased him from Amir Aibek Sunami. Raziya appointed him iqtadar of Badaun, and
later made him amir-i hajib; Ikhtiyaruddin Altunia was sar chatrdar at the time of Iltutmish’s death.
Raziya appointed him iqtadar of Baran and later of Tabarhinda (Bhatinda). However, Iltutmish would
have never thought of that those Turkish slaves whom he nurtured with so much affection and trust and
raised them to the highest offices would, one day be responsible for series of murders of his
descendents and one day would completly exterminate his male line. After Iltutmish’s death they
practically emerged as king-makers and finally with Balban’s accession (who was one of the member of
the ‘group of forty’) they assumed the royal power. They all wielded almost equal power and claimed
equality among all being slaves of one of one master (Shamsi) and formed one group (Turkish-slaves).
Barani mentions that they claimed: ‘I and none other’…What are you that I am not and what have you
been that I have not been.’ Barani laments: ‘Owing to the incompetence of the successors of
Shamsuddin and the predominance of the Shamsi slaves, no dignity was left with the suprme
command…; and the court of Shamsuddin, which had grown in stability and power till it exceeded the
courts of all kings of the inhabited world, was now a thing of no value’ ( Habib & Nizami 1982: 233). Very
early, Raziya realized the increasing power of the Turkish slaves, attempted to offset them by creating a
parallel counter-nobility. It was this that brought her in direct conflict with the Tajik (non-Turkish free-
born foreigners of high lineage; largely Persians) Turks and Turkish slave officers. Nizamul Mulk Junaidi,
a Tajik, wazir of Iltutmish opposed Raziya’s accession supported by the ‘group of forty’ (Malik Alauddin
Jani, Malik Saifuddin Kuchi, Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan Ayaz, and Malik Izzuddin Muhammad Salari).
Raziya’s appointment of an Abyssinian Malik Jamaluddin Yaqut to the post of amir-i akhur was equally
resented by the Turkish slave officers; the office was never before given to a non-Turk. Aitigin and
Altunia raised the banner of revolt, rejecting Raziya they placed Muizuddin Bahram Shah to the throne.
Raziya in her attempt to gain power married Altunia. However, Raziya and Altunia got defeated and
were later killed (1240). Under Bahram this ‘group of forty’ succeeded in creating an office of naib-i
mamalakat which was directly aimed at creating a parallel power centre and undermining the power of
the monarchy. Malik Ikhtiyaruddin Aitigin was appointed to the post; while Muhazzabuddin Muhammad
Iwaz held the office of wazir. Aitigin not only married the divorced sister of the Sultan but also started
keeping elephants.
and naubat (kettle-drum) at the gate of his house which were exclusive privileges of the Sultan in direct
violation. Bahram tried to get rid of Aitigin and I was and got Aitigin killed but Iwaz escaped. Again Sadrul
Mulk Saiyyid Tajuddin Ali Musawi hatched the conspiracy against Bahram. Though Bahram also got him
killed but could not sustain long the conspiracies of the Turkish slaves and was assassinated by them in
1242. Thus Turkish slaves emerged king-makers; already killed two of Iltutmish’s successors. However,
they were content with acquiring administrative power and never aspired to replace the Shamsi
dynasty. Besides, they enjoyed trust within the ‘group of forty’ and never attempted to kill each other, a
policy which later Balban resorted to. Turkish slaves now put Alauddin Masud Shah, son of Ruknuddin
Firuz to the throne. Tajiks and Turkish slaves distributed the choicest offices among themselves: Malik
Qutbuddin Hasan Ghuri was appointed naib-i mamalakat; Ikhtiyaruddin Qaraqash was made amir-i
hajib; and Malik Izuddin Balban Kishlu Khan was granted iqta of Mandor and Ajmer; while Malik
Tajuddin Sanjar Qutlaq received Badaun. Balban Kishlu Khan was the most ambitious of the group of
‘forty’. Balban was brought from Turkistan to Baghadad and purchased by Khwaja Jamaluddin Basir who
brought him to India and was sold to Iltutmish along with his half brother Saifuddin Aibek (Kishli Khan)
and father’s brother’s son Nusratuddin Sher Khan. Under Iltutmish Balban served as khasadar. Bahram
Shah made him amir-i akhur and received iqta of Rewari and later received governorship of Hansi. After
Muhazabuddin’s murder he got the office of amir-i hajib. Balban gradually attempted to remove all
powerful Maliks of the group of forty. In 1246, Masud Shah was also imprisoned by the Turkish slaves
where he died. Turkish slaves then put Nasiruddin Mahmud, grandson of Iltutmish, to the throne.

Nasiruddin Mahmud who owed his power to Shamsi maliks had no choice but to obey them.
Commenting on Nasiruddin Mahmud’s meek surrender Isami mentions that he ‘was from his heart the
well-wisher of every one of them…He expressed no opinion without their prior permission; he did not
move his hands or feet except their order. He would neither drink water nor go to sleep except with
their knowledge’ (Habib & Nizami 1982: 257). But so long as the ‘group of forty’ remained united
Nasiruddin Mahmud had no problem adjusting to their whims. Balban was the most ambitious and
powerful of them who was stationed at Delhi. Nasiruddin Mahmud did what Balban asked him to do.
Nasiruddin Mahmud married Balban’s daughter in 1249 which was followed by the appointment of
Balban as naib-i mamalakat and received the title Ulugh Khan (the premier Khan). Balban’s younger
brother Saifuddin Aibek was made amir-i hajib and also received the title Kishli Khan. By 1250 a
substantial part of the empire came into the hands of one family, that of Balban: at the centre were
Ulugh Khan and Kishli Khan; whole Sind was under the control of his cousin Sher Khan; at Lakhnauti
(Bengal) Yazbek Tughril Khan was incharge who was Iltutmish’s slave and was an appointee of Balban.
Ulugh Khan also held the territories of Hansi and Siwalik; while Nagaur was with Saifuddin Kishli Khan.

This raised alarm and suspicion among other Turkish slave officers. Circumstances changed fast with the
rise of Imaduddin Raihan, an Indian Muslim to power in 1252-53 who was appointed wakildar (deputy to
the king in judicial matters). This raised alarm not only among the Turkish slaves but also among the
Tajiks (free born non-Turks) also opposed his appointment and rise to power. Balban succeeded in
defeating and later killing him in 1255. Immediately after that shockingly Ulugh Khan ordered the public
assassination of Malik Qutbuddin Hasan Ghuri. Never before the dissentions within the Tajiks and the
‘group of forty’ cropped up to such an extent. By 1257 another senior member of the group
Ikhtiyaruddin Yuzbek Tughril Khan died in Lakhnauti; while in 1258 Balban poisoned Qutlagh Khan and
Arsalan Khan. Thus began Balban’s policy of wiping out major contenders from within the ‘group of
forty’. Ulugh Khan’s half brother Kishli Khan also died in 1259 to Balban’s advantage and he also got his
uncle’s son Sher Khan poisoned. Finally, Ulugh Khan poisoned Nasiruddin Mahmud in 1266 and usurped
the crown with the title Ghiyasuddin Balban. Firishta informs that ‘he killed many of the descendants of
Shamsuddin Iltutmish whom he considered to be rivals for the throne’. On Balban’s accession Isami also
remarks, ‘When Ulugh Khan ascended the throne the teeth of the officers were broken; they all came
under his control without any argument or reasoning’ (Habib & Nizami 1982: 276). Thus with a number
of the ‘group of forty’ gone or eliminated Balban was left with hardly any resistance from the ‘group of
forty’ to reckon with. The only strong Shamsi Malik left was Tughril Beg at Lakhnauti whom Balban
finally got brutally murdered through his officers, not even sparing those who supported him.

Thus the ‘group of forty’ whom Iltutmish created and utilized effectively for the consolidation of his
nascent empire not only completely extinguished the Shamsi line of descendents by brutally murdering
all of them but also broke the back of the entire Turkish nobility. His policy of ‘poison and dagger’
proved fatal and wiped away ‘talented and gifted Turkish nobles’.‘Anxious to secure his personal and
family interests, he [Balban] completely ignored the interests of the Turkish governing class. He
destroyed the talent amongst the Turkish nobles so ruthlessly that when the Khaljis entered the field as
competitors for the throne against them, they were completely outmaneuvered and defeated. Balban’s
responsibility for the fall of the Turkish power in India cannot be denied. His consolidation programme,
no doubt, ensured the continuance of the Delhi sultanate and paved the way for the further expansion
of the sultanat under the Khaljis, but his attitude towards the Turkish nobility crippled it and reduced its
life-span’ (Habib & Nizami 1982: 286).