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Feminism

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20 views15 pages

Feminism

Uploaded by

Samta Kumari
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
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Feminist jurisprudence looks at how laws and legal systems impact women,

highlighting gender biases that might be hidden in apparently neutral rules. While
traditional legal theory sees law as separate from society, feminists argue that it's
influenced by politics, economics, history, and culture. They believe that laws can
perpetuate inequalities, making them seem natural. Unlike traditional legal
thought, feminist jurisprudence focuses on the real experiences of women within
the legal system.

There's no one-size-fits-all approach in feminist jurisprudence. Diversity of


perspectives is valued because it reflects the diverse experiences of women.
Feminists see feminism as a method of analysis rather than a fixed set of
conclusions. While domestic law has been extensively analyzed from a feminist
perspective, international law has been less explored. However, some feminists
are starting to examine how international laws, particularly those related to
human rights, impact women directly.
This article questions why gender hasn't been considered in international law and
explores how feminist scholarship can change that. It starts by looking at the
challenges of applying a feminist perspective to international law and highlights
how the current structure of international law favors men. The authors apply
feminist analyses from domestic law to international legal principles, showing
how these principles often benefit men and marginalize women. They argue that
international law is inherently biased towards men and privileges their interests,
while overlooking or sidelining women's concerns.

By challenging the way international law operates and shedding light on its
gendered nature, feminist legal theory can push for progressive changes in
international law. It suggests that the current international system serves the
interests of male elites while neglecting the basic needs of women. By
acknowledging the voices of women and exposing the biases within international
law, feminist theory aims to pave the way for positive transformations.

This section explores the idea of a "different voice" in international law, focusing
on how feminist and Third World perspectives challenge traditional notions.
Feminist scholars aim to highlight a unique women's perspective that has been
overlooked in traditional views. They draw from psychologist Carol Gilligan's
work, which suggests that women approach moral dilemmas differently, often
emphasizing care and relationships over abstract principles of justice.
However, some critics argue that associating women with caring and conciliation
can reinforce stereotypes. Despite this debate, the focus remains on identifying
women's experiences that are often ignored in international law discussions, thus
undermining the universality of the discipline.

This section explores whether women's voices and values are represented in
international law through the perspectives of Third World nations. It discusses
how post-colonial states challenge traditional international norms, often
emphasizing negotiation and consensus-building, similar to the "different voice"
often associated with women.

Some scholars note similarities between the perspectives culturally associated


with women and those of developing nations. Both groups often resist
assimilation to prevailing standards and advocate for radical change, highlighting
cooperation over individual advancement. However, despite these parallels, the
voices of developing nations in international law have not particularly focused on
feminist perspectives. Power structures and decision-making processes in these
societies still exclude women, and discussions on challenging international law
have primarily revolved around economic disparities rather than gender
inequalities.

Overall, while developing nations have challenged the Eurocentric origins of


international law, their focus has not extended to addressing the unequal impact
of international law on women. This lack of emphasis on gender issues in
international law may be due to concerns about further confrontation, hindering
the development of a gender-based analysis of international law.
This passage discusses the challenges faced by feminists in both the First and
Third Worlds. It highlights how the dominant discourse in law, politics, and
science often excludes non-European perspectives, making it difficult for Third
World feminists to be heard. Additionally, it notes that Western feminism's focus
on achieving equality with men may not resonate with women in the Third World,
who face different struggles such as population control measures. Furthermore, it
explores how colonial legacies and nationalist movements have impacted women
in the Third World, forcing them to navigate between Western ideals and local
traditions.
Despite these differences, feminists from all backgrounds share a common goal:
challenging male dominance. Whether in the First or Third World, feminists aim
to reform structures that perpetuate gender inequality. An international feminist
perspective on international law seeks to address these issues and amplify the
voices of marginalized women worldwide.
This section argues that the international legal system is predominantly shaped
by a masculine perspective, resulting in the exclusion and marginalization of
women's voices. It examines the organizational structures of both states and
international organizations, highlighting how power is concentrated in masculine
elites and women are largely absent from decision-making roles.

In states, women are significantly underrepresented in positions of power and


decision-making, reinforcing patriarchal structures. Similarly, international
organizations mirror these power dynamics, with women relegated to subordinate
roles. Despite efforts such as Article 8 of the United Nations Charter, which aimed
to ensure gender equality, women's appointments within international
organizations have not fulfilled the promise of equality.

Women are excluded from major decision-making processes within international


institutions, despite the disproportionate impact of these decisions on women.
Representation of women in bodies responsible for creating and developing
international law is minimal, with only a single woman having served as a judge
on the International Court of Justice.

Even in areas like human rights, where attention could be directed towards
women's issues, female representation remains low. For instance, the Committee
on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women has faced criticism for its
disproportionate representation of women, with efforts made to decrease female
participation.

Overall, despite some progress, women continue to be marginalized within the


international legal system, with their voices often silenced and their perspectives
overlooked.
The significance of having all major institutions of the international legal order
populated by men lies in the perpetuation of a system where issues traditionally
affecting men are viewed as universal human concerns, while issues affecting
women are marginalized as secondary or niche concerns.

When decision-making bodies are predominantly male, issues like sex


discrimination, domestic violence, and sexual exploitation are often disregarded
or relegated to the sidelines because men generally do not experience these forms
of oppression. As a result, these issues are not given the attention and priority
they deserve on the international stage.

If these institutions were truly representative of humanity, with balanced gender


composition, there would be a fundamental shift in perspective. The horizons of
international law and politics would broaden to encompass issues that were
previously considered domestic or relegated to the realm of women's concerns
only.

Just as there is recognition and accommodation of diverse economic, regional,


and ideological interests in international organizations, there should also be an
acknowledgment of the gender composition of these bodies. By including women
in decision-making roles, the concerns and perspectives of half of the world's
population would be integrated into the discourse, leading to a more
comprehensive and equitable approach to addressing global challenges.
The normative structure of international law often overlooks the different impacts
of its principles on men and women. International law, which primarily deals with
relations between states, tends to assume neutrality and universality in its
application to individuals. However, this overlooks how these principles may
affect men and women differently.

International law is built upon various dichotomies, such as the distinction


between public and private spheres. Traditionally, the public sphere, including
areas like politics and economics, is seen as the domain of men, while the private
sphere, involving activities like childcare and domestic duties, is associated with
women. This division reflects broader societal norms that prioritize the public,
male-dominated world over the private, female-associated one.
Feminist scholars argue that this public/private distinction perpetuates gender
inequality by assigning lesser value to activities traditionally associated with
women. Despite variations across societies, there is a universal pattern of
devaluing women's roles and activities as "private" and, consequently, less
significant.

Maintaining this distinction relies on deeply ingrained beliefs about gender roles.
Traditional social norms dictate that men should exhibit active behaviors like
ambition and competition, while women are expected to be passive and nurturing.
This reinforces the perception that men belong in the public sphere, while women
are confined to the private sphere.

In essence, the normative structure of international law, influenced by societal


gender norms, tends to overlook the unequal impact of its principles on men and
women, perpetuating gender inequality.
The public/private distinction, deeply ingrained in legal thinking, continues to
influence international law despite critiques of its cultural construction. This
distinction shapes the language and framework of the law, with concepts like
rationality, power, and objectivity associated with the public or male sphere,
while emotions and subjectivity are linked to the private or female sphere. The
law historically focuses on regulating the public domain, like the workplace and
politics, while being hesitant to intervene in private matters like family and home
life.

This distinction affects how legal systems address issues such as violence within
the home. In many cases, violence in domestic settings is not treated with the
same severity as violence outside the home. The regulation of areas like taxation,
education, and healthcare also impacts the private sphere, despite the perception
that it is uncontrolled.

In international law, this distinction is evident in the prohibition of torture. While


torture is universally condemned, the definition often fails to adequately address
forms of suffering experienced predominantly by women and children, such as in
times of civil unrest or armed conflict. The traditional definition of torture
requires involvement by public officials, neglecting instances of private brutality.
Consequently, international law's focus on public acts of torture may overlook
pervasive, structural violations of rights, particularly those affecting women.

In summary, the public/private distinction ingrained in legal systems, including


international law, can perpetuate gender inequality by marginalizing women's
experiences and concerns. Despite efforts to challenge this distinction, its
influence persists, shaping how legal systems address and prioritize different
forms of harm and rights violations.
The international legal system's response to torture and violence against women
is limited by the public/private distinction, which often fails to recognize violence
inflicted outside the most public context of the state, such as within the home or
by private individuals. While severe pain and suffering inflicted by private actors
may not qualify as torture under international law, it nonetheless has a profound
impact on the dignity of individuals, particularly women. Violence against
women is deeply rooted in power dynamics and serves to maintain existing
structures of domination and privilege.

States are typically held responsible for torture only when their designated agents
directly commit such acts, and responsibility is imputed to the state. However,
states may not be held accountable if violations of physical and mental integrity
are endemic within their legal and social systems. This narrow conception of state
responsibility perpetuates systems of control over women without adequate
intervention from human rights frameworks.

The normative structure of international law also fails to address realities such as
trafficking in women, which involves exploitation and subordination based on
deeply ingrained constructs of gender power dynamics. Existing international
norms are incomplete and limited in scope, often failing to fully prohibit practices
like sexual trafficking due to economic considerations. Similar to the historical
struggle against slavery, meaningful progress in combating sexual trafficking may
require economic interests to align with moral convictions within the
international legal system.
In summary, the international legal system's response to violence against women
is constrained by ideological constructs and economic interests, limiting its ability
to fully protect the rights and dignity of women globally.
The Women's Convention, formally known as the Convention on the Elimination
of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), is a significant
international instrument addressing gender-based discrimination. However, its
effectiveness and implementation face several challenges.

One key issue is the interpretation of discrimination against women within the
Convention. While it goes beyond mere equality of opportunity to include
equality of result, its underlying assumption is often criticized for treating men
and women as essentially the same. This model of equality tends to be based on
a male standard, neglecting the real differences and inequalities between genders
and the barriers to their removal.

Moreover, the Women's Convention has weaker implementation procedures


compared to other human rights instruments. This has led to the specialized nature
of the Convention being used to justify ignoring or minimizing women's
perspectives by mainstream human rights bodies. Additionally, many states have
made reservations and declarations of understanding when ratifying the
Convention, citing conflicts with religious or customary laws. These reservations
undermine the Convention's objectives and demonstrate the inadequacy of the
current normative structure of international law.

Overall, while the Women's Convention draws attention to issues of distinct


concern to women and provides a mix of civil, political, economic, and social
rights, its impact is hindered by weaker implementation mechanisms and
numerous reservations made by states. This highlights the ongoing challenges in
achieving gender equality and addressing discrimination against women within
the international legal framework.

This excerpt provides an overview of how feminist legal theory can be applied to
the analysis of international law, particularly focusing on the critique of rights
within this framework. Let's break down the main points:
1. **Feminist Methodology**: Feminist legal theory emphasizes taking women
seriously and valuing their experiences and perspectives. It involves challenging
traditional legal structures and examining fundamental aspects of legal systems,
such as language, categorization, and power dynamics.

2. **Critique of Rights**: Feminist scholars question whether the pursuit of


formal legal rights effectively promotes women's equality. They argue that while
rights may have been important in the early stages of feminism, simply focusing
on acquiring rights may not address the underlying power imbalances and
complexities faced by women. The rhetoric of rights is seen as limited and
insufficient in addressing the intricate power dynamics that perpetuate inequality.

3. **Complex Power Relations**: The formal acquisition of rights, such as equal


treatment, is criticized for often oversimplifying complex power dynamics.
Economic and social dependencies, as well as cultural norms, can hinder women's
ability to effectively exercise their rights. Moreover, rights discourse tends to
focus on individual cases rather than addressing systemic issues.

4. **Prioritization of Rights**: International law tends to prioritize civil and


political rights over economic, social, and cultural rights, which are more relevant
to women's experiences of oppression. This prioritization may not adequately
address the structural inequalities faced by women.

5. **Competing Rights**: Women's rights may clash with other rights, such as
property rights or religious freedoms. This can result in women's rights being
marginalized or overlooked in legal contexts.

6. **Marginalization of Women's Rights**: Designing rights specifically for


women can be politically challenging and may further marginalize women's
issues within legal frameworks.

7. **Impact of Religious Freedom**: The right to freedom of religion can have


differing impacts on women and men, as religious practices often reinforce
gender inequalities. Attempts to prioritize women's rights in religious contexts
have faced resistance and hostility.

In summary, feminist legal theory offers a critical lens through which to analyze
international law, particularly in questioning the effectiveness of rights-based
approaches in advancing women's equality and addressing the complex power
dynamics that perpetuate gender inequality.

This passage highlights the complexities surrounding the application of


internationally recognized rights, particularly in relation to women's rights and
their intersection with cultural, traditional, and religious values, especially in
Third World countries. Let's delve into the main points:

1. **Criticism of Rights Discourse**: The excerpt begins by illustrating how the


recommendation by the CEDAW Committee to study the status of women under
Islamic laws and customs faced opposition from representatives of Islamic
nations who perceived it as a threat to their freedom of religion. Ultimately, the
recommendation was rejected by the General Assembly, highlighting the
challenges of addressing women's rights within cultural and religious contexts.

2. **Impact on Women in Traditional Family Structures**: The passage also


discusses how internationally recognized rights, particularly those related to the
protection of the family, may not adequately address the realities of women who
experience abuse and violence within traditional family structures. While these
rights aim to protect the family unit, they may inadvertently perpetuate power
imbalances within families, leading to the subjugation of women and children.

3. **Third World Perspectives on Rights**: It explores how the development of


rights can be problematic for women in Third World countries, where women's
rights may clash with traditional values. For example, the Banjul Charter, the
human rights instrument of the Organization of African Unity, emphasizes
communal rights over individual rights, potentially marginalizing the rights of
women within these communities.
4. **Contradictions in Policy and Practice**: There's an examination of
contradictions in policies regarding women's rights in some African societies,
where policymakers grapple with conflicting ideologies derived from Marxism
and traditional values. This highlights the complexities of implementing women-
oriented policies in contexts where traditional values may conflict with modern
notions of gender equality.

5. **Symbolic Power of Rights**: Despite these challenges, the assertion of


rights can still hold symbolic significance for oppressed groups, providing a basis
for organizing against inequality. Rights discourse remains a potent tool for
challenging traditional legal orders and developing alternative principles,
particularly in the international arena.

In summary, the passage underscores the intricate relationship between


internationally recognized rights and the diverse socio-cultural contexts in which
they are applied, particularly regarding women's rights in Third World countries.
It emphasizes the need for a nuanced approach that takes into account the
complexities of gender dynamics, traditional values, and cultural norms when
advocating for women's rights within legal frameworks.

This passage explores how the distinction between the public and private spheres,
as reflected in international law, has implications for the operation of rights,
particularly in the context of the right to development. Let's break down the main
points:

1. **The Right to Development**: The right to development is presented as a


collective or solidarity right, aiming to ensure economic, social, cultural, and
political development for all individuals. States are primarily responsible for
creating conditions conducive to this right, with an emphasis on active
participation and fair distribution of benefits, including ensuring equality of
opportunity for women.

2. **Gender Implications**: Despite the seemingly universal applicability of the


right to development, the passage highlights how discrimination against women
is not adequately addressed within its framework. Traditional analyses of
underdevelopment often overlook the subordination of women to men, focusing
instead on economic factors like capital shortages and exploitation by richer
nations. This narrow focus disregards the disproportionate impact of development
policies on women, who are more likely to suffer from poverty, malnutrition, and
reduced access to resources.

3. **International Development Assistance**: The passage discusses how


international efforts to address economic deprivation often fail to effectively
uplift women in developing countries. Despite calls for stable economic growth
and increased aid, women's access to resources has diminished, their health and
education have suffered, and their work burdens have intensified. This
discrepancy between rhetoric and reality underscores the androcentric nature of
the international economic system, which perpetuates the subordination of
women.

4. **Public/Private Distinction**: The fundamental problem lies in the


reinforcement of the public/private distinction within international law. This
distinction reflects and perpetuates a system that marginalizes women's rights and
reinforces gender inequalities. While the passage acknowledges that the
shortcomings of development practices cannot be solely attributed to legal
formulations, it emphasizes how international legal rhetoric both reflects and
perpetuates systems that contribute to the subordination of women.

In summary, the passage highlights how the public/private distinction in


international law intersects with gender dynamics, particularly in the context of
the right to development. Despite the universal language of rights, women in
developing countries continue to face systemic barriers to economic
empowerment and social advancement, underscoring the need for a more
inclusive and gender-sensitive approach to development within international
legal frameworks.

This passage highlights the intersection of gender, development, and economic


policies in the context of Third World nations. Here's a breakdown:
1. **Role of Women in Development**: Research has shown the significant role
women play in the economies of developing countries, especially in agriculture.
Despite this, development policies often overlook or negatively impact women's
lives.

2. **Public vs. Private Spheres**: The distinction between the public and private
spheres contributes to the invisibility of women's work and needs. Work outside
the market, such as reproductive labor and domestic work, is often disregarded or
undervalued.

3. **UN System of National Accounts (UNSNA)**: This system, used to monitor


states' financial positions and national development trends, excludes certain
activities like reproduction, childcare, and subsistence production from economic
measurements. As a result, women's work is often not recognized or accounted
for in economic policies and aid programs.

4. **Impact of Industrialization on Women**: While industrialization in the


Third World has provided more employment opportunities for women, it has not
significantly improved their economic independence or social standing. Women
often occupy low-paid, low-status jobs without career advancement
opportunities.

5. **Gender Inequality in Development Policies**: The dominant model of


development fails to address the inequality faced by women and often assumes
that any paid employment is beneficial, disregarding the potential for widening
gender disparities.

6. **Neutral Language of Development**: The international discourse on


development often uses neutral language that fails to challenge the assumption
that women's work is of lesser value than men's. This perpetuates gender
inequalities and limits the effectiveness of development efforts.

Overall, the passage emphasizes the need for development policies to recognize
and address the specific challenges faced by women in Third World countries,
rather than treating their concerns as separate issues to be addressed through
special measures.

This passage delves into how the concept of self-determination, particularly in


the context of international law, intersects with gender dynamics, specifically the
treatment of women within groups seeking self-determination. Here's a
breakdown:

1. **Public/Private Dichotomy and Self-Determination**: The division between


the public and private spheres limits the effectiveness of the right to self-
determination, as it fails to address the continued domination and marginalization
of certain groups within nation-states. Despite the notion that self-determination
includes the freedom to pursue economic, social, and cultural development, this
freedom is often denied to certain segments of the population, particularly
women.

2. **Treatment of Women in Self-Determination Movements**: The passage


highlights examples such as Afghanistan and Western Sahara, where the
international community's response to claims of self-determination shows little
concern for the position of women within those groups. In Afghanistan, for
instance, the policies of the mujahidin regarding women were not considered
relevant by the United States when it supported the insurgents against the Soviet-
backed regime. Similarly, in the Sahrawi refugee camps, women have asserted
themselves and played significant roles, yet their efforts receive limited
international support.

3. **Limited Recognition of Women's Rights in Self-Determination**: The


international community typically recognizes the right of "peoples" to self-
determination, primarily in the context of achieving independent statehood.
However, women have not been viewed as a distinct "people" for the purposes of
self-determination. Consequently, the pursuit of self-determination often fails to
address the oppression and domination of women within society.

4. **Gendered Impact of Intervention**: The passage critiques the international


community's focus on "outside" intervention while overlooking internal
dynamics, particularly the subjugation of women within states. Women's freedom
to determine their economic, social, and cultural development is often constrained
by masculine domination within society, yet this aspect is often neglected in
discussions of self-determination.

Overall, the passage argues for a more inclusive approach to self-determination


that considers the rights and agency of women within marginalized groups,
challenging the traditional focus on state-centric definitions of self-
determination. It emphasizes the need for states and the international community
to recognize and address gender inequalities when assessing claims for self-
determination and providing assistance.

This conclusion reflects on the necessity of integrating a feminist perspective into


the study and practice of international law. Here's an analysis of the key points:

1. **Challenging Existing Norms**: The feminist project aims to challenge


existing norms and develop a new agenda for theory, emphasizing the need for
further study of traditional areas of international law from a gender perspective.

2. **Critique of Androcentrism and Euro-centrism**: The paper critiques the


androcentrism and Euro-centrism inherent in modern international law,
highlighting the patriarchal legal institutions, assumptions of objectivity and
universality, and the relegation of women's concerns to the private sphere.

3. **Potential for Feminist Transformation**: Feminist research holds the


promise of fundamentally restructuring traditional international law discourse
and methodology to accommodate alternative world views, aiming to render
patriarchal systems unable to retain dominance.

4. **Opportunities for Change**: While acknowledging the challenges, the


conclusion discusses opportunities for feminist transformation within
international law, such as focusing on structural abuse, revising notions of state
responsibility, and creating mechanisms for hearing complaints from individuals
or groups.
5. **Impact on Women and Social Change**: The conclusion reflects on the
potential impact of reorienting international law on women and social change,
recognizing the role of international law in constructing reality and opening
possibilities for reimagining change and promoting peaceful coexistence.

Overall, the conclusion underscores the importance of integrating feminist


perspectives into international law to address gender inequalities, challenge
patriarchal structures, and promote a more inclusive and equitable global legal
framework. It acknowledges the complexities and challenges involved but
emphasizes the potential for meaningful change through feminist engagement
with international law.

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