THE GREAT BETRAYAL

by Alan Paton

A great deal nas been written in this last month about the black education f i t the existing status of black people,
thirty years of National Party rule, a period which began in other words to give them an inferior education. According
on 26 May, 1948, when Dr. Malan with the aid of Mr to Dr. Verwoerd the new Bantu education would have
Havenga's Afrikaner Party, commanded an absolute both feet firmly planted in the reserves. The Act replaced
majority of five over all comers. instruction through the medium of English in the lower
Malan drove Smuts out of virtually every Afrikaans-speaking standards w i t h instruction in an African language, and laid
seat in the country. Yet Smuts polled 50% of the total vote, down that when official languages, i.e., English and Afrikaans
and Malan and Havenga together polled 40% . This was due were introduced as media of instruction, half the subjects
to the electoral provision which allowed rural seats to be must be taught through the one and the rest through the
underloaded 15% and urban seats to be overloaded 15% . other.
Thus Smuts was defeated because of the provision that he The Bantu Education A c t must be regarded as one of the
had himself agreed to in 1909 at the National Convention most important of the separation laws, because in 1976
which prepared the way for the U nion of South Africa. it to a large extent collapsed when it was rejected by the
children of Soweto. The word " B a n t u " has now gone,
26 May 1948 was the end of an era, and the beginning of the equality of English and Afrikaans is no longer insisted
another. The National Party began the total re-structuring of upon, nor the obligation to teach all primary school subjects
South African society, the fundamental principle being through the medium of an African language.
the political, educational, social, cultural separation of Thus we see in 1978 that the whole structure of racial
the races. The new laws were of t w o kinds; the first were separation is beginning to break down. The laws that were
laws of racial separation, the second were laws to deal made to give security to Afrikanerdom are now seen — by
w i t h the opposition, the security laws in fact. those who are able to think — to endanger its future. A n d
The forerunner of the security laws was the Suppression there can be no doubt that the whole future of Afrikaner-
of Communism A c t of 1950, which gave the Minister of dom the future of all white people, the future of our
Justice the power to restrict drastically the liberty of any Asian population, and also — but in a different way — the
person whom he considered to be advancing the aims of future of the African and Coloured populations, are all
Communism, and therefore to be challenging law and of them unpredictable, except that one can say with
order and threatening the security of the State. This certainty that the day of black liberation has drawn
is the process known as " b a n n i n g " and under it members measurably nearer.
of the old Liberal Party were restricted, among them Peter It is generally admitted — except by people like the Prime
Brown, the Hains, E. V . Mahomed, the Hills of Durban, Minister — that South Africa is in crisis. And in my view it
Eiliot Mngadi. is wholly justifiable to maintain that the immediate cause is
The Suppression of Communism Act must be regarded as the way we have been governed in the last t h i r t y years. But
marking a water-shed in our history, and in the history of this article is historical rather than political, and its aim is to
law and the liberty of the citizen. For the first time, show that the seeds of crisis were sown long before the
except in times of war, the liberty of a man or woman National Party came to power in 1948. Its aim is to show
could be drastically restricted w i t h o u t any recourse to a that the terrible laws of the last thirty years had their
court of law; the restricted person had no right to know terrible forerunners, the consequences of which were
why the Minister had decided to restrict h i m , nor could foreseen by outstanding black leaders and by a few out-
he or she appeal to a court of law. standing white ones, notably W.P. Schreiner. Its final aim
is t o pay tribute to those black leaders who fought for the
So began the process which has continued, and accelerated,
cause of black liberation as long ago as the beginning of this
up to the present day, whereby Parliament put the Minister
century.
of Justice above the Courts of Law. Parliament next gave
him power to detain by the mere issue of edict, and The Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902 is not one of the proud
ultimately the power to detain without access. Detention events of British history. The Boers, that is the Voortrekkers,
w i t h o u t access will almost inevitably lead to one thing, conquered the tribes of the north and established the t w o
inhumanity perhaps followed by death. That was the fate republics of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal. But
of Steve Biko, at whose inquest the Chief Magistrate of the discovery in the Transvaal of the richest gold deposits
Pretoria delivered the incredible finding that " o n the in the world, the consequent influx of white foreigners
available evidence the death cannot be attributed to most of w h o m were British, the power dreams of Rhodes and
any act or omission amounting to a criminal offence on Milner, put an end t o the Boer hopes that they w o u l d be
ffie part of any person." This verdict did incalculable damage left in isolation.
to white South Africa's standing w i t h the West, and at home The British won the war and were ashamed of it, and when
increased further our cynicism about the administration the Liberal Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman became Prime
of Justice. Minister in 1905 he was determined to make reparation to
The laws of racial separation also destroyed many liberties the defeated republics. In 1906 he gave responsible
t h a t w o u l d be taken for granted in many countries. The government to the Transvaal and in 1907 to the Orange
three forerunners were the Mixed Marriages A c t of 1949, River Colony, which then became again the Orange Free
the amended Immorality Act of 1950, and the Group State. The next step was obviously to bring these t w o new
Areas A c t of 1950. The Bantu Education Act of 1953 British colonies, together w i t h the old colonies, the Cape
was designed to take away any provincial or Christian and Natal, together in a federation or union to be known
missionary responsbility for black education, and to make as the Union of South Africa.

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Campbell-Bannerman's gesture was widely regarded as specific obligations towards the Native and Coloured
generous and magnanimous. Seldom in history had such races . . . " The Constitution was opposed by Dr
a thing been seen. The very idea of a union of t w o British Abdurahman's African People's Organisation. In this same
colonies and t w o defeated republics was breath-taking. year W.P. Schreiner, former Prime Minister of the Cape
But the generous gesture contained one tremendous flaw. Colony, led a delegation consisting of Abdurahman,
It took no account of the wishes of the large majority Rubusana, John Tengo Jabavu, John Dube and himself to
of the inhabitants of the proposed union. A t the National London, to urge the British Parliament and people not to
Convention of 1909 all the representatives were white. countenance a colour bar in the Union Constitution.
There was not even an African or Coloured representative
All four black delegates were notable men. Abdurahman was
from the Cape Province, which since 1853 had given the
one of the first Cape Malay doctors, Rubusana became the
franchise t o every male British subject " w i t h o u t distinction
first and last African t o be a member of a Provincial
of class or colour". Was this perhaps a conciliatory gesture
Council, Jabavu was the second African to pass the Matricu-
to the t w o Boer republics?
lation examination, and a century ago founded the Native
It is widely held that of all the causes of the Great Trek of Electoral Association which helped James Rose-lnnes to
1836, the desire to get away from any kind of racial equality get into Parliament in 1884. Dube founded the Ohlange
was the most weighty. When the British finally annexed the Institute, the Natal Native Congress in 1900, and the
Cape in 1806, they interfered w i t h the established conven- Zulu paper "Manga lase N a t a l " in 1903.
tions relating to master and servant. The statement regarding The delegation to London was not successful. The colour
the emancipation of the slaves made by Anna Steenkamp, bar was enshrined in the new Constitution. The Union of
niece of Piet Retief, has become historic. South Africa came into being in 1910. The t w o leading
A n d yet it is not so much their freedom which drove us white parties were the South African Party led by Botha
and Smuts and the Unionist Party led by Sir Thomas
to such lengths as their being placed on an equal footing
Smartt. Both disapproved of racial mixture, both favoured
w i t h Christians, contrary to the laws of God, and the
segregation and both took it for granted that the future
natural distinction of race and colour, so that it was
of South Africa, certainly as far as could be foreseen, would
intolerable for any decent Christian to bow down
be decided by its white people.
beneath such a yoke, wherefore we rather withdrew in
order thus to preserve our doctrines in purity. The first step in the strengthening of segregation and white
supremacy was the Mines and Works A c t of 1911 which
This language is noble but the underlying reality is not. It reserved certain occupations for white workers. But the A c t
is one of the deep mysteries of Afrikaner Nationalist which spelt perpetual subordination for African people, and
psychology that a Nationalist can observe the highest which was recognised as doing so by all their political leaders,
standards of behaviour towards his own kind, but can was the Natives Land A c t of 1913. Black and white were
observe an entirely different standard towards others, forbidden to buy land in the other's areas; thus 70% of the
and more especially so if they are not white*. Quite a number people were condemned to hold in perpetuity approximately
of slaves had become Christians, but that did not prevent 13% of the land. Thus was established the pattern of land-
Anna Steenkamp from using the word "Christians" as holding which troubles every thinking South African who
though it meant " w h i t e s " . observes it, the beautiful white farms many of a thousand or
more acres, often alongside an impoverished reserve, where
This attitude towards race and colour was enshrined in the a black farmer is lucky to get three or four acres. Thus the
constitution of the Transvaal Republic — " n o equality in white Parliament virtually said to every black man, one thing
Church or State", and it was implicit in that of the Orange you will never be in your own country, and that is a farmer
Free State. Yet seven years after their capitulation in 1902 in any true sense of the word. Thus also was pronounced
this principle was about to be enshrined again, but this the doom of Roosboom, Kumalosville, and Besterspruit
time in the constitution of the new Union of South where black owners had acquired land legally in the early
Africa, It had been said cynically that the Boers won the years of the century. Thus was the way prepared for the
Anglo-Boer War in 1909 and it has been said several times "resettlements" of today, whereby owners of small
since, notably in 1948. substantial houses and gardens and a few cows and goats,
The National Convention decided that every Member of are "resettled" in tents, huts, prefabricated units, on the
Parliament in the new Union must be of European descent. bare and inhospitable veld, on plots which were mere
The Cape Colony agreed to this, but insisted that it should fractions of an acre. Now can be seen the true meaning of
retain its own non-racial franchise, by virtue of which an Anna Steenkamp's words "we rather withdrew in order
African or Coloured male w i t h certain qualifications, of to preserve our doctrines in p u r i t y . "
education or property, could exercise the parliamentary
In those days Selby Msimang was a young man not yet t h i r t y ,
vote. The Convention finally agreed to this, but demanded
and about to embark on his long political career. But for him
and secured the fatal provision that the Cape franchise
the Natives Land Act was a milestone in black history, a
could be amended or abolished by a two-thirds majority
betrayal f i t to rank with the establishment of the U nion of
of both Houses of the Union Parliament sitting together.
South Africa, and the first step in the destruction of the Cape
The Convention finally agreed on one other provision which franchise in 1936. In 1912 black politics took a nation-wide
was to have tremendous consequences for our future history. shape w i t h the founding of the South African Native National
It agreed that the electoral quota for rural constituencies Congress, soon to become the A.N.C. Dr. Pixley Seme was
would be 15% lower than the average quota and that the its founder and John Dube its first president. Walter Rubu-
quota for urban constituencies would be 15% higher. It sana, Sol Plaatje and Alfred Mangena were founder members,
is odd t o recall that such a provision already existed in the and young Msimang was its clerk-typist.
Cape Colony, and ironic to reflect that it ultimately John Tengo Jabavu did not take part in these new moves.
destroyed the Cape franchise. The rural constituences were He founded the South African Races Congress, and in
largely Afrikaans-speaking, and 85 of their voters were made
1913 made the great error of supporting the Land Act, in
equal to 115 voters in the urban constituencies which
the belief that one must " t r u s t " the Government. That was
were largely English-speaking. It was this provision which
the end of his political influence.
gave the Nationalists their first slender victory in 1948.
In 1914 Dube, Rubusana, Msare, Mapikela and Plaatje went
The proposed new Constitution was strongly criticised by to London t o protest against the Land Act, but were told
African clergy and journalists. They convened a Native that these were times of war, not propitious for the discussion
Convention which met in Bloemfontein in March 1909, of such matters. In 1919 Plaatje, J.T. Gumede, L.T. Mvabaza,
declaring that the British Government had "fundamental and Selope Thema and the Rev. H.R. Ngcayiya again went to
6
London, and then to Versailles, where they found another White opposition was also strong, from Church leaders, the
South African delegation led by Hertzog, asking for the Institute of Race Relations, HoernJe, Sir James Rose-lnnes,
return of the t w o republics. Neither delegation was F.S. Malan and others. It was so strong that Hertzog feared
successful because of the fact that the U nion of South Africa he might not get the t w o thirdsm a j o r i t y , and he therefore
was a self-governing dominion. The Plaatje delegation was finally agreed to let the African voters remain, provided
advised to return to their country and to submit their that they were removed to a separate roll.
grievances to the U nion Government. Hertzog carried his Bill by the enormous majority of 169
to 1 1 , one of the eleven being J. H. Hofmeyr. Hofmeyr pro-
When Hertzog, w i t h the help of the Labour Party, came to phesied that this was the beginning of a process the end of
power in 1924, his prime aims were to protect the white which could not be seen. He was right indeed. In 1956
worker, to solve the poor-white problem, to advance the Coloured voters were removed to a separate roll. In 1961
cause of sovereign independence, and to amend the Cape the African vote was abolished. In 1963 the Coloured vote
franchise which was a continuing affront t o all Northern was abolished. So finally the Transvaal principle of " N o
Nationalists. The Wage Act of 1925, the Mines and Works
equality in Church or State" triumphed over all. 1935 wit-
Amendment A c t of 1926, the Flag A c t of 1927, the Native
nessed the third great act of betrayal, and set white South
Administration A c t of 1927, the Native Urban Areas
Africa on a road that can lead only to its destruction.
Amendment Act of 1930, and the Status A c t of 1934,
advanced these aims, and confirmed the subordinate status From 1936 to 1948 Black opposition had a troubled career.
of all black Africans. Seme, President General of the A . N . C , was ousted in 1937
by Z.R. Mahabane, and Mahabane in his turn was ousted by
These were the days of the I.C.U., the Industrial and Com- Xuma, both Seme and Mahabane being regarded as too
mercial Workers' Union, of Clements Kadalie, A.W.G. moderate. In 1949 Xuma was ousted by Moroka, and in
Champion, and Selby Msimang, of Charlotte Maxeke the 1952 Moroka was ousted by Lutuli. That was the
pioneer woman in politics, of Dube, Z.R. Mahabane, Seme, beginning of the more militant struggle of the A.N.C.
in A.N.C. politics, and D.D.T. Jabavu acting separately. Yet against the rule of Afrikaner Nationalism, and this brings
although African politics was in disarray, African opinion us to the point at which we started.
was united in its opposition t o Hertzog's plans t o amend One important series of historical events remains to be
the Cape franchise. It took Hertzog twelve years to over- related. The Natives Representative Council (N.R.C.) was a
come the obstacle of the constitutional entrenchment that f u t i l i t y ; it probably had more brains in it than any other
demanded a majority of both Houses sitting together. In representative body in the history of South Africa but it was
1934 the way suddenly became clear. Partly for economic powerless. Councillor Paul Mosaka called it "the toy tele-
reasons, partly for reasons of white racial amity, Hertzog's phone"; you talked into it but no one ever listened. It was
National Party fused with Smut's South African Party no joke for a white politician to face the Natives Represen-
to form the United Party. But it seems reasonably certain tative Council. The brains and the tongues were too sharp.
that Hertzog had a further reason; only with Smuts's help Hofmeyr, as acting Prime Minister, opened the Council
could he amend the Cape franchise. It should be noted here session on 20 November 1946, and put up a defence of the
that Hertzog rejected the argument of many of his followers Government's racial policies. He considered that Council-
that the passing of the Status A c t in 1934 had made the lors had made "violent and exaggerated statements". Edgar
entrenchments no longer binding. Brookes, who had been instrumental in getting Hofmeyr
Hertzog had continuously amended his franchise proposals to open the session, was disappointed and humiliated.
between 1924 and 1936. In 1936 they were finalised. All Hofmeyr was given,a unanimous vote of thanks, and left the
African voters were to be removed to a separate roll, and Council to consider his address.
they could elect three white members of Parliament. All
male adult Africans in the Union could elect four white When the Council met again on 25 November, Z.K. Matthews
senators, and could elect representatives to a new Natives moved the suppression of the proceedings until some more
Representative Council to be presided over by the white reassuring statement was received. He was seconded by
Secretary for Native Affairs. No more Africans would be Champion. But Hofmeyr's new statement was not
admitted to the common roll^2. As a compensation for reassuring. On 26 November a fateful day in our history,
the loss of common-roll rights, Africans were to be alloted Matthews moved the adjournment. Selope Theme seconded
another 15, 000, 000 acres to add to the 22, 000, 000 acres and spoke t o white South Africa.
of the Native Reserves. Today, 42 years later, this allotment Do you want us to join those forces that are outside,
has not yet been completed. those forces which are out to destroy? If you drive
Hertzog's first intention in 1936 was to abolish the Cape us to that we shall know what to do; but we don't
African franchise altogether. Black reaction was strong. The want to do that. That is my answer. I second the
Cape Native Voters Convention condemned the proposals. motion.
So did the AM L Africa Convention at Bloemfontein under The Council did not meet again unti January 1949 when
the chairmanship of D.D.T. Jabavu, supported by Pixley the white chairman announced that Dr. Malan's Govern-
Seme for the A . N . C , and including such men as Msimang, ment had decided to abolish the Council. It had turned its
Z.K. Mathews, Xuma, Moroka, and Mofutsanyana * 3 . mind to politics, especially the politics of equality. In 1951
Jabavu led a deputation to Hertzog and they urged rather it was abolrshed. Hertzog's famous Bill of 1936, greeted
a return to the proposals of 1929. They asked to be by an unprecedented storm of cheering in the House, had
heard at the bar of the House; Hertzog spoke on this matter fallen to pieces.
mParliament. He said:
What are one's reflections on reading this tragic account of
I then said to them, my friends, I am sorry. I would like the history of the first half of this century. The 30 years of
very much to do it, and I will do my best to meet the Nationalist rule are seen as an extension and intensification
Natives, but it would be very unreasonable t o ask the of the policies that preceded it.
joint session to do such a thing.
One reflects almost w i t h grief on the waste of great gifts,
So the unreasonable request was turned d o w n , and the that had to be devoted to resistance and opposition because
resonable demands of the joint session to be left undisturbed they could not be used in the arts of government and
by alien voices were acceded to. And that in fact is the administration, nor in the arts of architecture, engineering,
history of Parliament in South Africa, an all-white body that pure science, technology. The great figures cross
rules unchecked over that great majority that cannot even the stage, Rubusana, Jabavu, Charlottle Maxeke, Dube,
plead at the bar of the House. Plaatje, Seme, Z.R. Mahabane, Msimang, Moroka, Champion,

7
Xuma, Matthews and finally L u t u l i , who became the Hare when he would shortly have received a considerable
national president of the A.N.C. in 1952. They all had to pension. Others whcoresigned w i t h him were Selby
pay for that historical withdrawal of the Voortrekkers " t o Ngcobo, and Cyril Neymbezi. I like t o remember that
preserve our doctrines in p u r i t y " . Ngcobo went bare-footed t o Adams College, that Nyem-
bezi had to matriculate after he left school, and that
I doubt whether one of these actors felt that life had been Z . K / s father was a mine-worker. The other who received
wasted. That was the way life had t o be lived, in the times external reward was Albert Lutuli who in 1961 was
and circumstances in which they had to live. Not one of awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, he who had knocked patiently
them was given t o self-pity. I myself like to reflect that t w o for thirty years at a door that would not open. Neither of
of them received some external reward for their brave and these t w o great men received any reward from their own
noble lives. One was Z.K. Matthews, whom Seretse Khama country except t o be tried for treason.
appointed Botswana's ambassador t o Washington, some
recompense for that great man who resigned f r o m Fort It is a melancholy tale, but a tale of heroes. •

Footnotes: Lutuli, though 38 years old, had not yet been drawn
into politics.
I have referred to Anna Steenkamp as an Afrikaner
Nationalist. That she undoubtedly was, though the appellation did Final Note:
not then exist. I do this for a further reason, namely that it is wound- In'this essay I should have mentioned Smut's Asiatic Land Tenure
ing to some Afrikaners if one were to call it "Afrikaner psychology". A c t of 1946, which was the forerunner of the Group Areas Act of
There were only 11,00 black voters on the common roll. 1950,

PAYMENT ON ACCOUNT
by Edgar Brookes

cratic control, w i t h the natural results of being sent from

Many of the readers of " R e a l i t y " (myself included) stand by pillar to post, and multiplying opportunities for bribery
the policy of the old Liberal Party which, it will be (and bribery does take place ) . When the work-seeker is
remembered, was universal suffrage and majority rule. given permission to work in an urban area he is directed
This is a highly unpopular policy with our rulers and with to work in a certain category of jobs. The young man may
white South Africans generally, and one might be tempted long to work in a factory: he will find himself directed
to keep it in the background and to press for urgently into domestic service.
needed reforms w i t h i n the present system. Another point is the treatment of Africans by subordinate
Apart from the fact that it is morally dishonest to be officials. A magistrate is rarely discourteous to an African;
silent about our ultimate aims, there are strong arguments a junior clerk rarely courteous. As most matters affecting
for declaring them — first, that black leadership may know Africans have now been made administrative, reform in this
that there is a real and vigorous element of white opinion field is urgent.
which shares their hopes and ideals; — second, that the Should we not, however strong our belief in ultimate
white electorate may become more and more aware of the complete liberty and equality, actively support reform in
fact that universal suffrage is a practical policy, brought these and many other similar fields? To pour cold water on
forward by some who are prepared to work under it. the efforts of those who seek to attain them, or even just
Overnight it became practical politics in Rhodesia, and to be quiet, is to betray our cause — unless, indeed, we take
that very fact brings it nearer to our own borders. the Communist view that all real reforms are anti-revolu-
tionary. In this view people would only fight for their rights
But at the same time it is true that the revolutionary when life becomes quite intolerable. We want the people t o
policy of " A l l or n o t h i n g " should not be ours. There is a get what can be got to make life richer, fuller and happier.
strong tendency t o decry real and urgent reforms because
they may blunt the spearhead of our main attack. I will go further. Besides our ultimate aim we ourselves
should also have a programme of immediate reforms, for
Let us give a few examples.
which we are prepared t o work. Anything which makes life
Take the question of influx control. It has been made harder easier and securer for the people we love should have our
and harder for a young man to obtain work in an urban area. active support, not a silent and somewhat scornful
This part of the African's life is under complete bureau- acquiescence. •