Cultural Development Strategies and Urban

Revitalization: A Survey of US Cities

Carl Grodach and Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris

forthcoming in the International Journal of Cultural Policy
Abstract

Municipal governments around the globe increasingly turn to museums, performing arts

centers, arts districts, and other cultural activities to promote and revitalize their cities. While a

significant body of literature examines revitalization strategies that focus primarily around

entertainment and commerce, the empirical body of research that specifically investigates the

role of cultural strategies in urban redevelopment is still growing. This paper first discusses the

development of municipal cultural strategies in the United States, and draws from the literature

to outline the characteristics of three different models of such strategies. Second, the paper

presents findings from a national survey distributed to municipal agencies involved in the

promotion and development of cultural activities and facilities in large and medium-sized US

cities. The survey data indicate that although most agencies are guided by a varied set of goals,

entrepreneurial objectives continue to guide the development and support of cultural activities in

most cities.

Key words: Cultural development strategies, U.S. cities

1
Introduction

The use of cultural activities and facilities to bolster a city’s image, attract tourism, and

foster economic development has become widespread not only in traditional cultural capitals of

the world such as New York or Paris, but also in places not as well-known for their cultural

status, such as Newark, New Jersey or Bilbao, Spain. Cities have enthusiastically pursued the

building of museums, concert halls, performing arts centers, galleries, and arts districts, as part of

wider urban development and revitalization strategies. The prevalence of cultural activities in

recent urban development programs makes it imperative for planners and policy makers to

understand how they contribute to local economic development and how they affect the

distribution of resources for social, cultural, and economic goals.

Cultural development strategies have acquired significance in the economic development

plans of cities, because cultural activities are considered as urban tourist draws (Richards, 2001)

and a significant factor of how individuals choose where to live and work (Florida, 2002). While

a considerable literature examines urban revitalization strategies, the primary focus has been on

entertainment and business-oriented facilities such as festival marketplaces and entertainment

districts (Boyer, 1992; Hannigan, 1998), sports arenas (Chapin, 2004; Noll and Zimbalist, 1997),

convention centers (Sanders, 2002), and office complexes (Fainstein, 2001). Although the

research on cultural development initiatives continues to grow, as evidenced by the recent special

issues in the International Journal of Cultural Policy (Gibson and Stevenson, 2004), Local

Economy (Wilks-Heeg and North, 2004), and Urban Studies (Miles and Paddison, 2005), the

bulk of the research focuses on Western Europe and evaluates the success of specific cultural

projects in urban regeneration (Bianchini and Parkinson, 1993; Gomez, 1998; Griffiths, 1995;

Mommaas, 2004; Montgomery, 2004; Rodriguez, 2001; van Aalst and Boogaarts, 2002). The

2
current literature lacks, however, a comparative analysis of how local governments in the US

develop and implement cultural strategies. Many agree that “culture is more and more the

business of cities” (Zukin, 1995, p. 2), but to what extent do cultural activities become

mechanisms for economic development? What types of cultural activities and programs do

municipal governments support? Which are the intended goals and benefits of these activities?

How do cities balance economic, social, and educational goals in pursuing cultural strategies?

To address these questions we first give a brief overview of the evolution and dilemmas

of cultural development in North American and European cities. Drawing from the urban

development literature, we outline three types of cultural strategies-- “Entrepreneurial

Strategies,” “Creative Class Strategies,” and “Progressive Strategies”-- that describe the

characteristics and objectives of distinct approaches to cultural development. We then present

the results of a survey which explored the perspectives, motivations, and goals of representatives

from Departments of Cultural Affairs in large and medium-sized US cities. 1 By analyzing the

views of those involved in developing and promoting cultural strategies, the survey is a useful

step towards determining the extent to which each of the three strategies discussed in the

literature materialize on the ground. In so doing, the survey helps to determine the extent to

which municipalities consider cultural activities as mechanisms for economic development and

helps us gain an understanding of how and why the agencies prioritize particular activities,

programs, or projects in their city.

The Rise of Cultural Development Strategies

Over the last three decades, a complex relationship between local political and economic

conditions and larger global forces has transformed the economic base, demographics, and

political economy of many cities in North America and Europe. Innovations in communication,

3
transportation, production, and management have enabled more far-flung business operations,

engendered the deindustrialization of many cities, and spurred the growth of an economy marked

by an expansion of service industries. Other trends include overall higher levels of education,

professional populations interested in urban lifestyles and with significant disposable income

spent on leisure activities, and the growth of consumption as a means to affirm one’s status and

identity. As these broad social and economic changes have occurred, city governments

throughout North America and Europe have become more focused on initiatives that will

produce economic growth within their locality.

A prevalent response by municipal governments in this regard is to devise cultural

development strategies that capitalize on these trends. 2 As cities find themselves engulfed in

inter-urban competition, they concentrate on developing a broad range of cultural activities to

catalyze private development, increase consumption by residents and tourists, improve the city

image, and enhance the local quality of life. For their part, cultural institutions often participate

in urban redevelopment coalitions as they too are under pressure to generate revenue and “out-

compete” rival institutions in other cities (Strom, 2002; Whitt, 1987). By reaching out to wider

audiences, welcoming corporate sponsorship, and providing opportunities for consumption

through blockbuster events, cafés, and merchandising, contemporary cultural institutions fit well

into urban revitalization schemes (Wu, 2002). Thus, independently and in partnership with

private and nonprofit groups, city governments have subsidized a diverse assortment of cultural

facilities ranging from the experimental, such as the Yerba Buena Center for the Arts in San

Francisco, to more mainstream flagship museums such as the Art Gallery of Ontario. They have

helped to create cultural and arts districts such as Temple Bar in Dublin and the Dallas Arts

District. They have also developed and revived high-profile cultural events such as Artscape in

4
Baltimore or the New Orleans Jazz Festival. In conjunction with promotional efforts, municipal

cultural development initiatives have set off a veritable “cultural building boom” as cities in the

US and Western Europe attempt to create a thriving consumer and tourist economy (Landry and

Wood, 2003; Strom, 2002; Zukin, 1995).

As a result, cultural development has become a concern of multiple public sector

agencies and is realized through a diverse set of public-private partnerships. Concurrently,

municipalities increasingly charge their Departments of Cultural Affairs -- agencies traditionally

responsible for social, cultural, educational, and community-based goals-- with the additional

responsibilities of a tourist bureau and an economic development office. While consolidation of

several small municipal agencies under the umbrella of a unified Department of Cultural Affairs

has taken place in many North American cities, some cities have also retained free-standing

public or quasi-public agencies or commissions entrusted with specific cultural and tourist-

related activities (e.g. cultural tourist bureaus, heritage commissions, historic preservation

departments, or special events offices).

To be sure this is not the first time in history that cities have devoted public funds to

cultural amenities (Kearns and Philo, 1993; Ward, 1998). Cultural facilities and events have

long played a role in urban development. During the City Beautiful era, world fairs and facilities

such as the Field Museum in Chicago were seen by public officials as boosting the city image

and attracting visitors. At the same time, those active in social reform movements conceptualized

public museums as institutions for the education of the masses and for combating the negative

affects of industrialization and urbanization (Steffensen-Bruce, 1998). In the 1950s and 1960s,

municipal governments in the US embarked on urban renewal projects such as the Lincoln

Center in New York (Young, 1980) and the Los Angeles Music Center (Asseyev, 1968) to

5
revitalize “blighted” areas and emulate their European counterparts by reinforcing a cultured

image of the city. In the 1960’s and 1970’s, some mainstream cultural institutions began to open

their doors to broader publics, displaying a wider range and interpretation of histories and

cultures (Simpson, 1996). Concurrently, many local and state governments, particularly in

Western European countries, focused cultural policy on social priorities and in support of

community arts initiatives aimed at a more inclusive and bottom-up approach to cultural

planning (Bianchini, 1993; Evans, 2003).

While today’s cultural strategies emerge from this history, they also display some unique

trends. The recent rush of municipal governments to invest in cultural and entertainment

amenities has become a universal undertaking (Eisinger, 2000). In cities of all sizes and

demographic profiles, the construction and expansion of cultural facilities has proceeded at a

rapid pace. As Schubert (2000) observes, half of all art museums in the US have been built since

the 1970’s. A 1993 survey by the Association of Performing Arts Presenters found that over

one-third of their member facilities were built between 1980 and 1993 with strong financial

support from local governments (McCarthy et. al., 2001). This wave of cultural facility

expansion has come at a time when state and federal level funding for the arts in many places has

been scaled back and assumed by a hybrid assortment of municipal, nonprofit, and private sector

sources (Schuster, 1998; Wu, 2002).

Some see these projects as primarily constructed for the “visitor class” (Eisinger, 2000),

but the reality is more complex. Cultural amenities may capture tourist dollars but they can also

offer educational programs for a wider public. They have the potential to improve a city’s

image, but they can also provide employment for local artists. Critics have highlighted the

tension between the economic goal of promoting prestigious, high culture facilities to attract

6
affluent visitors and the social and educational goals of popularizing culture and increasing its

access for the masses (Bianchini, 1993). The desire to establish a strong city image has in fact

prompted many municipalities to privilege flagship projects in downtown areas, court elite

cultural institutions, and hire world renowned architects in an attempt to “rebrand” the city (Vale

and Warner, 2001). This “internationalization” strategy often occurs at the expense of locating

decentralized cultural activities in low-income neighborhoods, is seen as oppositional to

indigenous local identities (Rodriguez et al., 2001), and as resulting in the “serial reproduction”

of cultural development projects from city to city (Harvey, 1989a). Are these dilemmas and

tensions addressed by Cultural Affairs Departments in the US? In carving out a cultural agenda,

to what extent do these agencies allow economic goals to supersede social and educational

goals?

Cultural Development Strategies

Municipalities engage in cultural development in multiple ways. To conceptualize these

approaches, we draw from the urban development literature to group them into three types of

strategies: Entrepreneurial Strategies, Creative Class Strategies, and Progressive Strategies.

Each strategy type is based on a normative set of characteristics including strategy goals, the

types of cultural projects pursued, geographic focus, and target audience (Table 1).

Entrepreneurial Strategies most clearly pursue a proactive, market-driven approach guided by

purely economic objectives; Creative Class Strategies seek economic development through the

provision of quality of life and recreational amenities; and Progressive Strategies follow a more

grassroots and neighborhood-based approach to cultural development that seeks to respond more

directly to the needs of local communities and arts organizations.

7
 [Table 1 about here]

These approaches are intended as a framework to classify diverse sets of municipal

cultural objectives and activities. As theoretical constructs they cannot perfectly capture the

diversity of cultural development strategies pursued in cities. Nor do we attempt to “pigeonhole”

the agencies in our survey into one specific model. Indeed, local agencies frequently combine

aspects of each model depending on their specific resources and context. Priorities of mayoral

regimes may shift the focus of cultural development and the degree of support for particular

projects (Savitch and Kantor, 2002). Nonetheless, the models help to connect a diverse set of

activities-- ranging from flagship cultural projects to arts education or job training programs--

which are commonly seen as falling under the heading of cultural development, and are typically

under the purview of the surveyed agencies.

Entrepreneurial Strategies

The entrepreneurial strategies enacted by local governments all but eschew social goals in

favor of enhancing economic growth (Hall and Hubbard, 1998; Harvey, 1989b). Public officials

work to create an attractive business environment through a host of incentives such as tax

abatements, land contributions and write-downs, and relaxed zoning regulations, placing strong

emphasis on creating high-profile facilities and events to catalyze private developments and

market their cities as “places to play” (Fainstein and Judd, 1999). In the process, local

governments seek to adapt their built environments and economies to better compete for the

growing industries of the “new economy”-- tourism, culture, and information technologies (Judd,

2003; Nevarez, 2003; Scott, 2000).

What began in the late 1970’s and early 1980’s as public-private ventures to regenerate

dying downtowns and create retail spaces in historically themed environments (Frieden and

8
Sagalyn, 1989) has exploded into the construction of flagship cultural complexes (Bianchini,

1992; Hamnett and Shoval, 2003; Smyth, 1994) and spectacular cultural events (Richards, 2004;

Schuster, 2001) competing for attention. A city’s image is deemed critically important to attract

new capital and tourists (Holcomb, 1999; 2001). Therefore, cultural projects have emerged as

important instruments to reinforce the status and “brand identity” of cities (Evans, 2003).

Additionally, cultural facilities may at times function as a “Trojan horse” for local growth

coalitions (Whitt, 1987). Because of their perceived benefits to the local quality of life, large-

scale development projects may include cultural facilities as a local “amenity” to overcome

resistance from community groups or as a concession to the negative externalities generated by a

project. Due to their perceived economic success and marketing capabilities, a broad range of

cultural facilities have become centerpieces of major urban redevelopment projects, typically

located in downtown areas (Mommaas, 2004; Strom, 2002). Examples of cultural development

and branding strategies abound from the New Jersey Performing Arts Center in Newark (Strom,

1999) and the Tech Museum of Innovation in San Jose (Perrin, 2002) to the culture-led

revitalization strategies of European cities such as Bilbao and Glasgow (Booth and Boyle, 1993;

Garcia, 2005; Gomez, 1998; Mooney, 2004; Rodriguez et al., 2001).

While proponents have touted the economic development potential of the entrepreneurial

model, opponents have condemned it as “selling cities” (Kearns and Philo, 1993). Critics charge

that entrepreneurial initiatives privilege the private sector over the public good as they

concentrate more on building the city for visitors and affluent residents rather than the entire

population (Eisinger, 2000; Zukin, 1995). Often, the costs of constructing massive

entertainment, convention, and cultural facilities are shielded from the general public and rarely

put to a direct vote (Sanders, 2002). Not only do these physically insulated and spectacular

9
“tourist bubbles” function to distract the local population from more pressing social issues such

as poverty, crime, and homelessness, they frequently do not catalyze economic growth as

promised (Harvey, 1989b; Judd, 1999; Loukaitou-Sideris and Banerjee, 1998; Zukin, 1997). At

the same time the emphasis on large-scale projects and tourist attractions often deflects

investment away from cultural projects in city neighborhoods or those programs not directly

aimed at economic development (Griffiths, 1995). In short, urban entrepreneurialism encourages

cities to measure the success of cultural activities according to economic standards rather than

wider public benefits (van Aalst and Boogaarts, 2002; Mommaas, 2004).

Creative Class Strategies

Creative class strategies concentrate on quality of life issues and lifestyle amenities to

attract the “creative class”-- a wide ranging classification of highly educated workers and

“knowledge-based professionals” including such diverse occupations as software designers,

architects, artists, writers, and lawyers (Clark et al., 2002; Florida, 2002; Landry, 2000). These

individuals are considered essential to attract the desired new economies and stimulate the

growth of the local consumer economy. This approach is based on the premise that cities must

preserve and enhance their multifunctional, historic urban neighborhoods, cultural and

recreational activities, and ethnic diversity to draw people who are attractive to businesses in the

new economy (Florida, 2002; Glaeser, et al., 2003). As Florida (2002:223) states, regional

economic growth is driven not by creating a pro-business climate, but by the “location choices of

creative people…who prefer places that are diverse, tolerant and open to new ideas.”

Cultural activities are a primary element of the creative city because they provide

opportunities for consumption, leisure, and the means to reinforce the cosmopolitan identity of

the creative class. In contrast to the traditional entrepreneurial strategy of erecting large

10
entertainment destinations and cultural facilities to promote a city to tourists, this approach

emphasizes cultivating clusters of smaller-scale music and performing arts venues, art galleries,

and nightclubs (Florida, 2002). Additionally, creative cities seek to nurture the economic

potential of the arts by developing opportunities for collaboration between arts organizations and

commercial enterprises (Bulick, 2003). Proponents point to cities such as Austin, Texas and

Portland, Oregon that have concentrated on the provision of cultural amenities without the large,

high-profile flagship destinations, and neighborhoods in larger cities such as SoHo in New York

(Zukin, 1982), Wicker Park in Chicago (Lloyd, 2002) and South of Market (SoMA) in San

Francisco (Wolfe, 1999) as models to emulate.

Proponents of the creative city strategy assume that economic benefits will trickle-down

to those who hold the low-wage service jobs necessary to maintain the creative class lifestyle.

Critics, however, argue that this approach results in a biased economic development program,

which targets one favored class of people. Although ethnic diversity, a clean environment, and

access to the arts hold a central place in this model, these goals are sought in order to

manufacture the appropriate experiences desired by the creative class, rather than for the benefit

of the entire public. Additionally, building the creative city may contribute to gentrification and

displacement of lower income populations, including the artists on which this strategy depends

(Ley, 2003).

Progressive Strategies

Progressive strategies challenge the tenets of growth-oriented approaches to cultural

development. Rather than assuming benefits will trickle down the economic ladder, progressive

initiatives focus on providing a wide distribution of benefits to citizens. Success here is not

measured in terms of economic growth, but the goal is to reduce economic and social disparities

11
and raise overall standards of living through redistributive policies and the encouragement of

citizen participation (Clavel, 1986; Fitzgerald and Leigh, 2002; Krumholz and Forester, 1990). 3

Progressive strategies seek to negotiate public benefits from the private sector through

environmental impact fees, affordable housing requirements, public transportation assistance,

and higher tax rates in exchange for development rights (Savitch and Kantor, 2002).

Progressive cultural strategies seek to widen access to and participation in the arts,

support local cultural production, and utilize the arts to strengthen community identity and to

revitalize disadvantaged neighborhoods (Bianchini, 1993; Evans, 2001; Hayden, 1995). City

governments have developed programs to fund arts education, turn vacant properties into

community cultural centers, and stimulate interest in local heritage and culture (Borrup, 2003).

Examples range from city-operated community arts spaces such as the Barnsdall Art Park in Los

Angeles and the Little Black Pearl Workshop in Chicago to neighborhood arts organizations

such as the Eastside Arts Alliance in Oakland. The development of a progressive cultural agenda

is rooted in the 1960’s civil rights and feminist movements. Here, culture is considered as a site

of grassroots community activism and political debate-- those who feel excluded not only

demand a stronger voice in mainstream cultural institutions, but also set up organizations to deal

with issues pertinent to their communities (Loukaitou-Sideris and Grodach, 2004; Simpson,

1996).

Progressive cultural strategies seek to redistribute the benefits of the “cultural pie” more

widely, but often face structural constraints. In a capitalist economy, the private sector has the

upper hand in development decisions (Loukaitou-Sideris and Banerjee, 1998). Linkage fees and

exactions imposed upon developers by municipalities have only had limited success in ensuring

social goals (affordable housing, day care centers, open spaces, cultural facilities), as developers

12
can choose to locate their investments in cities with a more “favorable business climate.” Indeed,

it is often the case that municipal agencies are able to promote progressive strategies only when

they coincide with the broader entrepreneurial agenda of enhancing the local tax base or

generating consumer spending.

As the previous three approaches demonstrate, cultural development strategies may take

on multiple forms and serve numerous, often competing ends. Using the Entrepreneurial,

Creative, and Progressive strategies of cultural and economic development as a framework, we

set out to identify the wide range of cultural strategies employed by US cities and to determine

the extent to which those involved consider them as mechanisms for urban development.

Cultural Strategies of US Cities: A Survey

To better understand the practices and goals of municipal governments regarding cultural

strategies we administered a survey to the Departments of Cultural Affairs in all cities with a

2000 US census population greater than 250,000. 4 The survey was designed to provide a

comparative understanding of cultural development strategies at the local level. Such an

overview of municipal cultural strategies has not been carried out previously in the US, and

therefore offers important insight into local development strategies nationwide. 5

The survey was distributed to a total of forty-nine agencies in forty-nine cities, and we

received a complete response from twenty-nine agencies (59%). 6 7 The choice to focus the

survey on Departments of Cultural Affairs was based on the fact that the primary mission of

these agencies concerns developing, managing, funding, and marketing multiple types of cultural

activities from community arts programs to blockbuster events at museums. Ultimately, these

agencies play a major role in cultural development at the local level. Although other public

13
agencies not included in the survey-- such as redevelopment agencies, education boards,

departments of parks and recreation, historic preservation commissions, and special events

offices-- may contribute to local cultural activities, these agencies have other focal priorities and

their scope and impact in the realm of municipal cultural development is minor in terms of

funding and prominence compared to Cultural Affairs.

The survey targeted the managers/directors of the agencies. As in any survey, the

findings reflect the respondents’ perceptions and knowledge of the subject matter. While it may

be difficult for one individual in a single agency to accurately assess the full spectrum of cultural

development activities of an entire city, the survey nonetheless provides insight into cultural

development strategies based on the opinions of those most knowledgeable and directly involved

in their inception, development, implementation, and promotion.

Due to the diverse nature of cultural policy and planning at the local level and the fact

that there is no one overarching body charged with implementing a cultural strategy for most

cities, this paper does not set out to accomplish the Herculean task of assessing the full scope of

municipal arts and cultural programs assumed by US cities. By concentrating on Departments of

Cultural Affairs, however, the paper does provide an initial step toward understanding how and

why municipalities in the US currently approach arts and cultural development activities. The

focus on Cultural Affairs is also apt in helping to determine the extent to which economic

motivations have truly taken over cultural development activities. Additionally, we distributed

the same survey to Convention and Visitors Bureaus and Economic Development Agencies in

cities with such freestanding public and quasi-public agencies. The survey responses from these

agencies were significantly fewer in number and do not constitute a significant sample size.

Nevertheless, responses from the Visitors Bureaus and Economic Development departments

14
were remarkably similar to the responses we received from Cultural Affairs Departments. 8

The Type and Scope of Municipal Cultural Strategies

The agencies in the survey indicated that municipal governments are heavily involved in

cultural activities and facilities. As shown in Table 2, all but two of the respondents (93%)

report that their city maintains a public art program. Twenty-five (86%) of the cities in the

survey have opened or helped to open a museum or gallery. The agencies reported that local

governments support both large and small cultural facilities, and are as involved with those

projects that emphasize local history and ethnic groups such as the new African American

Museum in New Orleans, as they are in supporting the larger high-profile art museums such as

the Milwaukee Museum of Art or the Houston Museum of Fine Arts. Most often, municipal

support for cultural facilities comes in the form of land contributions, funding for renovations

and expansions, and developing parking and infrastructure. 9

[Table 2 about here]

Seventy-nine percent of the cities surveyed have organized cultural events over the last

ten years. Saint Louis’ Louis and Clark Festival, San Jose’s Gay Pride Parade, Oakland’s Art

and Soul Festival, and many ethnic festivals put local heritage and diversity on display. Some

cities have music festivals or use events to provide opportunities for the public to experience the

local arts: the City of Baltimore sponsors Artscape and Dallas has City Arts, while many of the

cities organize music, particularly jazz, festivals. Additionally, 79% of the respondents indicated

that their local government has helped promote cultural activities. While the gamut of cultural

activities continues to be developed with municipal support, comparatively few cities devote

attention to community arts centers. Only twelve cities (41%) have opened a community arts or

cultural center in the last ten years. Indicative of the entrepreneurial model, over the last decade

15
agencies on the whole seem to favor more centrally located facilities that can attract city-wide

attention, rather than building up smaller community centers dispersed throughout city

neighborhoods. Most cities that have developed community art centers over the last ten years,

such as Los Angeles, Chicago, and Dallas, provide support for the entire range of cultural

activities rather than strategically focusing on the neighborhood level.

According to the survey, annual budgets for Cultural Affairs vary from as little as

$50,000 to as high as $123,000,000. The mean annual budget is about $3.8 million, and most

agencies believe that their local government will maintain or increase the current level of funding

for cultural activities and facilities in the near future (48% and 41% respectively). 10 Although it

would be extremely difficult to obtain funding estimates for specific projects and programs

through the survey, Table 3 shows that, while the agencies fund a wide variety of cultural

activities, the emphasis seems to be on individual facilities (museums, galleries, and theaters)

and events. 11 Additionally, many Cultural Affairs Departments perform the function of a

Visitors Bureau; seventy-six percent are involved in the promotion and advertisement of cultural

and artistic activities. 12 Although community arts and cultural centers appear to be a lower

priority, these facilities do receive financial support from 62% of the agencies. However, based

on the response from Table 2 (in which 41% of the cities report the development of community

arts centers over the last ten years), many of these would have been developed quite some time

ago. Therefore, although over half of the agencies continue to fund community arts centers, their

lack of continued development potentially indicates a shift in cultural development priorities

from a more community-based focus to one that is more entrepreneurial.

[Table 3 about here]

Considering the strong emphasis on promotional activities and individual events and

16
facilities, the data indicate agencies and cities overwhelmingly favor the entrepreneurial strategy.

However, while an analysis of agency functions reinforces this finding, it also demonstrates that

aspects of the other strategies are not entirely absent. As Table 4 shows, 83% of the Cultural

Affairs Departments in the survey provide direct support to individual cultural institutions, while

69% engage in promotion and 62% on providing information to tourists. At the same time,

reflecting the creative class and progressive strategies, 72% report that they provide funding and

grants to artists, yet less than one-third of the agencies are involved in arts education, job

training, and developing artists’ studios and housing. It is clear that the majority of agencies

devote more attention and resources toward entrepreneurial activities such as promotion.

Support for community-based programs appears in the context of a wide range of cultural

activities rather than as a strategic focus on their development. However, in light of the growing

connection between the arts and economic development indicative of the creative class strategy,

a few cities not well-known as cultural destinations report that they are in the process of

developing neighborhood-based art centers. For example, in Tampa, Cultural Affairs is

developing an “artist village” of live-work spaces. This is a strategy to revitalize an “historic yet

blighted area” and also to benefit local artists.

[Table 4 about here]

Indeed, economic goals seem to dominate social ones in the development of municipal

cultural strategies. Few agencies indicated that social goals such as “improving access to the

arts” (10%) are as important as economically motivated goals, especially those related to

“attracting visitors” (29%) and “emphasizing the uniqueness of the city” (24%). As one

respondent admitted, “We want to attract visitors…People are looking for new experiences so

you try and do both-- the old favorites that most every city has while promoting the uniqueness

17
of your community.” Following this logic most agencies expressed a preference for flagship

cultural facilities and major events. The emphasis on tourism and large, prominent facilities and

events, indicative of the entrepreneurial model, was highly reported by all agencies.

The Role and Purpose of Municipal Cultural Activities

Fifty-two percent of the agencies report that during the last decade their city government

provided some form of support for cultural facilities as a component of a larger planned

development that includes retail, entertainment facilities, and/or housing. The majority of these

cities indicated that they did so to generate economic development and tourism. Highlighting the

catalytic role that the arts holds in both the entrepreneurial and creative class strategies, one

respondent pointed out that “cultural activities are a major draw for new businesses and to attract

and retain residents…[the arts] draws an audience that otherwise would not come to the city.”

Another insisted that “our agency believes that the creative industries represent the potential for

the city.”

To make cultural strategies politically acceptable to all, cities tout them as “improving the

quality of life” for all citizens. Respondents overwhelmingly (93%) considered this as the most

important benefit of cultural activities (Table 5). However, more specific indicators of a positive

quality of life-- such as “encouraging understanding and awareness of other groups and cultures”

(21%), “promoting education in the arts” (14%), and “improving public spaces” (14%)--

received considerably fewer responses. Significantly, these benefits paled in comparison to

entrepreneurial motives such as “attracting visitors and tourists” (59%), and “strengthening the

competitive advantage of the city” (34%). 13

[Table 5 about here]

Despite the recent growth of studies claiming that quality of life issues are assuming an

18
even more pronounced economic role in cities, it appears that few Departments of Cultural

Affairs view the economic role of cultural activities as anything more than tourist attractors.

Fewer cities see cultural activities as “creating employment opportunities” (24%) and providing

“support for businesses and services” (21%), as proponents of creative class strategies are calling

for (Table 5). However, from the point of view of agencies in cities that support creative class

initiatives-- as diverse as San Diego, Nashville, and Tampa (which even has a division within its

Arts and Cultural Affairs Department called the Creative Industries Office), the availability of

cultural activities is economically important primarily because, as one respondent mentioned,

they provide public amenities that make a city “a better place for creative people to live and

work.” Furthermore, as another respondent asserted, “a healthy arts and culture community

should operate like a balanced ecosystem; it is necessary to have abundance and diversity of all

types of arts and culture programs…to create a synergy that makes for a vibrant arts and culture

community and quality of life that people will pay to experience.”

Municipalities seem to prefer to develop and promote certain cultural events, activities,

and facilities over others. As shown in Table 6, only 4% felt that a combination of “all cultural

activities and facilities” was necessary to achieve the most benefits and only 9% emphasized the

development and promotion of larger areas such as “cultural or art districts.” Rather, “major

cultural facilities” and “cultural events and festivals” received the highest rate of response (26%

and 19% respectively). Despite calls by “creative city” enthusiasts to look beyond the big-ticket

facilities and consider smaller-scale arts districts and galleries-- as well as the stated importance

of the local quality of life by a majority of respondents-- it appears that many cultural authorities

support the entrepreneurial approach, which calls for the use of prominently located buildings

and high profile events as catalysts to stimulate development in surrounding areas rather than

19
directly investing in them. Moreover, the low ranking of “community arts and cultural centers,”

listed by only 6% of the respondents, and the absence of, for instance, arts education and training

programs, again reflects the marginalization of more progressive cultural strategies.

[Table 6 about here]

The emphasis on identifiable events and facilities also reflects the rivalry among cities for

tourists and conventioneers in which imagery plays a very significant role in “branding” the city

as an attractive destination. As one respondent argued, “It seems that there is a baseline of things

you must have to legitimize your city as a ‘player.’ Everyone must have a symphony orchestra,

a ballet or other dance company and an art museum. Then, you need something that will help

you stand out from the competition-- either an extremely wonderful one of these things or

something unique or cutting edge. Ideally, you will have something that will reflect the essence

of your community, build community pride, and give you something to promote that will stand

out.” Thus, an overwhelming number of agencies believe that cultural activities help them to

“stand out” by emphasizing their distinctiveness (79%) and generating local pride (66%) (Table

7). However, significantly fewer agency respondents argued that cultural activities help to

revitalize decaying areas (34%) -- an assumed positive impact of catalytic projects. We also

inquired as to the types of cultural activities that most successfully promote a positive city image.

Consistent with prior responses, major events and facilities were mentioned much more

frequently than programs such as public art and arts education.

[Table 7 about here]

Urban Icon and Cultural Catalyst? The Role of Flagship Cultural Projects

Although a considerable amount of attention in the literature has been given to flagship

projects, until recently, little research has specifically focused on flagship cultural projects--

20
major museums, galleries, and performing arts centers, with regional, national, or international

name recognition (Hamnett and Shoval, 2003). Nonetheless, a large majority of cities in our

survey, (twenty-five or (86%), reported that they have at least one flagship cultural project such

as the Walker Art Center in Minneapolis or the Disney Concert Hall in Los Angeles. As

displayed in Table 8, the respondents indicated that the most important benefits of cultural

flagship projects were: to “improve the quality of life” (75%) and to “attract visitors and tourists”

(68%). Consistent with prior responses, the primary role of flagship cultural facilities appears to

be focused on attracting people to a particular destination-- both as a quality of life amenity for

residents and as a visitor attraction-- and thereby stimulating consumption. However, although

flagship projects are emblematic of the entrepreneurial model, respondents showed mixed

feelings regarding their ability to catalyze private sector development and area revitalization,

support local business, or increase municipal revenues.

[Table 8 about here]

While respondents have confidence in flagship projects as quality of life attractors, their

overall support in a wider context is more mixed. When asked if flagship projects provide more

benefits than less prominent cultural facilities or smaller community cultural centers, only 29%

agreed, while 43% believed that they are of equal importance and 18% stated that they do not.

Agencies favoring flagship projects cited their visibility, their ability to attract people, and to

help the local arts community. As one respondent put it, “[our city’s flagship project] has a large

physical presence, and has become a sort of ‘icon’ for the city. It is visible from the waterfront

and the train station, and is the most significant new construction in decades. Because of its large

scale, its quality programming, and its connectivity to the rest of downtown, the city’s cultural

community could not thrive without it.”

21
 While critics have condemned flagship projects as costly undertakings which funnel

investment to only specific city areas and population segments (Bianchini, et al. 1992), the

majority of respondents view flagships as essential components of the city’s cultural community.

Proponents of flagships, and many who believed them equally as important as other facilities,

indicated that they view them as more than entrepreneurial machines for attracting tourist dollars,

but also as strategies to promote other local cultural activities and support the arts community as

a whole. As one survey respondent argued, “particularly in cities where arts funding has been

steadily decreasing, flagship projects probably have a greater impact in raising awareness of the

importance of arts and culture.” Thus, as another respondent believes, “flagship projects…can

act as a rising tide that lifts all boats. Small arts organizations benefit from the center’s success.

These high profile arts institutions also attract new companies and investment in the area, which

also helps our overall arts community.”

Contrasting views were heard by a significant minority of respondents. These cities

tended to be those held up as emblematic of the creative class strategy such as Austin and

Portland or the few cities that did not report the existence of flagships such as Wichita.

Rejecting the entrepreneurial model, these respondents stressed that smaller cultural facilities are

crucial because they deliver services to more focused areas of interest and locations. They

argued that “what makes [our city] so distinctive is the success of many emerging organizations

and smaller-scale (sometimes informal) arts and culture activities around town and in outlying

neighborhoods,” and that “smaller venues and facilities tend to be more dynamic and take greater

risks that challenge the community and encourage dialogue.”

22
Conclusion

In summary, given the entrepreneurial focus, most agencies seem to recognize cultural

activities and facilities as important facets of local economic development. In this regard, the

survey highlighted certain trends. First, US cities seem to prefer cultural development strategies

that rely on prominent special events and centrally located facilities over city-wide programs that

enrich diverse city neighborhoods through public art projects or community cultural centers, or

by encouraging local cultural production. The survey findings reinforce the fact that in most

cities, as cultural activities have become essential components of urban development and tourism

strategies, the public role in community-based arts and culture projects has declined. Second,

cultural activities are largely seen by agencies as an important way to emphasize a city’s

uniqueness, both as an overall “branding” strategy and to attract visitors to downtown. Likewise,

although some respondents reacted negatively to the flagship cultural facilities, these projects are

often promoted because of their ability to underline a city’s presence on the national or

international stage, but also for their potential to support the local arts community when

municipal governments are unable or unwilling to do so. Finally, while the agencies appear to

stress economic objectives, they do not necessarily abandon social and educational goals,

arguing that cultural activities stimulate economic development while improving the quality of

life. However, rather than witnessing the rise of projects specifically geared to the creative class

or revitalizing inner-city neighborhoods, we see a reliance on the major facilities and events

attractive to a wide audience of visitors and residents alike.

Do cities espouse the “entrepreneurial,” “creative,” or “progressive” approaches in the

development of cultural strategies? Although the survey found that elements of all models are

used by the agencies, entrepreneurial strategies are most prominently represented in their

23
agendas. As outlined in the introduction, the emphasis on entrepreneurial strategies by

municipal arts agencies is a product of a variety of factors affecting cities. Many agencies

certainly espouse the entrepreneurial model where privatization and economic growth frame the

goals of cultural development and, hence, the types of activities that receive municipal support.

Additionally, budgetary priorities in many cities are driving municipal cultural development as

Departments of Cultural Affairs have been forced to justify their existence increasingly in

economic terms. This is in evidence in a wide range of places from Baltimore’s Office of

Promotion and the Arts (created in 2002) to the Mayor’s Office of Arts, Tourism and Cultural

Development in Boston (created in 2004). In Los Angeles, the Department of Cultural Affairs

was resurrected only after redefining its focus towards the promotion of cultural tourism in the

city (Haithman, 2004).

On the one hand, the ultimate result of this scenario, as confirmed in the survey, is that

progressive strategies are marginalized as cultural activities are primarily assessed in terms of

their economic value. Although we did not expect to find quantitatively equal support for

progressive strategies, the data show significantly less involvement in and consideration of

community-oriented arts facilities and education programs in underserved communities, and

little support for cultural production and innovation. Furthermore, the overall focus on

promotional activities and centralized facilities and blockbuster events often necessitates support

for cultural activities that are more mainstream and of politically neutral content.

On the other hand, while local governments may not directly undertake programs

characteristic of a progressive approach, a central mandate of a number of Cultural Affairs

Departments is to provide financial support to nonprofit institutions that frequently conduct such

programs. At the same time, this situation reflects the entrepreneurial climate in which public

24
assistance for those cultural activities and programs that are not directly economically feasible

are contracted out to private and nonprofit entities.

While entrepreneurial strategies are pursued by all responding agencies, some also pursue

the other two strategies to varying degrees. These tend to be agencies with larger budgets and

located in cities known as cultural destinations, such as New York or Chicago, which can afford

to pursue a wider range of cultural strategies or cities already hailed as meccas for the creative

class such as Portland or San Diego. However, in none of these cities do the agencies pursue

creative class or progressive strategies exclusively. The creative class agenda has invigorated

some agencies to tackle the overlap between economic gain and social and cultural benefits by,

as one respondent explained, “making the city a better place for creative people to live and work,

we think that spans a gamut from large cultural facilities to housing and even health care

opportunities for creatives.” However, in most cases Cultural Affairs have yet to implement

many of the initiatives proposed by the creative class strategy. 14 While there has been a great

deal of hype surrounding places that are enacting creative class strategies such as Michigan’s

“Cool Cities Initiative” or Spokane, Washington’s proposal to create a “gay district” similar to

the Castro in San Francisco (Geranios, 2005), most cities in this survey did not report such

schemes.

Therefore, although the entrepreneurial model appears dominant, municipal cultural

strategies do not wholly conform to the type of urban redevelopment scenarios predicted by

Harvey (1989a) and Eisinger (2000) in which spectacular urban spaces for affluent tourists reign.

First, agencies concentrate their promotional efforts at the local level more than the national or

international levels. Given this local focus, the question of who is a tourist and who benefits

from cultural development strategies needs to be analyzed further. Similarly, these critiques

25
miss the overall quality of life concerns that most of the respondents emphasize, and within this,

the multiple meanings that quality of life assumes as both a set of economic and social goods. In

the process, a more complex agenda than simply building the city for either tourists or locals

emerges and is a condition that begs for further research in the realms of cultural policy and

economic development.

Despite the inherent problems in existing cultural development strategies--a bias towards

economic goals and specific audiences and a resulting uneven development that favors

prominent locations and facilities-- local governments are far from abandoning their support for

the arts and cultural activities. The challenge is to frame cultural strategies for urban

revitalization that address social and educational goals without ignoring economic realities.

Acknowledgement:

The authors wish to thank the anonymous reviewers for their careful reading and valuable

comments on this manuscript.

26
Notes

1
Cultural Affairs is the most common designation in the US for the municipal agency variously

charged with developing, managing, funding, and marketing local cultural activities.
2
In providing this brief summary of international cultural policy, this section necessarily

generalizes about the various experiences of what are diverse places and does not address the

varying definitions of “culture” by local governments.

3
The progressive approach is similar to that put forth by the cultural democracy and community

arts movements, which are concerned with promoting cultural diversity, ensuring equitable

access to cultural resources, and a broad participation in cultural life and cultural policy decision-

making (Adams and Goldbard, 1995).

4
A copy of the survey questionnaire is available upon request from the authors.
5
Bayliss (2003) recently conducted a survey of nineteen municipal Arts Officers in Denmark in

which he finds evidence of a “social turn” in cultural policy. However, while Danish officials

seem to reject economic goals for more socially focused objectives, in practice they emphasize

cultural strategies that favor consumption over production and those that are targeted at

generating economic growth. In the US, Judd, et al. (2003) recently conducted a survey of public

entities that concentrated on tourism and entertainment facilities, rather than specifically on

cultural activities and facilities. At the same time, this survey finds that cities develop and market

cultural activities as a central strategy to attract tourists.

6
We initially piloted the survey in the Los Angeles Department of Cultural Affairs. The cities

that responded to the survey were: Atlanta, Austin, Baltimore, Boston, Buffalo, Chicago, Dallas,

Houston, Indianapolis, Los Angeles, Milwaukee, Minneapolis, Nashville, New Orleans, New

York City, Oakland, Oklahoma City, Phoenix, Pittsburgh, Portland, Raleigh, Sacramento, San

27
Antonio, San Diego, San Jose, Seattle, St. Louis, Tampa, and Wichita. The cities that did not

respond to the survey were: Albuquerque, Anaheim, Anchorage, Aurora, Cincinnati, Colorado

Springs, Corpus Christi, Denver, Detroit, El Paso, Honolulu, Las Vegas, Lexington, Louisville,

Miami, San Francisco, Toledo, Tucson, Virginia Beach, Washington DC. Seven cities with

populations over 250,000 did not maintain a division of Cultural Affairs.

7
Two cities-- Indianapolis and Nashville-- maintained both individual Cultural Affairs agencies

and a related agency as a division of the Mayor’s office (Indianapolis) and of Economic

Development (Nashville). The latter divisions were not included in the survey population.
8
A full report that includes the responses from all three types of agencies (Cultural Affairs,

Vistors Bureaus, and Economic Development) is available from the authors upon request.
9
State authorized property tax exemptions also comprise an important form of support for

nonprofit cultural institutions. We thank an anonymous reviewer for this observation.

10
The mean annual budget of Cultural Affairs Departments does not include New York City

Cultural Affairs, whose annual budget is $123,000,000, nearly thirteen times greater than the

next largest agency budget.

11
The survey did not specifically distinguish between cultural facilities and cultural institutions

or organizations.
12
It is interesting to note, however, that agencies concentrate their promotional efforts on local

(91%) and regional (73%) levels to a far greater extent than national (5%) or international (5%).
13
Of course, because the survey did not specifically explore the varying definitions of “quality of

life,” we can only speculate on the respondents conceptualization of this term.

14
This does not mean that other municipal agencies refrain from adopting creative class-based

strategies.

28
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 Table 1

Cultural Development Strategies

Strategy Type Goals Types of Cultural Geographic Target

Projects and Programs Focus Audiences

Entrepreneurial Economic growth through Flagship cultural projects Downtown, Tourists and
tourism, city image “prime city Conventioneers
Spectacular events areas”
Catalyze private sector Affluent
investments Promotional activities residents and
suburbanites
Creative Class Economic growth through Arts and entertainment Central city and Prospective and
quality of life amenities districts historic urban existing residents
neighborhoods
Attract new residents/ Collaboration between Young urban
employees in the arts and private sector professionals and
“creative economy” “knowledge-
based” workers
Progressive Community development Community arts centers Inner-city Underserved
neighborhoods residential
Arts education and access Arts education programs populations
Underserved
Local cultural production neighborhoods

37
 Table 2

Number of Cities Reporting Municipal Involvement in Cultural Facilities and

Activities in the Last Ten Years Frequency Percent
Maintained a program of public art 27 93%
Opened or helped a private or nonprofit group to open a museum or gallery 25 86%
Organized cultural events 23 79%
Promotion of cultural and artistic activities 23 79%
Opened or helped a private or nonprofit group to open a performing arts theater or
center 20 69%
Preservation of historically significant public space, building, or monument 20 69%
Developed an arts or cultural district 16 55%
Opened a community arts or cultural center 12 41%
N=29. Note: Total N represents the total number of cities represented in the survey. Respondents were asked “To
the best of your knowledge, in the last ten years has your city…” and were provided with the list of choices shown
in the table.

Table 3

Cultural Activities, Programs and Facilities Annually Funded by

Responding Agencies Frequency Percent
Museums or galleries 24 83%
Cultural events and festivals 23 79%
Performances 22 76%
Performing arts theaters 22 76%
Promotion and advertisement of cultural and artistic activities 22 76%
Public art programs 22 76%
Museum Exhibits 19 66%
Community arts or cultural centers 18 62%
Program to preserve local heritage 10 34%
Cultural or arts districts 6 21%
N=29. Note: Respondents were asked to “Please mark any cultural activities or facilities that your
department funds annually” and were provided with the list of choices shown in the table.

38
 Table 4

Stated Cultural Development Activities of Cultural Affairs Departments Frequency %

Funding to cultural institutions 24 83%
Funding and grants to artists 21 72%
Promote and advertise cultural activities and events 20 69%
Provide information to visitors and tourists 18 62%
Organize cultural activities and events 18 62%
Operate cultural facilities (e.g. museums, theaters, etc) 14 48%
Arts education programs 9 31%
Technical assistance and job training programs 6 21%
Develop artist studio space 3 10%
Folk and traditional arts research 2 7%
Develop artist housing 1 3%
N=29. Note: This table is a composite of two questions. In the first question, respondents were asked to list the
“cultural development activities of their department” from a given set of choices. In the second question
respondents were asked to “Please list any cultural activities or programs that your department currently operates”
in their own words. These responses were then grouped by the authors.

Table 5

Respondents Opinions of the Most Important Benefits of Cultural Activities

and Facilities Frequency Percent
Improve quality of life 27 93%
Attract visitors and tourists 17 59%
Strengthen competitive advantage of city 10 34%
Create employment opportunities 7 24%
Encourage understanding and awareness of other groups and cultures 6 21%
Support local business and services 6 21%
Improve image of city 4 14%
Improve public spaces 4 14%
Promote education in the arts 4 14%
Increase municipal revenues 2 7%
Increase property values 0 0%
N=29. Note: Respondents were asked to “Please rank the five most important ways that you consider
cultural activities and facilities to benefit your city?” and were provided with the list of choices shown in
the table. This table shows the cumulative total of the top three responses. Percent does not equal 100 due
to multiple responses.

39
 Table 6

Type of Cultural Activity or Facility that Achieves the Most Benefits Frequency Percent
Major cultural facilities (museums, galleries, performing arts centers) 12 26%
Cultural events and festivals 9 19%
Funding private, nonprofit cultural groups and individual artists 7 15%
Cultural or arts districts 4 9%
Public art 4 9%
Art Galleries 3 6%
Community arts groups or cultural centers 3 6%
All 2 4%
Ethnic festivals, facilities, and districts 2 4%
Cultural tours and itineraries 1 2%
N=47. Note: Respondents were asked, “In your view, which particular cultural activities or facilities
achieve the most benefits?” The responses were then grouped by the authors. Total percentages do not
equal 100% because some respondents provided more than one answer.

Table 7

Most Important Ways that Cultural Activities and Facilities Create a

Positive City Image Frequency Percent
Emphasize the distinctiveness of your city 23 79%
Building local pride 19 66%
Demonstrate international importance 13 45%
Overcome a negative city or neighborhood image 11 38%
Revitalize decaying areas 10 34%
Creating a positive image of local government 9 31%
N=29. Note: Respondents were asked to “Please rank the five most important ways that cultural activities
and facilities can help to create a positive city image” and were provided with the list of choices shown in
the table.

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 Table 8

Most Important Benefits of Flagship Cultural Projects in Respondent Cities Frequency Percent
Improve quality of life 21 75%
Attract visitors and tourists 19 68%
Improve image of city 15 54%
Strengthen competitive advantage of city 11 39%
Support local business and services 7 25%
Improve public spaces 3 11%
Increase municipal revenues 3 11%
Create Employment Opportunities 2 7%
Encourage understanding and awareness of other groups and cultures 1 4%
Promote education in the arts 0 0%
Increase property values 0 0%
N=28. Note: Respondents were asked to “Please rank the five most important ways that you consider
flagship projects to benefit your city?” and were provided with the list of choices shown in the table.
This table shows the cumulative total of the top three responses. Numbers do not add up to 100 percent
due to multiple responses.

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