Gothic Route

Crossroad of Cultures and Heritage

Gothic Route Conference Proceedings V
Gothic Route – Crossroad
of Cultures and Heritage
Gothic Route Conference Proceedings V

Gotická cesta
Rožňava 2024
Gothic Route – Crossroad of Cultures and Heritage
Gothic Route Conference Proceedings V

Proceedings of the 5th annual conference organized by Gotická cesta in Rožňava,

25th – 27th August 2022.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted in any form or by any means without the permission of the publisher.

Editors:
Mgr. Michal Augustovič, M.A., Ing. arch. David Raška

Authors:
Mgr. Michal Augustovič, M.A., Mgr. Peter Buday, PhD., Mgr. Miroslav Čovan, Dr. Eng. arch. Małgorzata
Doroz-Turek, dr Magdalena Garnczarska, Andrzej Gołembnik, MA, Mgr. art. Juraj Gregorek,
prof. Martin Homza, Dr., Ing. arch. Pavol Ižvolt, PhD., MsC., Zsombor Jékely, Phd., Justyna Kamińska,
MA, Mgr. et Mgr. Kornélia Kolářová Takácsová, Th.D et Ph.D., Mgr. art. Peter Koreň, Ing. Eva
Semanová, Mgr. Wojciech Sowała, Béla Zsolt Szakács, DSc, doc. Mgr. Monika Tihányiová, Mgr. Štefan
Valášek, PhD.

External reviewers:
Ing. Anna Faturová, Mgr. Michaela Kalinová, PhD., doc. Mgr. Peter Megyeši, PhD., doc. PhDr. Ivan
Mrva, CSc., Mgr. Éva Szakálos

Proofreading and translation:

Mgr. Andrea Miškufová

Layout and design:

Ing. arch. David Raška

Občianske združenie Gotická cesta

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Published by
Občianske združenie Gotická cesta, Rožňava 2024

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The project is co-financed by the Governments of Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia through
Visegrad Grants from International Visegrad Fund. The mission of the fund is to advance ideas for
sustainable regional cooperation in Central Europe.
 content
preface
8 Michal Augustovič, David Raška

10 Pavol Ižvolt: At Europe’s Cultural Crossroads

history
14 Martin Homza: Three Unexplored 18th Century Descriptions of the Region of
Gemer in Slovak and One Native of Gemer, Ladislav Bohuslav Bartolomeides

32 Miroslav Čovan: Medieval and Early Modern Graffiti Inscriptions in Gemer

Region

42 Michal Augustovič: Gemer and Rus': The Knightly Story of Saint Ladislaus in
the Written Souces of Medieval Rus'

art history
56 Zsombor Jékely: From Gemer to the North: Wall Painting Workshops
around 1400

72 Štefan Valášek: Image and Text: The Medieval Wall Paintings in Ludrová as
an Example of Interrelations between the Visual and the Written

88 Peter Buday: Documentation, Preservation and Restoration of Wall Paintings

in Hungary until 1918

104 Kornélia Kolářová Takácsová: Founding Activities and Contacts of Constance

of Hungary

122 Magdalena Garnczarska: The Breslau Psalter: Some Preliminary Remarks

on Gold

architecture
138 Béla Zsolt Szakács: The Significance of the Medieval Church in Spišská Belá

154 Peter Koreň, Juraj Gregorek, Monika Tihányiová: Insight into the Ongoing
Research of the Church of the Reformed Christian Church in Rimavská Seč

172 Wojciech Sowała: Medieval Architecture and Furnishings of the St. John the
Baptist Collegiate Church in Skalbmierz

184 Justyna Kamińska, Małgorzata Doroz-Turek, Andrzej Gołembnik:

The 13th Century Dominican Church of St. James in Sandomierz: The Results
of Interdisciplinary Research

198 Eva Semanová: Protection of Historic Greenery in the Slovak Republic

Preface
Since 2007, the Gothic Route Association has been trying to systematically help
to make the medieval sacral heritage of Gemer and Malohont accessible, to
promote it, research and restore it. In recent years, we have also been promoting
these precious monuments of this multicultural and multi-confessional region in
Hungarian and English, so that people from abroad can also get acquainted with
them. One of the ways to help the sacral monuments is through conferences that
we organize every two years in the heart of the region – in Rožňava. These events
are an opportunity to share and exchange scientific knowledge about monuments
from several disciplines and thus to contribute to a better understanding of the
historical and artistic values of monuments in the region.

In 2022, for the first time, we held this conference in an international format.
Thanks to the financial support from Visegrad Funds, we managed to achieve
this goal and to organize the conference with the participation of historians, art
historians, architects, epigraphers and preservationists from Slovakia, Hungary,
Poland and the Czech Republic. Our thanks also go to the partner institutions from
three countries that are culturally, historically and geographically close to Slovakia,
namely Centrum raně středověkých studií Semináře dějin umění Filozofické fakulty
Masarykovy univerzity (Centre for Early Medieval Studies, Department of the
History of Art), Teleki László Alapítvány (Teleki László Foundation) and Uniwersytet
Jagielloński, Wydział Historyczny (Jagiellonian University, Faculty of History).

Thanks to the interesting contributions of the authors from Hungary, we had the
opportunity to get to know the architectural values and artistic contacts of Gemer
and the wider surroundings, but also the phenomenon of the so-called magic
pits. Colleagues from Poland opened the topic of sacral architecture and art in
the wider Central European context with their contributions. The contribution
from the Czech Republic highlighted the important links between the Czech and
Hungarian kingdoms in the Middle Ages. And contributions from Slovakia opened
up a broader discussion on sacral heritage in terms of geography, history, art
history, architecture, epigraphy, and monument care.

At the conference we had the opportunity to see the great interconnectedness of

Central Europe and the many parallels between the countries. Also, the informal
discussions in the beautiful setting of the Baroque Franciscan monastery in
Rožňava showed that, when people from these countries meet, it is as if they are
old acquaintances – the debates quickly and spontaneously turn to discussions
about common history, but also about common problems that the scholars are

8
struggling with in their research. The event ended with an excursion that allowed
conference participants to marvel at the wealth of monuments that the Gothic
Route Association seeks to promote.

We believe that in this way it was possible to put Gemer and Malohont back onto
the intellectual map of Central Europe (not only) for a few days.

Editors

9
At Europe’s
Cultural Crossroads

Ing. arch. Pavol Ižvolt, PhD., MsC.

general director of the Monuments Board of the Slovak Republic
Cesta na Červený most 6, 814 06 Bratislava
pavol.izvolt@pamiatky.gov.sk

Above: Vault of the south side nave in Štítnik

Gemer region is undoubtedly one of the most beautiful and forgotten regions of
Slovakia. In the past it was an important crossroads of cultural currents. German
colonists imported mining and metallurgical technologies, the nobility brought
Hungarian aristocratic culture and Italian art was reflected in remarkable sacral
wall paintings.

Multiculturalism and multi-confessionalism remained typical features. The

decoration of many churches has been preserved in Gemer, as in Spiš, because of
the tolerance of the believers. The legacy of those times is still visible in the region
today, although the communities of believers are small and the region suffers from
an outflow of young educated people to larger centres.

This element, i.e. Gemer as a crossroads of cultures, nationalities and confessions,

became a kind of leitmotif of the 5th annual conference. Among the speakers
were representatives of the V4 countries. Specialists in the field of history and
art history from neighbouring countries systematically deal with our history,
architecture and visual arts in broader contexts. Researchers and the professional
public in Slovakia are often unaware of these studies and the 5th year of the Gothic
Route event helped to convey this information in our scientific environment as
well. It is also interesting to compare the development of the architecture with
immediately nearby regions such as Liptov and Spiš. Béla Zsolt Szakács deals with
the church in Spišská Belá in the context of the sacral architecture of Spiš; Monika
Tihányiová and Peter Koreň with their research in Rimavská Seč have brought
knowledge from a hitherto neglected and little-studied church. István Paszternák
documented an overview of the magical rituals associated with the appearance
of pits in church portals; Justyna Kamińska described the development of the
Dominican church and monastery in Sandomierz, Poland. Other Polish researchers
deal with the interior furnishings of churches, Wojciech Sowała works on Collegiate
church in Skalbmierz. In our environment we often lack more cross-sectional
research by specialists from academia, but the system of monument protection in
Slovakia requires architectural-historical and art-historical research as one of the
bases for monument renovation. Thanks to this, we can present new knowledge
on the structural development of individual buildings, for example, Ľuboš Kürthy
with the topic of medieval development stages at the monasteries in Leles and
Šahy. Eva Semanová from Monuments Board has been systematically engaged in
the protection and research of historical greenery for a long time. It is important to
support architectural research with current historical research; Kornélia Kolářová
Takácsová deals with the fundraising activities and contacts of Queen Constance

11
of Hungary, which we can compare thanks to this historical figure with our
environment (Porta Speciosa – the defunct portal of the Esztergom Basilica with
Porta Coeli in Tišnov – Předklášteří).

Saint Ladislaus was a significant figure in iconographic cycles and Michal

Augustovič explores the written sources of the cult of this saint in Rus.
Magdalena Garnczarska gave a lecture on the Breslav Psalter. Slovak researcher
Miroslav Čovan collects and studies important epigraphic relics – medieval and
early modern graffiti in Gemer. Wall paintings, for which the churches of Gemer are
famous, were studied in the early days of monument protection. Documentation,
conservation and restoration of historical wall paintings in Hungary until 1918
were presented by the Slovak historian Peter Buday. In Hungary, Zsombor Jékely,
among others, is researching Slovak wall paintings and traces the connections
and differences between Gemer and Liptov regions. Martin Homza is an important
Slovak historian who presented Gemer in his study in a Central European context.
Štefan Valášek deals specifically with the medieval wall paintings in Ludrová as an
example of the interrelationship between visual art and written text.

We will not be able to preserve wall paintings and precious furnishings unless
the churches are systematically maintained. Even many of the buildings that
have undergone partial restoration show a number of technically unmanaged
details and recurring errors. Pavol Ižvolt presented these situations on the
basis of concrete examples based on the work of the Department of Preventive
Maintenance of Monuments from the Monuments Board of the Slovak Republic.

For this year’s excursion, the objects of the Cathedral of the Assumption of the
Virgin Mary in Rožňava were selected, accompanied by Silvia Lörinčíková, archivist
from the Bishopric of Rožňava. The tour of the Rozňava Calvary gave an insight
into the restoration process. The manor house in Jelšava is known for its long-
term preservation efforts led by Viera Kozárová. Saturday’s programme allowed
for an excursion around the Štítnik Circuit of the Gothic Route. The European
dimension of these sacral buildings was confirmed by the award of the European
Heritage Label in 2022. The European Commission included the sets of medieval
wall paintings found in twelve churches in Gemer and Malohont in the list of
monuments of European significance because they reflect common European
values and their impact on the development of culture and society.

The international meeting of experts from several countries symbolically puts

Gemer back on the map of the European cultural world. We can thank the Gothic
Route Association for a successful conference and wish them many more similarly
successful conferences, events and much strength in further preservation of this
precious heritage.

12
13
Three Unexplored 18th Century Descriptions
of the Region of Gemer in Slovak and One Native
of Gemer, Ladislav Bohuslav Bartolomeides

Prof. Martin Homza, Dr.

Department of Slovak History, Faculty of Arts, Comenius University
Gondova 2, 811 02 Bratislava
martin.homza@uniba.sk

Above: Ladislav Bohuslav Bartolomeides: Geograffia, aneb, Wypsánj Okrsslku Zemského (Banská Bystrica, 1798)
Abstract: The paper deals with the genesis of geography standards in Slovak –
as used before the language was codified – in connection with the territory of
Gemer. For this purpose, the author studies hitherto unexplored documents found
in archives. The first group consists of three Slovak manuscripts dealing with
geography the author came across recently. The last document – on Ladislav
Bohuslav Bartolomeides – is a printed article published in 1798. The broader aim of
the paper is to show the genesis of geography as a discipline within the national
language of Slovaks before its codification by the Bernoláks and, later on, by Ľudovít
Štúr. From a narrower perspective, it is a probe into the teaching of geography of the
homeland on the example of one region, Gemer, which – by pure coincidence – also
happens to the birthplace of Ladislav Bohuslav Bartholomeides.

Keywords: Geography, Slovak, Matthias Bel, Gemer, Ladislav Bohuslav Bartolomeides

After the Battle of Mohács on 29 August 1526, Slovakia became the center of
political, ecclesiastical and educational institutions of nationwide importance.
Among the centers of learning providing higher education were the Catholic Jesuit
universities in Trnava and Košice, as well as the Protestant Evangelical lyceums in
Prešov, Kežmarok and Bratislava.

For centuries, Kežmarok – the Kežmarok Evangelical Lyceum, to be exact1 – was

one of the most renowned Protestant educational institutions within the polity
ruled by the Habsburgs commonly known as Royal Hungary. No wonder, then, that
a considerable number of young Slovak Protestants from Gemer studied there.
This paper maps how Slovaks – but not exclusively – learned to know their “little”
homeland in their native language in geography class at the end of the 18th century.
A slightly earlier – but all the more important – Slovak work from the Catholic
milieu will serve us for comparative purposes.

The Kežmarok Evangelical Lyceum harnessed the new spirit brought about by the
Enlightenment outstandingly. As a matter of fact, the school underwent a major
reform in the 18th century under rectors Juraj Bohuš († 1722),2 Juraj Buchholtz, Jr.
(† 1735)3 and, mainly, Jozef Bencúr/Benczúr († 1784).4 It was thanks to this reform
1 See Johann Lipták, Geschichte des evangelischen Lyceums (Kesmark [Kežmarok]: Selbstverlage des
Lyzealpatronatesanläßlich der 400-Jahrfeier des Lyzeums, 1933), 237. Imrich Sedlák, ed., The Kežmarok
Lyceum (Bratislava: Erpo, 1984), 270.
2 On the work of Juraj Bohuš at the Kežmarok Lyceum, see Lipták, Geschichte des evangelischen Lyceums, 72.
3 On the work of Juraj Buchholtz, Jr. at the Kežmarok Lyceum, see Lipták, Geschichte des evangelischen Lyceums, 72.
4 He was Rector of Kežmarok Lyceum in 1755 – 1760 and 1771 – 1776. Eva Kowalská, “Obrazy dejín etník Uhorska

15
that geography started to be taught systematically not only at this lyceum but
throughout the whole kingdom. Ladislav Bohuslav Bartolomeides – who was born
in Gemer and wrote the first printed Slovak textbook on geography, Geograffia,
aneb, Wypsánj Okrsslku Zemského,5 – studied there precisely at the time the second
of the above-mentioned, Jozef Bencúr, was rector (1771 – 1776). (Fig.1)

The journey that lead to the publication of the first Slovak geography textbook
also starts in Kežmarok. This journey was far from being straightforward, though.
In fact, it had several lines. Some of them were described back in 2020 in my study
Notes by Andrej Kleniar/Klenner, an Important Testimony to the First Codification
of Geographical Terminology in Pre-codified Slovak.6 In the meantime, however,
ongoing research has significantly expanded our knowledge on the origin of Slovak
written toponymic standards.

In the early summer of 2022, I was lucky enough to come across two documents
in the Manuscripts Section (Kézirattár) of the Inventarium Codicum – Slavicorum
of the Szechényi National Library (Országos Széchényi Könyvtár) in Budapest
(hereinafter OSZK). The first and earlier one, called Krátke poznamenání sveta (A
Short Description of the World) was written around 1760.7 The second and more
recent one dates back to the reign of Emperor Leopold II – i.e. from 1790 to 1792 –
and forms part of a notebook containing some other texts written in Slovak around
the same period. It is called Geografické rozpsanj Zeme Uherské (Geographical
Distribution of the Land of Hungary).8

Both documents deserve special attention. Although the earlier work – from the
late 1750s – is of major importance for understanding the genesis of scholarly
texts on geography in Slovak, it has not been paid the necessary attention – if
any – in Slovakia. For this reason it deserves at least a few words. Despite the fact
that its author is unknown,9 its language clearly points at the circle of scholars
it comes from, namely cultivated Western Slovak. Moreover, a sentence found in
the introduction of the paper, which reads: “Užiwaj tehdi a zabawugse statečne á
mudre á powez aby i takuto prácu mu bylo pochwáleno Gméno Gežissové, Amen”
(So enjoy this work bravely and wisely, and in so doing, enjoy it so that the Name
of Jesus may be praised, Amen) reveals compelling information about its author: it
was clearly a Slovak Jesuit. Starting with folio No. 13, each page is properly marked

v učebných textoch 18. storočia“ [Images from the history of ethnic groups in the Kingdom of Hungary
in 18th century textbooks], Forum Historiæ 6, no. 2, (2012): 140-146 and eadem “Evanjelické a. v. spoločenstvo v 18.
storočí” [Evangelical a. v. Community in the 18th century], 166-175 and other works by the same author.
5 Ladislawa Bartolomeidesa, Geograffia, aneb, Wypsánj Okrsslku Zemského s ssesti Mappami wlastnj Rukau
geho wyrytými (Báňská Bystrica: in Jan Sstefánjho, priv. Knihtlačitele, 1798). See mainly chapter II.
Subpart Uherská země, from p. 57 with enclosed map. On Bartolomeides, see Erika Brtáňová,
Osvietenské písanie Ladislava Bartolomeidesa [The Enlightenment Writing of Ladislav Bartolomeides] (Bratislava:
Veda, 2022), 141, as well as an earlier work by Jozef Martinka, ed., Ladislav Barolomeides: vlastivedný priekopník
[Ladislav Barolomeides: a Pioneer of Homeland Studies] (Martin: Osveta, 1956), 110.
6 Martin Homza, “Zápisky Andreja Kleniara (Klennera) ako dôležité svedectvo o prvej kodifikácii geografickej
terminológie v slovenčine predspisovného obdobi” [Zápisky Andreja Kleniara (Klennera) as an important testimony
of the first codification of geographical terminology in pre-codified Slovak] in Monumenta Linguae Slovacae, vol. 5,
eds. Martin Homza, Naďa Labancová and Vladimír Olejník (Bratislava: Comenius University, 2020).
7 Országos Széchényi Könyvtár (hereinafter OSZK). Budapest. Department of Manuscripts (Kézirattár): Inventarium
Codicum – Slavicorum IN QUARTO (hereafter Quart. Slav.) Krátke poznamenání sveta to gest Malý Spis
Krajín, mést, wod: áno y národuw rozličných Roka PANE 1759 dokonane 1760. Sign. Quart. Slav. 37.
OSZK, Kézirattár: Inventarium Codicum – Slavicorum – Octo. Sign. Octo Slav. 38 (pp. 4-94).
8 OSZK, Kézirattár: Inventarium Codicum – Slavicorum – Octo. Sign. Octo Slav. 38 (pp. 4-94).
9 See: “Krátke poznamenání sveta, to gest Malý Spis Krajín, mést, wód, áno y národuw rozličných Roka Pane 1759,
dokonane 1760” in Pramene k dejinám slovenčiny, vol. 1, ed. Vincent Blanár (Bratislava: Veda, 1992), 257-267. Extract
from the original in Országos Széchényi Könyvtár (OSZK) – Magyarország nemzeti könyvtára in Budapest, Quart.
Slav. 37 (p. 296).

16
Map of the Kingdom of Hungary in the 1759 manuscript Krátke poznamenání sveta
(A Short Description of the World) by an anonymous Jesuit author

17
 on the upper right and left corners. The document has been provided with an
additional professional pagination in which the number of every folio has been
imprinted in ink. The Arabic folio numbers are located on the right-hand side.
The work contains numerous specialized drawings and maps. Another interesting
feature of the manuscript is that it was catalogued on 25 December 1797 by
librarian and legal historian Martin Gregor Kovachich/Martin Georg Kovachich (†
1821), a native of Šenkovice who, by the way, also studied at the Jesuit University of
Trnava.

A short Preface by this anonymous Jesuit is followed by two chapters explaining

the basic terminology and defining the measurement methods used in the work.
These are plainly illustrated as well. The table of contents of the first Slovak
geography textbook that bears the poetic title Prst ukazugíjcij kdé hledat načim
Kraginy Strán Sweta etc. (A Finger pointing at [Guidance on] where to look for
countries in the world space, etc.) can be found in folios 8r to 10r. The description
of the Kingdom of Hungary forms part of the Danube River Basin section. It begins
on p. 159 (fol. 91r) with a map of the Kingdom and ends on p. 171 (fol. 98r).

This anonymous writer divided the Kingdom of Hungary according to the cardinal
points. This division is vaguely reminiscent of the one we know from the work
by another Jesuit, Fabio Antonio de Colloredo, from the late 1680s, namely
Parvus Atlas Hungariae sive Geographica Hungariae (Small Atlas of Hungary or
Geography of Hungary).10 However, it differs from more recent geographical works
by other Jesuits – such as Michael Bonbardi († 1729)11 and Samuel Timon († 1736)12
– published in the first decades of the 18th century. At the beginning of the first
Slovak text on geography, its author makes a brief enumeration of the counties
and their basic characteristics starting from the west. These are followed by the
list and description of the southern (od poledna) counties of the Kingdom. Next
come the counties in the east and the north (od polnocy). Gemer is listed among
the ‘central’ counties on p. 167 (fol. 97r). It is the fourth in the list, before Zvolen
and after Torna county. The short description of the county reads: “Gämerská stol.
Mesto predsij Arcibiskupa ostrichomeckécho: Rožňawa hodné památky. Mestečká k
temu: Četnek, Joližwa, á zámkij: Murány, Kóharijho Groffa, Krásna horká Andrassy
Barona.” (“Gemer county. Memorable Rožňava, the town of the Archbishop of
Esztergom. The towns of Štítnik, Jelšava and the castles of Muráň, which belongs
to Count Koháry, Krasná hôrka (belonging to) Baron Andrássy”).

Before moving on to the initial information about the second manuscript found
recently in the Hungarian National Library in Budapest, let us follow a strict
chronological order and deal first with a geography textbook in Slovak of an
earlier origin, namely the geography class annotations written by Andrej Kleniar,
a student of the Kežmarok Lyceum. These notes can be reliably dated back to the
reign of Emperor Joseph II, i.e. 1785. Kleniar’s original notebook is now located in

10 Fabius Antonius de Colloredo, Parvus Atlas Hungariae sive Geographica Hungariae in 40. TaBelas Divisae
Descriptio (Viennae: Typis Leopoldi Voigt, 1689).
11 Michael Bonbardinus, Topographia Magni Regni Hungariae, Sive Nobilissimae eius Ditionis, quam modo Hungariam
dicimus: cum annexis Dalmatiae, Croatiae, Sclavoniae, Serviae, & Bulgariae &c. Regnis; tum etiam Transylvaniae,
Valachiae, Moldaviae Provinciis... (Vienae: Typis Ignatii Dominici Voigt, 1718).
12 Samuel Timon, Imago antique Hungariae, repraesentantis terras, adventus et res gestas gentis Hunnieae: historico
genere strictim perscripta... (Cassoviæ: Typis Academicis Soc. JESU, 1733). Samuel Timon, Tibisci Ungariae
fluvii notio, vagique ex parte… (Cassoviæ: Typis Academicis Soc. JESU, 1734). Idem, Imago Novae Hungariae,
Repraesentans Regna, Provincias, Banatus, Et Comitatus Ditionis Hungaricae – Additamentum Ad Imagines Antiquae,
Et Novae Hungariae... (Cassoviæ: Typis Academicis Soc. JESU, 1734).

18
Frontispiece and title page of Matthias Bel’s Compendium from 1753

19
the Kežmarok Lyceum library.13 Since I have already analysed this text in extenso
elsewhere, I will deal with it just briefly this time. Undoubtedly, the starting point
for these notes was Matthias Bel’s original Latin work Compendium Hungariae
geographicum (The Geographical Handbook of Hungary), which was published in
Bratislava after Bel’s death in 1753.14 (Fig. 3)

It is necessary to indicate, however, that the information compiled by the great

polymath was summarised for geography teaching purposes by his pupil Ján Tomka
Sásky/Szászky († 1762). In 1751, Tomka Sásky also included instructional maps in
his work Parvus atlas Hungarie,15 which clearly illustrate the geographical division
of the Kingdom of Hungary. The second and third editions of Bel’s Compendium
were published in 1768 and 1779, respectively, thanks to the diligence of the
aforementioned rector of Kežmarok Lyceum, Jozef Bencúr. (Fig. 6).

The relevance of this piece of information resides in the fact that Kleniar’s Slovak
notes constitute, in fact, a further adaptation of the mentioned publications. They
were primarily developed to serve for teaching purposes at the Evangelical Lyceum
in Kežmarok. The reason why these works were translated into Slovak was to
strengthen the emotional bond of the students to the places they were learning
about: their homeland. Such an approach, however, is not exclusive to Slovak
intellectuals.16

Leaving out Ladislav Bohuslav Bartolomeides’s publication Geografiia aneb Wysánj

Okrsslku..., there are two more manuscripts or notes of this kind. This very fact
implies that there must have been an original Slovak manuscript whose existence
or location is, unfortunately, unknown at this time. Nevertheless, its author is
most likely to have been Jozef Bencúr himself, the rector of Kežmarok Lyceum.
This original manuscript was, then, the basis not only for Kleniar’s and the recently
discovered geography annotations in Slovak by an anonymous author, but also
for a third work: the first printed Slovak geography textbook by Ladislav Bohuslav
Bartolomeides.

13 “Školské zápisky Andreja Kleniara z roku 1785“ [Class Notes by Andrej Kleniar from 1785], in Monumenta Linguae
Slovacae (hereinafter MLS), vol. 5, eds., Martin Homza, Naďa Labancová and Vladimír Olejník (Bratislava: Comenius
University, 2020), 224 (description of Gemer on p. 162, in the original it is fol. 37v).
14 Mathiae Bel, Compendium Hungariae geographicum ad exemplar Notitiae Hungariae novae historico-geographicae,
Matthiae Bel, in partes IV utpote, Hungariam Cis-Danubianam, Trans-Danubianam, Cis-Tibiscanam, Trans-
Tibiscanam, et comitatus divisum (Posonii: Litteris Ioannis Michaelis Landerer, 1753), 139 p. + index. The
Kežmarok lyceum library possesses the 3rd edition of this work from 1772. Undoubtedly, however, earlier editions
were already being used, as mentioned below.
15 Parvus atlas Hungariae (Small Atlas of Hungary). It was published in the form of 19 coloured maps in 1751. More
about the author and the work, together with facsimiles of the different maps, also János Tomka Szászky,
Magyarország első történelmi atlasza, eds. Gergely Tóth and Enikő Török (Budapest: Képzőművészeti Kiadó,
2004). Thus, the material for the medieval engravings of the maps must have been prepared during Bel’s lifetime,
i.e. before the year usually indicated in their legend, i.e. 1750 – 1751, mostly placed in the upper or lower right-hand
corner together with the place of their production and publication, Bratislava (POSONIUM).
All 19 maps are richly coloured and to this day they reflect not only the rich knowledge of their creators, but a new
edition could make them a tool of inspiration for teaching historical geography today. See in more detail Ján
Purgina, “Ján Tomka-Sásky ako historický geograf” [Ján Tomka-Sásky, a historical geographer], Geografický časopis
12, no. 2 (1960): 97-100 (here 97-98).
16 Ľubomír Viliam Prikryl, “Vyučovanie zemepisu a tvorba učebníc v Uhorsku so zreteľom na Slovensko do počiatkov
19. storočia” [Geography Teaching and Textbook Creation in Hungary with Regard to Slovakia up to the
Beginnings of the 19th Century], Geografický časopis 32, no. 1 (1980): 28-43. Also Karlgottlieb
von Windisch, Geographie und Geschichte für Kindern (Preßburg: Anton Löwe, 1780).
I had a second edition of this book from 1786. Johann Ernstfabri, Kurzer Abriß der Geographie für Schulen (Halle:
Veralge des Waisenhauses, 1786). Idem, Geographie des Königreichs Ungarn, vol. 1-3 (Preßburg: Anton
Löwe, 1780 – 1790).
It should be said that although both texts are based on the earlier works of Matthias Bel and Jozef Bencúr, they no
longer fully reflect the Slovak dimension, which is present mainly in the systematic use of Slovak geographical
terminology and the reference made to the Great Moravian aspects of the history of the Danube Basin.

20
Ján Tomka Sásky: The Kingdom of Hungary divided into 2 parts and 52 counties (1751)

21
Ján Tomka Sásky: Third Cistisia Circle Divided into 11 Counties (1751)

22
The different time (1785 – 1798) these Slovak texts were written at and the diverse
origin of their authors can be traced back in some linguistic and semantic shifts
in their wording. Those concerning Gemer will be listed gradually. The first text
in chronological order, Zápisky Andreja Kleniara (Andrej Kleniar’s Notations), –
transliterated as in the original – reads:

„Ktera gest ssesta Stolica?

“Which is the sixth county?

Gomőrska[.]
Gemer

Gakowe ma pole?
What fields does it have?

Gedna častka geho gest welice vrodna, ale na nekterich mistech pro mnoho
homoku,17 ne mnoho serodj. Chowani dobytka nenj zde welike[.]
Part of it is very fertile but some places, for the amount of sand, do not yield much.
Cattle are not raised in large numbers.

Co prinassj tato Zem?

What does this land produce?

Železo a Cynob.
Iron and Cinnabar.

Gakowich ma obywateluw?
What is the population like?

Vhru Nemcu a Slowaku[.]

Hungarians, Germans and Slovaks

Gak welika gest?

How big is it?

Dluhost gegj obsahuge 10. a ssjrost 8 mil[.]

It is 10 [Hungarian] miles long and 8 miles wide

Gakowe ma mestečka?
What towns does it have?

1. Roznawu kde Biskup prebywa a Banaye na Zlato med cinob žjwo stribro kopane
bywagj
1. Rožňava, where the bishop sits and where there are gold, copper, zinc, quick silver
mines
2. Tsethnek neyznaminitegssj zelezo pameti hodne
2. Štítnik best renown for iron

17 The expression mnoho homoku is unclear. Possibly “too much sand.” Homok means sand in Hungarian.

23
3. Dobsina
3. Dobšiná
4. Gemer Banske Mestečko
4. Gemer Mining towns
5. Putnok
5. Putnok

Kdo gest wteto Stolicy hlawnj Ispan?

Who is the main Comes in this county?

Groff Georgius Caky de Keresztszeg.18

Count Georg Csáky de Keresztszeg (today’s Cheresig, Romania)

The second in chronological order is the manuscript by an unknown author from

the times of Leopold II found in the Hungarian National Library in Budapest. As
already indicated, this manuscript – together with other Slovak texts – is part of
a notebook. Just like in the case of Kleniar’s, this notebook format also supports
the assumption that it served as a teaching aid. The pages of the notebook are
numbered in pencil, whereas the different folios have been additionally numbered
in ink – just like in the case of the geography textbook by the anonymous Slovak
Jesuit. Interestingly, this is the most detailed 18th century description of Gemer
in Slovak known so far. The author placed the Gemer county between those
of Turna and Borsodi as the seventh county of the Cistisia circle. However, he
terminologically connected it with the earlier understanding of the so-called
Wissnie Uhry (Upper Hungary):

“VII Stolice Gemerská, od mestečka Gemer nazwaná

VII Gemer County, named after the town of Gemer
Železem obzvlásste a medi známa.
Especially known for iron and copper.
&.1 Kterjch se tjka na hranicech swogch?
&.1 What other counties does it border on?
Na pulnocy tené se Lyptowská a Spiská stolcy, na poldnj
To the north with the Liptov and Spiš counties, to the south

Borssodskeg, na zapade Kis-Hontskeg a Zwolenskeg, na wý=

with Boršod, to the West with Malohont and Zvolen, and to
chodu pak Tornalskeg.
the East with Torna.
&2. které mestá prislúchagj do této stolicy?
&2. What towns are found in this county?
Nasledugjcy, asyce
The following, namely

1. Rožnawa banske a biskupské mesto na weselem mjste polo=

1. Rožňava, a mining and episcopal town, in a cheerful place loca-
žené, rozličnjmj remeslnjky a handlem, gako tež banemj na
-ted, known for different crafts and trade, as well as for…
zlato med, žiwé Strjbro a Cynobr známe, pri rece Sajo ležjcy.

18 See MLS, vol. V, 162.

24
gold, copper, quicksilver and cinnabar mines, located on the Slaná river
2. Gelssawa welike mesto pekným kasstjelem ozdobené, množ=
2. Jelšava a large town adorned with a beautiful chateau, ma-
stwij reči mluwjcych, známe nade wssecko železem, asbestem,
-ny languages are spoken here. Known above all for iron, asbestos,
Cynobrem, medi, Papjrni.
cinnabar, copper and a paper mill
3. Stitnik mesto dosti weliké, mnohjmi Zemanskjimi familie=
3. Štítnik, a fairly large town, with many lesser noble famil-
mj, gako tež neglepssjm železem wychjrené.
-ies, and celebrated for the best iron
4. Gemer zamek predtjm, nynj chatrné mestečko, rozli=
4. Gemer, once a castle, now a shabby town, known…
čným negkrasnegssjm owocym a wynicemj zname
for most pleasing fruits and vineyards
6. Plessiwec strednj mestečko pri rece Sajo položené, a stoli=
6. Plešivec, a medium-sized town on the Slaná river and…
čnjmj shroždenjmj známe
known for county diets
7. Rimasecs mestečko pro garmarky známe a grófum
7. Rimaseč, known for its market and belonging
Koháry wlastné.
to the Kohary counts
8. Ratkowa mestečko roliou bohate, a mnoho ssewcú magjcy
8. Ratková, a town rich in fields and with many tailors
9. Murány mestečko se zámkem predtjm nagpewnegssjm
9. Muraň, a small town with the once strongest castle
který na wysoké welmi skale wystaweny gest, prislucha
which stands on a very high rock, belongs
Grófu Kohary a má dobrú papjrni
to Count Koháry and has a good paper mill
10. Tyrgárt wesnjce toliko pod kralowu Horu ležjcy, a
10. Telgárt, a village located just below Kráľová Hoľa,
wssak pramenem reky Hron známa.
but known for being the source of the Hron river.
& 3. Které Zámky se nacházegj w teto Stolicy?
& 3. What castles are located in this county?
Nasledugjcy, a wssak giž wssecky skažené, gakožto
The following ones, but they are all already dilapidated, in fact
Muráň, Krásna – Horka, Balog, Putnok, a Hajnatsko
Muráň, Krásna Hôrka, Balog, Putnok, and Hajnáčka
& 4. Gakowj gsou obywatele a kdo gestit teto Stolice hl. Isp?
& 4. What is the population like and who is the head Comes of this county?
Obywatele gsou Uhrowe, Slowácy a Nemcy, hlawnj
The main peoples are Hungarians, Slovaks and Germans
Pak Isspan gegi gestit Grof Giri Csaky de Kereßtszegh.”19
and its Comes is Count Georg Csaky de Kereßtszegh [today Cheresig, Romania]

19 See ref. 8, 46-47.

25
Ladislav Bartolomeides’ self-painted map VI. (Hungarian Land and Transylvania with Slavonia)
published in his work Geograffia, aneb, Wypsánj Okrsslku Zemského

26
The third text – based on the same archetype – is Ladislav Bartolomeides work
published in 1798. Pages 57 to 71 deal with the Kingdom of Hungary. At the end of
the publication Bartolomeides included the map of the Kingdom by his own hand
(Tab. VI) using Slovak toponymies.
Bartolomeides also included Gemer in the Cistisia circle after Abov and before
Torna. Just like Andrej Kleniar and Matthias Bel in his Compendium, Bartolomeides
assigned it serial number 6a.

“Gemerská St. od půlnoci a západu wr=

The Gemer county to the north and west hi-
chowatá, na poledne rowněgssí, a proto rozdílně
lly, rather plane to the south, and therefore diversely
urodná; ta na kowy, tato na obilj bohatssj. Oby=
prolific, here in metals, there richer in grain. The peo-
watelé gsou Slowácy, Uhre, Němcy, Řeka Ssa=
ples are Slovaks, Hungarians, Germans, the Sla-

jawa gi zwlažuge, a Hron tu se počjná. Městeč=

ná river irrigates it and the Hron rises here. The
ka gsou: Rožnawa Biskupské, Stjtnjk, Dop=
towns are Rožňava, a bishopric, Štítnik, Dob-
ssina, Plessowce, Gemer, Gelssawa, Rewu=
šiná, Plešivec, Gemer, Jelšava, Revú-
ca, Ratkowá, Rimaseč, od banjků, a řemesl=
ca, Ratková, Rimaseč, with a population of miners and craft-
niků obydlená. Gsau y zámky některé, obzwlássť
men. It also has some castles, especially
Murán, a Krásnahorka.”20
Muráň and Krásna Hôrka.

As these examples show, all three documents in Slovak have to do with

geography teaching at Protestant schools in Slovakia at the time. Two of them are
manuscripts and one is printed. The earlier geography textbook by a Jesuit is likely
to have had a similar purpose. All four texts have several common and several
distinct features. Let us not deal with them comprehensively or systematically now
as doing so would go beyond our primary goal, i.e. to present the region of Gemer.
However, I would like to make some preliminary generalisations and conclusions on
the example of the Slovak descriptions of Gemer. Based on the found similarities
and differences, I will then outline some tendencies in the development of 18th
century geography standards in written Slovak.

First of all, it is necessary to mention the location of the Gemer county itself.
The first of the examined texts, the Catholic Krátke poznamenáni sweta (A Short
Description of the World), places Gemer between the Torna and Zvolen counties
among the 11 counties of the ‘central’ part of the Kingdom of Hungary. Interestingly,
the first of these central counties is Zemplín, whereas Bratislava (Pressburg) is
the last. Remarkably, Nitra is also included here. In other words, the imaginary
“central part” of the Kingdom is almost identical with the present-day territory
of Slovakia, as well as with the concept of the Royal Hungary under the rule of

20 Bartolomeidesa, Geograffia, aneb, Wypsánj Okrsslku Zemského, 66.

27
Title page and map of Gemer by Ladislav Bartolomeides from 1806 – 1808

The third edition of the 1779 Compendium was based on the second,
supplemented edition prepared by Jozef Bencúr

28
the Habsburgs. Generalising a bit, it is even possible to say that it also matches
the commonly accepted geographical notions that see Nitra as the centre of the
Kingdom of Hungary. These concepts are known, for instance, from the Legend of
Saint Svatopluk, King and Confessor found it the Benedictine menologium compiled
in the mid 17th century by Gabriel Bucelin.21 Significantly enough, this legend begins
with the words “In finibus Hungariae”, which can be roughly translated as “Within
the boundaries of Hungary” i.e. Nitra (where the remains of Saint Svätopluk lie). In
general, including Gemer among the “central” counties seems to follow the line of
much earlier notions about the organization of the Kingdom of Hungary. In them,
central is understood as being most important as well.

This centrist conception of Gemer stands in contrast to the three other originally
Evangelical geographical representations whose common denominator is – as
already mentioned – their common source, namely Matthias Bel’s Compendium.

The original edition places Gemer after Abov and before Torna (p. 88) as the VI
county of the III circuit laBeled as “Circvlvs III Cistibiscanvs in Comitatus XI divisus.”
The defining and dominant feature of this III circuit are the right tributaries of
the Tisa River. Only the anonymous author from the time of Emperor Leopold
lists Gemer as the seventh county in this circuit. The same author, however,
mechanically identified the Cistisia district with the older historical and
geographical concept of Upper Hungary, i.e. ‘Wissnie Uhry.’

Apart from the location of the county, the basic information Slovak pupils
are provided with about Gemer is more or less the same. The only significant
differences concern the amount of facts included. All of the versions mention
that Rožňava is the most important town in the region although, initially, it had
been the municipality of Gemer. The latter, however, eventually lost its leading
position. Likewise, they all emphasise the importance of the urban areas of Jelšava,
Štítnik and Dobšiná. Plešivec is referred to as the place where the Gemer nobles
of the time would assembly. Muráň and Krásna Hôrka are said to be the most
important castles although both documents emphasise their deplorable current
condition. The lower and flat land of Gemer is described as being fertile, whereas
the mountains are said to be rich in minerals. For all of the Evangelical authors,
the main river in the region is the Slaná (Sajó). A curious fact is also included,
namely that the Hron River rises at Telgárt, at the foot of Kráľova Hoľa mountain.
According to contemporary geographers, the most important mineral resources
were – the extraction and processing of – gold, quicksilver (mercury), iron, cinnabar
(vermilion, cinnabarite or mercury sulphide), as well as asbestos. As for the
population structure by language, Hungarians, Slovaks and Germans are the main
groups. Slovaks appear on the first place in Bartolomeides’ work only. Although the
Slovak geographical handbooks do not deal much with the confessional structure
of the Gemer population, it is obvious that the most important Catholic center
was the mining town of Rožňava, which had formed part of the Archbishopric
of Esztergom since the Middle Ages. In connection with the social stratification
of Gemer, Štítnik is made particular mention as the hometown of some lesser
noble families. While Rožňava, Dobšiná and Štítnik have a predominantly mining
character, the main handcraft centers are said to be Jelšava, Revúca and Ratková.

21 See “S. Suatacopius rex” in Menologium benedictinum sanctorum, beatorum Atque Illustrium Eiusdem Ordinis
Virorum. ed. R. P. F. Gabrielus Bucelinus (Veldkirchii: Apud Henricum Bilium, 1655), 188.

29
The rural areas are described as having a predominantly peasant population. The
hereditary administrators of the county are the Csáky counts, the owners of Krásna
Hôrka are the Andrássy barons, and the lords of Muráň Castle and the village of
Rimaseč (Rimavská Seč) are the Koháry barons.

There is no doubt that the information included in these works are, in fact,
rather basic facts intended for a specific age bracket of students. This fact also
supports the main reason why geography was taught in Slovak, namely to use
this knowledge to nurture the natural affection and positive perception the local
population had of their common homeland, the Kingdom of Hungary. This idea is
corroborated by one of the first sentences of Bel’s Compendium: ‘The Kingdom of
Hungary is the richest of all the kingdoms of Europe.

Moreover – just a few lines below – Bel quotes an old Latin saying popular in the
Kingdom: “Extra Hungariam non est vita, si est vita, non est ita,” i.e. “There is no life
outside Hungary and, even if there is, it is not the real thing.” Curiously, someone
translated this Latin sentence into Slovak in the margin as follows: “Takže, gestli
wen z neg [Uhorskej země] žiwot gaký, ten wssak predce nenj taki.” (“For if there is
any life outside of it [the land of Hungary], this [life] is not so”).

Although Bel’s Compendium was published after his death, it represents the
pinnacle of his work and constitutes a general survey of the really impressive
geographical knowledge on the Kingdom of Hungary he collected in his
unsurpassed writing Notitiae... Unfortunately, Bel’s premature death did not
allow this great polymath to include the Gemer county in his work. His research
was completed by Ladislav Bohuslav Bartolomeides, who published Inclyti
Superioris Ungariae Comitatus Gömöriensis Notitia Historico-Geographico-
Statistica (Historical, Geographical and Statistical Knowledge of the Famous Upper
Hungarian county of Gemer) in Levoča in 1806 – 1808. See Fig 8.

As a matter of fact, this work is characterised by outstanding scholarly and

encyclopaedic standards and still constitutes an inexhaustible reservoir of data
on the historical region of Gemer not only for Slovaks, but also for Hungarians,
Germans and any other enthusiasts striving to revitalise the significance of this
extraordinary county of the Kingdom of Hungary.

Summary in Slovak
Príspevok sa zaoberá genézou vzniku geografie v slovenskom jazyku
predspisovného obdobia so zreteľom na územie Gemera. Autor pracuje prevažne
s neznámym materiálom najmä archívneho charakteru. Ide o tri slovenské
dokumenty s geografickou tematikou rukopisného charakteru, ktoré boli
objavené autorom článku v poslednom období. V prípade Ladislava Bohuslava
Bartolomeidesa ide o text, ktorý vyšiel v roku 1798 tlačou. V širšom zámere je
cieľom práce poukázať na genézu vzniku odboru geografie v národnom jazyku
Slovákov pred jeho uzákonením Bernolákovcami a napokon Ľudovítom Štúrom.
V užšom slova zmysle ide o sondu do problematiky výuky zemepisu vo vzťahu
k vlasti na príklade poznania jedného regiónu. V prípade Ladislava Bohuslava
Bartolomeidesa, zhodou okolností aj jeho rodného.

30
The present article is a result of the grant APVV APVV-20-0598 The Role of Slovak
within the Kingdom of Hungary in the Early Modern Period.

31
Medieval and Early Modern Graffiti
Inscriptions in Gemer Region

Mgr. Miroslav Čovan, PhD.

Department of Foreign Languages, Jessenius Faculty of Medicine, Comenius University
Malá Hora 5, 036 01 Martin
mirocovan@gmail.com

Above: North wall of the presbytery of the Evangelical Church in Ochtiná with graffiti inscription
Abstract: The paper deals with a specific kind of epigraphic monuments in
Gemer region. Graffiti inscriptions, unlike other inscriptions, were mostly created
spontaneously. Although this has a negative effect on their formal design, it can
also decipher the content of the texts which are unique. There are different kinds
of graffiti. The simplest ones, in the form of initials associated with dating, have
very little meaningful value. More interesting are those with a full name, origin and
occupation. I consider texts that express the creator’s religious or other worldview
beliefs to be the pinnacle of graffiti inscriptions.

Keywords: graffiti, Gemer, Middle Ages, Early Modern Period

Introduction
The inscriptional culture on the territory of Gemer in the Middle Ages and the Early
Modern Period represents an important part of our cultural history. It is a region
with many immovable or movable artefacts and these are the carriers of epigraphic
monuments, i.e. inscriptions. The reasons why we need to systematically examine
such written sources are obvious to the professional public. By deciphering,
analysing and comparing inscriptions we gain important information about the
worldview of our ancestors. After all, the text they chose to place on an exposed
piece of sacred architecture, religious utensil, or sepulchral monument represented
a community or influential individual. Thanks to epigraphic monuments, we gain
valuable information about the time of creation of the medium itself, whether it
is architecture or a movable artefact. By analysing the inscriptional text, we can
reveal the initiator of the artefact’s creation or its commissioner or the craftsman
who made it. In the Early Modern period, for large texts of a literary nature
(epitaphs, epicures), successful decipherment of an inscription can help to reveal
authors of such poems, who were educated scholars, rectors of local schools or
pastors and preachers. It is for these reasons that epigraphic research is valuable
for preservationists, church historians or art historians.

Graffiti inscriptions are a special kind of inscription culture. Unlike other

inscriptions, they were created spontaneously, which is reflected rather negatively
in their formal design. Even among their contemporaries, they were not as valued
as epic, official epigraphic artefacts, and so very often, as we know it today, graffiti
depictions and texts overlap older ones, or are scratched out and destroyed. They
are therefore often illegible and their narrative value is often minimal. This is

33
especially true for those inscriptions where only the initials have been preserved, at
most supplemented by the phrase Hic fuit (I was here), or its abbreviated form HF.
The graffiti containing a full name with dating are much more interesting. Unlike
today, we observe that, especially since the onset of the Reformation, this form
of self-presentation was typical of prominent personalities. Thus, often a scholar,
a pastor or a school rector hides behind a name. Members of the nobility are no
exception. Such personalities, sometimes, do not limit themselves only to the name
and date, but also reveal their occupation and origin. The most valuable graffiti are
those whose creators also try to express their worldview, mostly through passages
from the Bible or liturgical texts or through their own work, for example in the
form of a poem.

We must not forget that the term graffiti also includes spontaneous artistic
expressions, which were very diverse. A classic example known in the Middle
Ages was the pentagram, which was present in our churches, and therefore also
in the churches of Gemer, and has been preserved to this day. It was actually a
five-pointed star, which has had a protective function since pre-Christian times.1
In the Gemer region, let us mention for example Ochtiná, where the pentagram is
found in abundance in the interior of the church. Various other depictions are also
known, such as a rider on horseback or hanged man. Such graffiti is recorded in
Kraskovo. In Ochtiná, mentioned above, a horse with a rider in the form of a grim
reaper has been preserved.2 It is debatable whether the distinctive mark on the
Archangel Michael’s sword in Kraskovo can also be regarded as graffiti. This could
have been part of the original fresco. In any case, the wheel as a symbol of torture
and justice, supplemented by a cross, clearly demonstrates an attempt to express
that it is an executioner’s sword.

Gemer graffiti inscriptions

The first inscription that I would like to present is a typical example of a simple
graffiti inscription, which is, however, located on an extremely rare monument. It
is a unique depiction of the Holy Trinity in the Church of the Holy Trinity in Rákoš.
The seated God with three faces giving blessings is holding an open book with a
text, which is not a graffiti inscription, but because of its importance I will take the
liberty to interpret it at this point. It is an inscription expressed in Gothic minuscule
and, like the entire painting, most likely dates from the early 15th century: ‘Ego
: s/um : [l]/vx m[u]/ndiqui : cr/edit : / in me / : vive/t : in et(ernum)’, that is, ‘I am
the light of the world. He who believes in me shall live forever’.3 Probably from
the 17th century comes the graffiti, which contains only the name without dating:
‘MICHAEL / VIETORIS’. In addition to the name, a figure is engraved above the faces
of God, which we can probably associate with the inscription itself, i.e. the name.

1 Hans Biedermann and Sybille Biedermann, Lexikon symbolů [Dictionary of Symbolism] (Prague: Beta, 2008),
263-264.
2 I am grateful to Peter Lukáč for the information about this scene.
3 Peter Mlích, “Nástenné maľby v Kostole Najsvätejšej Trojice v Rákoši” [The Wall Paintings in the Church of the Holy
Trinity in Rákoš], in Najnovšie poznatky z výskumov stredovekých pamiatok na Gotickej ceste III. [Recent Findings
of Research on Medieval Monuments on the Gothic Route III], ed. Michaela Kalinová (Rožňava: O. Z. Gotická cesta;
Bratislava: PÚSR, 2020), 56-57.
The author's claim that the creator of the inscription did not know Latin because he used "vivet" instead of "vivit"
is not true. The form "vivet" is the future tense of the 3rd person singular and the whole inscription must
be interpreted as such. From a theological or religious point of view, this is crucial information.

34
The figure represents a man girded with a sword scabbard, holding a sword or
another weapon in one hand. Most likely, therefore, it was a soldier. However, this
is mere conjecture. We have not been able to find out anything else about Michael
Wietoris.

Although graffiti inscriptions have been preserved mainly from the 16th and
17th centuries, which is undoubtedly related to the increasing education of the
population and also to the Reformation, such written records were also left by
people in the Middle Ages. Gemer is exceptional in this respect because of the
number of preserved monuments. One of them, and one of the oldest, is an
inscription in the Evangelical Church in Kraskovo from 1429: ‘Michael de [- - -]
rona a(n)no d(omi)ni 1429’. Unfortunately, I have not yet been able to identify the
locality from which Michael came.

Interestingly, the dating is already expressed in Arabic numerals using the Gothic
form of the numeral four and the letter o, which is superscripted above each
numeral, thus referring to the dating and use of ordinal Latin numerals in the
ablative: millesimo quadringentesimo vigesimo nono. As early as the Middle Ages,
it was common for a given individual to try to leave a memory of himself with
multiple inscriptions. This is also the case in the Evangelical Church in Ochtiná. It
was done by a certain Stephen of Brezno or Brusno in 1475: ‘hic fuit Stepha(nvs)
de brvszno anno / d(omi)ni lxxv‘. Interestingly, other graffiti also come from the
same year, with the year being expressed in Arabic numerals with typical Gothic
shapes for the four, seven and five for a change. The following text is engraved
next to this year: ‘1475 / [- - -] bartholomeus [- - -] / hic fuit hospes de lipthovia [- - -]‘.
The name of the man from Liptov is unfortunately not preserved, but the word
“hospes” is extremely valuable, i.e. how he perceived himself. This Latin expression
has several meanings. In the context of place and time, however, it should certainly
be translated as pilgrim. This says a lot about who the authors of the graffiti
inscriptions in this period were. Again, the mention of Liptov as the origin of this or
any other pilgrim in Ochtiná was not the only one.

The connection between Gemer and Liptov is also reflected in the following,
already Early Modern inscriptions. Several personalities from Liptov left their traces
on the wall paintings in the Evangelical Church in Koceľovce. I deliberately refer
to personalities because in the 16th and 17th centuries it was no longer just pilgrims
or other anonymous individuals creating graffiti. They are already educated, often
prominent rectors, preachers or pastors. In Koceľovce, for example, the following
inscription is still preserved: ‘Hic fuit Johan(nes) Priehradni Lipto[viensis]’. According
to the findings so far, he did not work as a preacher or pastor in Koceľovce. In any
case, he certainly served as a pastor in the territory of Gemer in the 1740s and
1750s. First in Rákoš, later in Ratková and finally in Poloma.4 Balthasar Duchon,
who engraved this inscription in Koceľovce, almost certainly came from Liptov:
‘H(ic) F(uit) Balthasar Duchon / Anno Domini / 1595’. We know that from 1569,
the senior and Svätá Mara pastor of the same name was the head of the Liptov
Protestant Clergy Association. Although we cannot claim with certainty that it was
this prominent representative of the Evangelical Church who was in Koceľovce,
we cannot ignore the fact that several members of the Duchon family served as

4 András Fabó, Monumenta evangelicorum aug. conf. in Hungaria III (Pest: Kiadja Osterlamm Károly, 1865), 25, 39-40.

35
pastors in Liptov at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries.5 With the last Liptov
citizen in Koceľovce, however, we need not doubt his identity at all. The graffiti
inscription that he carved into a wall painting reads as follows: ‘Joannes Schyermer
/ Hybensis‘. The native of Hybe served as a pastor in Koceľovce around 1615. He had
previously served in the same position in Vyšná Slaná and in the village of Brádno.
He moved from Koceľovce to Kunova Teplica around 1619.6

In Koceľovce I also managed to identify graffiti that may have a different

informational value for us. One of the inscriptions reads as follows: ‘Hic fuit m(a)
g(iste)r [- - -] organista de [- - -]’. Although I have not yet been able to identify
the name and the locality, the inscription, probably dating from the 16th century,
informs us directly about the occupation of the person in question, who was an
organ player. Another mid-16th-century inscription from Koceľovce has similar
content: ‘[- - -] qui fecit fenestra(m) vitrea(m) [- - -] 1550’. It was thus a craftsman
who made the glass for one of the windows of the church. In contrast to these
texts, in Chyžné, in the Church of the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary, the entire
inscription has been preserved, i.e. both the name and the position performed by
the author of the graffiti: ‘Ego Martinus Malichi(us) occupavi scholam / Chiznensem
concomitante Deo die 18 Augus[ti] / Anno 1637‘. 7 In this way, the new rector actually
brings us closer to one of the reasons why such graffiti inscriptions could have
been created. It was a significant event in the life of a particular scholar, and he
chose to immortalize it in this form, as evidenced by the pronoun ego. Sometimes
graffiti inscriptions can have a high narrative value also in terms of the history of a
local place or region. An extensive graffiti inscription in the Evangelical Church in
Ochtiná, which was created in 1622, represents a real unique feature: ‘N(ota) B(ene)
/ A(NNO) D(OMINI) 1622 summa / annonae caritas et inaudia / fuit in omnib(us)
Regionib(us) / hic in superiori Hungar(ia)‘.8 Some commodities and their prices are
mentioned in the text. These include, for example, barley, wheat, wax, lard and
beef. It is clear that the text is describing the situation in the country following
the outbreak of the plague. We know from historical sources that the provinces of
north-eastern Hungary were particularly affected.

From the point of view of personal statement, the texts, through which their
writers tried to express their worldview, are a kind of imaginary peak of graffiti
creation. One of them has been preserved in Ochtiná by an unknown author
who probably created it in the first half of the 17th century: ‘[laetabitur i]ustus in
[Domino] et sperabit in D(omi)no et laudabu(n)t(ur) omnes recti corde’.9 This is a text
from the Book of Psalms, specifically Chapter 63, verse 11. It is thus clear that the
author of the text was an educated man, again probably a member of the clergy or
a teacher, who either worked directly in Ochtiná or was a guest there.

A truly unique place as far as these graffiti inscriptions are concerned is the
Evangelical Church in Štítnik. I will focus here in particular on the late Gothic
wooden stallum in the sanctuary of the church. I have managed to identify
several very significant texts on it, which are extremely valuable sources for the
understanding of the spiritual history of Gemer in the Early Modern Period. The

5 Fabó, Monumenta evangelicorum, 56-57, 62.

6 Ladislaus Bartolomaeides, Memorabilia provinciae Csetnek (Neosolii: Johannes Stephani Typographus, 1799),
152-153.
7 I, Martin Malichius, with the support of God, took control of the school in Chyžné on 18 August 1637.
8 In 1622 there was an unheard-of grain price in all regions, here in Upper Hungary.
9 The righteous shall be glad in the LORD; he shall take refuge in him. And all the upright in heart shall glory.

36
significance of the inscriptions is increased by the knowledge that we can link at
least part of them to a specific person. One of the inscriptions reads as follows:
‘Jacob(us) / Szentivaniensi[s] Anno 1637‘. It is remarkable that here again we are
dealing with a man from Liptov region, specifically from Svätý Ján. Jacob was active
in the region for a long time. Although we do not know what specific position he
held in 1637 when he created the inscription(s), between 1648 and 1653 he was
a pastor in nearby Kunova Teplica. From there he moved to Lipovník.10 It cannot
really be assumed that he alone was the author of all the inscriptions. In any case,
these were extremely educated people. Similar to the name of Jacob from Svätý
Ján, the following text, dating from the first half of the 17th century, was also
written with red nugget: ‘Haec fuit effigies quonda(m) venera/bilis Hussi / dum sua
pro Christo mem/bra cremandi dedit‘.11 It is clear that this text must have been a
response to the depiction of Jan Hus near the church bench, which, however, has
not survived to this day. The couplet itself comes from the 1558 edition of the
collected writings of Jan Hus and Hieronymus of Prague, prepared for the press
by the humanist scholar Matthias Flacius Illyricus.12 He was also the author of the
couplet that accompanied the image of the burnt Jan Hus in the book. Another
couplet was written in the same space and at the same time: ‘Quod sibi quisque
serit presentis tempore vitae, Hoc sibi messis [erit dum dicitur: Ite, venite!]‘.13 It is a
Latin proverb, already known in the Middle Ages, the origin of which is not entirely
clear.14 This couplet was very often part of another larger text.15 Another text that I
have been able to identify in this space is written by another hand: ‘Credo in [unum
Deum] / patrem [omnipotentem]‘. This is certainly the beginning of the Apostles’
Creed. The last graffiti inscription from the early 17th century, which has survived to
the present day on a rare Late Gothic artefact, is also a message for contemporary
admirers of the church in Štítnik.

For the following text is a universal statement and message that any person in
the world today can identify with, regardless of anyone’s worldview or creed:
‘Quid valet hic mundus quid Gloria quidve / [triumphus]‘. This verse has almost
always been associated with the line, ‘Post miserum funus pulvis et umbra
sumus‘, translated as: What is the value of this world, of fame or victory? For
after a miserable death we are but dust and shadow. The origin of these verses,
philosophical principle or moral, is unclear. However, our scholar in Štítnik may
have been inspired by the then very popular German humanist poet Hans Stigel,
who incorporated these verses into his poem Vita hominis meditatio mortis est.16

10 Bartolomaeides, Memorabilia provinciae Csetnek, 154.

11 This is the likeness of Hus, once a venerable man, when he had his body burnt for Christ's sake.
12 Mathias Flacius Illyricus, Iohannis Hus et Hieronymi Pragensis confessorum Christi Historia et monumenta I-II
(Nurembergae: in Officina Ioannis Montani. et Vlrici Neuberi, 1558).
13 He that soweth what he soweth in his lifetime shall reap when he heareth: come, it is time to come!
14 On Latin proverbs from the medieval period, see Jakob Werner, Lateinische Sprichwörterund Sinnsprüche des
Mittelalters aus Handschriften gesammelt (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1912).
15 Julius Wegeler, Philosophia partum versibus praesertim leoninis, rhythmis Germanicis adiectis, iuventuti studiosae
hilariter tradita (Confluentibus: Rud. Frid. Hergt., 1869), 28.
16 Poematum Iohannis Stigelii, Liber II. Continens sacra (Ienae: Excudebat Donatus Richtzenhain et Thomas
Rebart, Anno M. D. LXVI). Accessed May 31, 2023, http://mateo.uni-mannheim.de/camena/stigel1/books/
stigelpoemata_2.html. We cannot, however, attribute authorship to him either. The verses had already
appeared before as part of the Sepulchralia. At the same time, the text "pulvis et umbra sumus" already
appeared in the works of Horace or Ausonius. DI 75, Halberstadt Dom, No. 201 (Hans Fuhrmann),
accessed May 31, 2023, https://www.inschriften.net/halberstadt-dom/inschrift/nr/di075-0201.html?tx_hisodat_
sources%5Baction%5D=show&tx_hisodat_sources%5Bcontroller%5D=Sources&cHash=3258edf29f2fb19dfeed6e766c0c58b7

37
Conclusion
The Gemer region is one of the key areas in our territory in terms of epigraphic
research. Graffiti inscriptions are a natural part of the whole research process. The
examples of my research presented here sufficiently demonstrate the validity of
their identification and analysis through which it is possible to learn more deeply
not only about the inscriptional culture of our ancestors. After all, it is through
inscriptions created in such a spontaneous way that we learn about historical
personalities, their origins, their work or even their thinking.17

Summary in Slovak
Nápisová kultúra na území Gemera v stredoveku a ranom novoveku predstavuje
dôležitú súčasť našich kultúrnych dejín. Ide o región s množstvom nehnuteľných či
hnuteľných artefaktov a práve tie sú nosičmi epigrafických pamiatok, čiže nápisov.
Osobitný druh v nápisovej kultúre predstavujú graffiti nápisy. Na rozdiel od
ostatných nápisov vznikli spontánne, čo sa prejavuje na ich formálnom vyhotovení
dosť negatívne. Ani medzi svojimi súčasníkmi nepožívali tú vážnosť ako výpravné,
oficiálne epigrafické artefakty a tak veľmi často, tak ako to poznáme aj dnes, graffiti
vyobrazenia aj s textami prekrývajú tie staršie, resp. sú preškrabávané a ničené.
Výpovedná hodnota graffiti nápisov je rôzna. Úplne najcennejšie sú tie graffiti,
ktorých tvorca sa snaží vyjadriť aj svoj svetonázor, a to zväčša prostredníctvom
pasáží z biblie či liturgických textov alebo svojou vlastnou tvorbou, napríklad v
podobe básne. Jedinečným príkladom v tomto smere je drevené neskorogotické
stallum v evanjelickom kostole v Štítniku, ktoré je nosičom textov vytvorených
nepochybne vzdelaným človekom, ktorý či už priamo v Štítniku alebo inde na
Gemeri zastával funkciu farára či rektora.

17 The study was carried out as part of the solution of the grant project VEGA 1/0256/22: Inscriptional Culture of
Košice in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period.

38
Graffiti 'Hic fuit Johan(nes) Priehradni Lipto[viensis]', the first Graffiti 'N(ota) B(ene) / A(NNO) D(OMINI)
half of 17th c., Ev. Church of A. C. in Koceľovce 1622 summa / annonae caritas et inaudia /
fuit in omnib(us) Regionib(us) / hic in superiori
Hungar(ia)', Ev. Church of A. C. in Ochtiná

Graffiti 'Ego Martinus Malichi(us) occupavi scholam /

Chiznensem concomitante Deodie 18 Augus[ti] / Anno 1637',
Church of the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary in Chyžné

Graffiti 'H(ic) F(uit) Balthasar Duchon /

Anno Domini / 1595', Ev. Church of A. C. in
Koceľovce

Graffiti "1475 / [- - -] bartholomeus [- - -] / hic fuit hospes de

lipthovia [- - -]", Ev. Church of A.C. in Ochtiná

39
 Depiction of a pentagram, symbol of protection, 16th c.,
Ev. Church of A. C. in Ochtiná

Depiction of the Holy Trinity, beg. of 15th c.,

Church of the Holy Trinity in Rákoš

Graffiti "Michael de [- - - -]rona a(n)no d(omi)ni 1429",

Ev. Church of A. C. in Kraskovo

Graffiti on the depiction of the Holy Trinity,

"MICHAEL / VIETORIS", 17th c., Church of the
Holy Trinity in Rákoš

Graffiti 'hic fuit Stepha(nvs) de brvszno anno / d(omi)ni lxxv',

1475, Ev. Church of A. C. in Ochtiná
40
 Wooden Late Gothic stallum, beg. of 16th c.,
Ev. Church of A. C. in Štítnik

Graffiti "Jacob(us) / Szentivaniensi[s] / Anno

1637", Late Gothic stallum,
Ev. Church of A. C. in Štítnik

Graffiti inscriptions, the first half of 17th c.,

Late Gothic stallum, Ev. Church of A. C. in Štítnik

41
Gemer and Rus': The Knightly Story of Saint
Ladislaus in the Written Souces of Medieval Rus'

Mgr. Michal Augustovič, M.A.

Bratislava City Museum
Radničná 1, 811 01 Bratislava
michal.augustovic@gmail.com

Above: Fresco Cycles of Saint Ladislaus, Evangelical Church in Kraskovo, detail

Abstract: The story of St. Ladislaus, who pursues a Cuman warrior in order to rescue
a kidnapped Hungarian girl, then wrestles with the pagan warrior and together with
the girl kills the Cuman, is known from numerous wall painting preserved in churches
in the territory of the former Kingdom of Hungary and from several Hungarian
chronicles. In the 15th century, however, the story found its way in altered form to
distant Russia, where it became part of liturgical books and several chronicles. In this
story, Ladislaus no longer fights against a Cuman, but kills the Tartar leader Batu
himself. Potentially, Ladislaus thus becomes a model of successful struggle against
the Tatars.

Keywords: Saint Ladislaus, legend, wall painting, medieval Rus‘

One of the most frequent motifs of wall paintings in Gemer and Malohont regions
is the so-called Legend of St. Ladislaus. The story of the Hungarian King Saint
Ladislaus, who ruled at the end of the 11th century, became popular especially from
the 14th century onwards, thanks to the Anjou kings. To this day, wall paintings
depicting this story have been preserved in the churches of Rimavská Baňa,
Kraskovo and Rákoš in Gemer and Malohont. It survived in a fragmentary form in
the church in Silica, and thanks to the restorers Peter Koreň and Juraj Gregorek,
fragments of this story have recently been uncovered in the church in Kameňany.
The focus of this paper is the knightly story of Saint Ladislaus, so we will help
ourselves by a description of the story on the wall paintings, as interpreted by
Zsombor Jékely:

“Upon hearing of the invading Cumans, Prince Ladislas and the Hungarian
army leaves the castle (generally identified as Várad [Oradea, Romania]); then
a tumultuous battle against the Cumans ensues. Ladislas then notices a Cuman
warrior, who has abducted a Hungarian girl, and proceeds to chase him on
horseback. The Cuman shoots arrows back at Ladislas, who pursues him with lance
in hand – but in vain. In the climax of the narrative, the heroes dismount, and a
duel with bare hands follows: they pull at each other’s belt and grab each other’s
shoulders, to no avail, until the rescued girl intervenes and cuts the Cuman’s tendon
with an axe or sword. The king and the girl then decapitate the Cuman; and finally,
Saint Ladislas rests under a tree with his head on the girl’s lap, as she touches the
king’s hair.“1

1 Zsombor Jékely, “Transylvanian Fresco Cycles of Saint Ladislas in a New Light,” Hungarian Review 5, no. 2 (2014):
98.

43
It is not surprising that in Gemer and Malohont regions the story of St. Ladislaus
is present in several churches. This story in the form of fresco cycles was probably
widespread throughout the entire Kingdom of Hungary. This is still evidenced by
preserved wall paintings in Slovakia, Transylvania (Romania), Hungary and Slovenia.
Surprisingly, however, the story has spread in a modified form in distant Russia.2
The aim of the following lines is to present a reflection on the authorship of the
Russian version of the story from the point of view of scholars who have worked
on the subject and to compare in rough outline this adaptation with the Hungarian
version or versions of the story. Possible reasons for why the story of Ladislaus
appears in the milieu of Eastern Christianity, as well as the image of Ladislaus as a
military saint, are addressed in the Master Thesis from 2022.3

The authorship of the Russian version of the story

of Saint Ladislaus
Although the story is sometimes referred to as the Legend of St. Ladislaus, some
scholars (e.g. Gábor Klaniczay) prefer the term Historia, as it is not a legend in
the true sense of the word. The story, for which this study uses the name the
Historia of Saint Ladislaus, is referred to in Russian sources as the Narrative
of the Killing of Batu. This story is present in Russian records in two versions:
chronicler4 and menaion version.5 The shorter chronicler version is found in several
Russian chronicles6 and in the Chronograph7, while the longer one is present in
the liturgical books called menaion where it is supplemented by the Narrative of
the killing of Michael of Chernigov.8 The first who identified this story in Russian
sources as an adaptation of Ladislaus’ Historia was the Russian scholar S. P.
Rozanov in 1916. He published the text of the story in this form:
"The Killing of the Evil Batu in Hungary

2 In this study, the term “Russia, Russian” is used alongside the term “Rus'” as the paper deals with texts that date
to the 15th century when Russia was gradually being formed from the Principality of Moscow. It is
therefore complicated to clearly distinguish between "Rus" and "Russia."
3 Michal Augustovič, “Saint Ladislaus in Rus: Hidden Aspects of the Saint Ladislaus Cult” (Master Thesis, Vienna:
Central European University, 2022), supervisor Prof. Gábor Klaniczay.
4 Летопись [letopis] – a literary genre popular in Rus, usually translated as "Chronicle."
5 Минея [mineya] (gr. menaion) – the liturgical service book used in Eastern Orthodoxy and by Uniaths containing
hymns and collects for each month. The book includes the invariable feasts of Christ, the Virgin Mary
and other Christian and Old Testament saints. Encyclopedia Britannica accessed May 5, 2022, https://
www.britannica.com/topic/Menaion.
6 Полное Собрание Русских Летописей [Complete collection of Russian chronicles], vol. 23 (Saint Petersburg:
Typography of Edward Prats, 1910); Полное Собрание Русских Летописей [Complete Collection
of Russian Chronicles],vol. 24 (Saint Petersburg: Typography of Edward Prats, 1921); Полное Собрание Русских
Летописей [Complete collection of Russian Chronicles], vol. 25 (Moscow: Typography of Edward Prats,
1949). [A. A. Gorskij] А. А. Горский, “‘Повесть о Убиении Батыя’ и Русская Литература 70-х
Годов XV в” [“The narrative of the killing of Batu” and Russian literature of the 1570s], in Средневековая Русь 3
[Medieval Rus] (Moscow: Indrik, 2001).
7 Хронограф [chronograph] – a specific literary genre occurring in Russia since the second half of the 15th century
which attempt to capture world history in a systematic way, while also having a moralising character.
8 For a more detailed analysis of the sources, see the study of Gorskii, in which he compares the diverse variants
of Historia contained in Russian sources and explains their relationship: [Gorskij], “Повесть о УбиенииБатыя,”
191-221.
See also: [O. L. Novikova] О. Л. Новикова, “Материалы Для Изучения Русского Летописания Конца XV –
Первой Половины XVI в.: I. Летописные Подборки Рукописи Погод. 1956” [Materials for the study
of Russian chronicle writing from the end of the 15th to the first half of the 16th Century: I. Chronicle collections of
the manuscript Pogod, No. 1596], in Очерки Феодальной России [Essays on feudal Russia], vol. 11 (Moscow, 2007),
161-164. From older works: [S.P. Rozanov] С. П. Розанов, “‘Повѣсть Объ Убіеніи Батыя‘” [The narrative of the
killing of Batu], in Извѣстiя Отдѣленiя Русскаго Языка и Словесности Императорской Академiи Наукъ
[News of the department of Russian language and literature of the Imperial Academy of Sciences] 21, no.
1 (1916): 109-110.

44
[...] And this is how the wrath of God came to Oradea itself, a city of Hungary.9
This city is in the midst of Hungary, where there are few common trees, but plenty
of fruit, and an abundance of wine. The whole city is surrounded by water, and
therefore the inhabitants of this fortress fear no one. In the centre of the town
stands a towering pillar, which greatly astonishes all who see it. At that time the
King Vladislav10, the ruler of this country, was the king of the Hungarians, Czechs,
Germans and the whole Pomorie as far as the Great Sea.11 At first the Hungarians
received baptism into Orthodoxy from the Greeks, but the Greeks failed to translate
their writings into their language, while the Romans, being close to them, forced
them to follow their heresy, and it has been so ever since. The aforesaid King Vlaslov
also remained obedient to the Roman Church until St. Sava, the Serbian archbishop,
came to him and persuaded him to adhere to the pure Christian Greek faith, without,
however, outwardly making it known, because he (Ladislaus) feared that the
Hungarians would rise up against him. [...] The most accursed tsar12, Batu, came to
the country, destroying cities and killing God's people. [...] When this ruler (Ladislaus)
saw the wrath of God, he came to the land, weeping, and could do nothing, and
abode many days, neither any bread nor water in his mouth, but abode upon the
pillar aforesaid, watching what the ungodly (Tartars) would do. His sister fled to his
city (Oradea), but the barbarians, who reached her, captured her and took her to
Batu. The King Vladislav was crying so much when he saw this; he began to pray to
God. [...]He was speaking weeping and the tears that flowed from his eyes were like
a river, and wherever they fell on the marble, they soaked in, to know God's help. And
a man stood before the king, and said to him: "Because of your tears the Lord gives
you victory over the wicked king." And he (Ladislaus) began to look into the face of
him that spoke to him, and saw no one. And when he came down from the pillar, he
saw a saddled horse, on which there was no one. It was standing by him, carrying a
(battle) axe, and from this he understood that God's help would help him the most.
So the ruler sat on his horse and roaring, rode out of the city against those who
opposed him. But when the adversaries saw this, they were overwhelmed by fear
and fled. He pursued them and destroyed a great number of the wicked barbarians.
[...]The ungodly Batu fled to the plains of Hungary and his evil life came to an end
at the hands of the ruler Vladislav himself. But the inhabitants living there say that
Vladislav's sister, who was kidnapped, then fled with Batu. And then, when Vladislav
was wrestling with Batu, his sister helped Batu, and so the ruler (Ladislaus) killed
them both. [...]The king13 was made of copper, sitting on a horse, and holding the axe
in his hand with which he had killed Batu, and he was set up on that pillar to be seen
and to commemorate the family, and (stands there) to this day."14

9 The text uses the Slavic name for Oradea – Великий Варадин [Velikij Varadin]. Compare with the Slovak
form Veľký Varadín.
10 Ladislaus is referred to as Vladislav or Vlaslov in the Russian text.
11 József Perényi interprets Pomorie as Dalmatia and the Great Sea as the Atlantic Ocean. According to Perényi,
the author is actually describing a situation in the first half of the 14th century, when the Kingdom of
Hungary was ruled by Sigismund of Luxembourg, who was also the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire.
[József Perényi] Йожеф Перени, “Легенда о святом Владиславе в России,” [The legend
of St Vladislav in Russia] Studia Academica Scientarum Hungaricae 1 (1955): 227-244.
12 In Russian sources, Mongol khans are usually referred to by the title of tsar.
13 Meaning his aforementioned statue.
14 убиение злочестиваго Батыя вь угрехь.
[...]Симъ же тако бывающимъ, достиже онъ гневъ Божий и до самаго Великаго Варадина, града
Оугорскаго. Той бо среди земли Оугорской лежить, древесъ простихъ мало имоущихъ, но много овощиа,
изъобилна же и вина; град же весь водами обведенъ, и отъ сеа же крепости не боящеся никого же. Среди
же града столъпъ стоа превысокъ, елико оудивляти зрящихъ нань.
Бы же тогда самодръжець тоа земли король Владиславъ, Оугромъ же и Чехом и Немцемъ и всемоу
Поморию, даже и до Великаго моря. Бехоу же пръвое Оугри въ православие крещение отъ
Грекъ приемше, но не оуспевшимъ имъ своимъ языкомъ грамотоы изложити, Римляном же, яко
близъ соущихъ, приложиша ихъ своей ереси последовати, и оттоле да иже и до днесь бывает

45
Rozanov assumed that this text was written by an author of Serbian origin in
Oradea, who later reworked it in Russia into its present form. According to
Rozanov, at the time when the author visited Oradea, there were two stories
about St Ladislaus that could have been a source of inspiration for the author of
the Russian version: 1) the Historia of St Ladislaus, and 2) the story of the Tatar
invasion, where the defeat of the Tatars was caused by a military miracle in which
the reliquary with the head of St Ladislaus played a major role. Thanks to the
Serbian author, according to Rozanov, the story of Ladislaus made its way into the
Russian chronicles, from where it was later taken and combined with the Narrative
of the killing of Michael of Chernigov and in this form it was later included in the
menaion.15

The first scholarly reflection on the Russian version of the Historia from the
Kingdom of Hungary also dates back to 1916. In this year, probably independently
of Rozanov, the author of Ruthenian origin, Anton Hodinka, also identified that the
text found in Russian records was an adaptation of the Historia of St. Ladislaus.
He published four texts from Russian chronicles dealing with Hungarian history.
They also contained the text of the Russian version of the Ladislaus’ Historia.
Although Hodinka provided the Russian text with a short commentary, he did not
deal with the subject of the story of Ladislaus in detail. Like Rozanov, he assumed
that the author of this version was of Serbian origin. The latter was to be evident
especially from the use of some Serbian terms.16 Similarly, József Perényi believes
that the author of the Russian version of the story was of Serbian origin. Apart
from the argument that the author uses some Serbian linguistic elements in the
text, the fact that this author was obviously familiar with the Life of Saint Sava17 is

тако. Предреченный же король Власловъ и той такоже пребываше римской церкви

повиноуася, дохдеже прииде к немоу святый Сава, сербьский архиепископъ, и семоу
пакы сътворяеть пристоупити к непорочней хрестьанстей вере гречестей, не явленно,
отай, бояше бо ся въстаниа Оугровъ на ся.
[...]Той же оканныхъ оканнейший царь Батый пришедъ в землю, грады разроушаа и люди божия погоубля.
[...]Тъй же самодръжець, видевъ божий гневъ пришедъ на землю, плакааше, не имый что сътворити,
на многи же дни пребысть, ни хлеба, ни воды вкоушаа, но пребываше на предреченнем
столпе, зря бываемаа от ъ безбожныхъ. Сестра же его бежаше к нему въ градъ; тя же
варвари, достигше ю, плениша и к Батыю отведоша. Король же Владиславъ сиа видевъ и тако
сугубый плачь на рыдание приложивъ, начатъ Бога милити.
[...]Сиа же ина многа плача глаголаше, слезам же текоущимъ отъ очию его, речьнымъ быстринамъ
подобящеся, и идеже аще падааху на мраморие, оно проходяхоу насквозе, еже есть познаша
помощи Божией быти. Ста же некто предъ кралемъ и рече ему: "Сего ради твоихъ слезъ даеть
ти Господь победити царя злочестиваго." Начаша же смотрити лице глаголющаго и не
видеша его ктому. И съшедше съ столпа оного, видеша конь оседланъ, никим же дръжимъ, о
себе стоащь, и секира на немъ. И отъ сего избестнейши разумеша помощи Божией быти.
И тако самодръжець вседъ на коня оного и изыде на противныхъ изъ града с вой, елико обретошяся
с нимъ. Видевше же спротивнии, и абие страхъ нападе на нихъ, и на оубешание устремишяся.
Они же вследъ текуше, толикое множество безбожныхъ варватъ [...]безбожному оному Батыю
къ Оугорскимъ планинамъ бежащю, зле житию конець приемлеть отъ роукы самого того самодръжца
Владислава. Глаголють же неции иже тамо живоущей человеци, яко сестра того Владислава,
еюже плениша, и та тогды бежащи бяше с Батыемъ.
И бысть повнегда сплестися Владиславу с Батыемъ, тогда сестра его помагаше Батыю, ихже
самодръжець обою погоуби. [...]Створен же бысть меднымъ деланиемъ король на кони седя и
секироу в роуце держа, еюже Батя оуби, и въдроуженъ на томъ столпе на видение и
на память родоу и до сего дне. Trans. Michal Augustovič, for original text, see:
[S.P. Rozanov] С. П. Розанов, "Повѣсть Объ Убіеніи Батыя" [The narrative of the killing of
Batu], in Извѣстiя Отдѣленiя Русскаго Языка и Словесности Императорской Академiи Наукъ [News of the
department of Russian language and literature of the Imperial Academy of Sciences] 21, no. 1 (1916): 96-98.
15 [Rozanov], "Повѣсть Объ Убіеніи Батыя," 96-114.
16 Anton Hodinka, Az Orosz évkönyvek Magyar vonatkozásai [Hungarian aspects of the Russian annals] (Budapest:
Hungarian Academy of Science, 1916), 458-83. Hodinka pointed out that the author uses some Serbian
terms instead of Russian ones: паметь [pameть] ("memory") instead of Russian память [pamять] and kráль
[kraľ] ("king") instead of Russian король [koroľ]. However, the terms used are the same in some West
Slavic languages. For example, in Slovak: kraľ – king and pameť – memory [pameť].
17 In the Russian version of the story of Ladislaus, the narrative of Ladislaus' struggle with the pagan is preceded by a
passage in which the king is converted to Orthodoxy by the Serbian archbishop St. Sava.

46
also supposed to confirm his Serbian origin. Perényi in his study also analysed the
intellectual background of the author of the Russian variant of the Historia and
tried to trace where this author might have drawn inspiration from when writing
the Narrative of the killing of Batu. He identified the Serbian monk Pachomius as
the author and tried to trace the places he might have visited. Perényi argues that
Pachomius mentions in some of his works that he came to Russia from a monastery
in Athos, but on the other hand, in the Life of Nikon of Radonezh 18, he claims that
he came to Russia from Serbia. Although no evidence of Pachomius' stay in the
Serbian monastery of Chilandar on Athos has been found, Perényi nevertheless
thought that he spent some time there for study purposes. He also considered
it probable that Pachomius had stayed in the Serbian monastery of Manasija for
some time. This monastery was an important intellectual centre of Serbia, and
Pachomius had the opportunity to acquire better knowledge here than at Athos.
According to Perényi, in the context of the Russian version of Ladislaus' Historia, it
is certain that the author personally visited Oradea, where he had the opportunity
to see the statue of St. Ladislaus with his own eyes and where he learned about the
Historia of St. Ladislaus from the locals.19 Perényi assumed that Pachomius visited
the city between 1410 and 1438, and considered 1438 as the last possible year of his
visit, since he was already in Russia in that year. From this Perényi deduced what
sources and knowledge Pachomius could have worked with: (1) the Hungarian
Historia of St. Ladislaus and his struggle with the Cumans, (2) the stories told to
him by the inhabitants of Oradea, (3) his own observation of the life in the city,
(4) the Life of St. Sava by Theodosius,20 (5) and information from some Balkan
sources about the Christianization of the Hungarians by the Byzantines. According
to Perényi, Pachomius brought to Russia a new genre – the chronograph – dealing
with world history and linked it with the positive example of the victorious heroic
struggle against the Tartars (St. Ladislaus' Historia), which was to be a model for
the Russian princes in their struggle for liberation from the Tartar yoke.21

The literary scholar Đorđe Radojičić also assumed a Serbian author of the Russian
narrative, as it is obvious that the author was familiar with the Life of St. Sava. He
also claimed that the author had probably personally visited Oradea and talked to
its inhabitants. Radojičić mentioned the famous equestrian statue of St. Ladislaus,
which was located in the city and which is mentioned in the Russian version of the
Historia, but erroneously claimed that it was destroyed by the Turks in 1474. Based
on this misunderstanding, he concluded that the Russian version of the Historia
was written before that year. He associated the Serbian author's activity with the
acquisition of possessions in the area by the oppressor Štefan Lazarevič in 1411 and,
on the basis of these arguments, assumed that the work must have been written
between 1411 and 1474. Radojičić ruled out the possibility that Pachomius was the
author of the text. He argued that the Chronograph, which we know was written
by Pachomius, contains an abridged version of the Narrative of the killing of Batu
(Historia) and the author would not have abridged his own text.

18 Nataliya Pak, “The Third Pachomian Edition of the Life of Nikon of Radonezh,” Slavianovedenie 4 (2020): 50-67.
19 Since 1390 there has been an equestrian statue depicting St. Ladislaus on horseback holding a battle axe. The
statue was destroyed during a Turkish attack in 1660. This statue probably inspired the author of the
Russian version of the Historia to create the story about the marble column.
20 Perényi assumed that the version used was that of the Serbian monk Theodosius the Hilandarian (1246 – 1328),
see: [Teodosije] Теодосије, Житије Светог Саве [Live of Saint Sava], ed. [Danijel Dojčinović] Данијел
Дојчиновић (Banja Luka: Art Print, 2016). In contrast, Rozanov concluded that the Serbian author used the
version of Life of Saint Sava by Domentian. See: Domentijan, Žitije Svetog Save [Live of Saint Sava], ed.
Dimitrije Bogdanović (Belgrade: Gregorić, 1984).
21 [Perényi], “Легенда о святом Владиславе,” 227-244.

47
1. (IX) The king defending himself against the demon with a cross, 2. (X) St. Ladislaus
fighting the Tatars (Cumans), 3. (XI) St. Ladislaus is wounded, 4. (XII) St. Ladislaus wrestles
the Cuman, whose leg is cut off by the girl (Hungarian Angevin Legendary, Vatican Codex,
Wikimedia)

48
1. (XIII) The girl beheads the Cuman 2. (XIV) Saint Ladislaus rests on the girl's lap 3. (XV)
The Virgin Mary heals the king's wounds 4. (XVI) The king rises into the air in prayer
(Hungarian Angevin Legendary, Vatican Codex, Wikimedia)

49
Radojičić assumed that the longer menaion version was older.22 The American
historian Charles J. Halperin also disagreed with Pachomius' authorship and
assumed that the text was written without any political aim. Nevertheless, Halperin
misinterpreted the text of the Russian narrative when he claimed that Ladislaus
(living in the 11th century) erected the column in Oradea, while in fact the equestrian
statue was erected in 1390. According to Halperin, "The 'Tale' may [...] be described
as the anonymous work of a writer of unknown ethnic identity, unquestionably
addressed to a Muscovite audience."23 On the contrary, O. M. Ulyanov connects
the origin of the text with the hostile sentiments against the Golden Horde in the
Russian milieu, which culminated in the Great Stand on the Ugra River in 1480,
and dates the text to the 1480s. Ulyanov considers the authorship of Pachomius
possible, but in any case he connects the origin of the text, in addition to anti-
Horde sentiments, with the distrust of Western Christianity after the Union of
Florence in 1439 and with the intellectual immigration to Russia from the Balkans
as a result of Ottoman expansion. However, he focuses only on the chronicler
version of the Russian version of the Historia.24

In a recent study, A. A. Gorskii made a detailed analysis of various variants of the

Narrative of the killing of Batu (i.e., the Russian version of Ladislaus' Historia) and
the Narrative of the killing of Michael of Chernigov, and by comparing the variants
he concluded that Pachomius can indeed be considered the author of the Russian
Historia. Gorskii identified certain characteristic features of Pachomius' style,
such as repeated references to the same work already existing in the literature
before him. According to Gorskii, it is clear from a comprehensive analysis that the
Russian version of the Historia was not written as a supplement to the Narrative
of the killing of Michael of Chernigov, but was written earlier. One of the reasons
why the monk Pachomius can be considered the author of both the Russian
Historia and the Narrative of the killing of Michael of Chernigov is the use of the
same words in both texts. In both narratives, Batu is referred to as окаянный and
безбожный, referring to the Tatars as варвары, terms that were not commonly
used in Russia before the 16th century, but Pachomius used them. Gorskii concluded
the question of authorship by stating that the author of the Russian version of
the Historia is Pachomius, who compiled the work no later than 1477.25 Also G. M.
Prokhorov identified Pachomius as the author. In his study devoted to this author,
he described his literary output. Prokhorov dated the creation of the Russian
version of the Historia before 1473, but considered the South Slavic folk song to
be the source of this narrative. According to Prokhorov, however, it is not clear
whether Pachomius was supposed to have written the Russian narrative or was
merely a compiler.26 The topic of authorship was also addressed by the Hungarian
linguist and Slavist András Zoltán, who presented an overview of the literature

22 [Ђорђе Radojičić] Đorđe Радојичић, “Стара Српска Књижевност у Средњем Подунављу (Од XV До XVIII
Века)” [Old Serbian Literature in Central Danubian Region (from the 15th to the 18th century)], Годишњак
Филозофског Факултета у НовомСаду [Annual review of the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad] 2
(1957): 239-270.
23 Charles J. Halperin, “The Defeat and Death of Batu,” Russian History 10, no. 1 (1983): 60-3.
24 [O.M. Uljanov] О. М. Ульянов, “Смерть Батыя (к Вопросу о Достоверности Летописного Сообщения о
Гибели в Венгрии Золотоордынского Хана Батыя)” [The death of Batu (On the reliability of the
chronicle account of the death of the Golden Horde Khan Batu in Hungary)], in Сборник Русского
Исторического Общества [Collection of the Russian Historical Society], vol. 11 (Moscow:
Russkaja panorama, 1999).
25 [Gorskij], “Повесть о Убиении Батыя,” 191-221.
26 [G. M. Prokhorov] Г. М. Прохоров, “Пахомий Серб (Логофет)” [Pachomius the Serbian (Logofet)], in Словарь
Книжников и Книжности Древней Руси [Dictionary of scribes and bookishness of ancient Rus], vol. 2
(Leningrad: Nauka, 1989).

50
on the creation of the Russian version of Historia. Zoltán pointed out that the
two versions of the narrative have different lengths. On this basis, he considers it
unlikely that the shorter and longer versions were written by the same author, as
it is unlikely that the author of the menaion version would have shortened his text
into a chronicler version. Furthermore, according to Zoltán, there is no evidence
that Pachomius was still alive at the time of the Chronograph's composition,
which would have been in the 1490s.27 R. J. Pochekaev, on the contrary, expressed
the conjecture that the author of both – The killing of Batu and the Chronograph
– was Pachomius. However, Pochekaev was more concerned with the reasons
why the Narrative of the killing of Batu was written than with who wrote it, and
he considers it a political rather than a historical work.28 The Russian version of
the Historia has also been discussed by the political scientist A. B. Strakhov. He
assumes Pachomius as the author, although he gives no arguments. However,
Strakhov has attempted to sketch a picture of the political background in
which the text of the Russian version of the Historia was written, as well as the
motivations that the author may have had in writing the text.29

Comparison with the Hungarian tradition

If we compare the text of the Russian version of the Historia of St. Ladislaus
with the Hungarian version, the most striking difference from the traditional
interpretation of the wall paintings is the change in who embodies the enemy.
According to the usual interpretation of the wall paintings, it is the Cumans,
and this is evidenced by the traditional Cuman caps worn by the enemies on
their heads. In the case of the Russian version of the story, however, the enemy
is embodied by the Tatars ("Татары"). Comparing the Russian version with the
written versions of Ladislaus' Historia found in several Hungarian chronicles, we
can see that some sources also mention Tatars instead of Cumans as enemies.
In the Chronica picta the Cumans appear as enemies, but in one variant they are
identified with the Tatars as well: "De adventu Cunorumquos vocant Tartaros."30
In the Hungarian Angevin Legendary, the brief comments on the pictorial scenes
depicting Ladislaus’ Historia mention, in one illumination, the Tartars and, in
another, the "Comanis". In the case of the Chronicon Rhytmicum by Heinrich of
Mügeln, the enemies are referred to as Tartars and Huns.31 However, the story
that corresponds most closely to the story on the wall paintings is recorded in a
German-written chronicle, also by Heinrich of Mügeln, which is also commonly
referred to as the Ungarnchronik.32 Moreover, in this version of the Historia, as in
the case of the Russian variant, the Tatars, i.e. "Tatter, Täter", act as enemies. Thus,
we can say that the identification of the enemies with the Tatars is probably not
an idea of the author of the Russian version of the story, but was already present
in the Hungarian tradition. However, the identification of the main negative

27 András Zoltán, “Szent László és Batukán” [Saint Ladislaus and Batu Khan], in Ad vitamaeternam: Tanulmánykötet
Nagy István 70. születésnapjára, ed. Mária Gyöngyösi (Budapest: ELTE, 2017), 355-361.
28 [R. J. Počekaev] Р. Ю. Почекаев, Батый: Хан, Который Не Был Ханом [Batu Khan: The khan who was not
khan] (Moscow: Evrazija, 2006).
29 [A.B. Strakhov] А.Б. Страхов, “О Духовно-Политических Смыслах ‘Слова Об Убиении Злочестивого
Царя Батыя’“ [On the spiritual and political implications of the ‘Word of the killing of the evil tsar
Batu’], Историческое Образование [History Education] 2 (2014): 100-105.
30 In the note this version of the legend is marked as V4. Imre Szentpétery, ed., Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum
(further as SRH), vol. I (Budapest: Hungarian Historical Society, 1937), 366.
31 Chronicon rhythmicum Henrici de Mügeln in SRH II, 269.
32 Chronicon Henrici de Mügeln Germanice conscriptum (Ungarnchronik) in SRH II, 177.

51
Stylites (pillar saints), a type of eremites widespread
in the Byzantine Empire (Wikimedia)

Bronze equestrian statue of Saint Ladislaus in Oradea

(c. 1595, Austrian National Library, Vienna, Wikimedia)

52
Fresco Cycles of Saint Ladislaus, Evangelical Church in Kraskovo
(photo by David Raška)

53
character of the story with Batu is probably an innovation. He is represented in the
Hungarian tradition by a pagan leader named "Osul".33

There is also interesting information that is not found in the Hungarian versions of
the story. One of the additions is a scene depicting Ladislaus fasting and praying
on a pillar. This is strikingly reminiscent of the type of eremites – stylites, who were
especially associated with the ascetic life on pillars and who were known in Eastern
Christianity.34 This element may therefore have been the invention of the author
of the Russian version, who, as an intellectual coming from the Eastern Christianity
background, must have been familiar with this type of eremitism. The Russian
story goes on to describe that during Ladislaus' prayer, his tears ran down his pillar
and that they soaked into the marble. In this context, it is interesting that in the
sermons of the 13th century Bishop Benedict of Oradea, it is actually mentioned
that there is a stone relic in Oradea soaked with the tears of Saint Ladislaus. This
tradition may have been brought to Oradea, as the centre of the cult of Saint
Ladislaus, by King Bela III, who initiated his canonisation in 1192. During Bela III's
stay at the Byzantine court in 1169, the Pantokrator monastery received a stone
from Ephesus as a gift, on which the body of Jesus Christ was supposed to lie,
and which was soaked with the tears of the Virgin Mary. This motif could then be
brought directly to Oradea by King Bela III.35 Although the origin of the story of the
stone soaked with the tears of Saint Ladislaus deserves more research, it is likely
that the author of the Russian text could have taken the motif of the stone soaked
with his tears from the local Oradean tradition.

A significant change from the Hungarian sources is the fact that Ladislaus is not
referred to by the adjective saint in the Russian version. Nevertheless, even in this
version of the story he is associated with motifs that make him a supernatural
figure. Before the decisive scene of the chasing the pagan, according to the Russian
version of the story, a saddled horse with an axe appears to Ladislaus. Thus,
Ladislaus is associated with his typical attribute of a saint – a battle axe and also an
exceptional horse, which is known from Hungarian written sources under the name
Zug.36 Both of these attributes acquire a supernatural aspect in the story, especially
as they miraculously appeared to Ladislaus after his fasting and prayer on the pillar
and in particular after his conversation with the unknown stranger. Thus, although
Ladislaus is not directly referred to as a saint, he cannot be considered an ordinary
mortal, since even the gifts mentioned (horse, axe) are referred to in the story as
"divine help" and thanks to them Ladislaus achieved victory.

33 Chronicon Pictum: Osul in SRH I, 367; A different form of the name is in both chronicles by Heinrich of Mügeln:
Osla, in SRH II, 177, 269.
34 Stylite – “a Christian ascetic who lived standing on top of a column (Greek: stylos) or pillar” in Encyclopaedia
Britannica, accessed May 31, 2023, https://www.britannica.com/topic/stylite.
35 Terézia Kerny, “László Király Szentté Avatása És Kultuszának Kibontakozása (1095 – 1301)” [The Canonization
of King Ladislaus and the Unfolding of His Cult (1095 – 1301)], in Ősök, Táltosok, Szentek. Tanulmányok
a Honfoglaláskor És Árpád-Kor Folklórjából [Ancestors, Táltos’s and Saints. Studies in the Folklore of the Time of
the “Conquest” and the Age of the Arpads], ed. Éva Pócs and Vilmos Voigt (Budapest: Hungarian Academy of
Sciences, 1998), 177.
36 In the Chronicon pictum the name of the horse is mentioned as Zug (SRH I, 368) in the Ungarnchronik as Zaug
(SRH II, 177).

54
Conclusion
Although a number of studies have been devoted to the knightly story of St.
Ladislaus (in this study referred to as St. Ladislaus’ Historia) in Central European
historiography, the Russian version of the story remains understudied. For this
particular reason, the above work mainly cites scholars from other regions. On the
question of authorship, most scholars agree that the author of the Russian version
of the Ladislaus’ story was of Serbian origin. Several arguments led them to do so.
The first one being the fact that the author was familiar with the Life of Saint Sava,
and the second being the linguistic elements which the authors consider to be of
Serbian origin. Most of the scholars consider the Serbian monk Pachomius to be
the author of the narrative. Arguments in favour of his authorship are based mainly
on his Serbian origin, his high scholarship, and the fact that he was the author and
compiler of many lives of saints in Russia, including The Narrative of the Killing
of Michael of Chernigov, which is related to The Narrative of the Killing of Batu.
The author of the Russian variant modified the story to the Russian setting. To
make the saint acceptable to Eastern Christianity, he inserted a passage about his
conversion to Orthodoxy. On the other hand, the story of Ladislaus retained many
facts from the Hungarian milieu. The main source for the creation of the Russian
variant was probably the wall paintings and local tradition in the city of Oradea.
We can assume that this tradition was cultivated by the local clergy and that
these were not just stories of the common people. The main storyline of the story
remains preserved, but it is supplemented with motifs not found in the Hungarian
versions of Ladislaus' Historia. It is likely that some of the motifs originated in the
milieu of Orthodox Christianity.

Summary in Slovak
Príbeh o Svätom Ladislavovi, ktorí prenasleduje Kumánskeho bojovníka, aby
zachránil unášané uhorské dievča a následne s pohanským bojovníkom zápasí a
spoločne s dievčaťom Kumána zabije, je známym z početných nástenných malieb,
ktoré sa zachovali v kostoloch na území bývalého uhorského kráľovstva a z
viacerých uhorských kroník. Tento príbeh však v 15. storočí našiel v pozmenenej
podobe cestu aj na vzdialenú Rus, kde sa stal súčasťou liturgických kníh a
niekoľkých kroník. V tomto príbehu už Ladislav nebojuje proti Kumánovi, ale
zabije priamo tatárskeho vodcu Batua. Uhorský kráľ Ladislav sa tak na Rusi
mohol stať vzorom úspešného bojovníka proti Tatárom. Štúdia ponúka prehľad
literatúry, zaoberajúcej sa otázkou ruskej verzie príbehu o Svätom Ladislavovi a tiež
porovnanie tohto príbehu s uhorskou tradíciou.

55
From Gemer to the North:
Wall Painting Workshops around 1400

Zsombor Jékely, Phd

Károli Gáspár University of the Reformed Church, Budapest
jekely.zsombor@kre.hu

Above: Necpaly (Necpál), nave (above later vault), Pietà

Abstract: The paper explores the activity of painting workshops responsible
for the decoration of the sanctuary of Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya) and Rákoš
(Gömörrákos), calling attention to their stylistic connection to the paintings of Čerín
(Cserény) in Zvolen County. Additional connections are made with the nave frescoes
at Šivetice (Süvete) as well as at Necpaly (Necpál). This interconnected group of wall
paintings can be dated to the second decade of the 15th century, based on historical
and heraldic evidence. Our goal is to propose more secure dates for some key
monuments in Gemer County, enabling to clarify the chronology of key monuments.
The paintings reflect Central European International Gothic style, which exerted
a strong influence in these regions, and which modified the predominantly Italian
Trecento style of paintings of the previous generation.

Keywords: wall painting, stylistic connections, International Gothic style

The richness of wall painting in the territory of Gemer and Malohont (Gömör and
Kishont) Counties is unrivalled in the territory of the former medieval Kingdom
of Hungary. Village churches in the region preserve complex hierarchical cycles
painted in the sanctuaries and extensive narrative cycles in the naves, which were
commissioned by some of the leading aristocratic families of 14 – 15th century
Hungary. Although the material is quite well known and accessible, several basic
uncertainties still exist concerning this material.1 Specifically, the dates of the
creation of the mural cycles are usually very approximate and references to their
commissioners are often based on educated guesswork. To arrive at a clearer
picture and a more reliable chronology, systematic investigation must be carried
out to map workshop connections and identify patrons. This requires detailed
historical research on one hand and a more attentive comparative analysis, using
the traditional tools of art history.2

1 The first overview of the regions frescoes was written by István Gróh, who was responsible for uncovering and
copying and restoring several of the wall paintings. See: István Gróh, “Középkori falképek Gömörmegyében”
[Medieval wall paintings in Gemer County], Archaeologiai Értesítő 15 (1895): 56-66, 229-238. On the
activity of Gróh, see: Peter Buday, István Gróh a dokumentovanie stredovekých nástenných
malieb v Uhorsku (Rožnava: Georgius Bubek, 2021); Hungarian edition: Gróh István és a magyarországi középkori
falfestmények dokumentálása (Rožnava: Georgius Bubek, 2022).
Standard overviews of the frescoed churches of Gemer include: Mária Prokopp, “Gömöri falképek a XIV.
században” [14th century wall paintings in Gemer], Művészettörténeti Értesítő 18 (1969): 128-147; Milan
Togner, Stredoveká nástenná maľba v Gemeri (Bratislava: Tatran, 1989); Mária Prokopp, Medieval Frescoes in the
Kingdom of Hungary (Somorja: Méry Ratio, 2005); Tomáš Haviar and Vladimír Plekanec, Italianizmy v stredovekej
nástennej maľbe: gotický Gemer a Malohont (Bratislava: Arte Libris, 2010).
2 Luckily, historical research focusing on the region is providing more and more useful overviews. In particular,
I would like to mention the two monographs by Monika Tihányiová, both published in Slovak and
Hungarian editions alike: Monika Tihányiová, A pelsőci Bebekek: Egy nemesi család felemelkedése és
bukása [The Bebek family of Plešivec] (Rozsnyó: Georgius Bubek, 2019); Monika Tihányiová,

57
Rákoš (Gömörrákos), sanctuary, Apostles

Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya), sanctuary, Saint Barbara

58
 Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya), sanctuary, Saint George

Šivetice (Süvete), nave, right side of the triumphal arch, Crucifixion (detail)

59
My study will offer some points for consideration for this long and hard work,
taking examples both within and outside the Gemer region. I will call attention
to some connections of this material with frescoes from other regions in Upper
Hungary and will also provide some chronological anchors and data about patrons,
information which will make it possible to reexamine chronological issues.

Let us start with the analysis of a characteristic figure type often seen in medieval
frescoes in the Gemer region. I am referring to figures with graceful, elongated
bodies, with tilted heads and oval faces. The saints have almond-shaped eyes,
flowing or curly hair and they often display exaggerated gestures. Their figure style
belongs to the stylistic phase of the International Gothic. The saints usually appear
framed by a decorative setting originating from the wall painting of the Italian
Trecento: Cosmatesque borders and quatrefoil frames are characteristic elements
as are decorated plastic haloes and colorful imitations of marble panels in the
lower zone. Such graceful and elongated figures decorate the sanctuary of Rákoš
(Gömörrákos), which is the result of a unified campaign of decoration.3 Most likely
the same workshop painted the sanctuary of Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya), where
only the figures of Saint George and Saint Barbara remain, as well as a scene of the
Agony in the Garden above the triumphal arch (the Last Judgment composition on
the east wall is largely destroyed). There is one more church where frescoes of this
workshop can be seen: in the rotunda of Šivetice (Süvete). Here several layers and
several workshops can be detected, but our painter was responsible for two large
scenes in the nave, painted on the right side of the triumphal arch: the Crucifixion
and the Lamentation. These scenes are one above the other, originally with
another register between them (possibly with an image of the Deposition). On the
left side of the triumphal arch, only minuscule traces indicate that once there were
paintings here as well. These three ensembles are closely related to each other.

Previous research has done a lot to analyze the workshop connections of these
and other related frescoes, establishing the relationships of various fresco
ensembles. Let us concentrate only on the three monuments discussed so far: in
the art historical literature, these painting cycles are generally dated to the 1380s.
Milan Togner put the sanctuary frescoes of Rákoš (Gömörrákos) and Rimavská
Baňa (Rimabánya) the 1380 – 1390s and the nave frescoes of Šivetice (Süvete) to
the 1360s.4 Mária Prokopp gave a date in the 1380s for Šivetice (Süvete) and also
for Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya) (identifying Frank Szécsényi as the commissioner),
and dated Rákoš (Gömörrákos) to the 1390s.5 If we look at the wider group of
monuments in Gemer which similarly combine Italian stylistic elements with
features of the International Gothic, the dating found in the literature varies quite
a bit between the 1360s and 1400: this is true of Ochtiná (Ochtina/Martonháza)
and Koceľovce (Gecelfalva) (which are very closely related in every respect), Chyžné
(Hizsnyó), Rimavské Brezovo (Rimabrézó), and Kyjatice (Kiéte) (in all cases I am

A Csetnekiek: Kultúrtörténeti és gazdaságtörténelmi barangolások Felső-Gömörben [The Csetneki family]

(Budapest: Martin Opitz, 2022).
3 The frescoes of Rákoš were uncovered by Gróh, see Buday, Gróh István és a magyarországi középkori
falfestmények dokumentálása, 22-23. Most recently, they have been fully restored, see: Peter Mlích, “Nástenné
maľby v Kostole Najsvätejšej Trojice v Rákoši” [Wall paintings in the Church of the Holy Trinity in Rákoš],
in Najnovšie poznatky z výskumov stredovekých pamiatok na Gotickej ceste III. Zbornik Gotická cesta
3/2018 (Rožnava: O. Z. Gotická cesta, Bratislava: PÚSR, 2020), 51-60.
4 Togner, Stredoveká nástenná maľba, 88, 140, 146, 180-181.
5 In 1969, Prokopp dated Rimabánya to 1360 – 1370, this was later modified. Prokopp, “Gömöri falképek a XIV.
században,” 141-142. See also Mária Prokopp, Italian trecento influence on murals in East Europe particularly
Hungary (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1983), 177. The 1380s is given as a date in Prokopp, Medieval Frescoes in the
Kingdom of Hungary, 52.

60
mainly referring to the decorations of the sanctuaries).

To see more clearly, several aspects of the style of the frescoes need to be
analyzed. First, let us examine one aspect: their Italian Trecento component. It is
clear that none of the frescoes in the focus of our examinations can be directly
connected to the Italian peninsula (despite some claims to the contrary). Another
explanation given for their strong Italianate character is the proximity of the
region to Esztergom, the seat of the archbishop with direct authority over the local
ecclesiastical hierarchy. It is well-known that the frescoes in the palace chapel of
Esztergom are indeed of primary importance among the Hungarian wall paintings
with direct Italian connections.6 However, we cannot find any direct links with the
Esztergom wall paintings and those in Gömör and there isn’t even a need to try. In
the Gömör area, we know of one monument of outstanding quality, which bears
witness to close Italian connections and which could have served as a model for
the wider and narrower region in this respect: the church of St George in Plešivec
(Pelsőc), situated at the centre of the Bebek family estates.7 The church was built
during the period of György Bebek, who in 1349 applied to Pope Clement VI in
Avignon for a dispensation to build the church, apparently to help the construction
work already under way.8 It is tempting to speculate that the master of the cycle
of paintings depicting the life of Christ is directly associated with the builder,
who visited Italy several times, but we have no concrete evidence to support this,
and we do not know the exact date of painting. At Plešivec (Pelsőc), the painting
campaign must have taken place following the construction of the church, so
definitely not earlier than 1350. On the sanctuary walls, we find complex, well-
composed compositions that retain the characteristics of their supposed Italian
predecessors much more clearly than other wall paintings in the region, such as
the Presentation in the Temple scene, which follows the structure of Ambrogio
Lorenzetti's highly influential composition for the side altar of the Siena Cathedral,
dating from 1342. In their technical details, the paintings also clearly indicate that
they were painted by an Italian workshop, one which clearly exerted considerable
influence on local painters. This commission could have provided the models for
all the Italian-type decorative elements, although we do not find other paintings
in Gemer which would be so closely related to Italy (with the potential exception
of some frescoes of Štítnik [Csetnek]). The elements became part of the repertoire
of local painters and thus Italian Trecento frames and other decorative elements
regularly appear in Gemer following the model of Plešivec (Pelsőc) and they
apparently remained in use for decades.9

Although the decorative and technical elements known from Plešivec (Pelsőc)
survive for a long time, they are usually combined with a figure style characteristic
of the International Gothic style – the Central European court style of around 1400.
This characteristic indicates that the date of the frescoes perhaps should be placed
later than the last third of the 14th century.

6 The most important study is: Mária Prokopp, “Pitture murali del XIV secolo nella capella del castello di Esztergom
II: Problemi dello stile,” Acta Historiae Artium 18 (1972): 170-192; see also Prokopp, Italian trecento influence on
murals, 80-84, 88 (on the influence to the Gemer region).
7 Éva Szakálos, “A pelsőci templom 14. századi falképei,” Ars Hungarica 39 (2013): 212-219.
8 Árpád Bossányi, Regesta supplicationum: A pápai kérvénykönyvek magyar vonatkozású okmányai. Avignoni
korszak. I. VI. Kelemen pápa 1342 – 1352 (Budapest, 1916). CDXVIII. On the church and its construction, see
also Tihányiová, A pelsőci Bebekek, 95-103.
9 On the latter, see József Lángi, “Bodony (Heves megye), római katolikus templom,” in Falfestészeti emlékek a
középkori Magyarország északkeleti megyéiből, authors Zsombor Jékely and József Lángi, ed. Tibor
Kollár (Budapest: Teleki László Alapítvány, 2009), 50-65.

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Plešivec (Pelsőc), north wall of sanctuary, Presentation in the Temple

Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya), sanctuary, Trecento decorative elements;

prophets in quatrefoil frames

62
 Šivetice (Süvete), triumphal arch, prophets in quatrefoil frames

Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya), sanctuary, keystone with Stibor coat of arms

63
The exact internal chronology of the material in Gemer and Malohont Counties
is not known – but it could be the work of several decades, as in the case of
the workshop of Johannes Aquila, who worked on the western border, where
the monuments range from 1378 to 1405. There are no exact dates associated
with either of these fresco cycles, but we do have some clues. One piece of
circumstantial evidence helps us establish the post quem date of one of the fresco
cycles: above the sanctuary of Ochtiná, the dendrochronological examination
revealed the use of timber beams cut in 1377 for the original roof structure.10
The frescoes thus were likely painted after this date. Ochtiná is a key monument
along with the very closely related fresco cycle in the sanctuary of the church of
Koceľovce (Gecelfalva). The painters of this workshop can also be found in the
rotunda of Šivetice (Süvete), where a new cycle of Passion scenes was painted
in the sanctuary on top of an earlier, 13th century layer.11 The wall paintings of
the rotunda were discovered in 1911, and when it was discovered that earlier
painting were still preserved under the Gothic layer, the Gothic wall paintings
of the sanctuary were removed (in 1936). The detached mural paintings are in
the collection of the Slovak National Gallery in Bratislava: the upper part of
the image of the Carrying of the Cross is the best-known fragment (a detail of
the legend of St Margaret is also known – the themes repeated the 13th century
decoration). Other scenes are only known from the watercolor copies of István
Gróh). In agreement with Milan Togner, we can identify this painter with the
master of the sanctuary of Ochtiná and the very closely related frescoes at
Koceľovce (Gecelfalva). The paintings in the sanctuary in Chyžné (Hizsnyó) is also
closely linked to this workshop. The wall paintings in the sanctuaries of Rimavské
Brezovo (Rimabrézó) and Kyjatice (Kiéte) were also executed in a similar style,
but using simplified, more linear forms. The spread of this style further to the
west, towards the county of Novohrad (Nógrád), is shown by the wall paintings of
Turíčky (Etrefalva): they are closely related to the wall paintings of the sanctuary at
Rimavské Brezovo (Rimabrézó), but also contain elements – such as the imitation
colored marble slabs – that are absent there. In the context of this large group, the
church of Bodony in Heves County is also worth mentioning, with similarly shaped
female saints in the windows of the sanctuary and a version of the painted marble
slab decoration. We are probably not mistaken if we assign a date of c. 1380 to 1400
to these frescoes.

Even stronger clues are provided for the dating of the decoration of Rimavská Baňa
(Rimabánya), based on heraldic evidence. The frescoes can be dated to the early
15th century based on the Stibor coat of arms on the keystone of the sanctuary.
This requires some explanation: Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya) in Malohont (Kishont)
County was part of the estate of Hajnáčka (Ajnácskő) castle, which belonged to
the Szécsényi family. In 1411, Simon Szécsényi (the younger brother of Frank, the
judge of the land) divided the property between Frank’s son László and his own
descendants: the castle of Hajnáčka (Ajnácskő) was given to Simon’s descendants,
but its belongings were divided in two parts.12 Without getting into every detail,
we can state that in Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya), the Stibor coat of arms can only
appear in one context: the husband of Frank Szécsényi's daughter Dorottya was

10 Peter Glos, “Architektonicko-historický výskum striech a krovu ev. kostola v Ochtinej” in Zborník Gotická cesta
1/2014 (Rožňava: O. Z. Gotická cesta, 2014), accessed May 31, 2023, http://gotickacesta.sk/konferencia-
2014-architektonicko-historicky-vyskum-strechy-a-krovu-ev-kostola-v-ochtinej-glos/.
11 Togner, Stredoveká nástenná maľba, 185-186; Prokopp, Medieval Frescoes in the Kingdom of Hungary, 12-14.
12 Zsigmondkori Oklevéltár IV, 49. The will is analysed in detail by Daniela Dvořáková, A lovag és királya: Stiborici
Stibor és Luxemburgi Zsigmond, trans. Margit Garajszki et al. (Bratislava: Kalligram, 2009), 263, 327.

64
Stibor Stiborici the Younger. We do not know the year of their marriage, but the
will of 1413 already mentions Dorottya as a woman. Stibor may have therefore
acted as a patron in Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya), as the husband of Dorottya
Szécsényi.13 As a result, we can date the frescoes of Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya) –
along with the closely related frescoes of Rákoš (Gömörrákos) and Šivetice (Süvete)
to the 1410s.

The early 15th century dating of the Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya) frescoes is relevant
for another fresco cycle, located outside the Gemer region: namely the frescoes
on the sanctuary walls at Čerín (Cserény) near Banska Bystrica (Besztercebánya).14
Both in figure style and in decorative details the similarities are very strong. There
is a similarity between the elongated, curved figure type used to paint the standing
saints, the similarly shaped faces surrounded by a crown of hair in twisted curls
in the case of the angels and knight saints, and the long hair softly surrounding
the face in the case of the female saints. The use of three-quarter profiles is also
common, and the facial features are rendered perceptible by a similar system of
lines. The shaping of the groups of figures is similar, for example in the central
group of Lamentation scenes Šivetice (Süvete) and Čerín (Cserény), and the
decoration of the inner arch of the triumphal arches is identical, with the prophets
in quatrefoil frames (Rákoš/Gömörrákos, Rimavská Baňa/Rimabánya, Čerín/
Cserény).

Our examinations can lead us even farther to the north, to Turiec (Turóc) County.
Here we find two places where wall paintings can be connected to our group,
especially to Čerín (Cserény) and Šivetice (Süvete): Necpaly (Necpál) and Turčianske
Jaseno (Turócjeszen). The paintings of the nave of the church of Necpaly (Necpál)
stand out, even though they are fragmentary and have not been adequately
studied yet.15 The painted surfaces survive in the attic above the nave’s later
vaulting: notably a Pietà and a group of female martyred saints on the triumphal
arch. The Pietà composition is accompanied by a flying angel on either side. The
workshop also painted the legend of St. Ladislas on the north wall: scenes from
the Leaving of the castle and the Battle can be identified – it is possible that the
entire cycle was painted in two rows. These wall paintings, hidden above the vault
and never touched by a lime-washer or restorer, best preserve the characteristics
of the paintings of the period. The same painter probably worked in Čerin (Cserény)
and Necpaly (Necpál): whether we look at the heads of the angels or the depictions
of the Virgin Mary, the lines are the same. The slender figures of the female saints
are also painted very similarly in the two cycles of wall paintings. The use of bright
turquoise-green halos, which appears on almost all the figures in Necpaly (Necpál),
is a characteristic feature: in Čerin (Cserény) only in one or two places, for example
in the angels hovering over martyred virgins. The master of the Necpaly (Necpál)
frescoes also worked in the church of nearby Turčianske Jaseno (Túrócjeszen): here,
among the frescoes from several periods, the fragmentary mural of St. Helena in
the nave, on the north side of the triumphal arch, is attributed to him.

13 On the younger Stibor, see Dvořáková, A lovag és királya, 325-338.

14 The frescoes of Čerín (Cserény) are discussed at length: Zsombor Jékely, “Cserény, Szent Márton-templom,”
in Falfestészeti emlékek a középkori Zólyom vármegye területén, Zsombor Jékely and Gergely Kovács, ed. Tibor
Kollár (Budapest: Teleki László Alapítvány, 2021), 149-237.
15 Vlasta Dvořáková, Josef Krása and Karel Stejskal, Stredoveká nástenná maľba na Slovensku (Praha: Odeon;
Bratislava: Tatran, 1978), 125-127. Gotika: Dejiny slovenského výtvarného umenia. Katalóg výstavy, red. Dušan Buran
(Bratislava: Slovenská národná galéria, 2003), 676, cat. 3.10.

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Čerín (Cserény), sanctuary, Lamentation

Čerín (Cserény), sanctuary, female saints

66
 Necpaly (Necpál), nave (above later vault), female saint

Čerín (Cserény), sanctuary, detail with figure of an angel

67
A blessing angel flies towards St. Helena from the right, which could be a sister
of the angels seen in the paintings of Necpaly (Necpál); perhaps a scene of the
finding of the Holy Cross. The painting around the sacristy in Liptovská Mara
(Liptószentmária), especially the large standing figure of the Vir Dolorum, whose
blood is dripping into a chalice held by an angel, is also connected to this circle,
but is of lesser quality (the medieval church of Liptovská Mara [Liptovszentmária]
was demolished in 1975 and its stone carvings and wall paintings were incorporated
into a replica).16

These connections have, of course, been noticed by others: the relationship

between Čerin (Cserény) and Necpaly (Necpál) is regularly mentioned in the
literature, and Ernő Marosi has repeatedly drawn attention to Čerin’s (Cserény)
connection with the painting of the sanctuary in Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya) and
its chronological consequences.17 Studies on Gemer however, have not taken these
observations into account and usually assigned a date too early for these frescoes.
If we consider the post-1413 production of the Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya) wall
paintings as a firm starting point, then we can securely date the entire group of
frescoes to the 1410s.

Let us consider one more time one of the key monuments of this group, the
frescoes painted in the Gothic phase of the decoration of the rotunda of Šivetice
(Süvete). Luckily, all surviving frescoes have been uncovered there as a result of
a decades long restoration campaign. Now finally, the way is open to research
whatever is left of these paintings. As mentioned above, we need to concentrate
on the frescoes in the nave of the church: the large Crucifixion and Lamentation
scenes on the southern side of the triumphal arch, which were part of a Passion
cycle arranged in three rows on the eastern wall of the nave, on the two sides
of the triumphal arch. Whether the Legend of Saint Ladislas, of which only a
small fragment remains on the north wall of the nave, was painted by the same
workshop, cannot be established with certainty (the fragment shows the fight
of Ladislas with the Cuman, at the moment when the girl intervenes and cuts
the leg of the Cuman). The master of the fragmentary paintings was described
by Milan Togner as the leading master of Šivetice (Süvete). The quality of these
once monumental compositions rises above Čerín (Cserény) and is more similar
to Necpaly (Necpál). Let us examine the historical circumstances to see when the
scenes in questions could have been painted.

Šivetice (Süvete) was part of the estate of Jelšava (Jolsva) castle, the fortifications
of which were probably erected by Leusták of Jolsva himself, who rose to the
rank of palatine – the family had been the owners of the area since 1327. We can
certainly identify members of the Jolsvai family as patrons of the rotunda. I would
like to argue that for historical reasons, it was not the Palatine of Hungary, Leusták
Jolsvai who commissioned the frescoes, but one of his successors. In 1396, during

16 László Zolnay, “A régi zólyomi ispánság építkezéseinek történetéhez,” Ars Hungarica, 3 (1975): 19-40; Katarína
Biathová, Maliarske prejavy stredovekého Liptova (Bratislava: Tatran, 1983), 16-17, 180-185.
17 This factor was often mentioned by Ernő Marosi, first in his review of the monograph of Ján Bakoš (Dejiny
a koncepcie stredovekého umenia na Slovensku: Explikácia na gotickom nástennom maliarstve [A
szlovákiai középkori művészet története és koncepciói: a gótikus falfestészet példáján kifejtve] (Bratislava: Tatran,
1984)), Ars Hungarica 14 (1986): 140. Probably because he proposed a date of 1424, his suggestion was not really
taken into account. See also Ernő Marosi, “Falképek a középkori Magyarország északkeleti részéről,” in
Falfestészeti emlékek a középkori Magyarország északkeleti megyéiből, ed. Tibor Kollár (Budapest: Teleki
László Alapítvány, 2009). 7–25:20; Ernő Marosi, “Centrumok és perifériák a középkori festészetben: Az
erdélyi falfestészet újabb példái,” Ars Hungarica 39 (2013): 11-19:14.

68
the Battle of Nicopolis, Leusták Jolsvai was taken prisoner by the Turks, from
which he could not be ransomed, although his family even mortgaged the castle of
Hrušov (Hrussó) to the Kanizsai family for 6,000 gold in 1400 to pay the ransom.18
Leusták of Jolsva never returned home, writing his will on the island of Lesbos in
1400 and dying in captivity. The wall paintings are therefore most probably related
to his son, György Jolsvai, who also held the office of comes of Gemer between
1407 – 1410. This corresponds very well with the likely date of the paintings as
established above. The patronage of the family, which played a prominent role in
national politics, explains the high quality of the painting, which is also evident
from the fragments, and it is reasonable to assume that the painting of the special
rotunda was the starting point of a larger workshop.

Šivetice (Süvete) thus may have been a starting point of a late flourishing of the
Gemer workshop, active in the 1410s and also reaching farther regions in the area
of Zvolen (Zólyom) and Turiec (Turóc), as his work is directly connected with the
wall paintings of Čerín (Cserény) and Necpaly (Necpál). The work of this leading
master was the starting point for a new group of frescoes in the Gemer region,
represented by Rákoš (Gömörrákos) and Rimavská Baňa (Rimabánya). The dating
of this group of wall paintings to the early 15th century is in line with what we
can observe about the survival of the Italian Trecento tradition and its blending
with the international Gothic style in other regions of medieval Hungary as well.
A similar phenomenon can be observed in the case of early 15th century wall
paintings in the vicinity of Cluj-Napoca in Transylvania, where elements of Italian
trecento painting also survive in the period of international Gothic.19 The sanctuary
frescoes at Vlaha (Magyarfenes), the nave frescoes at Bădești (Bádok), as well as
the decoration of Sântana de Mureș (Marosszentanna) are the most characteristic
examples of this stylistic phase there.

If we try to place this kind of painterly practice in a broader, international context,

then South Tyrol is the first analogy to be considered. In this area, the influence
of Italian painting was constant throughout the 14th century, with stylistic
characteristics that originated in Padua, as can be seen in the wall paintings of
Bolzano. However, the northern stylistic tendency of the International Gothic also
appeared around 1400.20 A large number of village churches and mural paintings
have survived in the region, providing good parallels to the similar scale of rural
architecture in Upper Hungary.21 These monuments provide a chronological
parallel for the wall paintings of Gemer County in the early 15th century as well:
demonstrating that the mural painting of medieval Hungary was in no way inferior
to that of other regions of Central Europe at this time.

Summary in Hungarian
Tanulmányunk a rimabányai (Rimavská Baňa) és gömörrákosi (Rákoš) templomok
szentélyeit kifestő műhely tevékenységét elemzi, megpróbálva történeti alapokon

18 Zsigmondkori Oklevéltár II, 135.

19 Zsombor Jékely, “Les ateliers de peinture murale en Transylvanie autour de 1400,” Ars Transsilvaniae (Volum
dedicat aniversarii Academicianului Marius Porumb la 70 de ani) 23 (2013): 31-54
20 On the frescoes of this period, see: Andreas Besold, “Il gotico internazionale. Influssi nordici,” in Trecento: Pittori
gotici a Bolzano, ed. Andrea De Marchi, Tiziana Franco and Silvia Spada Pintarelli (Bozen, 2002), 195-201.
21 For specific examples, see Silvia Spara Pintarelli, Fresken in Südtirol (München: Hirmer, 1997).

69
pontosítani a falképek korábbi datálását. Bemutatjuk a Zólyom vármegyei
Cserény (Čerín) falképeivel kimutatható stiláris kapcsolatokat, valamint további
összefüggéseket a süvétei (Šivetice) és a necpáli (Necpaly) templom falképeivel.
Ezt az összefüggő emlékekből álló, több megyére kiterjedő csoportot a 15.
század második évtizedére keltezhetjük, heraldikai és történeti megfigyelések
alapján. Ezzel egyben felhívjuk a figyelmet arra, hogy Gömör vármegye középkori
falképeinek datálása kapcsán szükség van a szilárd történeti alapokon nyugvó,
reális kronológia felvázolására. A gömöri és a zólyomi-liptói vidék stilárisan
összefüggő falképei a Közép-európai internacionális gótika stílusjegyeit mutatják,
amely irányzat fokozatosan felváltotta az itáliai Trecento festészet megoldásait
alkalmazó festőműhelyeket.

70
 Čerín (Cserény), sanctuary, Crucifixion, detail

Šivetice (Süvete), nave, right side of the triumphal arch, Lamentation, detail

71
Image and Text: The Medieval Wall Paintings in
Ludrová as an Example of Interrelations between
the Visual and the Written

Mgr. Štefan Valášek, PhD.

valasekstefan@gmail.com

Above: Female figure with the text Veni de libano coronaberis in the northwestern part of the vault of the sanctuary,
state in May 2015
Abstract: The medieval wall paintings in the Church of All Saints in Ludrová-Kút
are mainly known thanks to the large Christological cycle in the presbytery of
this church, dated to around 1420. During my doctoral studies at the Jagiellonian
University in Krakow, I dealt in the detail to their stylistic, functional and
iconographical analysis. Thanks to the archive and „in situ“ research of the latin
texts written on the scrolls (phylacteries), which are interwoven among the figures in
individual scenes of the interior painting decoration, I found out new discoveries and
influences which originate in temporary medieval literal culture. This study presents
the close connection between image (murals) and text (scrolls, phylacteries). Many
experts in the field of art history considered the contents of the phylacteries to be
only quotations from the Bible. However, it is not quite so. The master craftsman
who oversaw the execution of wall paintings for the Ludrová presbytery (also
possibly the designer of the iconographic program) was influenced not only by the
texts of the Holy Scriptures, but also by contemporary treatises and mysteries. I can
mention in this place as an example the scene of the Descent of Christ into the pre-
hells, but also the typological depictions of the prophets in the sections of the vault
of the presbytery. The presentation of this issue wants to be an inspiration for the
research of other monuments from the field of medieval art in Slovakia, where the
symbiosis of the visual and the written is also evident.

Hungarian art historians began to deal with the wall paintings, history and
architecture of All Saints' Church in a more professional way in the second half
of the 19th century. Here we can mention Ferencz Flóris Rómer, who was the first
to identify the various iconographic themes of the Christological cycle in the
presbytery of the church.1 We cannot fail to mention also Viktor Myszkovszky.2
The medieval monuments of Upper Hungary attracted not only Hungarian art
historians, but also the local intellectuals. In 1878, a parish priest from Liptovský
Svätý Michal, Štefan Nikolaj Hýroš, published a work on the oldest Christian
churches in Liptov.3 From our point of view, the contribution of his work is mainly
the determination of the style of the wall paintings in Ludrová. He called it the
Prague School. It is also very important for our research that Hýroš identified some
inscription bands that were repainted by Jozef Hanula at the beginning of the 20th
century. In the second half of the 20th century, medieval wall paintings in Ludrová
– Kút were marginally dealt with by Dénes Radocsay and Mária Prokopp.4 From the
1 Ferencz Flóris Rómer, Régi falképek Magyarországon (Budapest, 1874).
2 Viktor Myszkovszky, “Liptómegye középkori építészeti műemlékei,” Archeológiai Közlemények XI (1877).
3 Štefan Nikolaj Hýroš, Opis starobylých kresťanských chrámov Liptova (Liptovský Michal, 1878), manuscript in the
Liptov Museum in Ružomberok.
4 Dénes Radocsay, A középkori magyarország falképei (Budapest, 1954); Dénes Radocsay, Wandgemälde in
mittelalterlichen Ungarn (Budapest, 1977); Mária Prokopp, Italian Trecento Influences on Murals in East Central

73
point of view of the methodology of researching medieval wall painting, the most
important publication to this day is Ján Bakoš's.5

In the research of medieval wall paintings in Ludrová – Kút, the greatest merit
probably goes to the team of Czech authors – Vlasta Dvořáková, Karel Stejskal and
Josef Krása, who since the 1960s continuously published the results of their field
research in Slovakia in the journal Umění (Art)6, and in 1978 they completed their
work with the publication of a monograph of Slovak medieval wall paintings.7 In
1983, Katarína Biathová focused exclusively on medieval painting (both panel and
wall painting).8 Since then, the wall paintings in Ludrová have been very marginally
studied and presented in the art history literature (in the 2003 accompanying
publication of the exhibition Gotika (Gothic Art) edited by Dušan Buran, they
are mentioned only marginally; in the 2006 exhibition catalogue Sigismundus
Rex et Imperator there is no mention of them). Ludrová wall paintings became
the main topic of my dissertation. The choice of this topic was a reaction to the
aforementioned dismal state of Slovak art historiography. New findings and
discoveries were published in several foreign periodicals and in a monograph9 in
2013.

The dating of the wall paintings in Ludrová – Kút is not stable in art history – it
varies between 1420 (Biathová) and 1440 (Buran). On the basis of previous research
we date the paintings to the period around 1420. This dating is helped not only
by formal and contextual analysis alone, but also by political and social events
after 1431 – we are referring in particular to the Hussite campaign. The state of
preservation of the wall paintings from Ludrová is not satisfactory. As early as the
second half of the 19th century, Štefan Nikolai Hýroš mentioned that some scenes
and inscription bands are difficult to read due to dampness and weathering. It
should be briefly mentioned that since 1826 liturgical ceremonies were performed
in the church only sporadically – on major feasts – because a new church (also
dedicated to All Saints) was built and consecrated in Ludrová. At the beginning of
the 20th century, the wall paintings in the sanctuary were completely repainted by
the local artist Jozef Hanula. The Latin texts on some of the inscription bands were

Europe, Particularly Hungary (Budapest, 1983).

From newest Hungarian literature is important to mention: Zsombor Jékely and Gergely Kovács, Falfestészeti
emlékek a középkori Zólyom vármegye területén (Budapest, 2021).
5 Ján Bakoš, Dejiny a koncepcie stredovekého umenia na Slovensku: Explikácia na gotickom nástennom maliarstve
(Bratislava, 1984).
6 Vlasta Dvořáková, P. M. Fodor and Karel Stejskal, “K vývoji středověké nástěnné malby v oblasti gemerské a
malohontské,” Umění 6 (1958): 325-363; Krása, “K novým objevům středověkých nástěnných maleb na Slovensku,”
Umění 7 (1959): 170-173; Josef Krása, “Zpráva o průzkumu středověkých nástěnných maleb na Slovensku,” Umění
8 (1960): 306-309; Vlasta Dvořáková, Josef Krása and Karel Stejskal, “Zpráva o průzkumu středověkých nástěnných
maleb na Slovensku 1961,” Umění 10 (1962): 258-275.
7 Vlasta Dvořáková, Josef Krása and Karel Stejskal, Stredoveká nástenná maľba na Slovensku (Bratislava; Praha,
1978).
8 Katarína Biathová, Maliarske prejavy stredovekého Liptova (Bratislava, 1983).
9 Štefan Valášek, Jana Brokútová, Katarína Vandáková and Jozef Vandák, Symbolika a ikonografia v stredovekej
nástennej maľbe Liptova (Bratislava, 2013); Štefan Valášek, “Innowacja-tradycja. Średniowieczne malarstwo ścienne
na Liptowie i jego przemiany w XIV i XV wieku,” in Procesy przemian w sztuce średniowiecznej. Przełom – regres –
innowacja – tradycja, eds. Rafał Eysymontt and Romuald Kaczmarek (Warsaw, 2014), 209-222; Štefan Valášek,
“The Medieval Wall Paintings in All Saints Church in Ludrová (Slovakia): Artists and Artistic Influences in
Central Europe in the First Half of the 15th Century,” in Umění, no. 1-2 (Praha, 2015), 66-73;
Štefan Valášek, “Średniowieczne malowidła ścienne w Ludrovej – Kúte. Ich funkcja i ikonografia,“ in Kultúrne
dejiny, no. 2 (Ružomberok, 2015), 182-195; Štefan Valášek, “Eucharistický triptych v kostole Všetkých svätých v
Ludrovej – Kúte na Liptove. K otázkam jeho funkcie a ikonografie,” ARS 49, no. 2 (2016): 172-189; Štefan
Valášek, "Iconography of the Virgin Mary in the Medieval Wall Paintings in Ludrová – Kút in Slovakia," in
IKON, vol. 10 (Rijeka, 2017), 137-148; Štefan Valášek, “Średniowieczne malowidła
ścienne w prezbiterium kościoła Wszystkich Świętych w Ludrovej-Kúte. Ikonografia – funkcja –
styl,” (Dissertation, Krakov: Instytut Historii Sztuki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 2018), 289, supervisor prof. Marek
Walczak.

74
added, not adhering to the original medieval inscriptions.

The wall paintings were probably damaged even more by the restoration work in
the 1960s and 1970s, and also by the ongoing restoration, than by the repainting
itself. In some cases, not only the repainting by Jozef Hanula was removed, but
also the original pigments and layers along with it. The wall paintings were
made in mixed technique – i.e. fresco-secco, painted on semi-dry plaster. The
paintings made using this technique in particular are very sensitive to restoration
interventions and the removal of repainting.

The subject of my paper are the inscription bands which are found mainly in the
Christological cycle on three walls of the presbytery – north, east and south. Due
to lack of time, we are unable to list all the phylacteries and their interrelations to
the visual. Many of the inscription bands are not visible at present. Today's paper is
based on an analysis of archival photo documentation from 1961, made by Mikuláš
Štalmach before the restoration work began. It should be emphasized that the
historiography of the wall paintings in Ludrová – Kút has so far lacked a closer
analysis of this archival material. Of course, the individual inscription bands, which
are captured in the photo-documentation, must be approached critically, because
they depict wall paintings with the re-paintings by Jozef Hanula from the early 20th
century.

The Christological cycle begins in the upper left corner (the first register) of
the north wall of the sanctuary. In the first register on the north and east walls,
where the stories of Christ's childhood are found, one notices a lower frequency
of phylacteries. The significance of these images, and especially the Mariology, is
explained by the three male and one female figure in the lower sections of the
vaulting of the presbytery. The prophet in the south-west corner of the vault: rore
mades (sic!) vellus sed permanet arida tell(us). The correct text of the Vulgate
should read: Rore madet vellus sed permanet arida tellus which is a quotation from
the book of Judges when Gideon asked the Lord for a sign whether he should lead
the Israelites into the battle against the Philistines. At the time of the appearance
of the wall paintings in Ludrová, i.e. in the first half of the 15th century, typological
literature – Speculum Humanae Salvationis, Biblia Pauperum and Concordantiae
Caritatis – was already widespread. These works were by this time already written
in vulgari, i.e. in the national languages (German, Czech, etc.). It was the scene of
Gideon’s Fleece that served as the prefigurationes Christi, namely the incarnation
of the Word into human flesh. The Old Testament prophet in the white robe points
his forefinger of his left hand horizontally, toward both the Coronation scene of
the Virgin Mary and the Annunciation scene. All four figures highlight the purity,
the immaculateness of the Mother of God. The Old Testament motif of Gideon’s
Fleece is a prefigurement of the conception of Christ, which happens as a miracle.
It is an event that human reason is incapable of comprehending. The female figure
in the north-west corner of the western part of the vault says: veni de libano
coronaberis.10 The complete Vulgate text has the words sponsa me, i.e. my bride,
which is related to the theme over this figure – the Coronation of the Virgin Mary.

10 Pies 4, 8. Vulgate text: Veni de Libano, sponsa mea: veni de Libano, veni, coronaberis [Come down from Lebanon, my
bride, come down from Lebanon!].

75
Christ sends the apostles to prepare the Last Supper, state in 1961

Christ sends the Apostles to prepare the Last Supper, state after the cleansing of the
paintings, May 2015

76
 Descent into the antechamber of Hell, state in 1961

Descent into the antechamber of Hell, state in May 2015

77
Judas returns thirty pieces of silver, state in 1961

Judas returns thirty pieces of silver, state in May 2015

78
 Christ washes the feet of the apostles, state in May 2015

Prophet with the text Rore mades vellus in the SW part of the vault of the sanctuary,
state in May 2015

79
The prophet in the north-west corner of the north vault, with a cap called a capelin
on his head, holds a phylactery in his right hand with the text: ecce virgo concipiet
et pariet filium. In the north-east corner of the north vault, the prophet is depicted
with a hood on his head with the text: egrediet(ur) v(ir)ga dei (sic!) radice yesse
e(t) flos eius.11 In this case, we are clearly dealing with the work of Jozef Hanula,
which is confirmed by a significant error in the text of virga dei instead of virga de.
The remaining two prophets in the lower part of the south vault no longer exist
today because the current restoration team decided to remove Jozef Hanula's
repainting entirely, leaving only the original layer from around 1420. We cannot
agree with this approach. The prophet in the south-eastern part of the southern
vault was depicted with the text: tota pulchra es et macula non est in te. These
are the words of a prayer of the same name, the origin of which dates back to the
4th century. Nicholas of Cusa (1401 – 1464), in his sermon in 1456 on the feast of
the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, gives a series of reflections on the beauty of the
Virgin, using the words: Tota pulchra es.12 The Carthusian monk Richard Methley
(1451/2 – 1527/8) prays with similar words during his mystical visions of heaven:
Tota pulchra es amica mea et macula non est in te.13 Like the quotation veni de
libano coronaberis, this quotation comes from the Song of Songs.14 The quotation
veni de libano coronaberis and tota pulchra es et macula non est in te unites the
liturgy for the feast of the Nativity and Dormition of the Blessed Virgin Mary.
During these St Mary’s feasts, the aforementioned quotations appear in homilies
and antiphons.15 The prophet in the south-western part of the south vault: beatam
me dicent omnes generationes (all generations shall praise me). If original, this
second inscription band would be an addition to the scene of the Visitation of the
Elizabeth on the opposite, north wall.

From the Christological cycle we select only some of the scenes in which we
find inscription bands that are more closely related to the liturgy of Holy Week,
in which Christians commemorate the most important moments of human
redemption – the entry into Jerusalem, the Last Supper, the Crucifixion and the
Resurrection. In the depiction of the Triumphal Entry of Christ into Jerusalem
we find traditionally depicted texts such as: hosanna filio David, benedictus
qui venit in nomine Domini and hosanna in altissimis. A male figure with a
pilleum cornutus on his head, dressed in a white tunic, stands on a tree. There is
a discussion between this figure and Christ, which is shown not only by the text,
Zachee festinans descende, but also by the gesture of Jesus. Based on the work of
Moshe Barasch16, we argue that in this case we are not dealing with the gesture of
blessing, which is used during the liturgy, but with the so-called acclamatio – i.e.,
the gesture of speech (the thumb touching the bent ring finger and little finger –
the gesture of speech). In the texts of the Gospels, the toll collector Zacchaeus is
not mentioned during the arrival of Christ in Jerusalem. His presence in this scene
could simply be explained by the fact that medieval artists were fond of combining
two events that took place at different times into a single image. More important,
however, is the discovery that the text Zachee festinans descende is an antiphon

11 Iz 11, 1. Original text of the Vulgate: “et egredietur virga de radice Iesse et flos de radice eius ascendet.”
12 W. Ann Astell, Eating Beauty: The Eucharist and the Spiritual Arts of the Middle Ages (New York, 2006), 2.
13 Barry Windeatt, ed., English Mystics of the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1994), 268.
14 Pies 4, 7.
15 For example, the antiphonary from Klosterneuburg (signature A-KN 1018, fol. 124r, c. 1300). On the liturgy of
both feasts: Eva Louise Lillie and Nils Holger Petersen, eds., Liturgy and the Arts in the Middle Ages: Studies in
Honour of C. Clifford Flanigan (Copenhagen, 1996), 142-143.
16 Moshe Barasch, Giotto and the Language of Gesture (Cambridge, 1987), 18.

80
that was sung during the Mass on the anniversary of the consecration of the
church. (Missa in dedicatione ecclesiae).17 The presence of the inscription band with
the words addressed to Zacchaeus adds two iconological layers to the scene of the
Festal Entry into Jerusalem – it is not only a depiction of Palm Sunday, but also a
reminder of the anniversary of the consecration of the church to which the local
faithful come.

The correct identification of the scene between the Triumphal Entry of Christ into
Jerusalem and the Last Supper has posed a major problem for art historiography
to date. The first to correctly identify it was the Czech art historian Josef Krása.18
The correct identification is not only helped by the phylacteries themselves, which
are still legible in archival photographs, but also by the texts of the Gospels,
which mention that Jesus sent Peter and John to prepare the Last Supper. The
identification of the individual Apostles is not difficult – it is based, among
other things, on physiognomy (John the young, Peter with a beard and a bald
head). From the Apostle John comes an inscription band with the text: Ubi vis
paremus tibi comedere pascha?19 And from Christ: Euntes parate nobis pascha
ut manducemus.20 The conversation between the disciples and Christ had its firm
place in the Paschal Mysteries.21 After the Apostles are sent out to prepare the
Passover, the next step of preparation for the Last Supper is – the Foot Washing.
The events of the Last Supper are commemorated especially on Maundy Thursday,
the feast of the institution of the Eucharist. The scenes of the sending the disciples
to prepare the Last Supper and the Foot Washing were the example par excellance
for the faithful to prepare and purify their own souls from sins before receiving
the Eucharistic Christ. The scene of the Foot Washing can also be interpreted as
a symbol of the Sacrament of Reconciliation. It should be pointed out that this
iconographic theme is very rare in Central European art of the Middle Ages. In wall
painting, we know only one example from Strakonice in southern Bohemia (the
monastery of the Johannites, c. 1340). To this day, however, this scene in Strakonice
has not been identified. The literature of the subject mentions only a fragment
with three figures, probably Christ and two disciples.22 From the beginning of the
15th century we can mention the manuscript Concordantiae Caritatis (The Library
of the Piarists in Budapest, c. 1413, sign. CX 2, fol. 2v), in which we also find this
iconographic theme.23

17 For example, in an antiphonary from Kielce, made in 1372 by Chvalislav (Falislaus) from Nysa in Silesia, there is the
chant Zachee festinans descende (Kielce, Chapter Library, Ms. 1, fol. 257 v.).
18 Dvořáková et al., Stredoveká nástenná maľba, 122. Krása refers to the Gospel of St. Mark (Mk 14, 13), but the
Apostles Peter and John are mentioned only by the Evangelist Luke (Lk 22, 7-13). The author was not quite sure of
the identification of the subject. He also admits that we may be dealing with a scene in which Christ predicts his
death.
19 Mt 26, 17.
20 Lk 22, 8.
21 Sandro Sticca, The Latin Passion Play: Its Origins and Development (New York, 1970), 134-135.
22 Jaroslav Pešina, ed., Gotická nástěnná malba v zemích Českých I. 1330 – 1350 (Praha, 1958), 133. Most recently,
wall paintings in Strakonice were dealt with by Ondřej Faktor in his dissertation from 2016. The author identified
only a composition with three figures. Cf.: Ondrej Faktor, Středověká nástěnná malba v jihozápadních
Čechách (okres Klatovy, Prachatice, Strakonice) (Dissertation, Prague: FF UK, 2016), 324, supervisor Prof. Jan Royt.
23 Jörg Oberhaidacher, Die Wiener Tafelmalerei der Gotik um 1400. Werkgruppen – Maler – Stile (Vienna; Cologne;
Weimar, 2012), 49, il. 46 (cat. no. 7, 338-340). This manuscript has been dealt with in detail by
Anna Boreczky in her dissertation: Anna Boreczky, The Budapest Manuscript of Concordantiae
Caritatis (Dissertation, Budapest: Eötvös Loránd University 2009), supervisor: Dr. Tünde Wehli.
Accessed May 31, 2023, http://doktori.btk.elte.hu/art/boreczkyanna/thesis.pdf; Partly also:
Anna Boreczky, "Vienna: 1413. The Workshop of the Budapest Concordantiae Caritatis," in Art
and Architecture around 1400: Global and Regional Perspectives, eds. Marjeta Ciglenečky and
Polona Vidmar (Maribor, 2012), 281-291.

81
The author of the Christological cycle in Ludrová – Kút was able to skilfully use the
space he had been given for the layout of the individual scenes. He also helped
himself by combining two events into one pictorial scene, namely the Washing
of the Apostles' Feet and the Last Supper. A similar example was found in Lower
Silesia, in the Church of All Saints in the village of Strzelce near Sobótka (c. 1350
– 1360) and in the manuscript Biblia Pauperum of Metten (Munich, Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek, sign. Clm. 8201, fol. 84v, c. 1414).24 In the Ludrová painting, we
find two inscription bands depicting a conversation between Jesus and the Apostle
Peter. Christ says to Peter: si non laveris (sic!) te non habebis (sic!) partem
mecum. The apostle responds in a two-line phylactery as follows: line 1: non
lavabis mihi pedes in aeternum line 2: D(o)m(i)ne n(on) t(an)tum pedes s(e)d
e(t) manus e(t) cap(ut). This text is also found in the antiphon Ante diem festum
Paschae, which was also sung in Spišská Kapitula (Budapest, University Library,
cod. Lat. 73, dat. 1462 – 1469).25 The antiphon was sung by a deacon facing north.
The main motif of the events of Maundy Thursday is the sacrifice of Christ (the
Eucharist) and humility (the foot washingt), which was also emphasized by St.
Bonaventure in his Letter on Following Christ: If the Savior humiliated Himself so
much, all the more should the faithful follow Him and "humiliate themselves".26 On
Maundy Thursday, the rite of foot-washing (mandatum) was obligatorily performed
in Franciscan monastic churches in the presbytery area at the table (deinde
sedentibus ad mensam...).27 Christ was represented by the abbot, the apostles, by
the monks. The words depicted in the Ludrová painting were part of this ceremony.
We may consider it probable that the author of the painting in the Ludrová church
sanctuary could have seen with his own eyes the foot-washing ceremony in a
monastic setting, or in one of the religious brotherhoods. The nearest Franciscan
monastery was probably in Nemecká Ľupča (today Partizánska Ľupča).28 In the
Middle Ages, we know of several artists who were both painters and monks (e.g.
Fra Angelico in Italy or Master Francke in the North Rhine and Hamburg area).
The same may have been the case with the author of the wall paintings in the
presbytery of Ludrová.

In the scene of Christ before Caiaphas, in the left part of the picture field, we find
an inscription band, the content of which does not coincide with the depicted
event. In the archival footage it is possible to read the text: [...] ad latronem existis
cum gladiis, which are the words of Christ addressed to the soldiers in the Garden
of Gethsemane. The presence of this phylactery is not unreasonable from the point
of view of the liturgy. The antiphon Tamquam ad latronem was sung during the
Good Friday rites (feria 6 in Parasceva). One of many examples is the manuscript of

24 Adam Labuda and Krystyna Secomska, eds., Malarstwo gotyckie w Polsce. zv. II. Katalóg pamiatok (Warsaw, 2004),
92; Štefan Valášek, „Innowacja – tradycja: Średniowieczne malarstwo ścienne na Liptowie i jego przemiany w XIV i
XV wieku,” in Procesy przemian w sztuce średniowiecznej: Przełom – regres – innowacja – tradycja, eds.
Rafał Eysymontt and Romuald Kaczmarek (Warsaw, 2014), 221.
25 Ante diem festum Paschae, sciens Jesus quia eius hora venit ut transeat ex hoc mundo ad Patrem, et cena facta,
surrexit, linteo praecinxit se, misit aquam in pelvim, coepit lavare pedes discipulorum. Venit ad Petrum.
Dicit ei Simon: Non lavabis mihi pedes in aeternum. Respondit Jesus: Si non lavero tibi, non
habebis partem mecum. Domine, non tantum pedes meos, sed et manus et caput. Peter Macardle, The St
Gall Passion Play: Music and Performance (Amsterdam; New York, 2007), 131;
Miklós István Földváry, ed., Ordinarius Strigoniensis. Monumenta ritualia Hungarica II. Bibliotheca Scriptorum Medii
Recentisque Aevorum (Budapest, 2009), p. XXII, LXII. The original name was probably Rubrica Strigoniensis. The
author of this ordinal was Ioannes de Aranyas, a cleric of Spišská Kapitula, from Esztergom.
26 Bonaventúra, “Epistola de imitatione Christi” in Św. Bonawentura: Pisma ascetyczno-mistyczne (Warsaw, 1984), 206.
27 J. Lewański, Dramat i teatr średniowiecza i renesansu w Polsce (Warsaw, 1981), 32, 36.
28 Gabriel Hunčaga and Miroslav Huťka, Žobravé rehole a stredoveké mestá: Pôsobenie mendikantov v stredovekom
urbánnom prostredí (Ružomberok, 2022), 172.

82
the Carmelite Fathers at Piasek in Krakow, Ms. 2, fol. 181v dated to 1397).29
Another example of the interrelation between image and text that I would like
to mention is the scene of Judas returning the thirty silver coins. The reaction of
Caiaphas and the members of the high council are depicted not only by text but
also by image – by gestures. They answer him quid ad nos, tu videris. These words
are divided into two phylacteries – one coming from Caiaphas quid ad nos, the
other from the person in the green cloak with the pilleus cornutus on his head tu
videris. But what is important is the gesture of this figure, who is pointing upwards
with his forefinger. The words tu videris (that's your business) take on a double
meaning thanks to the gestures. The Jew in the pointed hat is pointing at Satan
in the scene of the Temptation in the desert, and Satan is pointing down to the
ground, but also to the image below him – the hanged Judas. The gestures here
form a triangle that gives inner meaning (the semiotic triangle).

Judas clung to money, betrayed Christ, and then committed suicide because he
did not believe in God's forgiveness and mercy. The southern, darker and unlit
wall thus becomes the antipole of the north wall of the presbytery, which is
illuminated by two windows from the south. On the north wall there are themes
that are closely related to the sacraments in which God gives himself to a man.
The Latin texts on the inscription bands in the scene of the Descent of Christ into
the antechamber of Hell give us evidence of the interrelations and influences
between the visual medium (wall painting) and the medieval liturgy. Between
three and four o'clock in the morning, before the matins on Easter Sunday, the
ritual of the Descensio ad inferos and the ceremony of the Elevatio Crucis took
place.30 During the rite of Descensio, the principal celebrant, standing behind the
closed doors of the church, chanted the antiphon Tollite portas three times and
struck the door three times with the lower part of the cross. The tone of the chant
increased with each intonation. The clerics, symbolizing Satan, were locked in the
church and asked the celebrant three times: Quis est iste rex gloriae?31 This very
text is found in the scene of Christ's descent into the antechamber of Hell in the
lower register on the east wall of the Ludrová presbytery. After the third chant,
the principal celebrant answered: Dominum virtutum, ipse est rex gloriae, then the
doors of the temple opened so that he and his assistants could enter in.32 We may
say that the Descensio ceremony is sui generis visually represented in the scene of
the Descent into the antechamber of Hell in Ludrová – Kút. Christ is dressed in a
white tunic and holds a long thin stick (probably a cross) on which a phylactery
with the text is attached: (tollite) portas principes vest(ras) et elevam(ini).33 This
scene, representing a dialogue between Christ and Satan, reflects contemporary
paraliturgical practice: Christ is the actual celebrant (priest) and Satan is the clerics
or the faithful. The Latin inscription on the phylactery held by Christ is the text of
the antiphon Tollite portas principes, which was sung not only during the Easter
season, but also on the First Sunday of Advent and on the feast of the dedication
of the church.34 Not everywhere was the Descensio ritual performed in its complete

29 Szymon Sułecki, Księgozbiór klasztoru karmelitów na Piasku w Krakowie (Kraków, 2014).

30 J. Lewański, Liturgiczne łacińskie dramatyzacje Wielkiego Tygodnia XI-XVI w. (Lublin, 1999), 67; J. Lewański
Średniowieczne gatunki dramatyczno-teatralne. Zeszyt 1. Dramat liturgiczny (Wroclaw; Warsaw; Krakow, 1966), 49.
31 Rainer Warning, The Ambivalences of Medieval Religious Drama (Stanford, 2001), 57.
32 Text of antiphone: Tollite portas, prinicpes, vestras et elevamini porte eternales et introibit rex glorie. The priest
singing the antiphon represents Christ destroying the gates of hell – Qui quidem sacerdos representabit
personam Christi ad inferos descensuram et portas inferni dirupturam. Anne Bagnall and Jesse D. Mann, ed., The
Liturgical Dramas of Holy Week at Barking Abbey (Iowa, 2014), 20-21.
33 In 1961 archival photographs there is an incomplete text: [...] portas principes vest[...] et elevam[...].
34 Examples may be cited here: the antiphonary from the church of St. Elizabeth in Wrocław, dated to the period

83
dramatic form, which was also the case in Poland.35 Importantly, the ritual of
Descensio ad inferos is not recorded in the Esztergom Ordinal. According to some
scholars, the Esztergom rite was performed in most of the dioceses that belonged
to the Archbishopric of Esztergom.36 The wall painting in Ludrová – Kút is probably
a testimony that the rite of Descensio ad inferos was practiced in some parishes in
Upper Hungary.

The Descensio ceremony was followed by the Elevatio Crucis, a ceremony that
appeared relatively late, just before the 10th century.37 It consisted of taking
the cross out of the Holy Sepulchre, a procession and placing it as a symbol of
happiness in a visible place in the church where it was possible to honour it (in
loco suo honorifice).38 In some manuscripts the Elevatio Crucis is called Elevatio
Hostiae, because instead of the cross, the hosts were carried from the tomb to
the high altar, and the antiphon Cum rex gloriae39 was sung during this. The priest
walked in procession with candles, incense, banners and holy water.40 It should be
emphasized that mysteries and liturgical dramas involved the chanting of gospel
or liturgical texts. The texts on the phylacteries in the scene of the Descent into
antechambers of Hell are to be found primarily in liturgical books – antiphonaries,
graduals, missals, agendas, etc. (caeremoniale, processionale, breviarum).41 The text
of the inscription band held by the souls in the antechamber comes from the hymn
Cum rex gloriae, more precisely from its middle part: adve(nisti) desiderabilis
que(m) exspectabamus (thou comest desired).42 When the antiphon Cum rex
gloriae was sung, it was the words advenisti desiderabilis during which the voice
was raised and the bells rang for the first time since Maundy Thursday. At this
point we may cite the example of the 15th century rite of Sankt Gallen, which took
place before the matutin on Easter Sunday. The ceremony consisted of taking the
cross out of the tomb and chanting a dialogue between Christ, Satan and the souls
of the prophets in the antechamber.43 Not only the cross, but also the figure of

after 1350 (Wrocław, University Library, Ms. R 503, fol. 1v), and the two-volume Antiphonarium Benedictinum from
the monastery of Sankt Lambrecht in Styria, dated to the period around 1300 (Graz, University Library,
29 olim 38/8f., fol. 2v). Cf.: Barbara Haggh "Two Offices for St. Elizabeth of Hungary: Introduction and Edition," in
Musicological Studies, LXV/1 (Ottawa 1995).
35 Lewański, Dramat i teatr średniowiecza, 43.
36 Eva Veselovská, "Kult sv. Vojtecha v ostrihomskej liturgickej tradícii: O immarcescibilis rosa." in Svätý Vojtech
– Svätec, doba a kult, eds. Jaroslav Nemeš and Rastislav Kožiak (Bratislava, 2011), 113; László Dobszay,
"Introduction," in Antiphonen. Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi (Basel, 1999), 13-34. The Archbishopric
of Esztergom is understood as mater et caput omnium ecclesiarum Hungariae.
37 Warning, Ambivalences, 61. Tollite portas, which first appeared as late as the 14th century, is younger dialogue.
The texts in the scene of the Descent into the antechambers are thus evidence that the author of the wall painting
was familiar with the religious rituals of the time.
38 Justin E. A. Kroesen, The Sepulchrum Domini through the Age (Leuven, 2000), 167.
39 The complete text of the antiphon: Cum rex gloriae Christus infernum debellaturus intraret et chorus angelicus
ante faciem ejus portas principum tolli praeciperet sanctorum populus qui tenebatur in morte captivus voce
lacrimabili clamaverat advenisti desiderabilis quem exspectabamus in tenebris ut educeres hac nocte vinculatos
de claustris te nostra vocabant suspiria te larga requirebant lamenta tu factus est spes desperatis magna
consolatio in tormentis alleluia.
40 Lewański, Liturgiczne łacińskie dramatyzacje, 68.
41 For more examples, see Ibidem, 263-296.
42 Johan Nowé, “Kult oder Drama? Zur Struktur einiger Osterspiele des deutschen Mittelalters.“ in The Theater in
the Middle Ages. Medievalia Lovaniensia. Series 1. Studia XIII, eds. Herman Braet, Johan Nowé and Gilbert
Tournoy (Leuven, 1985), 289; Franz Joseph Mone, Schauspiele des Mittelalters: aus Handschriften herausgegeben
und ertlärt, vol. I (Karlsruhe, 1846), 124-125; Walther Lipphardt, ed., Latin Easter celebrations and Easter plays. vol. V
(Berlin; New York, 1976), 1464-1465.
43 Lewański, Średniowieczne gatunki, 49-50. Quot.: Et elevantes Crucem de sepulchro cantent hos versus: Sole
cathenatus. Versus: Redde tuam faciem. Quibus finitis, cantatur antiphona: Cum rex gloriae, submissa
voce, portantes crucem ante chorum in monasterio. Antiphona finita, cantant antiphonam:
Attollite portas, principes, tribus vicibus, pulsantes contra ianuam cum pede crucis in signum
redempcionis animarum ex limbo. Ad istum pulsum ianua aperitur. Postea ponatur Crux ante altare Beatae Virginis,
panno supposito ac lumine accenso, ut a populis adoretur [...].
In the wall painting in Ludrová – Kút, Christ does not strike the lower part of the cross into the gates of hell, but
touches it lightly. This adds to the serenity and elegance of the work.

84
the Resurrected Christ could have been transferred to the main altar, as evidenced
by the ordinarium of the monastery of the Augustinian canons from the town of
Žagaň, dating back to the 15th century.44 The rituals of the Descensio and Elevatio
Crucis were inspired by the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus, which describes in
detail Christ's descent into the antechambers of Hell.45 The main significance of
the Elevatio Crucis rite was the celebration of the Resurrection, Christ's victory
over death, and the celebration of the cross as a sign of salvation.46 This idea
was included in the sequence Victimae paschali laudes, which was sung after the
celebrant approached the altar and raised the cross.47 The time of the Elevatio
Crucis rite was also important. At that time, the night was ending and the morning
was coming, so the darkness was giving way to light. Considering this fact, it seems
that it was not for nothing that the scene of the Descent into the antechamber
of Hell was placed under the window on the eastern wall of the sanctuary,
through which the first rays of the sun entered the temple. Rainer Warning
pointed to an important element in the theatricalization of Christ's descent into
the antechambers of Hell, which was the exorcism – the expulsion of Satan from
the temple area. Through liturgical drama, the faithful were able to experience
firsthand the power with which the Church casts out Satan.48

The abundance of phylacteries and the colourful language of gestures in the

interior decoration of the presbytery of the Church of All Saints in Ludrová – Kút
may suggest that the chief master who organised and supervised the work in his
workshop was not only trained in an artistic centre dominated by the influence
of the beautiful style, but was also skilled in rhetoric and was familiar with the
contemporary para-liturgical dramatisations of Easter events. František Šmahel
states that rhetorical manuals also, as iconographic research has shown, had a far-
reaching influence on the late medieval visual aesthetics.49 An unanswered question
(mainly due to the lack of historical written records) is whether there was a priest
in the "semi-rural" church who was able not only to read, but also to make practical
use of the wall paintings and the phylacteries depicted on them, during sermons
and Sunday catechesis. Other persons, who explained the meaning of the paintings
in the Middle Ages, were the so-called literati – people who acted as temple guides
and interpreters of the artworks.50 Jean-Claude Schmitt asked whether there was
any connection between the exposed role of gestures in paintings and the growing
importance of theatre in public life.51 The communication between the figures and
the wide range of gestures in the Christological cycle in Ludrová – Kút is probably
the result of these interpenetrations and influences between visual and dramatic
arts.52

44 Ibidem, 53. The Ordinale of Žagaň documents that the dramatization of the Descent into the antechamber of Hell
could have been minimized – the procession stopped only for the time of the reading of the corresponding text
(i.e. Cum rex gloriae). Tunc prior cum seniore uno ymaginem portent et fratres vadant in medium
ecclesie cantantes voce submissa: Cum rex gloriae [...].
45 More on this topic cf.: Georges Duriez, Les apocryphes dans le drame religieux en Allemagne au Moyen Age (Lille,
1914). The rituals of the Descensio and Elevatio Crucis were inspired by the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus, which
describes in detail Christ's descent into the antechambers of Hell. The main significance of the Elevatio Crucis rite
was the celebration of the Resurrection, Christ's victory over death, and the celebration of the cross as
a sign of salvation. This idea was included in the sequence Victimae paschali laudes, which
was sung after the celebrant approached the altar and raised the cross.
46 Svetlana Kravecová, “Genéza a vývoj veľkonočnej procesie” Adoramus Te, no. 4 (2006): 8.
47 Lewański, Liturgiczne łacińskie dramatyzacje, 69.
48 Warning, Ambivalences, 62.
49 František Šmahel, Mezi středověkem a renesancí (Prague, 2002), 13.
50 Ibidem, p. 22.
51 Jean-Claude Schmitt, Gest w średniowiecznej Europie (Warsaw, 2006), 273.
52 This process was also noticed by Michael Baxandall in Italian cinquecenta painting. M. Baxandall, Painting
and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy: A Primer in the Social History of Pictorial Style (Oxford 1972),

85
Summary in Slovak
Stredoveké nástenné maľby v kostole Všetkých svätých v Ludrovej – Kúte sú
známe najmä vďaka rozsiahlemu kristologickému cyklu v presbytériu tohto
chrámu, datovanému do obdobia okolo roku 1420. Počas doktorandských štúdií na
Jagelovskej univerzite v Krakove som sa detailne venoval ich formálnej a obsahovej
analýze. Mojej pozornosti neušiel ani terénny a archívny výskum filaktérií, ktoré sa
v hojnom počte prepletajú pomedzi postavy v jednotlivých výjavoch interiérovej
maliarskej výzdoby. V svojom príspevku prezentujem úzky súvis medzi obrazom a
textom. Mnohí odborníci z oblasti kunsthistórie považovali obsah nápisových pások
len za citáty z Biblie. Nie je to však celkom tak. Hlavný majster, ktorý dohliadal
na vykonanie nástenných malieb ludrovskom presbytériu (prípadne konceptor
ikonografického programu) bol ovplyvnený nielen textami Svätého písma, ale
aj súdobými traktátmi a mystériami. Príkladom je scéna Zostúpenia Krista do
predpekiel, ale aj typologické zobrazenia prorokov vo výsečiach klenby presbytéria.
Predstavenie tejto problematiky chce byť inšpiráciou pre výskum ďalších pamiatok
z oblasti stredovekého umenia na Slovensku, kde tiež badať symbiózu vizuálneho a
písaného.

71. A figure played its part in the stories by interacting with other figures, in the groupings and attitudes
the painter used to suggest relationship and actions. The painter was not the only practitioner of this art
of grouping: in particular, the same subjects were often represented in sacred drama of one kind or another.

86
87
Documentation, Preservation and Restoration
of Wall Paintings in Hungary until 1918

Mgr. Peter Buday, PhD.

Department of History of Fine Arts, Comenius University, Faculty of Arts
Gondova 2, 811 02 Bratislava
peter.buday@uniba.sk

Above: The Church of the Evangelical Church of Augs. Conf. in Štítnik. Detail from the cycle of the Seven Liberal Arts and
Virtues in the lining of the window on the south wall. Watercolor on paper (Peter Buday, István Gróh a dokumentovanie
stredovekých nástenných malieb v Uhorsku [István Gróh and the documentation of medieval wall paintings in Hungary]
(Rožňava: O. Z. Georgius Bubek, 2021), SC 1 : 4, 1910 (MÉM MDK, FM 80).
Abstract: The paper focuses on the process and rules of documentation, preservation
and restoration of wall painting monuments in Slovakia (in Hungary) before 1918,
with emphasis on the activities of the artist and documenter István Gróh. The text
draws primarily from the files of the Hungarian Monuments Commission and pays
particular attention to Slovak sites and monuments.

Keywords: monument preservation, wall painting, documentation, restoration, copies

The monograph on István Gróh (1867 – 1936) from 20211 focused mainly on the
monumental documentation and restoration activities of this artist and former
director of the School of Arts and Crafts in Budapest. The collection and evaluation
of materials during the preparation of the book yielded important insights into
the course of mapping and conservation of pre-1918 wall painting monuments,
but new areas of concern naturally emerged alongside the established facts.
Particularly noteworthy was the question of whether monument preservation
in Hungary (as presented by the Hungarian Monuments Comission, Műemlékek
Országos Bizottsága, or MOB) had sought to establish binding rules, or at least
recommendations, for the creation of documentary copies of wall paintings
(and not only for these), their protection, preservation and restoration, or the
preservation of the physical substance, in cases where the building in which such
works were located could no longer be preserved. Clues to these considerations
were provided by the written material examined. It seems that while in the field of
preservation and restoration certain, generally valid principles were established
and declared relatively early, the situation in the case of documentation was not so
clear.

Wall painting became one of the great themes of 19th century Hungarian
archaeology. Arnold Ipolyi (Stummer)2 was the first to include it in the
developmental context of medieval art in Hungary. The fundamental impulse for
research came from Ipolyi's contemporary, Franz Florian Rómer. He summed up a
decade of his field research in 1874 with a challengingly conceptualized survey of
1 Peter Buday, István Gróh a dokumentovanie stredovekých nástenných malieb v Uhorsku [István Gróh and the
documentation of medieval wall paintings in Hungary] (Rožňava: O. Z. Georgius Bubek, 2021), 48-64. In the notes
we will primarily refer to the above publication and its partially supplemented Hungarian edition Péter
Buday, Gróh István és a magyarországi középkori falfestmények dokumentálása [István Gróh and the
documentation of medieval wall paintings in Hungary] (Rožňava: O. Z. Georgius Bubek, 2022).
2 Arnold Ipolyi, “Magyarország középkori festészeti emlékeiből. A szepesváraljai XIV. századi falfestvény”
[Monuments of medieval mural painting in Hungary. Wall painting from the 14th century in Spišská Kapitula], in
Ipolyi Arnold: Tanulmányok a középkori magyar művészetről, ed. Mária Verő (Budapest: Holnap Kiadó,
1997), 161-186.

89
the previously known examples of domestic wall paintings.3 Despite Rómer's efforts
at systematic documentation, the group of known monuments of this kind grew
mainly thanks to accidental finds.

The frescoes were usually uncovered as a result of natural disasters, neglected

maintenance and advanced degradation of the building, and especially during
renovations, when younger plaster was chipped off, or parts of the interior
furnishings were moved or removed. Of course, amateur explorations were not rare
(Koceľovce, Žehra, Želiezovce, Žíp). However, such cases, when a priest was truly
interested in uncovering and presenting the paintings, were rather exceptional.4

Rómer particularly emphasised the exactitude of the copies of the paintings.

Through their high-quality reproductions, he wanted to bring unfamiliar artistic
regions closer to a foreign professional audience in particular. His aforementioned
work is illustrated by reproductions of drawings and paintings mainly by Franz
Storno Sr. and Viktor Myskovszky.

In the last decades of the 19th century, the specialist documenters József Huszka
and István Gróh entered the scene. Apart from the fact that they both had the
same training and teaching profession, they also shared a common interest in the
study of wall paintings and Hungarian ornamentation. Huszka's and Gróh's painted
copies marked a new level in documentation. Compared with the works of their
predecessors, which showed varying degrees of stylization and correction of what
was seen, they stood out for their accuracy.5

Gróh assigned new roles to the copies. In 1903, he submitted a proposal to the
Monuments Commission for a separate gallery exhibition that would trace the
development of domestic wall painting through copies. In the understanding of 19th
century museology, the copy was equivalent to the original; it could replace it and
thus help to illustrate the developmental sequence. In order to make the picture
of the history of medieval Hungarian wall painting as comprehensive as possible,
Gróh advocated the implementation of a long-term programme of uncovering
and mapping the paintings and also returned to the idea of publishing them in a
representative album. The artist's idea of an exhibition, which ultimately did not
become a reality, was perhaps most closely resembled by the exhibition held in
January 1905 at the Museum of Applied Arts in Budapest.6

Most of Gróh's copies were made upon decisions of the MOB. After a positive
assessment the submitted sheets became part of the MOB's documentary
collections, where they formed a separate and extremely valued component. As
reflected in the words of László Éber, art historian and officer of the MOB, its
development was a matter of prestige for the Monuments Commission: Since our
rich collection of copies of medieval Hungarian wall paintings is unparalleled and
has received interest and recognition even from foreign scholars, we consider it
desirable and necessary to expand it by all means we have.7

3 Ferencz Flóris Rómer, Régi falképek Magyarországon. Magyarországi régészeti emlékek III [Old wall paintings in
Hungary. Archaeological monuments of Hungary III] (Budapest, 1874).
4 Buday, István Gróh and the documentation, 48.
5 Ibidem, 49-50.
6 Ibidem, 54-55.
7 Buday, Gróh István és a magyarországi középkori falfestmények dokumentálása, 46; Magyar Építészeti Múzeum –
Műemléki Dokumentációs Központ, Tudományos Irattár, MOB-iratok (hereafter referred to as MÉM MDK,

90
Initially, the artist-documenter had the decisive say in the choice of the motifs to be
immortalised on the copies. He himself evaluated the art-historical significance of
the paintings and determined the scale and technique of making the copies, which
is confirmed by Gróh's observations in his letter to the preservation commission
of 23 March 1906. ... so far it has been up to me which paintings will be copied and
at what scale.8 In his own words, the artist applied a scale corresponding to the
requirements of art history. According to him, not only completely preserved units
were to be documented, but he also considered fragments to be noteworthy if they
evidenced a new master or a new pictorial type.9 The scale of the copies was to be
as close as possible to the originals, or at least one figure from each cycle was to be
represented in real size.10

As time went by, the MOB became more and more insistent in its demand for the
observance of the quality standard of the drawn and painted documentation.
Making copies thus became a multi-stage, continuously controlled process, with
the criteria becoming stricter after the introduction of photography. In the long
term, the financially demanding, hand-produced copies could not compete with
photography as an ideal and, above all, objective documentary medium.11

When Gróh, then still a drawing teacher at the Rožňava Secondary Grammar
School, arrived in Budapest in March 1894 to present sketches of the Koceľovce
paintings to the commission, the clerk Béla Czobor gave him the necessary
guidelines for the production of the copies.12 This reference might suggest that the
MOB had a set of recommendations for its staff, but it is questionable whether it
also took the form of a consensus document. Judging from the available sources,
these were more likely to be verbal requests that resulted from practice. The
making of copies generally consisted of the following steps: the artist made tracing
drawings, sketches and colour sketches of the uncovered paintings on the spot, or
continued to probe or uncover painting cycles. The drawings and colour sketches
could be resubmitted to the commission for consideration and selection of specific
motifs and details, and also to determine the required scale of the copies.13 Finished
works were judged directly at the meetings of the Heritage Commission (and its
sub-commissions) in Budapest, or in situ. This was also the approach taken in
Gróh's case, when the copies from Koceľovce were evaluated by his former teacher,
Bertalan Székely, in front of the originals.14

In the later period (after 1900), the selection was made not only by the artist,
but also, for the sake of greater objectivity, by a commissioned member of the
Monuments Commission, who was usually its clerk – an art historian.

MOB-iratok), file 1913/308.

8 MÉM MDK, MOB-iratok, file 124/1906, Gróh´s letter to the Monument Comission, 23 March 1906.
9 Gróh´s letter, 23 March 1906 (ref. 9).
10 Ibidem.
11 Buday, István Gróh a dokumentovanie, 54.
12 Ibidem, 18.
13 These were usually created in scales of 1 : 5, 1 : 4, for schemes of larger units the ratio of 1 : 20 was recommended.
Copies in real size or in the scale of 1 : 2 were created only rarely and were intended mainly for display.
14 Buday, IIstván Gróh a dokumentovanie, 19.

91
Portrait of István Gróh in Magyarság magazine (January 1924)

László Éber (MÉM-MDK website)

92
 Christ on the Mount of Olives. Copy of wall paintings by Lajos Tary
published in Magyarország műemlékei IV (1915)

Crucifixion from the Red Monastery. Copy of wall paintings by Lajos Tary
published in Magyarország műemlékei IV (1915)

93
Crucifixion in the apse of the rotunda in Šivetice (Archive of the Monuments Board of the
Slovak Republic, collection of negatives, no. 1929, Kedro 1955)

Draft of the critical standpoint of the Monuments Commission formulated by L. Éber

on Gróh's set of documentation copies (Archive of the Monuments Board of the Slovak
Republic, UPK, file 124/1906)

94
The fight of St. George with the dragon on a wall painting in Martjanci (Slovenia),
a copy by István Gróh as reproduced in Magyarország műemlékei IV (1915)

95
L. Éber, one of the pioneers of the study of wall paintings in Hungary,15 took on this
task with particular initiative. Photography began to be more widely used in the
selection of documented details. After the photographs were taken, the selected
motifs were decided on directly at the meetings of the Monuments Commission.
Photography allowed for a targeted selection and was also used to evaluate the
level of the copies supplied. This allowed the Commission to reject works that
showed obvious flaws. The Gróh also acknowledged the use of photography,
but not without objections. He saw it as a useful supplement to a good colour
copy. In his opinion, only a painting executed in watercolour or, optimally, in
tempera, which was close in character to the technique of the originals, could best
reproduce the original.16

He also preferred manual documentation techniques for operational research.

In 1903, the director of the Museum of Applied Arts in Budapest, Jenő Radisics,
drew the attention of the second chairman of the MOB, Gyula Forster, to a
unique painted ceiling found in the Calvinist church in Gogan Varolea (Romania,
Hungarian: Gogánváralja). He first noticed it during his travels in Transylvania,
during which he was collecting material for the Hungarian exposition of the World
Exhibition in Paris. For many years, seeping water had seriously damaged the
ceiling structure. According to Radisics, only the individual panels were preserved,
and it is no longer so much a painted ceiling as a partially preserved relic of it.
Although he was generally opposed to the removal of such monuments from
their original setting, in this case he had to agree to the transfer of the ceiling
fragments to Budapest, for which he sought the help and support of Forster and
the Monuments Commission.17 His efforts were crowned with success; the painted
panels were included in the collections of the museum he ran. In the meantime, the
MOB commissioned Gróh to make copies of the painted ornaments. He planned
to carry out this work on site, i.e. at the Gogan Varolea, and therefore asked the
commission to intervene with the relevant state building authority in order to
delay the dismantling of the ceiling, which was planned for the summer of 1903.
Failing, he had to complete the copy in Budapest. Ernő Kammerer, the director of
the State Gallery, provided him with a suitable place to work.18

Gróh's documentations were evaluated very positively, but over time – also as
a result of the above-mentioned changes – they were subjected to penetrating
criticism. Due to the large number of assignments, Gróh involved his students more
and more in his work, which led to a fluctuation in the quality of the documentary
files he submitted.

Éber, when assessing Gróh's works from Viștea (Romania, Hungarian Magyarvista),
reproached the detailed representation of cracks and damages to the picture

16 Éber prepared a monograph on wall painting in Hungary (MÉM MDK, MOB-iratok, 258/1912) and published a
number of texts on this topic. László Éber, “XVIII. századbeli falfestmények Magyarországon” [18th century wall
paintings in Hungary], Archaeologiai Értesítő 30 (1910): 193-203; László Éber, “Köpenyes Máriaképek” [Pictures of
Virgin Mary with a mantle] Archaeologiai Értesítő 32 (1912): 303-319; László Éber,
“Troger Pál magyarországi művei” [Works of Paul Troger in Hungary], Művészet 12, no. 10 (1913): 381-390; László
Éber, “A szigetvári plébániatemplom kupolafestménye” [Paintings on the dome of the parish church in Szigetvár],
in Magyarország műemlékei III, ed. Gyula Forster (Budapest: MOB, 1913), 193-220; László Éber, “Tanulmányok a
középkori magyar falfestményekről” [Studies on medieval wall paintings in Hungary], in Magyarország műemlékei
IV, ed. Gyula Forster (Budapest: MOB, 1915), 72-104.
16 Buday, István Gróh a dokumentovanie, 52.
17 Buday, Gróh István és a magyarországi középkori falfestmények dokumentálása, 42; MÉM MDK, MOB-iratok, file
49/1903.
18 Ibidem, 43; MÉM MDK, MOB-iratok, files 418/1903 and 452/1903.

96
surface, as the depicted motif was becoming illegible.19 Peter Július Kern was
confronted with similar criticism. Some of the copies he made of the church of St.
Ladislaus in Necpaly also depicted not cleaned, plaster-covered areas, which called
into question their documentary value.20

One of the first critical opinions on Gróh's work dates from 1906, when Éber, on
behalf of the MOB, formulated a response to the artist's criticisms concerning his
methods of work and the amount of royalties awarded for a set of works from
Velemér, Selo (Slovenia, Hungarian: Nagytótlak), Trnava, Svinica and Turčianska
Svätá Mara. The commission's clerk questioned the validity of some of the copies
supplied by Gróh, criticising the incorrect scales and the fact that some of the
works were not produced on site.21 The folder of 47 copies considered by the MOB
subcommittee in May 1909 was also characterized by uneven quality.22

After the meeting of the MOB sub-commission on 20 December 1913, when copies
of paintings from the Transylvanian sites were presented, its members directly
advocated that copies should be made only by artists who had been entrusted
with this task. Gróh had to rework the copies from Fagaras. Éber compared them
with the originals on the spot. According to him, the painter arbitrarily changed
the proportions, some details and features of the faces. The copies do not reflect the
style of the original, thus... generally do not correspond to scientific standards.23

Thus, Gróh involved his students in the process of making copies (and also in the
restoration). Some of Gróh's pupils successfully continued their teacher's work in
the field of mapping monuments of historical wall painting. After 1900, their names
are increasingly frequently mentioned in the MOB materials. The Commission
clearly expressed its ambition to attract artists with a positive relationship to the
artistic heritage, thus moving into the role of an institution that trained future
specialists by commissioning, guiding and supervising a range of documentation
and preservation tasks.24 The years of the First World War also saw the first
thoughts on the training of future restorers.25

In addition to the aforementioned P. J. Kern, Lajos Tary, (1884 – 1972) graduate

of the decorative painting department at the Budapest School of Art and Design
(1906), also made his presence felt in the territory of today's Slovakia. He assisted
Gróh in his work on a frieze with the theme of the history of music in the hall
of the Music Academy of the Hungarian capital. As a student, he participated in
uncovering and documenting paintings in Smrečany, Velemér and at the castle
of Hunedoara (Romania, Hungarian Vajdahunyad).26 In the summer of 1909 he
uncovered paintings in the Evangelical church in Žehňa and made 11 colour copies
based on L. Éber's instructions. In addition, he was to create a design for the
painted ceiling of the church. On 14 June 1910, the Ministry of Religious Affairs
and Education commissioned the artist to uncover the painted decoration in the

19 Buday, István Gróh a dokumentovanie, 53.

20 Ibidem, 58.
21 Ibidem, 53.
22 Ibidem, 54.
23 Ibidem, 53-54.
24 Ibidem, 56.
25 Peter Buday, “Konzervovanie a reštaurovanie výtvarných pamiatok” [Preservation and restoration of art
monuments], in Pramene k umelecko-historickému bádaniu a ochrane pamiatok na Slovensku (1846 – 1918), Štefan
Oriško and Peter Buday (Bratislava: Stimul, 2017), 128-129.
26 Buday, István Gróh a dokumentovanie, 56.

97
sanctuary of the parish church in Podolínec. Simultaneously with the research
in Podolínec, Tary worked on copies of the paintings in the refectory in Červený
Kláštor. The work began in October 1909 and was not completed until a year later.
According to the artist's own words, he took special care to capture the typical
features of the style of the late medieval author. The quality of Tary's copies was
also appreciated by the monuments commission, which compared them with the
photographs after they were received. Gróh also expressed his full appreciation.27
Between July and November 1913, Tary worked on copies of the frescoes from the
Church of the Holy Spirit in Žehra. The documentation was, in the opinion of the
MOB, prepared with commendable thoroughness and faithfully.28

The Great War closed the boom period of painted documentary copies, which
lasted from around the turn of the 19th to the 20th century. At the same time,
photography became increasingly important. This relatively long transitional
phase can be illustrated by examples from Bratislava. The cycle of Baroque wall
paintings uncovered during the demolition of the sacristy on the south side of
the nave of the Clarrisines´ Church in 1902 was captured in photographs by Ede
Kozics as well as watercolours by István Gróh.29 In the case of the large-scale late
baroque illusionistic painting on the east façade of the town hall (uncovered in
1910 during the preparations for the construction of the neo-Gothic east wing),
Éber recommended a large-format photograph, which would then be coloured in.30
The photograph could have played a serious role in capturing the younger layers
of the painted decoration, which were to be removed because of their disturbed
condition, their fragmentary nature, or the greater art-historical value of the layers
beneath them. Gróh and Éber were confronted with the problem of superposition
of two stylistically different cycles (also) in the rotunda of St. Margaret in Šivetice.
The Gothic paintings depicting the Passion of Christ were to be documented using
a camera and painted copies, and then could be removed to fully reveal the late
Romanesque cycle of the Margaret legend.31 As evidenced by references from
the interwar period, there was no full-scale removal of the younger layer, and
apparently no preservation of the older paintings was undertaken.32 Gróh probably
evaluated their substrate as sufficiently durable; moreover, given the importance
of the Šivetice cycle, it was probably assumed that its restoration would be carried
out in a short time.

Closely related to the uncovering of the paintings was the issue of their
preservation and restoration. The earlier practice was presented in particular
by Storno's restoration work with a high degree of renovation and troublesome
technology. The material and technological aspects of preservation as well as
restoration of wall paintings before 1918 were not, to our knowledge, a subject

27 Ibidem, 57.
28 Ibidem.
29 Ibidem, 29.
30 Archív Pamiatkového úradu Slovenskej republiky (hereinafter PÚSR) [The Archive of the Monuments Office of the
Slovak Republic], collection of microfilms of the files of the Hungarian Monuments Commission, vol. 49,
file 365/1910, pp. 3131-3132.
31 Buday, István Gróh a dokumentovanie, 23-24.
32 Archív PÚSR, Pamiatkové orgány na Slovensku 1919 – 1951, šk. 96 [Monuments Authorities in Slovakia Fund 1919 –
1951, box. 96], Šivetice; see also: Tomáš Kowalski, “Prieskum a reštaurovanie stredovekých nástenných malieb
na Slovensku: Od Vládneho komisariátu na ochranu pamiatok po založenie Pamiatkového ústavu” [Research and
Restoration of Medieval Wall Paintings in Slovakia: from the Government Commissariat for the Protection of
Monuments to the establishment of the Monuments Office], in Najnovšie poznatky z výskumov stredovekých
pamiatok na Gotickej ceste III. [Recent Findings of Research on Medieval Monuments on the Gothic Route III], ed.
Michaela Kalinová (Rožňava: O. Z. Gotická cesta; Bratislava: PÚSR, 2020), 26.

98
of discussion – unlike the preservation of Gothic wood carvings, which was
accompanied by informed debates.33

Almost simultaneously with the Stornovian view, a second, more modern viewpoint
began to be cautiously proclaimed in the Hungarian milieu. It is linked to the
personality of Ipolyi's pupil, the priest and art historian Béla Czobor, who outlined
it as early as 1882. Commenting on the restoration of Pécs Cathedral, he mentioned
the restoration of reliefs and potential finds of frescoes: If we ... found an old fresco
fairly well preserved in outline and detail: the most expedient thing to do would be
– ... – to leave it untouched, at most to frame it, and if it were in an easily accessible
place it should be 'preserved' under glass to protect it ... Furthermore, if the old
frescoes are fragmentary, this condition ... should not cause offence, they should be
supplemented at most in their outlines.34 In his instructions to József Huszka (on the
restoration of the paintings in Rimavské Brezovo, 1895), Czobor – responding to
earlier approaches – clearly defined the limits of the restoration of wall paintings:
by renovation of the paintings we do not mean repainting or re-creating them, but
only adding contours, which does not affect the original character of the paintings
and is far from arbitrary modifications by adding colour. Let your lordship apply
paint only where it is necessary, but never to overlay an existing layer.35

Thus, there is a significant change in the understanding of restoration: the principle

of the inviolability of the original comes to the fore. Priority in terms of protection
was given to the figural component, where restoration was to be limited to the
minimum necessary. It was not permissible to add physical details and especially
faces; at most, only the contour of the figure could be outlined. Emphasising
contours by thick and dark lines, which led to distortions in shape, is still the
subject of critical comment. However, negative opinions about this procedure were
already heard at the end of the 19th century, even by Gróh himself; he was also
criticised and is criticized for similar interventions.36

Draperies could only be painted following preserved traces. Seemingly looser rules
were applied to the setting of figures, figural compositions and the delineation
of scenes. Losses in the colouring of areas in the background were to be filled in
with paint of the corresponding tonality, while borders could be reconstructed
from remnants of the original designs. The empty areas between the torsos of the
paintings were recommended to be filled with a neutral tone, which was based
on the predominant tonality of the frescoes and also acted as a unifying element.
Finally, the areas of the walls without painted decoration should be coloured in
such a way that the restored space gives a coherent impression.37

Despite the unambiguous wording, the principles presented by the Monuments

Commission may not have been consistently translated into practice, or there

33 Buday, “Konzervovanie a reštaurovanie výtvarných pamiatok” 122-129.

34 Buday, IIstván Gróh a dokumentovanie, 59.
35 Ibidem, 59-60.
36 The subject of Gróh's criticism was the "restoration" of medieval wall paintings, specifically the Nativity scene in
the sanctuary of the R.C. church in Lipovník. István Gróh, “Középkori falképek Gömörmegyében”
[Medieval wall paintings in Gemer County], Archaeologiai Értesítő 15 (1895): 238.
In 1912, the painter Andor Dudits was given the task of assessing the restoration work of Lajos Tary in the
sanctuary of the parish church in Podolínec. He reminded his young colleague that the addition of
black had emphasised the contours too much, which distorted the overall effect of the work. Buday, István
Gróh a dokumentovanie, 60.
37 Buday, István Gróh a dokumentovanie, 59-60.

99
was still a wide scope for their interpretation. Gróh, referring to religious
requirements, did not exclude the reconstruction of the face of Christ on the
concha of the apse in Rákoš on the basis of the Poruba analogy.38 In Štítnik he
extensively reconstructed the ornamental bands around the figural scenes, on the
archivolts and on the arch ribs, but it is questionable whether he strictly followed
the surviving older fragments. His designs for new paintings in historic religious
interiors were characterised by an even greater freedom and eclectic approach.39
Also in the statements and opinions of the MOB from the period around – after
1910 there are attempts to go beyond the earlier, perhaps too strictly formulated
rules, which were neither possible nor desirable to apply across the board,
regardless of the local conditions. The requirements of visibility, legibility and
consistency40 and the accentuation of artistically and content important moments
come to the fore.41 The question of the basic protection of exposed wall paintings,
(or the rescue of those that were in the buildings), against their physical demise,
remained open.

After being uncovered, the paintings remained – sometimes for decades – without
adequate treatment. The first step of rescue thus became registration, at least in
the form of a written record. In some sites, however, the documentation process
did not continue: while Gróh recommended that the paintings in Žíp at least be
covered up, he did not consider the finds from the sanctuary of the church in
Veľká Čalomija and in Kács to be remarkable enough to be preserved in copies,
nor did he suggest the possibility of re-researching them.42 In Gróh's reports and
proposals we do not find any mention of the possible transfer of the plaster
bearing the paintings, but this does not mean that such an extreme solution was
not considered at that time.

As early as 1895, Károly Pulszky, the director of the State Gallery, asked the Ministry
of Religious Affairs and Education for permission to transfer the wall paintings in
the way that had been done in Italy. At the same time, he submitted a proposal for
the removal of the paintings in the ruins of the church in Zsámbék. Minister Gyula
Wlassics sought the opinion of the Monument Commission on the matter, which
did not object to the plan as presented. However, it recommended that consent
should be granted only in justified cases; otherwise the principle of preserving the
works of art in their original context was applied. Each request to transfer frescoes
had to be considered separately.43

On 12 November 1904, Kornel Divald informed the MOB about the demolition
of the Szirmay manor house in Šarišský Michal, in which he noted the elaborate
painted Rococo decorations. He requested that the commission advocate a
suspension of the demolition work at least until research had been carried out
on the paintings on the ceiling of the main staircase and in the two rooms of the
manor house. Based on photographs, he identified those parts of the paintings

38 Ibidem, 22.
39 This is documented by the designs of wall paintings in the R.C. parish church in Pezinok (Buday, István Gróh
a dokumentovanie, 35-36) and in Martjanec, Slovenia (Buday, Gróh István és a magyarországi középkori
falfestmények dokumentálása, 48-49).
40 According to the methodology established by L. Éber and L. Tary for the restoration of the paintings in the
sanctuary of the r. k. parish church in Podolínec, Buday, István Gróh a dokumentovanie, 62.
41 In the light of Peter Július Kern's proposals for the restoration of Baroque wall paintings in Székesfehérvár and
Szigetvár, Buday, István Gróh a dokumentovanie, 62-63.
42 Ibidem, 63.
43 MÉM MDK, MOB-iratok, file 170/1895.

100
which were to be transferred and subsequently deposited as exhibits in the Šariš
County Museum in Bardejov, but this idea was apparently never carried out.44

István Gróh himself took a restrained attitude towards transfers, as the case
of Deva (Romania, Hungarian: Déva) from Transylvania shows. The assignment
to uncover the wall paintings in the Calvinist church there was originally given
to József Huszka, who promised to carry out the work in 1900. More than a
decade later, Oszkár Mailand, chairman of the Hunyad County Historical and
Archaeological Society, reported to the Heritage Commission on the ongoing
demolition of the church's sanctuary. Mailand succeeded in removing a
painting depicting the figures of two saints from the walls, in addition to taking
photographs of the remains of the frescoes on the south wall of the sanctuary.
However, I think that there is still much to save. Gróh arrived at the site on 2
October 1911 and found only the remains of the north wall of the presbytery,
which was only 2 – 2.5 metres high. In places, traces of the wall paintings, which
were arranged in two horizontal bands, were still clearly visible. The large figures
in the upper register had suffered more serious damage, while the lower, smaller
figural band survived in relatively good condition. Gróh did not consider it
advisable to record the bright remains of the frescoes in photographs, and their
eventual transfer was too risky because of the thin layer of supporting plaster.
Under these conditions, watercolour copies were the most appropriate method of
documentation.45

The examination of sources, especially the MOB files, has significantly helped
to correct and clarify the hitherto incomplete picture of the documentation,
protection and restoration of art monuments, in this case wall paintings in
Hungary before 1918. As early as the end of the 19th century, the domestic
monument protection authorities were already promoting a modern approach to
the restoration of fresco cycles, which is still relevant today. This opinion, which
placed the requirement of authenticity at the forefront, was conditioned (also)
by the large number of new discoveries, mainly in rural areas. At the same time, a
closer look at the selected examples showed that the principles promoted by the
Budapest Monuments Commission were not universally applied. In addition to the
principle of the inviolability of the original, the requirement of legibility therefore
emerges. The steps taken to document the paintings were subject to a special
development. In the files examined, one can trace a gradual tightening of the
criteria for the production of colour copies and an attempt to control this process
multiple times in order to obtain reliable material suitable for scientific purposes.
Particular attention should be paid to the problem of recording and preserving
works that were in danger of physical destruction. In the text we have referred
to this issue with a few examples that we registered during our research, but it
deserves more attention from the professional community in the future.

44 Buday, István Gróh a dokumentovanie, 64.

45 In Deva, Gróh distinguished between two distinctly different stylistic layers. While the figures in Mailand's pictures
indicated that a master following Byzantine art was working in the church, some of the paintings captured by him
were indicative of the work of our medieval Latin primitives. (Buday, Gróh István és a magyarországi középkori
falfestmények dokumentálása, 45-46; MÉM MDK, MOB-iratok, files 335/1899, 669/1911, 769/1911, 106/1911.

101
Conclusion
Medieval wall painting became one of the great themes of Hungarian art history in
the 19th century. Numerous new discoveries contributed to this, first summarised
by Franz Florian Rómer in 1874 and subsequently by Péter Gerecze (1906). Until
the first decade of the 20th century, the hand-made, painted copy remained the
dominant approach in documenting finds As research has shown, the process
of recording paintings underwent changes that were accelerated even more
vigorously by the advent of photography. While initially the artist-documenter had
a free hand in the choice of details, motifs, scale and technique of making the copy,
after 1900 they had to accept predetermined rules, and they work was also checked
on the spot and by photographs. At the beginning of the 20th century, a group of
specialists (preservationists, restorers) active in Slovakia (P. J. Kern) and Hungary
(L. Tary) in the interwar period began to emerge from among the artists – authors
of documentary copies belonging to the circle of István Groh's students. The
great wave of uncovering fresco cycles, especially in rural churches, brought with
it the question of how to preserve these works and how to present them. At the
end of the 19th century, an approach began to take hold in Hungary which broke
with earlier restoration practice and which emphasised the principle of respect
for the original. Although the basic principles were clearly stated, in practice they
did not take strict form. Thus, preservation had to find compromises between its
own criteria and the requirements of the lay public. The issues of technology and
materials applied to the renovation of wall paintings remained unresolved. In cases
of threats to their physical substance, manual, later simultaneously implemented
photographic documentation was preferred, but the archival material also
sporadically records intentions to transfer the frescoes.

Summary in Slovak
Stredoveké nástenné maliarstvo sa v 19. storočí stalo jednou z veľkých tém
uhorského dejepisu umenia. Prispeli k tomu početné nové objavy, prvýkrát
zhrnuté Franzom Floriánom Rómerom v roku 1874 a následne Petrom Gereczem
(1906). Dominantným prístupom v dokumentovaní nálezov až do prvej dekády
20. storočia zostala ručne tvorená, maľovaná kópia. Ako ukázal výskum, priebeh
zaznamenávania malieb prechádzal zmenami, ktoré ešte dôraznejšie urýchlil
nástup fotografie. Kým spočiatku mal výtvarník – dokumentátor voľnú ruku pri
výbere detailov, motívov, mierky a techniky vyhotovenia kópie, po roku 1900 už
musel akceptovať vopred stanovené pravidlá, jeho práca bola navyše kontrolovaná
priamo na mieste a aj prostredníctvom fotografií. Práve z výtvarníkov – autorov
dokumentačných kópií patriacich do okruhu študentov Istvána Gróha sa začiatkom
20. storočia začala formovať skupina špecialistov (konzervátorov, reštaurátorov)
činných na Slovensku (P. J. Kern) a v Maďarsku (L. Tary) v medzivojnovom období.
Veľká vlna odkrývania freskových cyklov predovšetkým vo vidieckych kostoloch so
sebou priniesla otázku, ako tieto diela zachovať a akým spôsobom ich prezentovať.
Koncom 19. storočia sa v Uhorsku začal presadzovať názor, ktorý sa rozišiel so
skoršou reštaurátorskou praxou a ktorý kládol do popredia zásadu rešpektovania
originálu. Hoci základné princípy boli jasne dané, v praxi sa neujali v striktnej
podobe. Pamiatková ochrana tak musela hľadať kompromisy medzi vlastnými
kritériami a požiadavkami laikov. Neriešené zostali otázky technológií a materiálov

102
aplikovaných na obnove nástenných malieb. V prípadoch ohrozenia ich fyzickej
podstaty sa uprednostňovala ručná, neskôr súbežne realizovaná fotodokumentácia,
v archívnom materiáli však ojedinele zaznamenávame aj zámery na transferovanie
fresiek.

The text is an adaptation of the chapter Contexts of Gróh's documentary work

which is part of the monograph Peter Buday, István Gróh and the documentation
of medieval wall paintings in Hungary (Rožňava: O. Z. Georgius Bubek, 2021), 48-
64. In the notes we will primarily refer to the above publication and its partially
supplemented Hungarian edition Péter Buday, Gróh István és a magyarországi
középkori falfestmények dokumentálása (Rožňava: O. Z. Georgius Bubek, 2022).

103
Founding Activities and Contacts
of Constance of Hungary

Mgr. et Mgr. Kornélia Kolářová Takácsová, Th.D et Ph.D.

Ústav dějin křesťanského umění, Katolická teologická fakulta, Univerzita Karlova,
korneliatakacs@centrum.cz

Above: Constance of Hungary, Neo-Gothic relief on the side wall of the Church of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary of the
Porta Coeli Women Monastery in Předklášteří near Tišnov
Abstract: The article presents the Czech Queen Constance of Hungary as an
important representative of Central European queens and prominent women in
the 13th century. The article focuses on her fund-raising and patronage activities,
which are most closely related to the period of her life when she became a widow
(1230 – 1240). All of her founding, donating and political activities are discussed in a
Central European context, and their analysis points to the strong ties to her country
of origin, but also to the ties between her relatives and the ties within the Cistercian
order (expecially in Austria and Silesia). Special attention is paid to the western
portal of the Church of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary in Předklášteří near
Tišnov, which belongs to the Porta Coeli monastery. It is discussed the possibility that
Constance, by virtue of her relationship with Esztergom, may have been the bearer
of the thought programme of the west portal of this church. It is considered that
the so-called Tišnov tympanum originally belonged to the now defunct chapel of St.
Catherine, which was part of the women's monastery complex, and that it was even
the private oratory of the queen.

Introduction
The topic of my paper is the founding activities of the Czech Queen Constance of
Hungary. The Queen Constance was one of those important women in the Central
European environment in the Middle Ages who, in addition to the duties associated
with the title of queen, made history during her lifetime thanks to her founding
activities. It was in the 13th century that the wives and daughters of kings, dukes
and other important lords began their founding activities.1 Josef Žemlička speaks
in this context of dynastic competition or rivalry among these women.2 It was true
that noble women followed the founding activities of their relatives, which is not
surprising, since they were often in personal contact. Therefore, the founding
ventures are often related to each other, art-historically as well.

Given this, it is not surprising that many of the art-historical details of the
foundations of the Czech Queen Constance go beyond the borders of the Kingdom
of Bohemia to the surrounding Central European lands, especially to the country
of her origin – the Kingdom of Hungary, where she owned land. It is in this context

1 More on this issue e.g. an article summarizing the important founding activities of women from the Premyslid
dynasty including Queen Constance. Marzena Malta, "The Power and Influence of the Přemyslid Wives
and Daughters," JAEMA 17 (2021): 135-163.
2 Josef Žemlička, Počátky Čech královských 1198 – 1253: Proměna státu a společnosti (Prague, 2002), 485-497.

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that I would like to introduce Constance of Hungary and use her example to
highlight the importance of studying Central European art historical contexts,
the relevance of which is evidenced by the close dynastic ties between the ruling
dynasties of the Árpáds, Přemyslids and Piasts in the 13th century.

Constance of Hungary
(1180 Esztergom – 1240 Předklášteří near Tišnov)

Constance of Hungary was born as the daughter of King Béla III of Hungary and his
wife Agnes of Châtillon in 1180. Her father, Béla III, lived for some time at the court
of the Byzantine Emperor Manuel I and was to become his successor. In the end,
this did not happen and in 1172 he became King of Hungary, having ranked among
the successful monarchs of his time. He was able to combine Hungarian culture
with both Eastern and Western traditions. This was also reflected in his great
building projects. These building activities were then followed by Constance´s
brothers, as the incoming Hungarian kings. The most important building activities
in Esztergom took place in the period before the marriage of Constance to
Ottokar I of Bohemia. These may have influenced the building activities of Queen
Constance herself, which will be discussed in the following lines.

Constance came to Bohemia after the first marriage of Ottokar I of Bohemia to

Adelaide of Meissen3 was annulled for unclear reasons. We know that a canonical
trial on the nullity of the marriage took place in 1198 – 1199. Although this dispute
did not end with the declaration, it was followed by a marriage between Constance
and Ottokar I of Bohemia.4 We do not know the exact date, but the year 1198 or
1199 is usually given. Queen Constance lived by her husband's side for about thirty
years. She bore him eight or even nine children, among them the future King
Wenceslas I of Bohemia and Agnes of Bohemia, who was one of the most important
female figures of her time.

Founding activities of the Queen Constance of

Hungary
We have no record of the Queen's founding activities before she was widowed.
On the contrary, we know from the sources that during her lifetime alongside
her husband, King Ottokar I of Bohemia, Constance of Hungary was present at
the consecration of some important monastic foundations in the territory of the
Kingdom of Bohemia. Among the important ones are the consecration of the
Cistercian monastery at Velehrad in 1228,5 where King Ottokar I of Bohemia found
his final resting place in 1230, and the consecration of the Cistercian nuns first
monastery in Oslavany also in 1228. The foundation of Cistercian nunnery is even
(erroneously) connected in Pulkava´s Chronicle with Constance of Hungary6 herself.

3 Žemlička, Počátky Čech královských, 94.

4 More on this e.g. Ibidem, 98-99.
5 Jiří Kuthan, Splendor et Gloria Regni Bohemiae: Umělecké dílo jako projev vladařské reprezentace a symbol státní
moci (Praha, 2008), 129.
6 FRB V, 137.

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Leaving aside the erroneous information from the mentioned chronicle from the
14th century, according to other sources, it seems that the actual founding activities
were started by the queen only at the end of her life, between 1230 – 1240. She was
thus one of the important female founders who, after being widowed, founded
"their" monastery. It was the widows of royal dynasties who became frequent
founders of monasteries, which they often moved into and lived out their lives in,
or had built them as a final resting place for themselves or their dynasty.7 It was
no different in the case of Constance, who also found a final resting place in "her"
monastery together with her son, Margrave of Moravia, who had died a year earlier.

Before we come to the monastery of Porta Coeli itself, we must consider the
territories that Constance received as a gift on the occasion of her marriage, as well
as the large dower that she received after the death of her husband in Moravia.
There are several preserved monuments from the 13th century in these areas,
which scholars associate with her name.

It is probable that the royal dowry in the border area with the Kingdom of Bohemia
was actually owned by Constance. This is the western border area of today's
Slovakia. However, she must have received it not from her father Béla III, who was
already dead at the time of her wedding (he died in 1196), but from one of her
brothers – Emeric or even Andrew II.8

We do not have precise data on the extent of the property between the Little
Carpathians and the river Váh. Also for this reason I would like to narrow down the
issue in this paper to two important monuments of this area, whose history in the
1230s is associated with Constance of Hungary.

Queen Constance of Hungary as the founder of

the Poor Clare monastery in Trnava?
It is mentioned in Pulkava´s Chronicle that the town was built during the time of
Constance and that in colloquial Hungarian the town is referred to as Sambach9
Constance10. We also know from other sources that she held estates in the vicinity
of the town as well. From the documents of the Hungarian King Béla IV we know
that in 1238 she no longer owned Trnava11. It was in Trnava where the first convent
of the Poor Clare nuns in the Kingdom of Hungary was founded. We have to
remain hypothetical when connecting the foundation of this monastery with the
former owner of Trnava. The truth is that we do not know the founder of the
monastery, but we know almost certainly that they came from royal background.
Some scholars believe that Constance was the founder. Others are in favour
of the opinion that the monastery was founded by the Hungarian King Béla IV.
The situation is complicated by the fact that we do not know the exact year of
foundation.

7 Žemlička, Počátky Čech královských, 139.

8 Martin Tibenský, Červenokamenské panstvo vo stredoveku (Trnava, 2011), 26-27.
9 The Hungarian name of Trnava is Nagyszombat. It is possible that Sambach is a misrepresentation of the word
szombat.
10 FRB V, 137.
11 At that time Béla IV granted a privilege to the citizens of Trnava. Another document of his from 1244 informs us
that the previous owner of Trnava was Constance.

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Constance of Hungary and Ottokar I of Bohemia on the tympanum of the Church of the
Assumption of the Virgin Mary of the Porta Coeli Women's Monastery in Předklášteří near
Tišnov, around 1240

North side of the Church of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary of the Porta Coeli Women's
Monastery in Předklášteří near Tišnov, around 1240

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Portal of the Church of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary of the Porta Coeli Women's
Monastery in Předklášteří near Tišnov, around 1240

Deésis tympanum, Esztergom, around 1180 – 1190

109
Tišnov tympanum, Moravian Gallery in Brno, around 1240

Predklášteří near Tišnov with the Chapel of St. Catherine indicated, Porta Coeli women's
monastery grounds (colorized drawing, library of the Osek Monastery, now in the estate of
Dr. Zdeněk Wirth at the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences, 2nd half of the 18th century)

110
Bibiana Pomfyová does not exclude the possibility that she may have initiated the
arrival of the Poor Clare nuns in Trnava before the territory of Trnava was handed
over to her nephew (Béla IV). However, the foundation of the monastery in Trnava
could have taken place no earlier than 1235, when Elizabeth of Hungary (Thuringia),
niece of Constance and sister of King Béla IV of Hungary, was canonised. The
Poor Clare nuns seem to have chosen St. Elizabeth as their patroness from the
very beginning.12 Whether the Poor Clare nuns settled in Trnava on Constance´s
decision, unfortunately, cannot be confirmed with certainty even on the basis of
building-historical research.13 The research showed that the first monastic church
of the Poor Clare nuns in Trnava was a single-nave church with a short vaulted
presbytery.14 These types of Mendicant monastic churches appear in the Kingdom
of Hungary in the first half of the 13th century.15 Thus, even on the basis of this
observation, it is not possible to determine exactly who initiated the foundation of
the monastery.

The second – this time secular – monument associated with Constance from the
territory of today's Slovakia is the castle of Červený Kameň. In the aforementioned
Pulkava's Chronicle there is a record of the foundation of this castle by Constance.16
Martin Tibenský provides a detailed analysis of the possible Queen Constance´s
founding and concludes that it is unlikely (contrary to Pulkava's Chronicle) that the
castle was founded by the Queen. On the contrary, he believes that around 123017
the Queen lost interest in the Hungarian estates and gradually sold them off and
concentrated on the completion of the monastery in Předklášteří near Tišnov.18
Unfortunately, even in this case it is not possible to rely on an art-historical analysis
of the castle, because: the original castle mentioned in written records as early as in
the middle of the 13th century, .., disappeared almost without a trace.19

The dower of Queen Constance in Moravia

After the death of her husband, Constance received a large dower in Moravia,
which she had confirmed by the Pope himself. Thanks to this papal charter of
1231, we know the exact extent of her dower. These were the provinces of Břeclav,
Hodonín, Kunovice, Přibyslavice and Moravia-Budějovice, often territories that
were adjacent to the land of her origin. The queen as a widow was mostly found in
southern Moravia.20 Some sources say that the queen founded or had rebuilt three
castles along the border with the Kingdom of Hungary – the castles in Břeclav,
Hodonín21 and Bzenec.22

12 Sources sometimes also talk about the consecration to the Virgin Mary. More on that: Bibiana Pomfyová,
“Architektúra stredovekých kláštorov klarisiek: Príklad Slovenska,” in Velké ženy ve Visegrádském regionu: kult a
umění s nimi spojené, ed. Kornélia Kolářová Takakácsová (Praha, 2017), 67.
13 Pomfyová, “Architektúra stredovekých kláštorov klarisiek,” 66-74
14 Bibiana Pomfyová, Stredoveký kostol: Historické a funkčné premeny architektúry (Bratislava, 2015), 312, 314 and
316.
15 Let's mention at least the Dominican convent church in Veszprém
16 FRB V, 137.
17 On the contrary, the fact that the name of his judge Kruff appears in the sources, which is also documented in
Moravia, speaks of the ownership of property in the Kingdom of Hungary before 1230. More on that:
Tibenský, Červenokamenské panstvo, 49-50
18 Ibidem, 48-51.
19 Belo Polla, Michal Slivka and Andrej Vallašek, “K problematike výskumu hrádkov a hradov na Slovensku,” Arch.
Historica 6 (1981): 371.
20 Aleš Flídr, Porta Coeli (Master Thesis, Brno: Department of Philosophy, Masaryk University, 2004), 55.
21 CBD II, 428-430.
22 FRB V, 137.

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Břeclav was owned by Constance until 1237. A wooden castle from the 11th century
is documented. Archaeological findings date the beginning of the renovation of
the castle into a stone castle to the period when Constance owned the castle
(around 1230). The only material evidence is considered to be the lower part of
the massive tower, the central position of which suggests that it was a donjon
copying the French donjons of the early 13th century.23 The construction of the
castle has therefore also been linked to Constance and her origins in the Hungarian
royal court, which was in contact with the French environment24 at this time.
Contradicting this claim is the dendrochronological finding on the oak foundations
of the donjon, according to which the trunk of the wood used can be dated back
to the period of Ottokar I of Bohemia.25 This finding contradicts the archaeological
finding with the dendrochronological result. However, "the question remains
whether the South German oak has full validity in our territory."26

Even more uncertain is the queen's involvement in the conversion of Hodonín

Castle into a stone castle. Based on current knowledge, it is not possible to
determine whether the conversion took place at the time when the castle was
owned by Queen Constance of Hungary.27 The Chronicle of Přibík Pulkava also
refers to the castle in Bzenec which was to be founded by Constance. Due to the
lack of archaeological research, we do not know its appearance28 and therefore it is
not possible to confirm the involvement of Constance in the construction activities
at the castle in the 13th century.

What all the above examples have in common is that it is not possible to deduce
from them the specific outcomes of the Queen's construction activities. The
situation is different in the case of her most important Moravian construction – the
Cistercian nunnery in Předklášteří near Tišnov.

Porta Coeli Women's Monastery in Předklášteří

near Tišnov
The most important foundation of Queen Constance was the Cistercian women's
monastery Porta Coeli in Předklášteří near Tišnov in Moravia, which was founded
as a burial place for members of the Premyslid dynasty, just like the Cistercian
abbey in Velehrad.29 In the case of this monastery, there is no doubt that it was
founded by the queen dowager herself with the support of her son, King Wenceslas
I of Bohemia, in the period after the death of her husband Ottokar I of Bohemia in
1230 (they considered its founding while he was still alive). The first documentary
evidence of the monastery dates from March 1233, but it is possible to assume

23 Miroslav Plaček and Rudolf Procházka, “K problematice opevněných sídel přelomu raného a vrcholného
feudalismu na Moravě (Teze),” Archaeologia historica 11 (1986): 162.
24 Vratislav Vaníček, Velké dějiny zemí Koruny české: 1197 – 1250, vol. 2 (Praha, 2000), 243.
25 Miroslav Plaček, Ilustrovaná encyklopedie moravských hradů, hrádků a tvrzí (Praha, 2007), 132-133.
26 Ibidem, 133.
27 Ibidem, 221.
28 Ibidem, 150.
29 Jiří Kuthan talks about the sepulchral function of both Moravian monasteries and points out the conformity with
the fact that from the 12th and throughout the 13th century, a new burial ground for ruling families was established
in several European countries precisely on the grounds of Cistercian monasteries. – Kuthan, Splendor et Gloria
Regni Bohemiae, 122.

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that it had been founded in the previous year.30 The founding venture of the
queen was supported by her son, the Moravian Margrave Přemysl, who was later
buried in the monastery.31 There are also unanswered questions about the place
of foundation.32 We know from the sources that the original plan was to establish
the monastery directly in Prague, on the site of the German settlement near the
church of St. Peter in Poříčí, which belonged to German knights. For this purpose,
she received villages from her son, which she was to sell, and the funds were to
be used for the construction of the monastery.33 In the end, the monastery was
not founded in Prague, even though the Prague location would certainly have had
enormous advantages (for example, the queen would have remained close to her
son Wenceslas I, the new Czech king). One of the sources also says that a place in
Prague would not be suitable for the nuns, and therefore the decision was made
to choose more convenient place in Moravia in the town of Tišnov (the charter
mentions Tusnowic). The choice of the order that occupied the monastery may also
be related to the change of the place. It was the order of Cistercian nuns which
Constance insisted on.34 The Cistercian Order was close to the ruling dynasty (and
to the Queen's relatives from the Árpád family) at this time, and the location of
the foundation was more suited to this Order, whose women's monasteries were
established near towns, but not directly in towns (unlike the monasteries of the
mendicant orders). Such an order were the aforementioned the Poor Clares nuns,
for whom, in the spirit of contemporary spirituality, she could found a monastery
in Trnava, while in Prague she could leave the foundation of the Poor Clares nuns'
monastery to her daughter Agnes.

In Moravia at this time the Cistercians already had their first monastery in
Oslavany.35 The proximity of this monastery to the royal family is evidenced by their
presence at the consecration of the monastery. Certainly, the thesis according to
which the construction workshop operated in Tišnov and Oslavany (in this case
already in the second building phase) at the same time is also important.36 In the
same way, Constance may have been inspired by the most important Cistercian
monastery in Silesia, Trzebnica, which was founded by her relative Hedwig of
Silesia at the very beginning of the 13th century, in addition to the Moravian
Cistercian monastery. Josef Žemlička believes that the spirituality of Queen
Constance may have been closer to the more dignified 'model' of the monastery
and the spirituality lived in it, which was chosen also by her relative Hedwig of
Silesia, who was closer to her in age, than the ascetic expressions of her niece
Elizabeth of Hungary's, which became a model for the newly forming spirituality
of the female branches of the mendicant orders.37 Even the occupation of the
Porta Coeli monastery is associated with the sisters coming from Trzebnica, and
the main argument of researchers is the kinship between the female founders.38
Kalinová pointed out the coincidence of the floor plan between the monastery

30 Dušan Foltýn et al., Encyklopedie moravských a slezských klášterů (Praha, 2005), 612.
31 Kuthan, Splendor et Gloria Regni Bohemiae, 17.
32 Jiřina Joachimová, “Fundace královny Konstancie a pražské statky německých rytířů,” Umění 16 (1968): 495-499
deals in detail with the analysis of the available sources regarding the plans of the place where the monastery was
founded by Queen Constantia.
33 Žemlička, Počátky Čech královských, 488-491.
34 Žemlička, Počátky Čech královských, 488.
35 On the history and architectural development of the monastery Jiří Kuthan, Česká architektura v době posledních
Přemyslovců (Praha, 1994), 279-286.
36 Dobroslav Líbal, Katalog gotické architektury v České republice do husitských válek (Praha, 2001), 497
37 Žemlička, Počátky Čech královských, 489.
38 Aleš Flídr, Porta Coeli (Master Thesis, Brno: Filozofická fakulta Masaryková Univerzita, 2004), 68.

113
church in Trzebnica and in Tišnov,39 but from my point of view another connection
between the monastery churches is also interesting. I mean the rich, representative
sculptural and relief decoration of the portals (tympanums) of both monastery
churches, which generally does not correspond to the mission of the Cistercian
monasteries. In both cases, their appearance can be linked to the intention of
representing the dynasty from which the founders came, also in view of the choice
of the monastic church as the final resting place.

Constance as the bearer of the conceptual

programme of the western portal in the
Church of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary in
Předklášteří near Tišnov?
The Church of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the nunnery of Porta
Coeli was built in a short time and apparently it was already finished at the time
of Constance´s death in 1240. It is a three-nave basilica with a transept with a
three-part conclusion. It is ranked among those Moravian buildings with already
clearly manifested Gothic style. The monastery buildings adjoined the church
on the north side and on the basis of a style analysis it can be assumed that the
first construction work was completed by about the middle of the 13th century.40
Important monuments of the Bohemian Middle Ages are related to the monastery:
a very clear analogy to the decoration of the Tišnov monastery is represented by
the architectural details of the cloister of the St. Agnes Monastery in Prague, or the
details in the oldest core of the Old Town Hall in Brno, or parts of the fractionally
preserved cloister of the former Premonstratensian monastery in Louka near
Znojmo).41

Although the entire monastery complex is an extremely high quality monument,

the most interesting is the entrance portal of the monastery basilica, which is
unparalleled in Central Europe. Helena Soukupová42 has recently combined the
conceptual programme of the portal with the unpreserved Porta Speciosa from
the medieval Cathedral of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary and St. Adalbert in
Esztergom. She believes that it was this portal that inspired Queen Constance.
Soukupová has thus entered into a polemic with Jiří Kuthan and Ivan Neumann,
who believe that the theologically elaborate iconographic portal was created under
the direction of Bishop Robert of Olomouc.43 The truth is that the documentary
sources speak about the presence of the Queen at the time of the construction of
the Porta Coelia monastery; but they say nothing about the Bishop of Olomouc in
this context.

39 Alena Kalinová, K stavebnímu vývoji kláštera Porta coeli v Předklášteří u Tišnova (Master Thesis, Brno: SDU FF MU,
1980), 61.
40 Foltýn, Encyklopedie moravských a slezských klášterů, 618.
41 Kuthan, Česká architektura v době posledních Přemyslovců, 406-407.
42 Helena Soukupová, „Zu Datierung und Interpretation des Westportals des Zisterzienserinnenklosters Porta coeli in
Tišnov (Tischnowitz),“ Umění 52 (2004): 298-309.
43 Jiří Kuthan and Ivan Neumann, “Ideový program tišnovského portálu a jeho kořeny,” Umění XXVII (1979): 107-117.

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Porta Speciosa44 was built by Constance´s father, King Béla III in 1180 – 1196, which
means that it was about forty years older than the Tišnov portal. We know the
portal only from fragments, from an 18th century oil painting and from a description
of the portal's biblical inscriptions by György Szélles, a clergyman of the Esztergom
canonry. Soukupová points out the following parallels between the portals: in
both cases they are archivolt portals surrounded by lions on both; they show
the alternation of the two basic colours – red and white – throughout the portal,
and the position of the proscynesis, in which the founders are depicted, is also
remarkable. It was long believed that both portals were located in antechambers.
In Esztergom there was indeed an antechamber, but in Tišnov it was concluded on
the basis of the last surveys in 2000 that has never been constructed.45

Besides the parallels mentioned above, there is one – but iconographically

significant – difference between the portals. In the Esztergom portal, the Virgin
Mary and Jesus are painted in the tympanum, while in Tišnov, following the model
of French cathedral portals, Jesus Christ – the Pantocrator – is depicted in the
tympanum. Here a fragment from Esztergom, which is exhibited in the cafeteria
of Esztergom Castle, enters into the issue. It is the fragment of a tympanum
whose central figure is Jesus Christ. I have pointed out in a previous post46 that
this tympanum, dating from the same period and sculptor workshop as the Porta
Speciosa itself, may have been the original tympanum of the Porta Speciosa. Imre
Takács came to the same conclusion and developed this idea in his publication
on Porta Speciosa, in which he explained very thoroughly both the conceptual
programme of the Esztergom portal and the possible circumstances of its
creation, thus answering the ambiguities concerning the conceptual programme
of Porta Speciosa. He concluded that the original tympanum should have been
the tympanum with the Deésis motif preserved in fragments from the Esztergom
café, which, however, due to the ecclesiastical-political circumstances at the
time of the portal's creation, was eventually replaced by a new tympanum with
the Virgin Mary and the little Jesus in the middle.47 The connection of the Porta
Speciosa with the fragment of the tympanum from the Esztergom café links the
ideological programmes of the two Central European portals, which could only
have been initiated by Constance, who certainly knew the Esztergom portal and
the circumstances of its creation very well, and who, as we know, supervised the
construction in Tišnov. One could go on and on about other possible connections
of the western portal of the church of the monastery of Porta Coeli, or of the
whole monastic complex with the land of origin of Constance, not only in the
iconographic but also in the stylistic field.48 All these possible parallels only

44 On the abundant literature on Porta Speciosa, see, e.g., Imre Takács, “Esztergom és a művészettörténet,” Budapesti
könyvszemle XI (1999): 162-167; Ernő Marosi, “Az esztergomi Porta Speciosa,” in Ezer év Szent Adalbert oltalma
alatt, eds. A. Hegedüs and I. Bárdos (Esztergom, 2000), 155-163; István Horváth, “Az esztegomi királyi és
érseki székhely az Árpádok korában” in Lux Pannoniae, ed. I. Horváth (Esztergom, 2001), 15-36;
Imre Takács, Az esztergomi Porta Speciosa (Budapest, 2017).
45 Soukupová, „Zu Datierung und Interpretation des Westportals,” 298-309.
46 Kornélia Kolářová Takakácsová, “Ke vztahu západního portálu kláštera Porta Coeli v Tišnově k analogickým
portálům v Uherském království,” in Obsah – forma, sborník příspěvků z mezinárodní konference studentů
doktorských programů, eds. M. Nová and M. Opatrná (Praha, 2017), 52-53.
47 Takács, Az esztergomi Porta Speciosa.
48 Other art-historical links to the Hungarian environment are also mentioned in the literature. The rosette
above the western entrance to the Tišnov basilica is mentioned in connection with the rosette above
the entrance to the royal chapel in Esztergom, in addition to possible French parallels.
Closer in time to the examples from the Kingdom of Hungary is also the tympanum of the defunct church of St
Stephen in Szentkirály, dating from around the middle of the 13th century. The architectural parallels with the
former Cistercian monastery church in Bélapátfalva, founded in 1232, are interesting. Sometimes a small
portal of the Reformed church in Litér near Veszprém is mentioned. The two statues of the Litér apostles are close
to the most archaically conceived figures of the Tišnov portal. In this context, I will also mention the portal of the

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reinforce the idea of the firm contact of Constance with Upper Hungary.

But the stylistic connections apply to the whole area of Central Europe.
Researchers have also paid considerable attention to the stylistic links with the
Austrian milieu.49 It is worth mentioning, for example, the monasteries at Lilienfeld,
Zwettl,50 Heiligenkreuz, but also the sacral buildings in Vienna itself.51 Tibor Rostás
speaks of the very early influence of Porta Coeli sculptural decoration in Central
Europe. He highlights the tombstone of Frederick II. in Heiligenkreuz and discusses
it in the context of other Hungarian examples, which are the partially preserved
parts of the pillar of the triumphal arch from the Gisela Chapel in Veszprém, as
well as fragments from the castle of Óbuda and the former Premonstratensian
monastery in Zsámbék. He notes that it would be very difficult to prove a direct
link, but it is legitimate to assume the influence of such an important sculptural
work on the named monuments.52 József Csemegi was the first to point out
the stylistic connection between the west portal in Tišnov and the former St
Mary´s Church in Budapest. For example, a fragment of the tympanum of the
former northern portal, which is close to the Tišnov morphology, comes from
the first construction phase in the 13th century. The workshop that was ending
its production in Tišnov could continue to work at the court of King Béla IV,
who was actively building at that time (at the court in Buda and on the Margaret
Island, where he had a convent of Dominican nuns built for his daughter Margaret
of Hungary). However, we are already in the period after the death of Queen
Constance, but her children Agnes of Bohemia and King Wenceslas I of Bohemia
could certainly have provided such help to their relative.53

In this context, another important Moravian portal with strong Central European
links can be mentioned. The northern portal of the former church of the
Benedictine monastery in Třebíč is associated by some researchers (despite its
Romanesque form) with the western portal of the Porta Coeli monastery.54 Helena
Soukupová speaks of a direct connection between part of the Třebíč workshop
and the workshop that operated in Tišnov. She thinks that the Tišnov portal and
its decoration is the work of a French-trained builder (or sculptor), but it was
completed by a domestic workshop familiar with the monastery church in Třebíč.55
It was such a combined building workshop that could have reached the Kingdom of
Hungary through the Austrian environment, as József Csemegi put it.

former Benedictine church in Ják, whose iconography is quite similar to that of Tišnov, but the stylistic
connections between them have even been analysed. For more on this, see e.g. Flídr, Porta
Coeli; Kolářová Takakácsová, “Ke vztahu západního portálu kláštera Porta Coeli,” 32-39.
49 For more on that Mario Schwarz, Die Baukunst des 13. Jahrhunderts in Österreich (Wien, 2013).
50 Kuthan, Česká architektura v době posledních Přemyslovců, 401-406.
51 Jiří Kuthan points out that the Constance in Vienna founded a community of pious women, which she called Porta
Coeli – Kuthan, Česká architektura v době posledních Přemyslovců, 401.
52 Tibor Rostás, Kapcsolatok Közép-Európa koragótikus építészetében (Dissertation, Budapest: ELTE, 2007), 38-54.
53 József Csemegi, A budavári főtemplom (Budapest, 1955), 70-72.
54 Václav Mencl states that the Tišnov workshop wanted to surpass the Třebíč workshop in terms of portal
decoration and fashionable elements (reclining lions). – Václav Mencl, Románská architektura v zemích českých.
Ročenka kruhu po pěstování dějin umění za rok 1937 a 1938 (Praha, 1939), 36.
55 Soukupová, „Zu Datierung und Interpretation des Westportals.”

116
Tišnov tympanum and the Chapel of St. Catherine
in the grounds of the Porta Coeli Monastery
Another medieval tympanum, which is usually associated with the Cistercian
monastery in Tišnov as well as with Constance of Hungary, is the so-called
Tišnov tympanum. It is a tympanum discovered in one of the houses in Tišnov.56
It depicts a female figure, which researchers have long identified as Constance.57
Recently, there is an opinion that the tympanum could depict St. Clare, St. Agnes
of Bohemia58 or St. Elizabeth of Hungary59, which would open the question of the
early veneration of this saint not only in the Kingdom of Bohemia but also in the
whole of Central Europe. It is true that St. Elizabeth of Hungary was the niece of
Constance, so her early veneration in Tišnov could be related to their dynastic
connection. However, the sources say nothing about the veneration of St. Elizabeth
of Hungary in Tišnov.60 The situation is complicated by the fact that the original
location of the tympanum is not clear. It may have belonged to the tribune chapel
at the eastern end of the area in front of the Porta Coeli quadrangle, which may
have been related to the person of the founder of the monastery.61 Another
possibility is the use of the chapel as a hospital.62 Archaeological research has
established that this chapel of St Catherine was a single-nave building with a
polygonal end. It was entered from the south side, and the lining of the entrance
portal has been partially preserved.63 The dimensions of the tympanum correspond,
according to Belcredihon, to those of the chapel's entrance.64 The chapel was
probably built somewhat earlier than the monastery basilica itself,65 and the
tympanum may refer to this dating.

The occurrence of a chapel associated with the personality of the monarch within
the monasteries of the Cistercians in Bohemia is not unique. However, the known
examples are somewhat younger than the chapel at Porta Coeli. These include the
chapels of the monasteries of Plasy and Zlatá Koruna, which are manifestations
of court culture on Cistercian soil.66 Alternatively, the chapel of St. Salvator in the
Monastery of St. Agnes may also be mentioned. Jiří Kuthan points to the earlier
occurrence of two chapels associated with the ruling family in the Kingdom of
Hungary and Austria. These are the royal chapel in Esztergom (c. 1198) and the
chapel in Klosterneuburg in Lower Austria (consecrated in 1222).67 The Hungarian
example represents a chapel outside the monastery grounds, but Constance of
Hungary was certainly well acquainted with its construction. From the female
monastery environment we know the chapel of the Cistercian nunnery in

56 Aleš Flídr, “Tympanon takzvaný „z Předklášteří s královnou Konstancií”,” in 61. Bulletin Moravské galerie v Brně, ed.
A. Krkošková (Brno, 2005), 157.
57 Albert Kutal, “Příspěvek k dějinám české pozdně románské plastiky,” in Cestami umění, eds. J. O. Blažíček and J.
Květ (Praha, 1949), 70-71.
58 Flídr, “Tympanon takzvaný,” 155-164.
59 Jiří Doležal, “Tišnovský tympanon: K rané úctě a ikonografii sv. Alžběty Durynské,” Studia mediaevalia Bohemica 3
(2011): 33-67.
60 The depicted female figure does not have a halo. It must have been an unconsecrated Agnes or Elizabeth.
61 Foltýn, Encyklopedie moravských a slezských klášterů, 619.
62 Even a possible hospital chapel could have a tympanum with the motif of St. Elizabeth of Hungary.
63 Ludvík Belcredi, “Archeologický výzkum kaple svaté Kateřiny a areálu kláštera Porta coeli v Předklášteří u Tišnova,”
Archaeologia historica 18, no.1 (1993): 325.
64 Ibidem, 338-339.
65 Ibidem, 334.
66 Jiří Kuthan, “Královské kaple 13. století v českých zemích: Styl, typologie, sociální kořeny a význam,” Umění XXXIV
(1986): 35-47.
67 Jiří Kuthan, “Cisterciácké kláštery jako pohřební místa vladařských rodů střední Evropy,” in Historická inspirace, ed.
M. Kubelík, M. Pavlík, and J. Štulc (Praha, 2001), 35.

117
Seligenthal, which was founded in 1232 by Constance's cousin, Ludmila of Bohemia,
and who was eventually buried in this monastery chapel.68
The archaeological report on the chapel of St Catherine in Porta Coeli speaks of
a large number of preserved fragments of two-coloured mosaic tiles. "We know
that, according to the Cistercian regulations, these two-coloured tiles, composed
in geometric patterns, were the only permitted decoration of the churches of the
order, which otherwise had to be completely austere, without coloured windows,
statues and towers."69 The discovery of such a large number of geometrically
shaped paving in the setting of a Cistercian monastery in the Kingdom of Bohemia
appears to be the earliest example, although we know fragments of paving from
Nepomuk and Plasy (from the aforementioned royal chapel), and more modest
finds are also from Velehrad and Hradiště nad Jizerou. In the country of origin of
the monastery founder, we know about the preservation of a significant number of
fragments of two-coloured tiles from the Cistercian monastery in Pilisszentkereszt,
which was founded by Constance's father in 1194. Béla III was one of the most
important patrons of the Cistercians in the Kingdom of Hungary.70 He also founded
the Cistercian monastery in Egres, where Constance's brother, King Andrew II of
Hungary, was later buried in 1235. The first wife of Andrew II, Queen Gertrude, was
also buried in the church of the former Cistercian monastery in Pilisszentkereszt.71
In this context, it is interesting to note the links of the abbey of Pilisszentkereszt
to the French (Burgundian) environment and its importance in the development of
Gothic art in the Kingdom of Hungary.72

If we accept that the chapel was built as a personal chapel for the founder and her
family (donors),73 we address another unanswered question. Where did Constance
and her family live during their stay in Tišnov? Aleš Flídr believes that the ruling
family had their own residence built, perhaps in the form of a manor, which was
later incorporated into the monastery complex during the construction of the
monastery's fortifications.74 But it is also possible that the manor stood only close
to the monastery, which would mean that the chapel did not serve the queen's
prayer needs. In this sense, no research has been carried out. In any case, we know
that Constance herself was in Moravia after her widowhood. Therefore, the idea of
a private sacral space for the queen's personal devotions is appropriate. Moreover,
we know that she ended her earthly life in Tišnov, where she was buried next to her
son.

Madonna of Lomnica and Constance of Hungary?

In the context of the Queen's possible chapel and her potential inspirations in the
Kingdom of Hungary, I will also mention that the missing Madonna of Lomnica is

68 The monastery was occupied by nuns from Trzebnica, similarly as it is assumed in Tišnov. In this case, it was also a
family burial place – the Wittelsbachs.
69 Belcredi, “Archeologický výzkum kaple svaté Kateřiny,” 327.
70 Before founding the monastery in Pilisszentkereszt, he also founded monasteries in Egres (1179), Zirc (1182) and
Szentgothárd (1183) – Imre Takács, Francia gótika recepciója Magyarországon II: András korában (Budapest: A.
Balassi Kiadó, 2018), 64.
71 Kuthan, “Cisterciácké kláštery jako pohřební místa,” 199-214.
72 It is this connection that could lend credence to researchers linking the use of Gothic morphology in the
construction in Předklášteří near Tišnov with the origins of the queen.
73 Graves were also found in the chapel – apparently of the supporters of the monastery. More on this Belcredi,
“Archeologický výzkum kaple svaté Kateřiny,” 325-340.
74 Flídr, “Tympanon takzvaný,” 61.

118
also discussed in connection with the Queen Constance. It belongs to the group of
other Central European statues, of which, with regard to my topic, I will highlight
the Madonna of Dunajská Lužná. She reproduces the type of the Madonna of
Lomnica and the existing knowledge suggests that her original location is linked to
the foundation of a Benedictine monastery in the locality of Dömölk in Hungary.
The first of these Madonnas is associated with the site dedicated to the monastery
of Porta Coeli by Margrave Přemysl. The time of the Madonna's creation is also
close to the time of the founding of the monastery of Porta Coeli. Considering
these clues, the possibility that Constance herself was behind the acquisition
of this statue cannot be ruled out. This – albeit hypothetical – possibility is
strengthened by the assumed origin of the Madonna of Dunajská Lužná from the
land of Constance's origin.75

Conclusion
In conclusion, Constance of Hungary is one of the most important females of
the 13th century in the Central European area, who were significantly involved in
strengthening the dynastic ties between the various ruling families of Central
Europe. Historical sources suggest that Queen Constance was skilled in the
administration of her property and in the political sphere. She seems to have
maintained lively contacts with her country of origin, which was certainly not on
the fringes of artistic development in the 13th century (the earliest occurrence of
the Gothic style in the region). Her relationship to the Hungarian environment is
present in her founding activities – the inspiration of Hungarian models and the
possible purposeful dissemination of the cult of St Elizabeth of Hungary shortly
after her death.

In the words of Géza Entz, it is hardly a coincidence that the first manifestations
of the new Gothic style in the Czech environment appeared mainly in buildings
associated with the Czech queen of Hungarian origin and subsequently with
her daughter.76 At the same time, the Porta Coeli monastery itself did not go
unchallenged in the neighbouring countries; on the contrary, the influence of
such an important monastic foundation appeared practically immediately after
its foundation both in the country of Constance's origin and in the Austrian
environment, where she was also involved as a founder.

Abbreviations
CDM – Codex diplomaticus et epistolaris Moraviae. II. ed. Antonín Boček, Olomouc,
1839.
FRB – Fontes rerum Bohemicarum. The Czech Chronicle of V. Přibíček from Radenín,
called Pulkava, eds. EMLER Josef / GEBAUER Jan, Prague, 1893.

75 Aleš Mudra, Kapitoly k počátkům řezbářské tradice ve střední Evropě (Praha, 2006), 72.
76 Géza Entz, A gótika művészete (Budapešť, 1973), 58-59.

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Summary in Czech
Článek představuje českou královnu Konstancii Uherskou jako významnou
představitelku středoevropských královen a významných žen 13. století. Článek
se zaměřuje na její fundátorské a mecenášské aktivity, které se nejvíce vztahují
k období jejího života, kdy ovdověla (1230 – 1240). Všechny její zakladatelské,
donátorské a politické aktivity jsou pojednány ve středoevropském kontextu a
jejich analýza poukazuje na silné vazby na zemi jejího původu, ale také na vazby
mezi jejími příbuznými a vazby v rámci cisterciáckého řádu.

120
121
The Breslau Psalter:
Some Preliminary Remarks on Gold

dr Magdalena Garnczarska
Instytut Historii Sztuki Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Grodzka 53, 31-001 Krakow
magdalena.garnczarska@uj.edu.pl

Above: The Beatus initial, detail (MS 36-1950, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge)
Abstract: The Breslau Psalter – now treasured in Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge
(MS 36–1950)1 – one of the most abundantly adorned medieval psalters known to us,
constantly draws the attention of researchers.2 Its miniatures are distinguished not
only by their quantity but, above all, by their high artistic quality. Moreover, they
are an intriguing example of the migration of Italian art north of the Alps. It is a
preliminary study, so I restrict myself to outlining the problem and posing questions,
which I plan to develop in the following papers.

Keywords: Master of Giovanni da Gaibana, Byzantine art, gold leaf, Sinai panel
paintings

Contents
Written in Latin, in a Gothic bookhand (textualis), the manuscript consists of a
calendar (fols. 1v–13r), eight full-page miniatures (fols. 15v–22r), the 150 Psalms
(Psalterium Gallicanum), accompanied by nineteen full-page miniatures (fols.
23v–135r), the ten Canticles, the hymn Te Deum, the Athanasian Creed (Quicumque
vult; fols. 135r–142v), and Litany with Collects (fols. 143r–147r). Such an arrangement
of texts was quite common for medieval Psalters.3

1 See The Breslau Psalter, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/

discover/the-breslau-psalter/section/theme; The Fitzwilliam Museum (2023) “Psalter,” accessed June 26,
2023, https://data.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/id/object/170619.
2 See i.a. R. Kaczmare and W. Mrozowicz, W kręgu średniowiecznych iluminowanych psałterzy śląskich. Europejska
sztuka książki w pełnym blasku (Pelplin; Wrocław, 2019), 25-62; Der Breslauer Psalter MS 36–1950 Cambridge,
The Fitzwilliam Museum: Kommentar zur Faksimile-Edition, with contributions from S. Panayotova, N.J.
Morgan and P. Ricciardi (Luzern, 2018); S. Panayotova and P. Ricciardi, “Fitzwilliam Museum,
MS 36–1950, fols. 49v–50r,” in Colour: The Art and Science of Illuminated Manuscripts, no. 26,
ed. S. Panayotova, with the assistance of D. Jackson and P. Ricciardi (London; Turnhout, 2016), 136-138; F.
L. Bossetto, “Splendori a corte: Il Salterio Thompson di Cambridge (Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, MS 36/1950),”
Alumina: Pagine miniate 30 (2010): 6-17;
The Cambridge Illuminations: Ten Centuries of Book Production in the Medieval West, ed. by P. Binski and S.
Panayotova (London; Turnhout, 2005), 176-178; A. Karłowska-Kamzowa, Sztuka Piastów śląskich w średniowieczu:
Znaczenie fundacji książęcych w dziejach sztuki gotyckiej na Śląsku (Warszawa; Wrocław, 1991), 52-53,
127-128; A Descriptive Catalogue of the Additional Illuminated Manuscripts in the Fitzwilliam
Museum Acquired between 1895 and 1979 (Excluding the McClean Collection), vol. 2, eds. F. Wormald and Ph. M.
Giles (Cambridge, 1982), 414-429;
I. Hänsel-Hacker, “Die Miniaturmalerei einer Paduaner Schule im Duecento,” Jahrbuch der Österreichischen
Byzantinischen Gesellschaft 2 (1952): 105-148; J. Květ, Italské vlivy na pozdně románskou knižní malbu v Čechách
/ Les influences italiennes sur la miniature en Bohême à la fin de l’époque romane: Práce z vedeckých ústavu, no.
16 (Praha, 1927), 112, 144; A Descriptive Catalogue of the Second Series of Fifty Manuscripts (Nos. 51 to 100) in the
Collection of Henry Yates Thompson (Cambridge, 1902), 330-353.
3 See A. Rudloff Stanton, The Queen Mary Psalter: A Study of Affect and Audience. Transactions of the American
Philosophical Society, vol. 91, no. 6 (Philadelphia, 2001), 58-59; R.G. Calkins, Illuminated Books of the Middle Ages
(London, 1983), 208-209.

123
The Breslau Psalter comprises 147 parchment leaves, 326 × 227 mm (203 x 132 mm).4
In addition to 27 full-page miniatures, there are also ten large historiated initials
for the main Psalms, 168 small framed scenes in the margins of the ordinary Psalms
and Canticles, and a lot of marginal figures, animals, and hybrids.5 Undoubtedly,
in the creation of this Psalter, no expense was spared. Hence the result was a
luxurious book for personal piety associated with the psalmodic culture of the
Middle Ages when the Church recommended the Psalms to pray for both the clergy
and the laity. Indeed, the Breslau Psalter was the primary devotional text until the
14th century, when the Book of Hours became more popular and replaced it as a
book for private devotion.6

Patronage
Given the luxury of this manuscript, it is not surprising that it was created in a
ducal milieu. It is identified to the circle of Duke of Breslau (Wrocław in modern
Poland) Henry III the White (r. 1248 – 1266).7 On fol. 146r8, there is a prayer penned
for a woman (the female grammatical forms evidence this), and within this text, the
phrase “famulum tuum Heinricum” also appears. This wording is usually associated
with Henry III. Therefore, it is assumed that this woman ordered the Breslau Psalter.
Probably it was Anna Premyslid (d. 1265), Duchess of Silesia and Henry’s mother.
She would have commissioned the manuscript for herself or rather as a wedding
gift for her second daughter-in-law, Helen of Saxony (d. 1309), the daughter of
Albert I, Duke of Saxony (r. 1212–1261). Unfortunately, the name of neither of them
appears in the Psalter. There is only a blank marked with the Latin abbreviation “N”
(nomen). However, it seems that there are more arguments linking the Psalter with
Anna Premyslid as a patron of the codex. In the calendar, the feasts of Saint Agnes
(21 January) and Saint Wenceslas of Bohemia (28 September) were distinguished
in red. Anna’s sister was named Agnes (i.e. Agnes of Bohemia, 1211 – 1282), and she
established the monastery of Order of Saint Clare in Prague. Saint Wenceslas, in
turn, was the patron of Bohemia and, at the same time, patron saint of her brother
Wenceslas I, King of Bohemia (r. 1230 – 1253). Furthermore, both Saint Clare and
Saint Wenceslas – along with Saints Vitus and Adalbert of Prague – are mentioned
in the Litany in the Psalter. On the other hand, few of the saints mentioned in
the Psalter are directly related to Saxony. Thus, there is little evidence of Helen’s

4 See Panayotova and Ricciardi, “Fitzwilliam Museum,” 136; The Breslau Psalter. Script and Textual Contents,
accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/discover/the-breslau-psalter/
make/script-and-textual-contents-49.
5 See Panayotova and Ricciardi, “Fitzwilliam Museum,” 136; The Breslau Psalter: Texts and Images, accessed June 26,
2023, https://www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/discover/the-breslau-psalter/section/make; The
Fitzwilliam Museum (2023) “Psalter,” accessed June 26, 2023, https://data.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/id/object/170619.
6 See M. P. Brown, Understanding Illuminated Manuscripts: A Guide to Technical Terms, rev. E. C. Teviotdale and N. K.
Turner (Los Angeles, 2018), 88 [s.v. Psalter], 14-15 [s.v. Book of Hours]; R.G. Calkins, Illuminated Books of the Middle
Ages, 207. See also A. Adamska, “Królewska lektura: Uwagi o sposobach obcowania z psałterzem w średniowiecznej
Europie,” Rocznik Biblioteki Narodowej 42 (2011): 9-36.
We observe the same phenomenon of the popularity of psalms in personal piety in Byzantine culture, see G.R.
Parpulov, Toward a History of Byzantine Psalters, ca. 850 – 1350 AD (Plovdiv, 2014), 69-75; idem, “Psalters
and Personal Piety in Byzantium,” in The Old Testament in Byzantium. Dumbarton Oaks Byzantine
Symposia and Colloquia, ed. by P. Magdalino and R.S. Nelson (Washington, 2010), 77-105. On
the subject of Byzantine illuminated, as a starting point, see G.R. Parpulov, “Psalters and Books of Hours
(Horologia),” in A Companion To Byzantine Illustrated Manuscripts. Brill’s Companions to the Byzantine World, no.
2, ed. by V. Tsamakda (Leiden; Boston, 2017), 300-309.
7 See A. Jureczko, Henryk III Biały: Książę wrocławski (1247 – 1266) (Kraków, 2013).
8 See Folio 146 r. The prayer and image of the manuscript’s patron, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.fitzmuseum.
cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/discover/the-breslau-psalter/owner/anna-premyslid-mother-of-henry-iii-duke-
of-breslau/folio/folio-146r/section/undefined.

124
patronage. Presumably, she espoused Henry III the White not long before his
unexpected death in 1266. So, as we can guess, Helen, childless and not very
attached to the court of her late husband, left Silesia, taking with her the Breslau
Psalter, a splendid offering from her mother-in-law. Pondering all these factors, it
is reasonable to presume that the Breslau Psalter was commissioned before Anne’s
passing in 1265 and conceivably finished by 1266 because Henry III the White died
that year on December 3.9

Artists
Due to palaeographic analysis, the Breslau Psalter has recently been associated
with the scriptorium of the Cistercian abbey in Lubiąż (in the Lower Silesian
Voivodeship in modern Poland).10 In the 13th century in Silesia, as it is believed,
illuminated manuscripts were produced only in this scriptorium.11 However, as
for the miniatures of the Breslau Psalter, they were not the work of this local
workshop – other manuscripts associated with this monastery exhibit a much lower
artistic class and, as well, different styles – but a group of artists specially invited to
create it. Researchers indicate that about ten painters created the miniatures. Such
a large team could be associated with the urgent need to prepare a wedding gift
for Henry’s second wife.12

Researchers have divided painters into two groups considering differences in styles,
ornaments and palettes they exhibited. The first consists of the Master of Giovanni
da Gaibana and his Associate, and the second one of seven local, Central European
artists (of Saxon, Franconian, Czech and perhaps Silesian background; called Hand
A, B, C, D, E, F, and G) with their assistants. They were familiar with Byzantine art.
However, it is believed that the Italian painters set the tone for this collective work.
Despite the Italian leader, the local painters had a certain artistic freedom, so they
did not have to imitate the Gaibanesque style, keeping their practices and confining
themselves to borrowing selected elements.13

9 See Kaczmarek and Mrozowicz, W kręgu średniowiecznych iluminowanych psałterzy śląskich, 37-42; Panayotova
and Ricciardi, “Fitzwilliam Museum,” 136; Anna Premyslid, mother of Henry III, Duke of Breslau, accessed
June 26, 2023, https://www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/discover/the-breslau-psalter/owner/
anna-premyslid-mother-of-henry-iii-duke-of-breslau; Helen, wife of Henry III, Duke of Breslau, accessed June 26,
2023, https://www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/discover/the-breslau-psalter/owner/
helen-wife-of-henry-iii-duke-of-breslau?back=section/owner.
10 This scriptorium as a place of origin of this manuscript has been indicated by the authors of the facsimile edition
of the Psalter (Der Breslauer Psalter MS 36–1950 Cambridge, The Fitzwilliam Museum: Kommentar zur
Faksimile-Edition). See also Kaczmarek and Mrozowicz, W kręgu średniowiecznych iluminowanych
psałterzy śląskich, 31-37.
11 See D. Tabor, Iluminacje cysterskich kodeksów śląskich XIII wieku (Kraków, 2004); B. Miodońska, “Śląskie malarstwo
książkowe,” in Malarstwo gotyckie w Polsce: Synteza, vol. 1. Dzieje sztuki polskiej 2, 3, ed. A.S. Labuda and K.
Secomska (Warszawa, 2004), 377; M. Walicki, “Iluminacje i oprawy rękopisów,” in Sztuka polska przedromańska
i romańska do schyłku XIII wieku, vol. 1, ed. M. Walicki (Warszawa, 1971), 270-272; E. Kloss, Die Schlesische
Buchmalerei des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1942), 12-29; A. Haseloff, Eine thüringisch-sächsische Malerschule
des 13. Jahrhunderts (Straßburg, 1897).
12 It is worth noting that the structure of the manuscript also facilitated the entire team of painters and scribes to
work quite simultaneously: the Psalter has 21 quires (most of them are bifolios, but some of the full-
page miniatures before the main Psalms are prepared on separate bifolios) divided into seven units; see
The Breslau Psalter. Collation, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/
discover/the-breslau-psalter/make/collation-50?back=section/make.
13 See Kaczmarek and Mrozowicz, W kręgu średniowiecznych iluminowanych psałterzy śląskich, 27-31; Panayotova
and Ricciardi, “Fitzwilliam Museum,” 136-138; The Breslau Psalter: Artists, accessed June 26, 2023, https://
www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/discover/the-breslau-psalter/section/make.

125
The Beatus initial (MS 36-1950, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge)

Christ and Apostles (MS 36-1950, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge)

126
51r, the initial with David (MS 36-1950, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge)

101r, the initial with David and chanting clerics

(MS 36-1950, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge)

127
The Master of Giovanni da Gaibana, the most prominent artistic personality of the
Breslau Psalter, was the painter responsible for the sixteen full-page miniatures
of the Epistolary for the cathedral in Padua (MS E 2, Biblioteca Capitolare, Padua;
1259). Other manuscripts attributed to him (e.g. the Seitenstetten Missal; the
Admont Missal; a collection of the Epistles of St. Paul with the commentary of
Peter Lombard in the library of Saint Paul’s Abbey in Lavanttal; the Psalter in the
Bodleian Library at Oxford; the Psalter in the Austrian National Library) were
produced north of the Alps, where he most likely set out with his collaborators
for new commissions. Therefore, his exquisite style swiftly propagated in Central
Europe. Local painters were already familiar with some Italianate and Byzantinizing
features, but then they also adopted motifs representative for Gaibanesque art,
creating new artistic quality. The splendid images of the Master of Giovanni da
Gaibana show the strong influence of Byzantine art, including this one from the
early Palaiologan period.14 Nevertheless, in general, the art of the Veneto region
clearly displays the Byzantinizing style (maniera graeca) in the 13th century.15

It is supposed that the Master of Giovanni da Gaibana and his atelier could travel
to Central Europe at the invitation of Vladislav (d. 1270), son of Anna Premyslid.
In 1265 he became archbishop of Salzburg, but before his elevation, he studied in
Padua. Therefore, it seems reasonable that Vladislav left Padua, taking with him
the Master and his associates. Then, the Breslau Psalter, the commission of Anna
Premyslid, would be their first work in Central Europe, to be meticulous: in the
court of Henry III the White. After his mother’s death, Vladislav probably may have
supervised the completion of this magnificent manuscript and then the workshop
executed other works in the archdiocese of Salzburg. In General, Vladislav took
care of his region, so he played a role of a significant benefactor of artists.16

14 See F. L. Bossetto, Il Maestro del Gaibana: un miniatore del Duecento fra Padova, Venezia e l’Europa (Milano,
2015); J. Tripps, “Ein Bücherschatz des Veneto in Leipzig: der Maestro di Giovanni da Gaibana und seine
Bibeln aus dem Thomasstift,” in 3 x Thomas: Die Bibliotheken des Thomasklosters, der Thomaskirche
und der Thomasschule im Laufe der Jahrhunderte: Schriften aus der Universitätsbibliothek
Leipzig, ed. Th. Fuchs and Ch. Mackert (Leipzig, 2012), 37-52; F.L. Bossetto, “Fonti per le
iniziali del Maestro del Gaibana: tradizione locale, modelli bizantini, “crociati” e d’Oltrealpe,” in Citazioni, modelli
e tipologie nella produzione dell’opera d’arte: Atti delle giornate di studio, Padova, 29–30 maggio 2008,
ed. C. Caramanna, N. Macola and L. Nazzi (Padova, 2011), 29-40;
F. L. Bossetto, Il linguaggio del Maestro del Gaibana: formazione e diffusione nel XIII secolo (PhD thesis, Padova,
2010); F.L. Bossetto, “Per il Maestro del Gaibana e il suo atelier: un gruppo di Bibbie,” Rivista di storia
della miniatura 13 (2009): 51-61; R.W. Corrie, “Epistolary of Giovanni da Gaibana,” in Byzantium: Faith and
Power (1261–1557), ed. H.C. Evans (New York; Haven; London, 2004), no. 275, 465-466; R.W. Corrie, “The
Seitenstetten Missal and the Persistence of Italo-Byzantine Influence at Salzburg,” Dumbarton
Oaks Papers 41 (1987): 111-123;
C. Bellinatti and S. Bettini, L’Epistolario miniato di Giovanni da Gaibana (Vicenza, 1968) [vol. 1, facsimile; vol. 2,
text; see especially S. Bettini, Le miniature dell’Epistolario di Giovanni da Gaibana nella storia della
pittura veneziana del Duecento, vol. 2, 69-120]; I. Hänsel-Hacker, “Die Fresken der Kirche St. Nikolaus bei
Matrei in Osttirol: Das Werk einer Paduaner Malerschule des 13. Jahrhunderts,” Jahrbuch der
Österreichischen Byzantinischen Gesellschaft 3 (1954): 109-122; Hänsel-Hacker, “Die Miniaturmalerei einer
Paduaner Schule im Duecento.”
15 As a starting point see M. Georgopoulou, “Italy, the Crusader States, and Cyprus,” in The Oxford Handbook of
Byzantine Art and Architecture: Oxford Handbooks, ed. Ellen C. Schwartz (Oxford, 2022), 217-233; H.
Belting, “Zwischen Gotik und Byzanz: Gedanken zur Geschichte der sächsischen Buchmalerei im 13. Jahrhundert,”
Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 41, no. 3/4 (1978): 217-257. See also The Meeting of Two Worlds: Cultural Exchange
between East and West during the Period of the Crusades, ed. V. P. Goss (Kalamazoo, 1986); H. Belting,
“Byzantine Art among Greeks and Latins in Southern Italy,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 28 (1974):
1-29; O. Demus, Byzantine Art and the West (London, 1970).
16 See Hänsel-Hacker, “Die Miniaturmalerei einer Paduaner Schule im Duecento,” 139-141; Panayotova and Ricciardi,
“Fitzwilliam Museum,” 136; Anna Premyslid, mother of Henry III, Duke of Breslau, accessed June 26, 2023, https://
www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/discover/the-breslau-psalter/owner/anna-premyslid-mother-
of-henry-iii-duke-of-breslau; Helen, wife of Henry III, Duke of Breslau, accessed June 26, 2023, https://
www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/discover/the-breslau-psalter/owner/helen-wife-of-
henry-iii-duke-of-breslau?back=section/owner; J.F. Hamburger, J. O’Driscoll, Imperial Splendor: The Art of
the Book in the Holy Roman Empire, 800 – 1500 (New York 2021), 123-127.

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As for the Master of Giovanni da Gaibana and the Breslau Psalter, scholars usually
attributed to him the Beatus initial (fol. 23v; fig. 1). Nonetheless, sometimes also
other images are associated with this painter: the miniature of Christ and the
Apostles (fol. 49v; fig. 2), the initial with David (fol. 51r; fig. 3), and eight marginal
miniatures (fol. 41r, 47v, 52r, 52v, 53r, 54r, 55r). The Gaibana Master’s style is
distinguished by a brilliant palette, elegant figures – strongly Byzantinizing – and
soft modelling, especially for faces. The flowering, broccoli-like trees are also his
trademark. Similar features are symptomatic for the Gaibana Master’s Associate.
He, although, used to exploit a bit different set of pigments. Be that as it may,
they collaborated so closely that there is no agreement on which miniatures were
created by the Master himself and which by his Associate. Doubts concern the
following images: fols. 49v (fig. 2), 41r, 47v, 51r (fig. 3), 52r, 52v, 53r, 54r, and 55r.
This dubiosity most clearly testifies to the shared workshop of both painters from
northern Italy.17

Gold
Miniatures of the Breslau Psalte
The miniatures of the Breslau Psalter stand out in the craftsmanship of applying
gold. Besides numerous gold initials and letters, there are backgrounds and nimbi
made of gold leaves burnished to a high shine. Thanks to the extensive use of
glittering gold, images exhibit even more Byzantinizing style. Undoubtedly, the
manuscript likewise presents itself as a luxurious codex proper to the sophisticated
ducal milieu.

Illuminators used to exploit gold to execute dazzling effects depending on light

conditions. It is this artistic material that makes the images dynamic. Essentially,
it sets them in motion, making them polymorphous, even difficult to perceive,
and elusive. It is enough to envision these miniatures in flickering candlelight to
comprehend that gold had a decisive impact on the aesthetic value of the work.
Modern photographs for research purposes eliminate these stunning visual effects
characteristic of gold. As a result, they present surfaces covered with gold leaf flat
and even yellow, without a metallic sheen. Nevertheless, the artists reached for it
to dazzle and delight beholders.

This precious metal could be employed in two primary forms. The first was
granular metal mixed with glue to form a liquid used like paint or ink. The second
form – gold leaf – was metal hammered into tissue-thin sheets and then laid onto
parchment pages. The technology of goldbeating was presumably known in Egypt,
Byzantium and the Near East into the early medieval period. But in Western Europe,
due to the lack of gold coins, this skill fell into oblivion. In fact, little gold coinage
was minted in Europe after the Merovingian's reign because of a scarcity of gold.

17 See Kaczmarek and Mrozowicz, W kręgu średniowiecznych iluminowanych psałterzy śląskich, 27-31; Panayotova
and Ricciardi, “Fitzwilliam Museum,” 136-137; The Breslau Psalter: The Master of Giovanni da Gaibana,
accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/discover/
the-breslau-psalter/artist/the-master-of-giovanni-da-gaibana?back=section/artist; The Breslau Psalter:
The Associate of the Master of Giovanni da Gaibana, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.
fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/discover/the-breslau-psalter/artist/the-associate-of-the-master-of-
giovanni-da-gaibana?back=section/artist.

129
Annunciation, Saint Catherine’s Monastery, Sinai

Christ’s raising of Lazarus, the part of the epistyle with Scenes from the Life of Christ
and Deesis, Saint Catherine’s Monastery, Sinai

130
Anew Western Europe acquired access to greater amounts of gold during the
eleventh century began: and using gold leaf instead of granular metal started at
the beginning of the twelfth century.18

In the case of the Breslau Psalter, exploiting gold leaves was the most significant
gilding method because obtained this way surface, burnished to a high gloss, was
used extensively in the backgrounds and nimbi of the miniatures. In short, gold leaf
was generally polished to produce brilliant, coruscated fields of light or darkness
depending on light conditions.

The nimbi usually are gold discs integrated into the background and encircled by
vermilion red with white dots. Even though the number of painters engaged in
work was quite impressive, the nimbi throughout the whole manuscript are highly
uniform. However, we can observe that Hand A occasionally used to embellish his
gold nimbi with tooling and incised lines creating diverse designs. Hand F, who
made the second largest contribution to the Psalter, used to construct gold-tooled
frames (fig. 4).19 Painters began to create motif punches to miniatures around the
mid-twelfth century. These motives, like circles, scrolls and rosettes, were the most
common method applied during the High and late medieval periods to adorn gold-
leaf surfaces. Moreover, such incised patterns were striking. They also varied plain,
quite dull areas of gold.20

As for backgrounds of the Breslau Psalter, they are plain, unpatterned thick gold
leaves burnished to a mirror-bright sheen. Leaves were first applied as narrow strips
to create some linear details. By the second half of the twelfth century, however,
bigger pieces of gold used to appear in Western illuminations. Smaller parts of
metal were still used for the backgrounds of miniatures.21 Thus, the Psalter was
executed when a background produced of gold leaves was well known, especially in
Italy. But we also should note that gold circles and rims mark the backgrounds of
some images. These circular motifs are distinct because of their strong gloss.

An excellent example of this kind of decoration is the miniature attributed to the

Associate of the Master of Giovanni da Gaibana or to the Master himself (he used
these motifs in the images of the Epistolary for the cathedral in Padua). It is a
depiction of Christ surrounded by eleven Apostles (fig. 2). Here, the four double
semicircular bands embellish the upper part of the background. They are placed
between parts of city walls and adjoined to the light-green border. A similar motif
– the double circular band – is located at the bottom of the image, between the
feet of Christ and an Apostle. The painter also applied this kind of decoration in
the initial with David (fig. 3): the two gold double circular rims are by the lower
and upper parts of the letter D. The other painters, these Central European ones,

18 See N.K. Turner, “Surface Effect and Substance: Precious Metals in Illuminated Manuscripts,” in Illuminating
Metalwork: Metal, Object, and Image in Medieval Manuscripts. Sense, Matter, and Medium, vol. 4, ed.
by J. Salvatore Ackley and Sh.L. Wearing (Berlin; Boston, 2022), 64-79. See also I. Mestemacher, Marmor, Gold und
Edelsteine: Materialimitation in der karolingischen Buchmalerei: Naturbilder / Images of Nature, vol. 11
(Berlin; Boston, 2021), esp. 227-274; N. Morgan, “Painting with Gold and Silver,” in Colour: The
Art and Science of Illuminated Manuscripts, 193-199.
19 See The Breslau Psalter: The decorated halos, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/
illuminated/manuscript/discover/the-breslau-psalter/technique/the-decorated-halos; The Breslau Psalter. Hand
A, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/discover/the-
breslau-psalter/artist/hand-a-38; The Breslau Psalter: Hand F, accessed June 26, 2023, https://
www.fitzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/illuminated/manuscript/discover/the-breslau-psalter/artist/hand-f.
20 See Turner, “Surface Effect and Substance,” 97-100.
21 See ibidem, 79; 86-97; Morgan, “Painting with Gold and Silver,” 193-194.

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mastered the art of creating these characteristic gold forms. They can be observed
in the miniatures of Hand D (e.g. fol. 60 r), E (fol. 39 v), F (e.g. fols. 88 r; 101 r, fig. 4),
and G (fol. 115 v).

Sinai panel paintings and gold

These elements from the Breslau Psalter resemble the decorative gold motifs of
some Sinai panel paintings. Since gold polished discs and rims characterise these
paintings: they constitute a group of about 120 items22 dating from the second half
of the 10th century to the end of the 13th century. This group of panel paintings of
Saint Catherine’s Monastery are distinguished above all by very characteristic, high-
gloss shiny forms based on the shape of a circle. These shapes keep their clarity
also against the gold background with which they are integrated. They are usually
used as nimbi, mandorlas, rims and medallions for busts and sometimes also as
parts of buildings. Importantly, in the case of Sinai icons characterized by those
mentioned above gold properties, we can speak of one coherent group only on a
certain level of generality because the images created over three centuries often
differ significantly. They share the abovementioned features, but their artistic level
can vary greatly. Hence, researchers usually associate these best paintings with
Constantinople and the low quality ones with Sinai.23 So, I must admit that these
paintings comprise a relatively large group of works that require further in-depth
research.

We can distinguish two basic types among these paintings: images of the Mother of
God and saints and narrative panels. The first of them contains the oldest images
of the gold group. They are the images of Saint Philip (2nd half of the 10th century;
Princeton Work Number: 244; Michigan Inventory Number: 302; Weitzmann
Number: B.59)24 and Saint Nicholas with Ten Saints (late 10th – early 11th century;
Princeton Work Number: 694; Michigan Inventory Number: 1155; Weitzmann
Number: B.61)25. Saint Philip is depicted in full figure, and Saint Nicholas in a bust. In
both cases, the background is covered with burnished gold leaf, and the figures are
equipped with shimmering nimbi, separated from the background due to a unique
polishing method. In addition, on the panel frame with Saint Nicholas, there are ten
medallions with busts of Christ and Saints: narrow circular rims frame these small
images. These bands are polished as nimbi, thanks to which they shine clearly.

22 This amount is an estimate based on an analysis of the artworks in Princeton University’s electronic database
of Sinai icons – there is no complete catalogue of the monastery’s collection yet. Some of these
paintings also show traces of repainting or are heavily damaged, and some of the shared
photos are not of the best quality, making it difficult to assess the images accurately. Therefore, the given number
refers to the examples in which the observation of the above features is not too difficult. I find the presence of
shimmering nimbi as the essential criterion. See The Collection: Icons, accessed June 26, 2023, https://
www.sinaiarchive.org/s/mpa/item-set/2599#?cv=&c=&m=&s=&xywh=-972%2C0%2C3599%2C3599.
23 See K. Weitzmann, The Monastery of Saint Catherine at Mount Sinai: The Icons, vol. 1. From the Sixth to
the Tenth Century (Princeton, 1976), 101-102; D. Mouriki, “Icons from the 12th to the 15th Century,” in Sinai:
Treasures of the Monastery of Saint Catherine, ed. K.A. Manafis (Athens, 1990), 102-108.
24 See Saint Philip, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.sinaiarchive.org/s/mpa/
item/10070#?c=&m=&s=&cv=&xywh=-2910%2C0%2C8199%2C3999. See also Weitzmann, The Monastery of Saint
Catherine, 99, fig. 116; G. Galavaris, “Early Icons (from the 6th to the 11th Century),” in Sinai: Treasures of
the Monastery, no. 14, 98.
25 See Saint Nicholas with Ten Saints, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.sinaiarchive.org/s/mpa/
item/12949#?c=&m=&s=&cv=&xywh=-2305%2C69%2C7592%2C3703. See also G.R. Parpulov, “Mural and Icon
Painting at Sinai in the Thirteenth Century”, in Approaching the Holy Mountain: Art and Liturgy at St Catherine’s
Monastery in the Sinai. Cursor Mundi, vol. 11, ed. Sh. E. J. Gerstel and R.S. Nelson, (Turnhout, 2010), 378, XI.10; N.
Patterson Ševčenko, “Icon with Saint Nicholas and Busts of Saints,” in The Glory of Byzantium: Art: And Culture of
the Middle Byzantine Era A.D. 843 – 1261, ed. H. C. Evans and W.D. Wixom (New York, 1997), no. 65, 118.

132
Another good example is the Miracle of Chonai painting (2nd half of the 12th century;
Princeton Work Number: 15; Michigan Inventory Number: 124).26 Shimmering nimbi
were introduced here, and gold was also used at the upper part of the scene,
above two arms of the stream that creates an arcaded form: a kind of frame for
the Archangel Michael and the Monk Archippos. In turn, the entire scene of the
Heavenly Ladder of Saint John Climacus (end of the 12th century; Princeton Work
Number: 39; Michigan Inventory Number: 51) was composed against a uniform
shiny gold background.27 Against this plain, unpatterned gold surface, burnished
nimbi, a semicircle between the group of angels and Christ, and the edges of the
heaven in the upper right corner are notably visible. It is worth paying attention to
the overlapping nimbi of angels, which, due to appropriate polishing, distinguish
themselves from each other: light reflects slightly differently for each element.

Another example of artwork characterized by the unique use of gold is the

Annunciation painting, usually dated around 1200 (fig. 5; Princeton Work Number:
773; Michigan Inventory Number: 1296).28 The whole image features golden tones.
The main exception is the water with its fauna and the Virgin’s robe. Undoubtedly,
it is gold that determines the aesthetic expression of the painting. An important
role here is played primarily by the visual effects associated with the juxtaposition
of matte areas – a strip of ground and architecture with a throne – and polished
ones, among which we can observe a gradation of burnishing: the background
presents a standard level of gloss, while the nimbi, the medallion with the dove of
the Holy Spirit, the semicircular segment of the heaven and the ray extending from
it have a high gloss characteristic for this group of panel paintings. As a result,
the particular elements of the composition – despite their almost monochromatic
nature – retain their expressiveness. Details of the architectural parts were painted
in dark red, well suited to the golden tone of the whole. The discussed image
of the Annunciation is also distinguished by a highly elaborate chrysographic
modelling that covers the robe of the archangel Gabriel. We can observe a
significant differentiation of the shapes, made of properly cut and unpolished tiny
gold stripes. The Sinai Annunciation is a unique work not only among other gold
paintings in the same monastery but generally in Byzantine art. In the case of this
painting, the wealth of visual effects resultant from combining manifold gilding
and polishing techniques exhibits a mastery of a Byzantine painter.

Among the narrative paintings, there can also be indicated those in which the
shimmering discs and rims seem to play solely decorative roles because they fill the
empty zones of the background, diversifying the homogeneous, gilding plain area.
We can follow such applications in some epistyles (i.e. templon beams) preserved

26 See Miracle of Chonai, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.sinaiarchive.org/s/mpa/

item/8929#?c=&m=&s=&cv=&xywh=-2537%2C0%2C8199%2C3999. See also Parpulov, “Mural and Icon
Painting,” 370, XI.120; N. Patterson Ševčenko, “Icon with the Miracle at Chonai,” in The Glory of
Byzantium, no. 66, 118-119.
27 See The Heavenly Ladder of Saint John Climacus, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.sinaiarchive.org/s/mpa/
item/2787#?c=&m=&s=&cv=&xywh=15%2C326%2C2746%2C1339. See also Parpulov, “Mural and Icon Painting,” 383-
384, XII.92; B.V. Pentcheva, “The Heavenly Ladder of Saint John Climacus,” in Holy Image, Hallowed Ground: Icons
from Sinai, ed. R.S. Nelson, K.M. Collins (Los Angeles, 2006), no. 48, 244-247; K. Corrigan, Icon with the Heavenly
Ladder of John Klimax, in The Glory of Byzantium…, no., 247, 376-377.
28 See Annunciation, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.sinaiarchive.org/s/mpa/
item/13490#?c=&m=&s=&cv=&xywh=-2460%2C0%2C7379%2C3599. See also J. Folda, Byzantine Art and Italian
Panel Painting: The Virgin and Child “Hodegetria” and the Art of Chrysography (Cambridge, 2015), 49-56;
Parpulov, “Mural and Icon Painting,” 382, XII.45; A. Labbatt, “Annunciation,” in Holy Image, Hallowed Ground, no. 13,
152-153; A. Weyl Carr, “Icon with the Annunciation,” in The Glory of Byzantium, no. 246, 374-375.

133
in the monastery. They usually contain in the centre the composition of the Deesis
and scenes from the cycle of the Twelve Great Feasts (Δωδεκάορτον), sometimes
they are extended with additional events from the lives of Christ, the Virgin, the
Archangels, the Apostles Peter and Paul, as well as of Saints. For example, in the
epistyle with the Deesis and Feasts (last quarter of the 12th century; Princeton Work
Number: 510; Michigan Inventory Number: 819), the arcades separated the scenes.29
The arches supported on the columns are burnished as vigorously as the discs
between them. There are four main ones in each segment: the largest middle one,
two slightly smaller ones to the right and left of it, and an even smaller one at the
bottom, close to the arcades, and tiny ones next to them, on the upper edge of the
arch.

An even more decorative arrangement of the discussed embellishment of the fields

between the arches of the arcades separating the individual scenes is presented
in another slightly later epistyle (ca. 1200; fig. 6; Princeton Work Number: 977;
Michigan Inventory Number: 1640-1641).30 The applied pattern in its basic shape
consists of four larger circles, the central one composed of three elements: a shiny
circular rim with a larger central ring and eight smaller ones filling the narrow area
between them. Moreover, triangular surfaces between the arcades are dotted with
scattered, shiny tiny discs: these specific polished elements were differentiated
in size and repeatedly duplicated. As a result, a painter used to obtain an
exceptionally decorative final effect.

Similar motifs cover the background of the Sanctuary Doors with the Annunciation
from the beginning of the 13th century (Princeton Work Number: 1013; Michigan
Inventory Number: 1727).31 The mirror-bright sheen discs have different diameters
and are scattered over the entire surface of the gold background. They were made
of silver foil placed on the fabric and silver foil coated with a golden varnish. There
are many more examples of this type of decoration, such as the images of the
Virgin Blachernitissa (mid-13th century – 2nd half of the 13th century; Princeton Work
Number: 988; Michigan Inventory Number: 1655)32 and the archangels Michael and
Gabriel (13th century; Princeton Work Number: 901; Michigan Inventory Number:
1498).33 The backgrounds and the frames are filled with whirling discs in both
works. In the second one, these circular motifs are arranged in rows and probably
have the same size. In turn, in Blachernitissa’s image, they are slightly more
scattered and diversified in size. The smallest ones surround the nimbi, as well as

29 See Deesis and Feasts, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.sinaiarchive.org/s/mpa/

item/12114#?c=&m=&s=&cv=3&xywh=-513%2C431%2C3660%2C2314. See also Parpulov, “Mural and Icon Painting,”
382-383, XII.60.1, XII.60.2; Mouriki, “Icons from the 12th,” 106, fig. 25-27.
30 See Epistyle with Scenes from the Life of Christ and Deesis, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.sinaiarchive.
org/s/mpa/item/15329#?c=&m=&s=&cv=&xywh=-17%2C0%2C1056%2C668. See also Parpulov, “Mural and Icon
Painting,” 386, XII.150.1-7; A. Weyl Carr, “Templon Beam with the Deesis and Feast Scenes,” in The Glory
of Byzantium, no. 248, 377-379; Mouriki, “Icons from the 12th,” 106-107, fig. 31-33.
31 See Annunciation, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.sinaiarchive.org/s/mpa/
item/16401#?c=&m=&s=&cv=&xywh=-5305%2C0%2C16256%2C7929. See also Parpulov, “Mural and Icon
Painting,” 390, XIII.90; Sh.E.J. Gerstel, “Sanctuary Doors with the Annunciation,” in Holy Image, Hallowed
Ground, no. 22, 178-179.
32 See Virgin Blachernitissa, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.sinaiarchive.org/s/mpa/
item/15338#?c=&m=&s=&cv=&xywh=-2493%2C0%2C7379%2C3599. See also Parpulov, “Mural and Icon Painting,”
390, XIII.101; E. Bakalova, “Icon with the Virgin Blachernitissa,” in Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261 – 1557), ed. H. C.
Evans (New York; New Haven, 2004), no. 212, 352-353; Y.A. Piatnitsky, “Icon with the Mother of God Blachernitissa,”
in Sinai, Byzantium, Russia: Orthodox Art from the Sixth to the Twentieth Century, ed. Y. A. Piatnitsky, O. Baddeley,
E. Brunner and M. Mundell Mango (London, 2000), no. S57, 239-241; Mouriki, “Icons from the 12th,” 117, fig. 61.
33 See Saints Michael and Gabriel, accessed June 26, 2023, https://www.sinaiarchive.org/s/mpa/
item/15253#?c=&m=&s=&cv=&xywh=-2508%2C0%2C8199%2C3999. See also Parpulov, “Mural and Icon
Painting,” 395, XIII. 339.

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some of the larger circles, imparting an outstanding decorativeness to the image of
the Virgin Blachernitissa.

Given that the mirror-bright shine gold forms so far are known from the panel
paintings treasured in Sinai, it seems that it was most likely the milieu of crusader
artists who mediated the transfer of these decorative motifs to Latin Europe.
Moreover, the art of Venice influenced the Master of Giovanni da Gaibana. This
Italian republic was strongly involved in the Crusades and had strong ties with
the Byzantine Empire. We also know that the techniques of applying gold leaves
appeared in Western Europe thanks to crusader artists. It was around the end of
the 12th century. Before that period, medieval artists used to use gold pigment.

In the 12th and 13th centuries, there was an active artistic milieu in Sinai. It was
especially relevant after 1204, when the Crusaders conquered Constantinople.34
The monastery treasures Byzantine and Crusader icons in its collection that attest
to close and lively artistic contacts between these circles. Therefore, I suppose
that these artists honed to perfection this specific method of gold burnishing.
Then, around the mid-thirteenth century, this technique came to the West through
Crusader artists, maybe related to the Mendicant Orders.35 Hence, the miniatures
of the milieu of Master of Giovanni da Gaibana prove the rapid transfer of the art
technique, which was possible only thanks to highly mobile artists. As in the Middle
Ages, they easily crossed not only political but also cultural and artistic boundaries.

Summary in Polish
Miniatury tzw. Psałterza Wrocławskiego (ok. 1255 – 1267; MS 36-1950, The
Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge) wyróżniają się kunsztem w stosowaniu złota.
Obok detali (np. elementów fantazyjnej architektury, ornamentów i elementów
szat) oraz niektórych liter, znajdują się tam złote tła i nimby. Sądzę, że ten
aspekt Psałterza jest istotny również w kontekście dyskusji nad artystycznymi
powiązaniami jego malarzy.

Jeśli chodzi o złote tła, większość z nich składa się z gładkich, niewzorzystych
grubych płatków wypolerowanych na wysoki połysk. W Zachodniej Europie, mniej
więcej pod koniec XII wieku, malarze książkowi opanowali sztukę wykorzystywania
złota płatkowego: przed tym okresem używali złotego pigmentu. Ta nowa
technika artystyczna pojawiła się w południowej Italii, na Sycylii i w Wenecji dzięki
krzyżowcom wyszkolonym na bizantyńskim Wschodzie. Tak więc Psałterz został
wykonany, gdy tła ze złota płatkowego były już dość dobrze znane, zwłaszcza w
Italii.

Należy jednak zauważyć, że tła obrazów (zwłaszcza fol. 49v i 51r) przypisywane
współpracownikowi mistrza Giovanniego da Gaibana są oznaczone złotymi

34 See S. Ratseva, “The Sinai School at St. Catherine Monastery: Areas of Activity and Spread of Its
Production between Second Half of Tenth and Thirteenth Centuries,” Проблеми на изкуството 39, no. 3 (2006):
10-19; M. Lidova, "The Artist’s Signature in Byzantium: Six Icons by Ioannes Tohabi in Sinai Monastery (11th – 12th
Century)", Opera Nomina Historiae: Giornale di cultura artistica 1 (2009): 80-89; M. Panayotidi, “Thirteenth-Century
Icons and Frescoes at St. Catherine’s Monastery on Mount Sinai: Some Observations,” in Orient et
Occident méditerranéens au XIIIe siècle: Les programmes picturaux, ed. J.-P. Caillet, F. Joubert (Paris, 2012), 87-102.
35 See A. Derbes and A. Neff, “Italy, the Mendicant Orders, and the Byzantine Sphere,” in Byzantium: Faith and Power,
449-461.

135
okręgami i otokami. Wyróżniają się one niezwykle wyraźnym blaskiem. Elementy
te nawiązują, jak myślę, do grupy synajskich obrazów tablicowych (około 120 dzieł
datowanych od drugiej połowy X wieku do końca XIII wieku) charakteryzujących
się złotymi dyskami i otokami polerowanymi na bardzo wysoki połysk. W
Psałterzu nimby zazwyczaj są złote dyski wkomponowane w tło i otoczone
okręgiem z cynobru i białymi kropkami. Ta ostatnia cecha wywodzi się z tradycji
łacińskiej, podobnie jak symptomatyczne dla Ręki A złote nimby z puncowanymi
ornamentami. Tak też pod względem zastosowania złota Psałterz Wrocławski
stanowi interesujące połączenie rozwiązań Zachodnich i bizantyńskich. Przy czym
w przypadku wpływów bizantyńskich malarze wykazywali się znajomością nowych
trendów, reprezentatywnych dla synajskiego malarstwa tablicowego.

136
137
The Significance of the Medieval Church
in Spišská Belá

Béla Zsolt Szakács, DSc

Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Mikszáth tér 1, 1088, Budapest, Hungary
Central European University, Quellenstrasse 51, 1100, Vienna, Austria
szakacsb@ceu.edu

Above: The parish church of Spišská Belá / Szepesbéla / Zipser Bela from southeast
(photo by author, 2021)
Abstract: In 2020 two, so far unknown wall paintings were discovered behind the
side altars of the Roman Catholic church in Spišská Belá (Zipser Bela, Szepesbéla).
This is a good opportunity for discussing the place of this quite neglected church in
the history of local architecture. The church of Spišská Belá stands at the turning
point of the rich architectural traditions of Spiš County: it is continuing the Early
Gothic traditions of Spišská Kapitula, participating in the establishment of the
first local style after 1241 – 1242, and a forerunner of the rise of the local version
of High Gothic style that became the first typical style of the region. The recently
discovered frescos, however, belong to the next phase of the building history of the
church, when the chancel and the northern aisle were added. The empty surface in
the middle of fresco of the south side can be explained as the backdrop of a former
statue, representing a rare type of combined painted and carved altarpieces.

Keywords: Spišská Belá, Early Gothic style, High Gothic style, painted altarpieces

The course of the Gothic Route in Slovakia is changing as time is passing. There
was a period when the Spiš region was incorporated into this circle;1 therefore the
presentation of an important historic monument from this region seems to be
reasonable. The medieval parish church of Spišská Belá (Szepesbéla in Hungarian,
Zipser Bela in German) deserves our attention in itself.2 In the following I will try
to justify why it should be considered especially significant in the unusually rich
heritage of the churches of the Árpád period in the Spiš region. However, a current
event recently drew attention to the church. In the darkest times of COVID, in
the summer of 2020, news appeared on the website of the Monuments Board of
the Slovak Republic (PÚ SR) stating that previously unknown wall paintings were
discovered in Spišská Belá; these frescos were dated to the time of the church's
construction, i.e. the 1260s or 1270s.3 If this is true, these would be the earliest
surviving wall paintings of the Spiš region.

Spišská Belá is located in the middle course of the Poprad River, which crosses the
former Spiš (Szepes) County diagonally, along the road leading to Krakow, at the
1 This state is commemorated by the information table standing in front of the old tower in the centre of Rožňava
which we were able to visit during the conference. I express my gratitude to the organizers for their dedicated
work.
2 I started research on the medieval churches in the Spiš region in 2014, resulting in a monograph: Béla Zsolt
Szakács, Árpád-kori építészeti hagyományok Szepes és Sáros megyében [Architectural traditions of the Árpád era
in the counties of Spiš and Šariš] (Budapest: Teleki László Alapítvány, 2023), in print.
3 E. Poláková, KPÚ Prešov, Objav ranogotických nástenných malieb v kostole v Spišskej Belej, 10. júla 2020. Last
accessed July 24, 2023, https://www.pamiatky.sk/page/objav-ranogotickych-nastennych-malieb-v-
kostole-v-spisskej-belej/.

139
junction of busy roads.4 Over time, its central role was taken over by Kežmarok
(Késmárk, Käsmark), located slightly further south, but all signs point to the fact
that in the beginning Spišská Belá was at least as important and had a chance for a
bright future.

The parish church in the centre of the town is a good example of the monument
protection processes that took place in the Spiš region.5 It has preserved its
medieval appearance well, but not without changes. Thus, with the help of an
archive photograph, we can recall its state during the 1882 restoration.6 The tower
received Neo-Gothic cornices with rows of blind arches, and its unsegmented block
was divided by horizontal cornices. These Neo-Gothic elements were removed
between 1966 and 1970 in the spirit of modern monument protection principles
valid after the Second World War; that is, the method of Entrestaurierung, or
re-restoration, was applied here as well. Today, there is no indication of this 19th
century condition on the outside; the wall surfaces of the tower are undivided.

It is not easy to determine exactly what the church looked like before the 1882
restoration. Our main source for this is Viktor Myskovszky's drawings. Myskovszky,7
who came from a Polish family and was born in 1838 in Bardejov (called at that time
Bártfa or Bartfeld), taught geometry and architecture in Košice (Kassa, Kaschau)
for three decades. His talent for drawing soon became apparent, which he used in
the service of monument protection.8 Imre Henszlmann, also connected to Košice,
asked him to participate immediately after the establishment of the Temporary
(later National) Monument Comission (Műemlékek Ideiglenes Bizottsága, later
Műemlékek Országos Bizottsága, MOB) in 1872; in the same year he submitted 15
drawings related to Košice to the committee. In the 1870s, he started to discover
the Spiš region; in 1874 he published a study on the medieval monuments of
Spišské Podhradie (Szepesváralja, Kirchdrauf).9

In 1875 he made a bigger trip around the regions of Spiš, Šariš (Sáros) and
Abov (Abaúj in Hungarian); he published a summary of his study trip in the
1876 volume of the Archaeologiai Közlemények.10 His drawings are kept in the
Hungarian Museum of Architecture and Monument Protection Documentation
Centre (Magyar Építészeti Múzeum és Műemlékvédelmi Dokumentációs Központ,
MÉMMDK).11 Among them there is a drawing of the south façade of the church

4 For the roads between Buda and Krakow, see Katalin Szende, “Kraków and Buda in the Road Network of Medieval
Europe,” in On Common Path: Budapest and Kraków in the Middle Ages, exhibition catalogue, ed. Judit Benda et
al. (Budapest: Budapest History Museum, 2016), 31-37, and István Draskóczy, “Highways between Buda and Kraków,”
in ibidem, 38-41.
5 For the monument protection of the region, see Béla Zsolt Szakács, “The Preservation of Medieval Historical
Monuments in the Spiš/Szepes/Zips Region,” in Európai műemlékvédelmi tendenciák különös tekintettel
a Kárpát-medencére: A Pécsi Tudományegyetem Művészeti Kara Művészettörténet Tanszéke oktatóinak
és vendégeinek műhelykonferenciái 2021, eds. Endre Raffay and Anna Tüskés (Pécs: Pécsi Tudományegyetem
Művészeti Kar Művészettörténet Tanszék, 2022), 42-57.
6 Oskar Schürer and Erich Wiese, Deutsche Kunst in der Zips (Brünn; Wien; Leipzig: Rohrer, 1938), Fig. 137. See also the
photo kept in the Hungarian Museum of Architecture and Monument Protection Documentation Center, Budapest,
Photo Archive no. 10268 N.
7 I will use his name as it appears in the drawings. Slovak literature prefers the orthography Miškovský.
8 Katalin Granasztóiné Györffy, “Myskovszky Viktor műemlékvédelmi tevékenysége” [The activity of Viktor
Mykovszky in monument protection], in Viktor Miškovský a súčasná ochrana pamiatok v Strednej
Európe: Myskovszky Viktor és a mai műemlékvédelem Közép-Európában, ed. Alexander Balega
(Bratislava: Pamiatkový ústav; Budapest: Országos Műemlékvédelmi Hivatal, 1999), 24-33.
9 Victor Myskovszky [sic!], “A szepesváraljai középkori műemlékek rövid ismertetése” [A short presentation of the
medieval monuments of Szepesváralja], Archaelogiai Értesítő 8 (1874): 203-214.
10 Viktor Miskovszky [sic!], “Az 1875-dik év nyarán tett régészeti utazásom eredménye” [Results of my archaeological
trip in the summer of 1875], Archaeologiai Közlemények 10, no. 3 (1876): 56-83.
11 I am most grateful to the keepers of this collection for their help, especially to Gergely Kovács.

140
(Fig. 1).12 According to this document, the two Gothic windows of the tower were
bricked up and indeed there was no sign of cornices. What is striking, however,
is that Myskovszky did not register the round window, which is located between
the two Gothic windows, and which we have no reason to assume was created in
the 19th century. This may have been walled in, but unfortunately in the case of
Myskovszky, inaccuracies and even deliberate distortions also occur. For example,
he indicated tracery on the Gothic windows of the south facade, but at the same
time he himself stated that the tracery and columns (?) (Fensterpfosten) of the
Gothic windows of both the chancel and the nave were broken.13 So, Myskovszky
reconstructed an assumed previous state in his drawing. In the same document, he
depicted the southern gate of the chancel with a modern frame, between the two
windows. On the contrary, the walled medieval gate visible today is located to the
west of the chancel windows and has a Gothic frame. In this case, it is possible that
the walled-in medieval gate was discovered only later, and in Myskovszky's time its
modern successor was in use; however, this would require archaeological research
of the wall structure.

The renovation of the church in recent years would have offered a good
opportunity for such observations. During this process, the plaster of the wall
surfaces was also renewed. At first glance, no radical changes have been made, but
if we take a closer look, we can see that they have deviated from the principles
of the 1960s. At that time, the ashlar blocks were left exposed, so the stone
surfaces of the corners and window frames remained visible (Fig. 2). Obviously, in
the Middle Ages this was not customary, even the ashlar walls were covered with
plaster. Thus, it is not unhistorical that the masonry of the corners was once again
hidden under plaster, which may also serve to preserve the structure, although it
undoubtedly takes away something from the medieval character of the church and
covers an important, original architectural feature. At the same time, in the case of
the window frames, only the protruding stone surfaces were plastered, the inner
sides of the frames were left uncovered (Fig. 3). This solution seems inconsistent; it
follows neither the medieval practice nor the modern principles of preservation.

The ground plan of the church shows a complex spatial structure that was created
over several centuries (Fig. 4). It currently consists of a nave divided by piers
to two aisles, flanked by a side chapel on the north, connected to a polygonal
chancel with a sacristy on the east, and bounded by a magnificent tower on the
west. The northern aisle has four sections covered by cross vault. Before the latest
restoration, its ribs were highlighted by didactic painting (Fig. 5). This colouring was
obviously not of medieval origin. During the most recent renovation, the interior
was given a uniform whitewash (Fig. 6). In my opinion, none of these solutions
can be traced back to the Middle Ages, so authenticity cannot play a decisive role
here. Aesthetically, the coloured ribs have a more varied effect and highlight the
architectural structure better while homogeneous whitewash makes the space
boring. The only detail that remains uncovered is found in the southeast part: a
fragmentary figure of a lion above which the rib ascends from a lily crown (Fig. 7).
Juraj Žáry dated the north chapel to the second half of the 15th century; however,
the corbel does not justify such a late dating.14

12 MÉM MDK, Plan Archive, K 4499, dated to 1876.

13 Miskovszky, “Az 1875-dik év nyarán tett régészeti utazásom eredménye,” 81.
14 Juraj Žáry, Dvojloďové kostoly na Spiši [Double nave churches in Spiš] (Bratislava: Tatran, 1986), 254.

141
1. The south façade of the church of Spišská Belá 2. The south façade of the church of Spišská Belá in 2014
by Vitor Myskovszky, 1876 (photo by author)
(Budapest, Hungarian Museum of Architecture
and Monument Protection Documentation
Center, Plan Archive, K 4499)

3. The south façade of the church of Spišská Belá in 2021

(photo by author)

7. Corbel in the north aisle (photo by author, 2021)

4. Ground plan of the church of Spišská Belá indicating the building periods (drawing by Domonkos Szakács)

142
 5. The interior of the north aisle looking to the 6. The interior of the north aisle looking to the
east in 2014 (photo by author) east in 2021 (photo by author)

9. Ground plan of the church with the result of the excavations

(Marta Giertlová-Kučerová 2003)

8. The interior of the nave with the pier

and the discovered wall-paintings
(photo by author, 2021)

10. Ribs of the cross vault in the chancel (photo by author, 2021)

143
 11. Capital in the north wall of the chancel with its eastern
side (photo by author, 2014)

14. Capital with hunting scene in the church

of Bíňa / Bény (photo by author, 2016)

12. Capital in the north wall of the chancel

(photo by author, 2021)

13. Capital in the south wall of the chancel

(photo by author, 2021)

15. Ribs of the cross vault on the ground floor of the western 16. Northwest corbel on the ground floor of the
tower (photo by author, 2014) western tower (photo by author, 2014)

144
17. West portal of the church (photo by author, 2021) 18. North portal of the cathedral of Spišská Kapitula /
Szepeshely / Zipser Kapitel (photo by author, 2021)

19. West portal of the Holy Virgin church at Ľubica / 20. West portal of the church at Vrbov / Ménhárd /
Leibic / Leibitz (photo by author, 2019) Menhardsdorf (photo by author, 2021)

145
22. Capital zone of the west portal of the church of Batizovce
/ Batizfalva / Botzdorf (photo by author, 2014)

21. Capital zone of the west portal of the church

of Spišská Belá (photo by author, 2021)

23. Capital zone of the west portal of the church 24. Capital zone of the north portal of the church of Odorín /
of Stará Lesná / Felsőerdőfalva / Szepesedelény / Dirn (photo by author, 2021)
Altwalddrof (photo by author, 2017)

25. Capital zone of the south portal of the church of Veľký 26. Capital zone of the south portal of the
Slavkov / Nagyszalók / Großschlagendorf church of Danišovce / Dénesfalva / Diensdorf
(photo by author, 2023) (photo by author, 2014)

146
 27. Wall-painting belonging to the south side altar in the nave of
the church of Spišská Belá (photo by author, 2021)

29. Painted altarpiece in the tower of the Catholics in Biertan /

Berethalom / Birthälm, Transylvania (photo by author, 2022)

28. Sacrament niche in the north wall of the

chancel of the church of Spišská Belá (photo
by author, 2021)

147
The biggest transformation in the life of the church took place when its chancel
was provided with a polygonal closure, and the nave was divided in two aisles by
two central piers and received a vaulting (Fig. 8). Žáry put the expansion of the
chancel around 1340, and the modification of the nave to the 1360s.15 The two
transformations can probably be regarded as successive elements of a larger
expansion, and it is possible that the northern side chapel continued this line as
well. Excavations in 2003 shed light on minor extensions, of which there are no
traces today, and they mainly affected the northwest and southeast parts of the
building (Fig. 9).16

If we ignore all these later transformations, we have the ground plan of a typical
Árpád-era church in the Spiš region.17 The vast majority of surviving monuments
here are single-nave churches with a western tower and a square chancel, which is
often joined by a sacristy from the north. Chancels are usually covered with a cross
vault. We find the same structure here as well: the western section of the chancel
has preserved its original vault. The ribs, as in the churches in the Spiš region in
general, have a profile with cavetto moulding in its corners (Fig. 10). However,
there are differences within the same type: the width of the cavetto and the rib
nose have a different ratio from case to case. It seems that the narrower the nose
of the rib and the deeper the corner cavetto, the later the carving. The chancel rib
in Spišská Belá is thus the most archaic of the monuments in the Spiš region. Its
closest relatives are known from Mórichida (Árpás) in Western Hungary and from
Berekböszörmény in Central Hungary; these can be dated to the middle or second
half of the 13th century.18

The ribs of the vaulting were supported in the corners by three-quarter columns,
the remains of which still exist even after the original east wall was demolished
when the polygonal part was added to the chancel. If we look at the eastern side
of the capitals, we can see the roughly carved stone surface originally covered by
the wall (Fig. 11). Obviously, their decorated side is more exciting for art historical
analysis. The capital in the northeast corner depicts a figure standing naked,
holding a sword and a shield, with a helmet on his head (Fig. 12). The forms of
the figure are quite rudimental. In the southeast corner, the depicted figure
was preserved more fragmentarily (Fig. 13). This one wears a long dress, holds a
book in his hand, and probably had a long beard. The proportions here are also
strange, with short legs and huge hands. The two figures had apparently opposite
meanings: one was secular (warrior), the other perhaps ecclesiastical and learned;
one is naked, the other is covered with a cloak. Although their style is rather
rudimentary, it resembles the historiated capital of the Premonstratensian church
in Bíňa (Bény), on which hunting laymen of similar proportions were depicted

15 Ibidem, 254.
16 The manuscript of Marta Giertlová-Kučerová is quoted and her excavation ground plan is published by Marián
Soják, “Pred prvou písomnou zmienkou” [Before the first written mention], in Spišská Belá, ed. Zuzana Kollárová
(Prešov: Universum, 2006), 23-51, esp. 47.
17 For the architecture of the region, see Bibiana Pomfyová, “Súčasný obraz spišskej sakrálnej architektúry do
konca 13. storočia” [Contemporary image of Spiš sacral architecture until the end of the 13th century],
Studia Archaeologica Slovaca Mediaevalia 3-4 (2000 – 2001): 295-315 and Bibiana Pomfyová,
“Vybrané problémy k dejinám Spišskej stredovekej architektúry” [Selected problems related
to the history of medieval architecture in Spiš], in Terra Scepusiensis: stav bádania
o dejinách Spiša, eds. Ryszard Gładkiewicz and Martin Homza (Levoča: Klaštorisko n.o.; Wroclaw: Centrum Badań
Slaskoznawczych i Bohemistycznych Uniwersytetu Wroclawskiego, 2003), 177-192.
18 For the proportion of early ribs, see Béla Zsolt Szakács, “Berekböszörmény református temploma” [The
Calvinist church of Berekböszörmény], in Művészet és vallás a Felső-Tisza-vidéken, ed. Tibor Kollár
(Nagyvárad: Királyhágómelléki Református Egyházkerület; Nyíregyháza: Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg Megyei
Területfejlesztési és Környezetgazdálkodási Ügynökség Nonprofit Kft., 2014), 88-113, esp. 100-101

148
(Fig. 14).19 The corbels from the former second cathedral of Kalocsa (kept now in
the staircase of the archbishop’s palace) are of better quality, but the naked and
clothed opposition also appears there.20 Although direct connections cannot be
supposed between these reliefs, they can be informative in the sense that the
original chancel of Spišská Belá also belonged to the Early Gothic stylistic phase.

Another area of the church that preserves its early vault is the ground floor of
the tower, from which the western gate of the nave also opens. The corners of
the rib here are carved with a cavetto as well, but the proportions are different:
the cavetto is seemingly larger, so it may be somewhat later, which is also logical,
provided that the church was built from east to west (Fig. 15). The ribs are
supported by corbels, on which a heavily decayed decoration can be seen (Fig. 16).
These are flat-carved, highly stylized, obviously far from the naturalism of mature
Gothic; rather, the abstraction of Romanesque is present here.

The western gate has a stepped structure with three-quarter columns in the
corners of the jambs (Fig. 17). They have a common capital zone with uniform
abacus and astragal. This gate structure was previously applied on the north gate
of the former collegiate church (today cathedral) in Spišská Kapitula (Szepeshely,
Zipser Kapitel), which, based on our current knowledge, was built in the early 13th
century.21 Of course, the gate of the collegiate church is of much higher quality and
the details are richer, but the structure is similar (Fig. 18). The capitals at Spišská
Kapitula are crocket capitals following the principles of Early Gothic style, but
the shaping of the crockets is particularly detailed, testifying to the influence of
Late Romanesque. This gate structure is also known from the church of the Virgin
Mary in Ľubica (Leibic, Leibitz), where the base of the column consisting of a simple
torus is also similar to the gate in Spišská Belá (Fig. 19). In Ľubica, the capitals were
decorated with flat-carved, stylized leaves reminiscent of the corbels in the tower
in Spišská Belá. A close relative of the church in Ľubica stands in Vrbov (Ménhárd,
Menhardsdorf), where the column base has been renewed, but the ornamentation
of the capital evokes the same world (Fig. 20). The churches in Ľubica, Vrbov
and Spišská Belá are connected by their size: surprisingly, they are among the
largest churches from the 13th century in the Spiš region, even if we ignore their
later expansions.22 Since Ľubica and Vrbov are mentioned as early as 1251,23 it is
reasonable to date these churches to the 1250s. Together with the early layer of
Spišská Belá, they may belong to the first constructions after the Mongol invasion
of 1241/42, which can be characterized by elements of Early Gothic and Late
Romanesque styles already present in the region in the first half of the 13th century.

Compared to this, the capital zone on the right side of the west gate of Spišská

19 Bibiana Pomfyová, “Marián Samuel and Henrieta Žažová,” in Stredoveká Bíňa: Archeológia – história – architektúra
[Medieval Bíňa: archaeology, history, architecture] (Bratislava: FO ART, 2014), 120.
20 Imre Takács, “Egy eltűnt katedrális nyomában: Újabb töredékek a 13. századi kalocsai székesegyházból” [In search
of a lost cathedral. New fragments from the 13th century cathedral of Kalocsa], in A középkori Dél-
Alföld és Szer, ed. Tibor Kollár (Szeged: Csongrád Megyei Levéltár, 2000), 305-336, esp. 318-322. Endre
Raffay, A kalocsai második székesegyház és faragványai [The second cathedral of Kalocsa and its stone carvings]
(Újvidék: Forum, 2010), 18-19.
21 Magdaléna Janovská and Vladimír Olejník, Katedrála sv. Martina v Spišskej Kapitule [The cathedral of St Martin in
Spišská Kapitula] (Spišské Podhradie: Rímskokatolícka cirkev Biskupstvo Spišké Podhradie, 2017).
22 Béla Zsolt Szakács, Árpád-kori építészeti hagyományok Szepes és Sáros megyében, 95-96. Cf. Žáry, Dvojloďové
kostoly na Spiši, map on the inner cover
23 Villa Lubicha and villa Werbev is mentioned in 1251, see its transcription from 1281, Imre Nagy, Farkas Deák and
Gyula Nagy, Hazai oklevéltár 1234 – 1536 [Domestic charter collection 1234 – 1536] (Budapest: Magyar Történelmi
Társulat, 1879), 22, no. 18; Imre Szentpétery, Az Árpád-házi királyok okleveleinek kritikai jegyzéke [A critical list of
the charters issued by the kings of the Árpád dynasty], vol. I (Budapest: Akadémiai, 1923 – 1943), 293-294, no. 948.

149
Belá is surprising (Fig. 21). A rather naturalistic tendril ornament was carved on it,
with five-fingered, plastic leaves. This style is also well known from the south gate
of the church in Batizovce (Batizfalva, Botzdorf). The two carvings are connected
by the identical profile of the abacus (Fig. 22). However, the bases are different; the
Batizovce gate seems to be more advanced. Based on written sources, the church
of Batizovce can be dated between 1279 and 1286.24 The group also includes the
partially preserved southern gate of the church in Stará Lesná (Felsőerdőfalva,
Altwalddrof). Unfortunately, this is now covered by the later tower, moreover, its
ground floor serves unworthy purposes, and the carvings are also difficult to judge
due to the thick whitewash covering them (Fig. 23). In spite of all this, it is very
probable that the capitals of the gates of Spišská Belá, Batizovce and Stará Lesná
were carved by the same workshop during the period of 1260–80. These can be
considered the first representatives of High Gothic style in the Spiš region. This
stylistic level appears with a more complex structure in Odorín (Szepesedelény,
Dirn), on the north gate that currently opens into an interior space (Fig. 24).
However, its capital zone is of a much higher standard than the ones seen so far,
so it is questionable how it is related to the group in Spišská Belá. From our point
of view, it is sufficient to mention here that this style appears in many churches in
the Spiš region, such as the interconnected churches in Veľký Slavkov (Nagyszalók,
Großschlagendorf) and Danišovce (Dénesfalva, Diensdorf), which can be dated to
the end of the 13th century (Figs. 25-26). In other words, the stylistic significance
of the church in Spišská Belá is given by the fact that while the chancel and the
ground floor of the tower is dominated by the late Romanesque/Early Gothic trend
of the first half of the 13th century, the High Gothic style that defined the following
decades and became a local characteristic of the Spiš region perhaps appeared the
first time at the western gate here. Spišská Belá is therefore a turning point, and
due to its impressive size, it can even be considered one of the artistic centres of
the region in this short period.

How do the recently discovered wall paintings relate to all of this? While no
traces of the 1882 restoration remained on the exterior of the church, the
interior preserved its Neo-Gothic altars. Accordingly, there were two Neo-Gothic
altars in front of the triumphal arch, which were restored during the most
recent renovation. When the altars were removed, medieval wall-paintings were
discovered behind them. These could have formed the painted decoration of the
medieval side altars. Unfortunately, they were found in a rather poor condition.
The representations in this condition can only be interpreted to a limited extent.
In 2021, I was able to study them in an unrestored state. Of the two frescos, the
southern one can be interpreted easier (Fig. 27). Its structure consists of a painted
triple Gothic niche. The central part is covered by a monochrome surface with a
pointed arch, on both sides of which a figure can be seen. The attributes of the
right one consist of a crosier, a book, and probably a mitre. Thus, a bishop saint can
be identified here. On the other side, the details of the figure are less visible, but
perhaps a crown can be supposed within the glory. The details of the frame can
be seen better than the figures. The figures are framed by a double wimperg; the
interior one is ornamented in the inner side. The outer frame has a steeper slope

24 The Máriássy family provided the right of establishing the village in 1279, Codex diplomaticus Hungariae
ecclesiasticum ac civilis, ed. György Fejér, vol. V/2 (Buda, 1829), 598. In 1286 the Máriássy family sold the half of their
property here, mentioning the village, A márkusfalvi Máriássy család levéltára 1243 – 1803 [The family charter
collection of the Máriássy of Márkusfalva, 1243–1803], ed. Béla Iványi (Lőcse: Szepesmegyei Történelmi
Társulat, 1917), 18.

150
and it is decorated with crockets. This decoration may recall the sacrament niche
of the chancel extension, whose steep spire is embellished with similar leaves (Fig.
28). Anna Kónya recently drew attention to the fact that the middle, empty surface
can also be significant: it could probably be the background of a statue that was
once placed on the altar slab. In this way, we can reconstruct a relatively rare
altarpiece arrangement with a statue in the middle and painted decoration on the
two sides. In medieval Hungary, this solution is only known from the chapel in the
south tower of the fortification of the church in Biertan (Berethalom, Birthälm in
Transylvania) where the former existence of the altar and the statue standing on it
are now only hinted at by their imprints (Fig. 29).25

Based on all this, we cannot confirm the preliminary assumption that the wall
paintings are of the same age as the first building period in the 13th century. It is
much more likely that they were created in the second half of the 14th century
during the extension of the chancel and the vaulting of the nave. At the same time,
their importance is particularly noteworthy due to the special arrangement of the
liturgical environment.

All these questions also raise issues of monument protection. When I visited
the church again in 2022, I found that the southern side altar had already
been restored to its place, and I suspect that the other side was destined for
a similar fate. The solution to the dilemma is not easy. Is the preservation of
the homogenous interior created in the 19th century more important, or should
preference be given to the newly discovered medieval wall paintings? Moreover,
the state of the wall paintings may raise doubts as to how well even a particularly
careful restoration can produce spectacular results that satisfy both the faithful
and the visitors. Based on all this, the restoration of the 19th century altars can be
justified. At the same time, even on the basis of a superficial study, it is clear that
with the help of continued research and careful preservation significantly more
could be presented than what has been seen so far. Even if the wall paintings in
Spišská Belá cannot be considered the earliest painting monuments of the region,26
due to their importance in liturgical history presented above, they would definitely
be worthy of restoration, careful preservation and, if possible, presentation. We can
only hope that this will happen one day.

Summary in Hungarian
A közelmúltban a szepesbélai római katolikus plébániatemplom mellékoltárainak
restaurálásakor eddig ismeretlen középkori falképek kerültek elő, amelyek
ráirányítják a figyelmet erre a sok szempontból különleges építészeti emlékre.
A templom első fázisa a XIII. század közepére tehető, de később többször is
átalakították (szentélyét bővítették, a hosszházat kéthajóssá alakították, majd
egy északi mellékkápolnát csatoltak hozzá; tornyát a XIX. században historizáló
dísszel látták el, amelyet az 1960-as években eltüntettek). Az első fázishoz
tartozik a nagyméretű hajó és ennek eredetileg egyenes szentélyzáródása. A

25 Anna Kónya, “A falkép mint oltárkép: Példák az erdélyi 15. századi falfestészetből” [Wall Painting as Altarpiece:
Examples from the 15th century Wall Painting in Transylvania], in Látkép 2021 – Művészettörténeti
tanulmányok, ed. Kitty Árvai-Józsa et al. (Budapest: BTK Művészettörténeti Intézet, 2022), 251-260.
26 For the earliest frescos of the region, see Milan Togner and Vladimir Plekanec, Medieval wall paintings in Spiš
(Bratislava: Arte Libris, 2012).

151
szentély bordás keresztboltozatát a sarkokban háromnegyedoszlopok tartják,
melyek közül a két keletit figurális faragványok díszítik. Ezek stílusa korai gótikus
emlékekkel rokon. A boltozat bordája sarokhornyolt, de a horony egészen
szerény méretű. Ehhez képest valamivel fejlettebb a toronyalj bordaprofilja.
Ezt konzolokról indították, amelyeknek nehezen kivehető ornamentális dísze a
leibnici és a ménhárdi templomokéra emlékeztet. Ugyaninnen ismert a szepesbélai
nyugati kapu szerkezete is. Ugyanakkor ezen a kapun megjelenik az a klasszikus
gótikus ornamentika, amely hamarosan az egész szepesi régióban elterjed és a
terület egyik jellegzetességévé válik (pl. Batizfalva, Felsőerdőfalva). A szepesbélai
templom jelentőségét tehát nemcsak igényes méretei adják meg, hanem az is, hogy
összekötő kapcsot képez a szepeshelyi és szepesváraljai kora gótikus kezdemények
és a tatárjárás után kivirágzó érett gótikus stílusfok között, így a saját hangját
megtaláló szepesi regionális építészet első alkotásának tekinthető. A most
feltárt falképek már a következő fázishoz tartozhatnak, amikor a templomhoz
szentélybővítést és északi mellékkápolnát csatoltak. Amennyire ez kivehető, a
déli falon festett oltárképet készítettek, melynek középső felülete egy szobornak
képezhette a hátterét.

152
153
Insight into the Ongoing Research
of the Church of the Reformed Christian
Church in Rimavská Seč

Mgr. art. Peter Koreň, restorer, Pezinok, peschos@gmail.com

Mgr. art. Juraj Gregorek, restorer, Bratislava, juraj.gregorek@gmail.com
doc. Mgr. Monika Tihányiová, PhD., Department of History, Faculty of Arts, University of Trnava,
Hornopotočná 23, 918 43 Trnava, monika.tihanyiova@truni.sk

Above: The Reformed Church in Rimavská Seč from the north

Abstract: The study presents the results of the restoration research of wall paintings,
the historical masonry and plaster in the Church of the Reformed Christian Church
in Rimavská Seč. The research was carried out in 2022. The authors of the study also
trace the individual construction phases of the church, placing them in the historical
context of the history of the village, the local landowning family and the entire
Gemer region. Originally, the medieval church was dedicated to St. Martin. It was
first mentioned in archival sources in the inventory of papal tithes from 1332. The
current appearance of the church is the result of alterations and modifications from
later periods. As part of the restoration research, a Late Gothic portal with stone
lining was newly discovered on the north wall. In the crossing of the Early Gothic rib
vault, a primary polychrome with a solar rosette motif was partially uncovered on
the bolt. As part of the research, petrographic analysis of stone samples was also
carried out.

Keywords: Rimavská Seč, the Széchy family, restoration research, Gothic portal,
Gothic window, a bolt with polychrome.

The aim of the present study is to summarize the restoration research of wall
paintings, historical masonry and plaster, carried out in the Church of the Reformed
Christian Church in Rimavská Seč in 2022. The results of the findings are based
on field research, which included probing on the exterior and interior walls of the
church, as part of which stone samples were taken for petrographic analysis. The
samples came from the worked stone members of the south-east corner of the
sanctuary and from the stone frame of the lining of the bricked-up east window.
The samples were evaluated by Assoc. prof. RNDr. Daniel Pivko, PhD. from the
Department of Geology and Paleontology, Faculty of Natural Sciences, Comenius
University in Bratislava.1 An overview of the history of the church and the village
itself was prepared by Assoc. Mgr. Monika Tihányiová, PhD. from the Department
of History, the Faculty of Arts, the University of Trnava.2 Important knowledge
about the appearance of the church in the last third of the 19th century and at the
beginning of the 20th century was provided by the records of Flóris Rómer’s trip to
the monuments of western Gemer in 18763 and the correspondence of the church
1 Daniel Pivko, “Petrografické vyhodnotenie vzoriek z gotického kostola v Rimavskej Seči,” in Návrh na reštaurovanie
a výskum nástenných malieb, historických omietok a muriva kostola Reformovanej kresťanskej cirkvi v Rimavskej
Seči, ed. Peter Koreň (2022), rkp, 36-38.
2 Monika Tihányiová, “Dejiny Rimavskej Seči s osobitným pohľadom na dejiny refomovaného kostola,” in Návrh
na reštaurovanie a výskum nástenných malieb, historických omietok a muriva kostola Reformovanej kresťanskej
cirkvi v Rimavskej Seči, ed. Peter Koreň (2022), 39-41.
3 MÉMMDK. MOB No. 86/1876.

155
congregation with the Monuments Commission in 19044 and 1905.5 These materials
are now stored in the Monuments Documentation Centre (Műemlékvédelmi
Dokumentációs Központ) of the Hungarian Museum of Architecture in Budapest. In
addition, the archive holds two unlabeled photographs with views of the east wall
of the sanctuary from the exterior and the south façade from a distance. These are
probably photographs taken by Otto Sztehlo in 1905. These sources were pointed
out by Mgr. Gergely Kovács. The research was also aided by a floor plan and a
drawing of the east wall of the sanctuary, signed by Otto Sztehlo and dated 1905.
These materials are currently in the archives of the Budapest Monument Protection
Documentation Center.

The probing, as an invasive part of the research, was for the most part focused
on the former medieval sanctuary. The nave was uniformly rebuilt in the Classical
period. Smaller probes in the nave did not confirm the presence of older layers.

Art history exploration of the church in the past

The church has so far been overlooked and no extensive research has been
carried out on it. Even the basic literature on medieval monuments does not
mention the building in terms of architecture. The church was first brought to
the attention of the aforementioned Flóris Rómer in his report to the Hungarian
Temporary Monuments Commission in 1876.6 It was a mapping of the churches of
western Gemer, which at that time carried signs of older origin. In the case of the
Reformed Church in Rimavská Seč, Rómer mentions segmented Gothic windows
and a sanctuary with a straight closing. Further information about the state of the
church is given in a letter from the local church congregation addressed to Baron
Julius Forster, chairman of the conservation commission.7 In the text relating to the
grant application, we see an initial effort to present the church in detail. We thus
have the opportunity to learn about the church before the renovations that took
place in the 20th century, which partly changed the character of the building. We
learn lost information about the construction of two brick emporia in 1844. The
Late Gothic stone lining on the northern wall of the sanctuary, captured in the
current probe, was bricked up around 1750, based on the knowledge at that time.
The letter concludes with a plea for support as static cracks had appeared in the
church, which the congregation’s leaders attributed to some kind of earthquake
or long-term drought. The necessary repairs, worth 1200 crowns, were carried
out in advance according to the plans of Béla Tóth from Rimavská Sobota. The
response to the request is from 1905.8 In September, a reapplication was written by
the new pastor. The architect Otto Sztehlo, who was working in Kraskovo at that
time, came to inspect the building in the same year. The short recommendation
did not convince the ministry and no help was given for the total restoration.
Three photographs and one drawing were attached to the report. Two of the
photographs have been preserved in the archives in Budapest. Those are a view
of the east wall of the sanctuary before restoration and the south facades from
the bottom of the hill. Although the photo was taken from a relatively long

4 MÉM MDK. MOB No. 647/1904.

5 MOB MDK. MOB No. 519/1905.
6 MÉM MDK. MOB No. 86/1876.
7 MÉM MDK. MOB No. 647/1904.
8 MOB MDK. MOB No. 519/1905.

156
distance, the south window of the sanctuary is discernible. At this time, like the
east window, it was bricked up in the lower half. The mass of the plaster, and in
the plinth parts also of the masonry, were visibly deteriorated. A vertical crack ran
above the window. In both cases, the traceries were presented but covered with
lime. The profile of the vanished crown cornice is also visible in the photo. Sztehlo
graphically recorded the church plan and cross-section with a view of the east wall.
The partially bricked up Early Gothic east window is also visible in the drawing.

After the modifications and renovations of the medieval building, a simple cross
vault with a bolt was a visible evidence of the Early Gothic origin. The clergymen
mentioned in the above-mentioned letter also appeal to the Monuments
Commission claiming that this is the building from the ‘Arpad period’. They
also point out that the former sanctuary would provide an opportunity for an
archaeological survey of the building as part of the restoration. Most probably they
expected to find medieval crypts.

The last restoration of the church was carried out in 1994. Communication with
the then Institute of Monuments is not documented. In this period, stone members
were presented on the exterior facades by exposing the surface of the mass. The
building was not surveyed.

Analysis of the historical development of the

building on the basis of stratigraphy and archival
sources. Technical condition of individual layers.
2nd half of the 13th century
Based on the preserved architectural details, the approximate period of the
church’s construction can be determined to the period of the emerging Gothic
period with surviving Romanesque traditions, sometime after the Mongol
invasion of Hungary (1241 – 1242). The plan of the original building is preserved
in the sanctuary. The nave was shorter compared to its present state. The inner
dimension of the sanctuary is 600 x 600 cm. The church was built of burnt brick
in combination with stone elements. The raised plinth is closed by a moulded
cornice made of worked tufa stones. The height of the plinth above the current
level is 80 cm. The corners and lining of the openings are also made of worked
blocks. Samples of material were taken from the blocks and the lining of the
east window for petrographic analysis. These are volcanic sandstones with
andesite composition, which come from the vicinity of Putnok in Hungary or
from the vicinity of Rimavská Sobota. The sample from the lining of the window
is glauconite-bearing sandstone located near the village to the south-west near
Hangony and to the east near Putnok. The burnt brick is 26 cm long and 5.5 cm
high.

In the area of the former sanctuary with a straight closing, a cross vault with
ribs of a square profile has been preserved. In the crossing, a circular bolt with
a diameter of 42 cm is preserved. It is flanked by a 3 cm wide projecting ring.
Rarely, the primary polychrome is preserved under the over-painting. The extent

157
of fragments of later over-paintings does not allow analysis of specific shapes.
The motif of the painting is the ‘solar rosette’ or ‘flower of life’. The six-petalled
white flower is painted with a black background. It was originally blue, as the black
background shows small unoxidized parts with the pigment of the semi-precious
stone lapis lazuli. The ring is light red. Ribs are also a part of the stone element.
The remains of polychrome reveal that the surface of the ribs was decorated
with ochre and green ornamentation with black lines. On the ribs, all layers were
removed except for the mass of stone. Fragments of lime paint are preserved in
the structure. The plaster in the interior is 10-20 mm thick, the filler is composed
of coarse-grained river sand and the surface is smoothed with a distinct tool
mark. The surface is covered with a deposit. Probing confirmed three medieval,
later bricked up openings. In the centre of the south wall there is a find – a niche
carved into one piece of stone. The opening measures 45 x 33 cm. The depth of
the opening is 32 cm. The size of the stone block is 70 x 65 cm. The bottom edge
of the opening is 120 cm above the current floor level. A niche without a stone
lining was uncovered on the north wall. The edges are made of brick. There is a 10
mm wide rim at the edge. The width of the opening is 40 cm. The height cannot be
identified. The lower part is interlaced with modern masonry. The upper line of the
opening is 205 cm above the floor. Another opening may have been in place of a
bricked window under the matroneum. In probe No. 16, the lower, right-hand edge
formed by a worked stone element was uncovered. The surface of the sandstone
is heavily weathered. The edge was used to form a later window, probably during
the renovation of the church after 1632. The east window of the sanctuary is in
the form of a diphorion with a central mullion terminating in a trefoiled tracery
above two window closings, so-called “nuns”. The height of the window, including
the stone parts, is 195 cm. The width is 82 cm. There are scars on the lining from
the transverse fittings at 29 cm intervals. The inner diameter of the trefoil is 32
cm. The south window is simple with a “nun closing”. The opening measures 170
x 32 cm. The outer lining with segmental arch has dimensions 220 x 80 cm. Both
windows are blinded by brickwork. The mass of stone is presented without paint
after the last renovation. Smaller pieces of lime paint remained in the notches of
the profiles. On the south facade of the nave, three original windows, similar in
size to the south window of the sanctuary, are indicated in the plaster by a slight
projection. The primary layer could not be identified on the interior walls of the
nave when probed.

The existence of the church in Rimavská Seč is first mentioned in the inventory
of papal tithes from 1332 – 1337. In the past, the not entirely unambiguous entry
de ecclesia Sancti Martini encouraged to identify it with the village of Martinová.9
However, the confirmation of the patronage was provided by the will of Elisabeth,
wife of Stephen Compora of Comporhaza (now defunct village in the area of
today’s village of Ivanice), dated 1497. It was written by Albert of Rimavská Seč, a
chaplain and at the same time Elizabeth’s confessor. In her testament, Elizabeth
also thought of Albert and the Church of St. Martin in Rimavská Seč, where Albert
served. To this church she bequeathed two of her furcoats, popularly called
“Rackamoka”.10

9 András Mező, Patrocíniumok a középkori Magyarországon (Budapest, 2003), 268. Vincent Sedlák, ed., Monumenta
Vaticana Slovaciae, vol. I (Trnavae; Romae, 2008), 81, no. 441. There identification with the municipality of
Martinová.
10 Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár, Országos Levéltár, Diplomatikai Levéltár (MNL OL DL) 61083.

158
The Reformed Church in Rimavská Seč from the south-west

The former sanctuary

159
The origins of the village, as well as its medieval and early modern history, are
closely linked with the history of the ancient Balogh family and its branch, the lords
of Seč or the Széchy family (also known as Séči, Szécsi).11 The Balogh family appears
in the history of Gemer probably as early as the 12th century.12 In fact, it was first
mentioned in written records as early as 1214.13 A member of the family, Benedict,
the son of Tumbold, is recorded in public life as early as 1263. Between 1268 and
1269 he was even a palatine at the court of the younger King Stephen.14 We find
from written records that the Balogh family owned a large area in the basin of the
Blh and Rimava Rivers during the 13th and 14th centuries. At the turn of the 13th and
14th centuries, the widely branched family split into several family lines (the Oth
family, the lords of Seč, Drienčany, Uzovská Panica).

The first mention of the existence of the village dates back to 1245. In the records
of Ivanice, a grove or forest belonging to Seč (nemus de Zeechy) is mentioned.15 The
village itself is subsequently mentioned in the source in 1297, when it is referred to
as the seat of the superior officer Mikuláš, the son of Ivanka of the Balogh family,
and his sons, Peter and Jan, the oldest members of the Széchy branch of the family
(in villa ipsorum Zeech).16 As early as in the first two decades of the 14th century, at
the time of the struggle of King Charles I of Anjou against the powerful oligarchs,
we can see active support from the members of the family for the King, the first
ranks at the royal court and in the church sphere. Along with the merits in the
battles come the first donations for new estates.17 In 1323, the lords of Seč acquired
from the King the castle of Blh, built and originally belonging to their relatives, the
Oths of the Balogh family. At the time of the King’s struggle against Matthew III
Csák, they took the side of the powerful oligarch, for which they were punished by
the confiscation of their estates.18 After the division of the original family estates in
1360, the castle and its appurtenances, which included Rimavská Seč, belonged to
the sons of Ban Dionysius, Blažej and Tomáš of Seč.19 Rimavská Seč, together with
another family property, Miskolc (in Hungary), are identified in this source as larger
residences in which the lords of Seč had and have their residences (duas villas
maiores Myskouch et Zeech nuncupatas, in quibus villis ipsorum predecessores et
perconsequens ipsi personalem habuissent et nunc haberent residentiam).20

11 On the history of the municipality see. Leon Sokolovský, “Erb Rimavskej Seči,” Vlastivedné štúdie Gemera 8 (1990):
7-31. Örs László Kollmann, “Rimaszécs helye a középkori Gömör megye és Magyarország városhálózatában,”
Gömörország – az északi magyar peremvidék fóruma 2, no. 4 (2001): 2-9. About the Lords of Seč, see:
Monika Tihányiová, “Sepulkrálne pamiatky šľachtického rodu zo Seče ako súčasť historicko-
genealogického výskumu rodu,” in Epigraphica & Sepulcralia 11, ed. Jiří Roháček (Praha, 2022), 205-230.
12 Richard Marsina, “Die Entwicklung der Besiedlung im Komitat Gemer bis Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts” in Studia
historica slovaca. Beiträge zu ältesten Besiedlung der Slowakei. Herausgegeben von Vincent Sedlák (Bratislava,
1994), 188-189.
13 Ibidem, 188.
14 Attila Zsoldos, Magyarország világi archontológiája 1000 – 1301 (Budapest, 2011), 289.
15 Richard Marsina, Codex diplomaticus et epistolaris Slovaciae II. (Bratislava, 1987), 141, no. 206A.
16 Imre Nagy, Farkas Deák, Farkas and Gyula Nagy, eds., Hazai oklevéltár (Budapest, 1879), 161, no. 152.
17 They received their first donation from the king in 1312, shortly after the Battle of Rozhanovce. Anjou-kori
Oklevéltár I.-XLVI. (hereinafter referred to as AO), eds. Gyula Kristó, László Blazovich, Lajos Géczi, Tibor
Almási, Ildikó Tóth, Ferenc Makk, Ferenc Piti, Ferenc Sebök, Éva Teiszler, Éva B. Halász, Krisztina
Rábai and Geisa Érszegi (Budapest; Szeged, 1990 – 2017). AO III, 170, no. 372. In 1317 we find Peter
in the sources as castellan at the Zemplín castle of Purušťan, Nicholas at the castle of Haţeg in
today's Romania, and Paul as the County Governor of Somodi. At the same time, their brother
Andreas appears in the sources as Provost of Transylvania, from 1321 as Bishop of Transylvania. He held
this rank for 36 long years. From 1318 until 1349, the Széchy family held the important rank of royal server.
18 RDSl II, p. 400, no. 920; Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár, Országos Levéltár, Diplomatikai Levéltár (hereinafter referred to
as MNL – OL DL) 24892.
19 DL 104 926. In 1347 the sons of Andreas's brother Peter, the Slavonian-Croatian Ban Nicholas and the royal dapifer
Ivánka, and the sons of Dionysius received from King Louis I an important right of the sword relating to
their estates of Blh, Rimavská Seč and Miskolc, which had belonged to the family since 1325. MNL OL DL 100037
20 MNL OL DL 104926.

160
The floor plan from the time of the inspection of the building in 1905 by Otto Sztehlo
(The Archive of the Regional Monuments Board Banská Bystrica)

161
This soon changed, however, when one branch of the family, in an exchange of
estates with King Louis I himself, gained control of a large territory in the Vas
County with its seat at Felsőlendva Castle (Grad in Slovenia).21 In this environment
and thanks to the income from the large estate, members of this branch of the
family soon reached prominent positions in the public life of the Kingdom (palatine
Nicholas 1385 – 1386 and his son Nicholas, royal treasurer 1408 – 1410). In 1391 they
also became patrons of the Cistercian monastery in Szentgotthárd (Vas County).
The son of Nicholas, the treasurer, and his wife, the sister of the prominent
Hungarian palatine Nicholas of Gorjany (1402 – 1403), was the Archbishop of
Esztergom, Dionysius of Seč (1440 – 1465).22 The seemingly distant worlds of the
two branches of the family – the less important and lower nobility branch from
Seč in Gemer and the baronial branch from Felsőlendva – show in the preserved
records sporadic contacts and even interests of the Felsőlendva branch in the
estates in Gemer County.23

As the following sources show, Blh Castle was not used as the family seat mainly
because it was divided among all the Gemer branches of the Balogh family.24 That
is why the lords of Seč built a lowland castle in Rimavská Seč, at the eastern end of
today’s square, above the Rimava River. It was the seat of several members of the
family until the turbulent events of the second half of the 15th century, associated
with the battles against the Brethren (bratríci, i.e. brothers).25 The geographic and
transport features of Rimavská Seč, including its central and residential position
within the Gemer estates of the Széchy family contributed to its prosperous
development, as evidenced by its designation as an oppidum (small town) for the
first time in 1421.26 In 1427, in the portal inventory of the Gemer County, 41 ports
(serfs’ settlements) are mentioned in the town.27

Late Gothic modification of the building (1457)

The dating of this construction phase is based on a Latin inscription on the east
wall of the sanctuary in the interior, rewritten with each renovation. This was
also the case after the last renovation in 1994. The letters of the chronosticon are
highlighted in red in the text. The inscription reads as follows: ‘AEDES SACRA DEO
CREBRIS PVLSATA PRO CELLIS’. In the current transcription of 1994 there is also
a Hungarian translation in the second line: ‘AZ ISTENNEK GYAKORI VIHAROKTÓL
VERT SZENT HAJLÉKA. 1457’.28 The church was extended westwards. The older
windows on the south wall of the nave were bricked up, and two new larger ones
were inserted between them. The size of the window lining is 355 x 130 cm. The
opening is 335 x 95 cm.

21 MNL OL DL 100104-5.
22 Tihányiová, Sepulkrálne, 215-218.
23 In 1481, e.g., they together dealt with recovering the castle of Blh from the hands of the lords of Rozhanovce, who
had received it as a pledge from King Matthias Corvinus for merits in the battles against the Brethren. MNL OL DF
266883.
24 On the history of the castle Monika Tihányiová, „Blh,“ in Hrady na Slovensku. Život, kultúra, spoločnosť, ed.,
Daniela Dvořáková et al (Bratislava, 2017), 256-257.
25 Sokolovský, “Erb,” 9, 11.
26 MNL OL DL 11100. Kollmann, “Rimaszécs,” 9. The granting of town privileges has not been preserved. The mayor
and jurors of this locality can be found in the sources as early as 1373. MNL OL DL 56899. The importance of the
road passing through the village is evidenced by its designation as 'strata publica' in the 1338 record of Číž. Bálint
Ila, Gömör megye III (Budapest, 1946), 300.
27 MNL OL DL 35801
28 Translated: God’s holy retreat scourged by frequent storms

162
The lining of the arched windows is made of worked stone members.

On the south wall in the anteroom, in probes No. 22 and 23, parts of the original
profiling of the portal’s rod-shaped stone members were uncovered. The stone
mass is weathered. Fragments of white lime paint are visible on the surface. The
mass of the walls and arches of the classical anteroom overlaps most of the
exterior lining of the portal. The glass-fronted double doors were made in the 20th
century.

A distinctive sculptural element is the stone portal on the north wall of the
sanctuary partially exposed in probe No. 12. The opening measures 120 x 80 cm.
The top of the stone frame is 255 cm above the floor. Small fragments of lime paint
in four layers are preserved on the portal members. The primary colour finish has
not been confirmed. The opening was bricked up with mixed stone and brickwork
in the 18th century. In the correspondence of the pastor László Vattay with the
Monuments Commission in 1904, the bricked entrance is mentioned in 1750. This
is information from an unknown source, which dates the remodelling of the
sanctuary. The plaster from this period was used only locally in the modifications
around the new stonework details. Hypothetically, it can be assumed that the nave
of the church was vaulted, which would explain the need to change the layout of
the windows. This conjecture could be confirmed by archaeology and architectural
and historical research in the areas where the accretion of fallen vaults could be
assumed to have occurred.

The Late Gothic renovation of the church dates back to the period when the town,
at the intercession of its landlord, Nicholas of Seč, was granted the right to hold
an annual market or fair twice a year (on the day of St. Michael the Archangel
and on the feast of Corpus Christi) in 1450. The right to hold a weekly market
was designated for Wednesdays.29 The town’s capacity to hold fairs is confirmed
by its beneficial development and its important position in long-distance trade.
Rimavská Seč also held an important place in the county administration, as in the
15th century the presence of the dignitaries of the Gemer County is recorded here,
as well as several of their local meetings.30 The relationship of the local landowners
to the church and church institutions can be seen in a record from 1414, when
several members of the family, for the salvation of their souls, as well as their
ancestors and descendants, donated a piece of land near the monastery, with all
its appurtenances and benefits, to the nearby Pauline Monastery of St. Anne in
Hangony. The donation was dated in Seč (in Zeecz), which confirms the continued
presence of the landowner in the town.31 The residential role of Rimavská Seč also
at the end of the 15th century is confirmed by a document from 1481, mentioning
the local residence of the Széchy family (domus et curia ipsorum).32

1560 – 1570
After a partial decline in development, also due to the local landowners joining

29 Sokolovský, “Erb,” 10. Kollmann, “Rimaszécs,” 9. MNL OL Diplomatikai fényképgyüjtemény (DF) 266883.
30 See e.g. the document from 1455: MNL OL DL 56982.
31 Zsigmondkori oklevéltár IV, ed. Elemér Mályusz (Budapest, 1994), 571, No. 2516.
32 MNL OL DL 103858.

163
the Brethren (which deprived them of their estates for some time and caused the
castle’s demise),33 we can observe the town’s boom again at the beginning of the
16th century. This was also manifested in 1520, when, at the request of Valentín of
Seč, King Louis II granted Rimavská Seč two more fair dates, on St. Valentine’s Day
and on St. George’s Day.34

Significant changes in the development of the town and the local church occurred
after the Battle of Mohács (1526) and especially after the Ottoman occupation of
Fiľakovo (1554). In the same year of 1554 the town was attacked and plundered by
the Ottoman army. It was again raided in 1566. Rimavská Seč and the nearby Číž
were the longest taxed Gemer settlements by the Ottomans in the 2nd half of the
17th century.35 These facts significantly influenced the demographic development of
the town.36 During the Ottoman expulsion, the church building was also partially
damaged. The provisional renovation of the building can be dated relatively early,
to 1560 – 1570. At that time, the church was already used for the liturgy of the
Evangelical Church of Augsburg Confession, which the local population and the
pastor joined sometime around the middle of the 16th century.37

From this period, local plaster finishes appear. In the sanctuary area, two niches
were bricked up, which originally served as a pastophorion and a storage niche.
The openings were filled with mixed masonry. The surfaces were locally treated
with lime plaster applied by smoothing technique in the places of damages and
changes. It is identified in the probes at the brickwork and in probe No. 14 on the
vertical wall it extends below the mass of the later matroneum extension. The
surface of the mass is mechanically damaged by baking. Alterations of this period
were identified only in the sanctuary area. On the rest of the walls a lime coating
was applied. The ribs of the vault and the stud were highlighted with grey paint.

Early 17th century

At the beginning of the 17th century, like many places in southern Gemer, the
teachings and beliefs of Martin Luther were exchanged by the local inhabitants and
the pastor for the teachings and beliefs of the Swiss reformers (J. Calvin, U. Zwingli,
T. Beza, etc.) and also the German reformer Henrich Bullinger.38 Since that time,
no doubt with the consent of the local landowners, the church has been serving
the liturgy of the Reformed Christian Church.39 Stratigraphically, only another lime

33 Sokolovský, “Erb,” 11.

34 Ibidem.
35 Helena Markusková, “Gemer pod osmanským panstvom,” in Najnovšie poznatky z výskumov stredovekých pamiatok
na Gotickej ceste III (Rožňava: Bratislava, 2020), 81.
36 Of the 81 serfs recorded in 1563, only 23 lived here in 1600. Ila, Gömör megye III, 302.
37 The early inclination and conversion of this area to the new faith could be evidenced by the enrolment of the
student Benedictus, son of Urban from Rimavská Seč, at the University of Wittenberg as early as 1518.
Károly Schrauf, Regestrum Bursae Cracoviensis Hungarorum. A krakói magyar tanulók-háza lakóinak jegyzéke (1493
– 1558) (Budapest, 1893), 91.
38 The Reformed Church was formed by extending the teachings of the Swiss Reformation. It spread in Hungary from
the first half of the 16th century. The adherents of this faith accepted the new, to some extent deeper and more
consistently applied Reformation teachings. Annamária Kónyová, “Reformovaná cirkev v Uhorsku v
ranom novoveku,” in Cirkvi v Uhorsku v 17. a 18. storočí, ed. Peter Kónya (Prešov, 2020), 216-219.
39 Sokolovský, “Erb,” 12-13. Given the absence of Protestant visitations of the Church in Rimavská Seč at the end
of the 16th century, it is likely that the departure from Evang. A. C. Church had occurred even earlier. The dating
to 1565 see. András Fabó. Monumenta evangelicorum Aug. conf. in Hungaria historica. A magyarországi ágost. vall.
Evangelikusok történelmi emlékei III. (Budapest, 1865), 22. The name Reformed Church came into use in Hungary
in the 17th century. Kónyová, Reformovaná, 221.

164
coating can be assigned to this phase. The inhabitants of the town lived in fear of
the Ottomans. In 1609, it is said that in Rimavská Seč, the Pasha of Eger himself
personally threatened to send his army against those who did not go and help to
build fortifications in Eger.40

After 1632
In June 1632, Mikuláš Forgáč of Gýmeš informed Emperor Ferdinand II about
serious Ottoman incursions in the vicinity of Fiľakovo and today’s Rimavská Seč,
and even in the town itself.41 The documented fire of the church, which resulted
in the collapse of the vault of the nave, may also be related to this.42 This is also
indirect information that the church was already completely vaulted in the Middle
Ages. The vertical walls were repaired in places. In the area of the sanctuary, the
construction of a wooden matroneum can be assumed, which is connected with
the creation of a new window opening in the lower parts of the east wall under
the existing medieval window. The outer lining of the window measured 105 x 80
cm. The window had a semi-arched shape. At the bottom, on the right and bottom
edge, a worked stone member with lime coating was uncovered. This architectural
detail suggests the use of a former niche in the wall, or the secondary use of a
stone member to form the lining of a newly created window.

Around 1750
After the extinction of the lords of Seč in 1685 by Peter Széchy, the estates of
the family, enlarged in 1570 by the estates of the Felsőlendva family and in 1608
by the estates in the north of Gemer (Muráň Castle),43 passed to the royal crown
and they were placed under the administration of the Hungarian Chamber of
Commerce. However, not for long. The very next period, at the turn of the 17th
and 18th centuries, was marked by important changes in property law, when
the noble family of the Koháry family acquired ownership of the former Széchy
estates. They respected the legal status of Rimavská Seč as a town and from the
beginning supported it in regaining its former economically prosperous status. The
depopulation, caused by the Ottoman plundering, the passage of armies of anti-
Habsburg uprisings44 and Polish troops heading to Vienna, and finally the plague,
which hit the town twice in the first half of the 18th century, the Koháry family tried
to remedy by resettling serfs from their other estates (they were mostly Slovaks
and Catholics).45

40 Arnold Ipolyi, Alsó sztregovai és rimai Rimay János államiratai és levelezése (Budapest, 1887), 406.
41 János Reizner, ed., “A császár-féle felső magyarországi 1631 – 1632-ik évi pórlázadás okmánytára (befejező
közlemény),” Történelmi Tár (1888), 132.
42 Sokolovský, “Erb,” 12. According to G. Balaša, “Staviteľsko-umelecké pamiatky v okrese Rimavská Sobota,” in
Kapitoly z dejín a prírody okresu Rimavská Sobota (Bratislava, 1968), 210.
43 Tihányiová, Sepulkrálne, 219-220.
44 The presence of the Kurucs in the town during the Tököli Uprising is evidenced, e.g., by a letter of the Kuruc
commander Sigmund Géczy from November 1680 to Stephan Koháry, the captain of Fiľakovo Castle,
who sided with the Habsburgs. Zoltán Igor Komjáti, “A kuruc-labanc viszony harctevékenységen kívüli
ügyei a füleki várőrség vonatkozásában Koháry II. istván főkapitányságának idején (1672 – 1682),” A Dornyay Béla
múzeum évkönyve XXXVIII (2014 – 2015): 164-165.
45 Ila, Gömör megye III, 302-303.

165
To the period around the middle of the 18th century, we can place the renovation
of the interior walls by unifying them with a new plaster treated with curving.
The thickness of the layer is 10 – 25 mm. The mass of fine-grained river filler is
grey with a white coating of lime. The Late Gothic portal on the north wall of the
sanctuary was bricked up with mixed stone and brickwork. Locally applied thicker
layers of plaster were mechanically disturbed by baking before the application of
the levelling plaster. On the exterior, a layer of plaster was also applied, which was
pressed tightly to the existing openings in stone with no stylistic, shape change.
Granules of crushed brick were added to the plaster mass. The windows were
outlined with ochre bordures.

1791
The construction of the church itself was dated to this year in the millennial
monograph on the Gemer County. Apparently, the church was substantially rebuilt
and renovated.46 In the interior, colourful decoration of the walls was carried out.
Within the range of probes, layers of paint performed by the secco technique
were identified. The vaulted areas of the former sanctuary were painted with light
blue pigment. The ribs of the vaulting were most probably colour-coded. This
polychrome was also removed along with others except for the mass of stone. It
is partially preserved on the bolt, where areas of ochre and red are visible, a sign
of colour separation. It was not possible to identify the shape of the decoration
within the extent of the probe and the preservation layer. Pink paint is visible on
the vertical walls. Around the windows, bordures in the form of ochre bands were
applied.

Rimavská Seč had been in the hands of the Koháry family for more than a hundred
years at that time. In 1796 they interceded with Emperor Francis II for the right to
hold another fair in Rimavská Seč, this time on the day of St. Paul’s Conversion (25
January).47

1844
This year appears in the church’s correspondence with the Monuments Commission
from 1904. The clergyman László Vattay advises the construction of the two
matronea by 1844. At present, we do not know the source of the dating and
the use of the exact year and the relatively short time gap allows us to consider
this information as credible. The massive matronea are built of burnt brick and
stylistically bear the hallmarks of the Neo-Romanesque style. The extensions
are on the sites of older matronea, probably wooden. In the stratigraphy of the
probes, the layer appears in the interior of the sanctuary and nave in the form of
decorative painting executed in lime paint. It is a simple decorative painting with
bordures around the basic architectural elements. Above the east matroneum in
the area of the former sanctuary, the walls were decorated with imitation of grey
marble with veining. In the space below the matroneum, the walls remained white.

46 Samu Borovszky, Magyarország vármegyéi és városai – Gömör – Kishont vármegye (Rimavská Sobota: Patrióta,
2008), 105 (reprint of the original from 1904).
47 Sokolovský, “Erb,” 14. MNL, A 57 – Magyar Kancelláriai Levéltár-Libri regii – vol. 59 – pp. 198-199.

166
In the nave, the triumphal arch above the stucco frame was adjusted by alternating
white and red bands with ochre lines. The classical cornice is flanked by bands of
brown, ultramarine, light green and red. In the centre of the bordure on the green
band, traces of geometric ornament applied through a stencil are visible. The
contour lines are ochre. The paint is powdered.

Sometime around this year the church tower with preserved stucco decoration
could have been built. Possible dating may have been part of the architecture.
As the original plaster was replaced with new plaster apart from the stucco
decoration, this conjecture cannot be confirmed and we rely solely on stylistic
elements. Placing it in the 18th century period is out of the question as it is a
Reformed church and the tower could not be built until 1843/1844. From the
end of the 19th century (1891) there is a preserved record of the financial support
of Emperor Franz Joseph I to the local Reformed Church in the amount of 100
forints.48 Rimavská Seč was often the venue of general assembly of Reformed
pastors from Gemer during this period.49 In terms of ownership, it belonged from
1829 to the Coburg family, who had shortly before become related to the Koháry
family through their marriage policy. Their interest in this Lower Gemer estate
was manifested, e.g. by the foundation of a machine workshop in the town, where
hand-operated machines for sowing oilseed rape were produced.50 The Coburgs
were mentioned in the history of the town until 1928, when the family’s estates in
Slovakia were taken over by the State Land Office in Prague.

1957
The renovation of the interior of the church is dated by the inscription of the year
on the front of the west matroneum. The layer on the exterior was not identified
within the extent of the observation. The most significant interventions include
the bricking up of the Gothic windows of the sanctuary, along with the lower east
Baroque window. The plaster filler consists of crushed sand. It contains a high
proportion of cement. A levelling layer is also used in the ground-floor parts, which
is filled with distinctive pink sand from the quarry in Gombasek. It appears locally
on the walls, incorporated quite close to the older surfaces. Subsequently the walls
were whitewashed. The walls above the east matroneum were painted ochre. The
renovation was dated with the inscribed year, which is overwritten in the currently
visible painting.

1994
The last major renovation was carried out in the recent past. Although the building
has been listed as a cultural monument since 1964, no documentation of the
renovation has been produced. However, partial guidance of the renewal is evident.
This was manifested by the fact that the discovery of the Early Gothic windows
was represented by indicating the bricked-up area by means of a projection in the

48 Protestáns egyházi és iskolai lapok, vol. 34, 1891, no. 10, 321.
49 Protestáns egyházi és iskolai lapok, vol. 40, 1897, no. 45, 707
50 Attila Selmeczi Kovács, “Agrotechnikai változások a XIX. századi repceművelében Magyarországon,” in A Magyar
Mezőgazdasági Múzeum Közleményei 1975 – 1977, ed. Imre Takács (Budapest, 1978), 103.

167
plaster. The architectural stone members have been cleaned to mass. The plaster
was restored on the entire exterior except for the tower. The negative side of the
renovation was, among other things, the removal of older surfaces as well as the
chipping off the crown cornices around the perimeter of the church. Plaster was
applied to the brick skeleton of the cornices without any attempt to reconstruct
the original profiling. The crown cornice of the south anteroom was left in its
original shape. The renovation plaster is heavily overbuilt with cement. The filler is
made of crushed sand. On the tower of the church, the plain areas were renewed,
cut to the edge of the ornamentation. By the application of new plaster, the stucco
elements have been “drowned” and stand out less into the space. In addition,
the surface of the ornaments has been painted with a thin cement mortar, which
degrades the artistic expression. The protruding plinth parts were treated with a
structural plaster, the so-called brizolite. The surfaces were painted white, except
for the plinth, which is ochre. At present they show signs of degradation due to
leakage and rising damp. This is manifested by separation of the plaster from the
substrate, dark deposits in the maps and biological attack by mosses and lichens.
The leakage was technically solved by the renovation of the roof in 2020. In the
interior, the walls were painted in a yellow-ochre shade. The vault of the former
sanctuary, the ceiling of the nave and the projecting relief stucco elements were
painted white. Oil bronze paint was used on the pilaster capitals. On the west
matroneum is a transcription of the modern inscription MINDENÉRT AZ ISTENÉ A
DISCŐSÉG.51 and the dates of the restoration of the 2nd half of the 20th century
– 1957 and 1994. An attempt at somewhat decorative expression is visible on the
matroneum fronts in the form of vine branches with grapes and spikelets.

The research not only defined the technical condition of the mass, but also
brought new knowledge about the history of the building. Ongoing archival
research into the history of the church and the village provides knowledge that
can be related to the stratigraphy of the building. Some medieval details were also
presented after later modifications of the church.

New finds for which there was no record

1 – A niche in brick on the north wall of the sanctuary, bricked up in the 16th
century.
2 – A niche carved in a single block of stone on the south wall of the sanctuary,
bricked up in the 16th century.
3 – The Late Gothic profiled portal on the north wall, which probably served as an
entrance to the sacristy, can be considered a significant discovery. It surprises with
its advanced workmanship.
4 – Primary layer of polychrome on the vault bolt of the sanctuary with the motif
of a solar rosette.

Archaeology and the use of GPR could shed significant light on the history of the
church. As it is a church in the family seat of the Széchy family, it is likely that the
crypts of some members of the family are located under the floor of the sanctuary.
With regard to the architecture, it would be possible to confirm or refute the

51 Translated, “All praise be to God.”

168
presumption of the existence of a sacristy and to determine the original plan of the
nave.

Summary in Slovak
Štúdia podáva výsledky reštaurátorského výskumu nástenných malieb, historického
muriva a omietok v Kostole reformovanej kresťanskej cirkvi v Rimavskej Seči.
Výskum bol realizovaný v roku 2022. Autori štúdie sledujú tiež jednotlivé stavebné
fázy kostola, pričom ich zaraďujú aj do historického kontextu dejín obce, miestneho
zemepanského rodu i celého gemerského regiónu. Pôvodne stredoveký kostol
bol zasvätený svätému Martinovi. Prvýkrát sa v archívnych prameňoch spomína v
súpise pápežských desiatkov z roku 1332. Súčasná podoba kostola je výsledkom
prestavieb a úprav z neskorších období. Vrámci reštaurátorského výskumu bol
na severnej stene novoobjavený neskorogotický portál s kamenným ostením. V
krížení ranogotickej rebrovej klenby bola na svorníku čiastočne odkrytá primárna
polychrómia s motívom solárnej rozety. Vrámci výskumu bol realizovaný aj
petrografický rozbor vzoriek kamenných článkov.

169
 The probe on the bolt of the cross vault in the former
sanctuary. The motif of a white solar rosette on the black
background is visible on the primary layer of polychrome. The
raised bordure is outlined with red iron pigment.

The north wall of the former sanctuary; the find

of the stone lining of the Gothic portal

Detail of the right lining of the western portal; Detailed side view of the bolt; the remnant of the ornamental
the so-called magic pits are visible in the mass linear ochre-green painting is visible on part of the rib

The view of the vault of the former sanctuary

170
Eastern gothic window The niche on the south wall of the former
sanctuary exposed in the probe; the
architectural element is carved into a single
stone monolith

The probe on the lining of the south entrance to the nave in

the narthex; the worked stone element of the Gothic portal
is visible beneath layers of secondary surfaces

Part of the exposed niche (pastophorion) on

the northern wall of the former sanctuary; the
opening is made primarily of burnt brick

Graphic visualisation of the shape of the bricked portal on

the northern wall of the former sanctuary

171
Medieval Architecture and Furnishings of
the St. John the Baptist Collegiate Church
in Skalbmierz

Mgr. Wojciech Sowała

Instytut Historii Sztuki UJ
os. Albertyńskie 28/98, 318 54 Krakow
wojciech.sowala@doctoral.uj.edu.pl

Above: St. John the Baptist Collegiate Church in Skalbmierz

Abstract: The collegiate church in Skalbmierz was founded in the 12th century
and belonged to the most important churches in the Kraków diocese throughout
the Middle Ages and the Early Modern era. The article discusses the medieval
architecture and furnishings of the church preserved to this day. In its current form,
it consists of a 12th century nave and towers, constituting the presbytery, and a three-
nave body added in the 15th century. Based on the archaeological finds, the article
puts forward a thesis about a different, more extended eastern part of the church
than previously thought. Attention was paid to the undoubted references of the 15th
century nave to the characteristic ones in Krakow, resulting from the prestigious
nature of the foundation and from its strong connections with the capital of the
Kingdom of Poland. A testimony to aforementioned phenomenon is also a preserved
sculpture of the Madonna, dating from around 1460. It was likely produced in
Krakow, but according to the most fashionable Prague patterns. The remaining
elements of the medieval collegiate church come from the extensive international
contacts of canons and their care for the monument. A wonderful silver reliquary, in
the shape of the head of John the Baptist on a platter, probably made in Italy and
dating back to the second half of the 15th century is a proof. Its shape is not only
related to of reliquary popular at that time, but also highlights the local tradition –
this motif appears on city and chapter seals, as well as on the keystone in the church.
The last object discussed are stalls from the early 16th century, whose decorations
and manufacturing technique indicated their Spiš origin.

Keywords: Skalbmierz, Romanesque architecture, Gothic architecture,

Goldschmiedery, Gothic sculpture

Skalbmierz is now a small provincial town located about fifty kilometers east
of Krakow. However, in the Middle Ages, the city, located in the centre of fertile
areas, played an important role in Lesser Poland as a local craft and trade centre.
Its role in the structure of the diocese of Krakow was even more important, as the
collegiate church there was one of the best-endowed chapters.1 It is assumed that
the congregation of canons was founded at the beginning of the 12th century by
Skarbimir Awdaniec, one of the most influential magnates at the court of Bolesław
the Wrymouth. At that time, a stone temple was also erected, which has largely
survived to this day (Fig. 1). The preserved towers and lateral walls are made of
precisely worked out and fitted cubic stone blocks with dimensions of approx. 60

1 S. Romanowski, „Dzieje miasta Skalbmierza,” Rocznik Muzeum Świętokrzyskiego 3 (1965): 211-225, 237-240; B.
Kumor, Dzieje diecezji krakowskiej, vol. 3 (Kraków, 2000), 173-194.

173
x 40 cm.2 Andrzej Tomaszewski, who in the 1960s conducted architectural research
and archaeological survey excavations in Skalbmierz, reconstructs the church as an
aisleless, covered with a wooden ceiling, closed from the east with a semicircular
apse and from the west flanked by two square towers, between which there is
a gallery connected to the nave by a staircase in the thickness of the southern
wall (Fig 2). While the shape of the western part of the temple is beyond doubt,
the eastern closure, reconstructed on the basis of cursory research (one short
excavation was made behind the eastern wall, running along the axis of the church,
in which no remnants of the walls were found) as a semicircular apse connected
directly to the existing walls, which would fit inside the present walls is not certain.
First of all, in the aforementioned excavation, a stone sarcophagus was found,
dated to the 11th / 12th centuries, carved from a single piece of rock, placed along the
axis of the church (Fig. 3). It is noteworthy that this is the only such object found in
Poland so far, and in Central Europe similar finds are also rare and are associated
with burials of state elites. In similar sarcophagi, members of the imperial family
from the Salic dynasty in the cathedral in Speyer, or the rulers of Bohemia,
Vratislav II and Bořivoj IIin the St. Peter and Paul Collegiate Church in Vyšehrad
in Prague, were buried. Since such elite burials were usually located within the
temple, often in the choir (especially in the case of the founders), and there is no
indication that the sarcophagus in Skalbmierz was moved, it should be taken into
account, in my opinion, that the church in Skalbmierz was longer and the tomb was
in its chancel or apse. The temple would then have highly elongated proportions
but not unusual at the time. Similar solutions from the 12th century are known, for
example, from the Benedictine churches in Rimavskie Janovce or in Lubin in Greater
Poland. The parallel with the second temple is particularly intriguing, although the
church was consecrated a bit later than Skalbmierz, i.e. in 1148, but its founders are
considered to be the Awdaniec family, which also included Skarbimir, the founder
of Skalbmierz.3 The argument, unfortunately, must remain within the scope of
hypotheses until comprehensive archaeological research is carried out. There is no
doubt, however, that the Romanesque church in Skalbmierz belonged to a group of
relatively small but interestingly designed noble churches, which, as Tomaszewski
showed, not only had western galleries, but were also built by very good
workshops, which was reflected in the precise technique of processing and joining
blocks, but above all in the refined reduction of basilica plans. A good example is
not only Skalbmierz with a huge two-tower western facade, but also churches in
Prandocin and Jędrzejów with western apses integrated with the towers.4

The comprehensive reconstruction of the temple in Skalbmierz took place in the

middle of the 15th century.5 Serious damage to the church due to the earthquake in
1443 forced the commencement of works, as a result of which the temple took the

2 S. Tomkowicz, “Kollegiata świetego Jana Chrzciciela w Skalbmierzu: Reszty romańskiej budowy,” Sprawozdania
Komisyi do Badania Historyi Sztuki w Polsce 9, no. 1 (1913): 109-112; K. Kutrzebianka, “Skalbmierz,” in Katalog
Zabytków Sztuki w Polsce, vol. 3, no. 9, ed. M. Kałamajska-Saeed (Warszawa, 1961), 83; Zygmunt Świechowski,
Budownictwo Romanskie w Polsce: Katalog Zabytków (Wroclawa, 1963), 243-244; Andrzej Tomaszewski,
Romańskie kościoły z emporami zachodnimi (Wrocław; Warszawa; Kraków; Gdańsk, 1974),
115-119; W. Sowała, “Średniowieczna architektura kościoła św. Jana Chrzciciela w Skalbmierzu,” Biuletyn Historii
Sztuki 4 (2020): 497-501.
3 Sowała, “Średniowieczna architektura kościoła św. Jana Chrzciciela,” 501-502.
4 Tomaszewski, Romańskie kościoły, 137-138.
5 A. Szyszko-Bohusz, “Beszowa, Skalbmierz i system krakowski,” Sprawozdania Komisyi do Badania Historyi Sztuki
w Polsce 9, no. 1 (1913): 66-79; Kutrzebianka, “Skalbmierz,” 83; P. Crossley, Gothic Architecture in the Reign of Kasimir
the Great: Church Architecture in Lesser Poland 1320 – 1380 (Kraków, 1985), 89; P. Pencakowski and A. Włodarek,
“Skalbmierz,” in Architektura gotycka w Polsce, vol. 2/2, eds. M. Arszyński and T. Mroczko (Warszawa, 1995), 206;
Sowała, “Średniowieczna architektura kościoła św. Jana Chrzciciela,” 504-520.

174
form that has remained almost unchanged until today. The towers and fragments
of the lateral walls of the Romanesque building that survived the cataclysm
were used to build the presbytery part (Fig 4).They were strengthened only with
buttresses necessary to support the vaults, and the whole construction was closed
from the east with a polygonal apse. In this way, an elongated, three-span, single-
nave choir was obtained, to which a three-nave and three-span basilica type part
was added from the west. Most of the works were probably completed by 1460,
when a contract was concluded with a local glazier for glazing the windows in the
church. The stonemason's workshop, which erected the nave, consisted of excellent
masons, familiar with the latest trends in the architecture of Krakow. This is
evidenced by both the regularity of the plan, referring to the capital city standards,
and the precision of execution. The rich, well-forged profiling of the arcades
between the naves and details decorating the pillars is noteworthy. As in Krakow,
a system of buttresses integrated with the pillars of the nave, was used. Both the
proportions of the height of the naves, the shape of the pillars, the architectural
details and the construction system used in Skalbmierz indicate that at least some
of the masons also worked on the nave of the Corpus Christi Church in Kazimierz
near Krakow. This thesis is additionally reinforced by the use of similar consoles
supporting the vault's ribs and identical stonework marks.6

It is worth paying attention to the architectural and ideological context of the

church in Skalbmierz. The reference point for the whole of Lesser Poland in the
15th century were undoubtedly the great churches in Krakow, the construction of
which was started in the 14th century and lasted in some cases till the end of 15th
century. The Cathedral and St. Mary, Holy Trinity, St. Catherine and Corpus Christi
churches set the model of the most prestigious temple for the entire region, which
has become a basilica with buttresses integrated with inter-nave pillars and an
elongated multi-span chancel. However, due to construction difficulties, this model
was repeated only three times: in the Pauline Church in Beszowa, in the Collegiate
churches in Bodzentyn and in Skalbmierz. It is significant that all these were
founded by representatives of the kingdom's elite.The monastery in Beszowa was
founded at the beginning of the 15th century by the Bishop of Krakow, Wojciech
Jastrzębiec, and the collegiate church in Bodzentyn by Cardinal Zbigniew Oleśnicki
in the middle of the century. Nevertheless, it should be noted that in both cases
the quality of execution is much lower than in Skalbmierz, which is the only one in
this respect to match the capital's buildings.

The collegiate church in Skalbmierz does not exactly follow the Krakow pattern.
The choir is lower than the nave and there are towers at their junction. This is
due to the fact that part of the older church has been preserved, which could of
course have resulted from financial savings, but a few reasons indicate that it was
done on purpose in order to show the old origin of the collegiate church. Similar
actions are known from the area of Central Europe – the most spectacular is saving
the Romanesque towers in the facade during the reconstruction of the Collegiate
Church of St. Stephen in Vienna.7 Above all, however, similar activities were widely
used by King of Poland Casimir III the Great, reigning in 1333 – 1370.

6 Sowała, “Średniowieczna architektura kościoła św. Jana Chrzciciela,” 503-508.

7 K. Oettinger, Das Werden Wiens (Wien, 1951), 219.

175
Saint John the Baptist’s Collegiate Church in Skalbmierz
(according to Achitektura gotycka w Polsce, t. 2, fig. 364)

Saint John the Baptist’s Collegiate Church in Skalbmierz

(reconstruction according to Andrzej Tomaszewski)

176
In this context, it was pointed out that the king saved the Romanesque rotunda
of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Wawel Castle from demolition, preserved the
western crypt and the towers of the Krakow Cathedral or the western massif of
the collegiate church in Wiślica.8 All these activities complicated the process of
erecting new buildings, which is most visible in the case of the cathedral where
it forced to break its axis. It is necessary to add that the use of the past in the
politics of Kazimierz was limited not only to displaying older relics but also had a
much wider scope. One can mention here, for example, the foundation of a new
tombstone over the tomb of the first Piast King, Bolesław the Brave, in the Gniezno
cathedral.9 In the 15th century, similar actions were undertaken by the Polish
state elite. Here we can point to a number of foundations by Cardinal Zbigniew
Oleśnicki, who founded new churches in places strongly related to the history of
the state and diocese, or Jan Długosz, who used forms referring to the Kazimierz
the Great foundations in his commissions.10

In the case of Skalbmierz, attention should be paid to the members of the chapter
and, above all, the provost who fulfilled their functions during the reconstruction,
because they were responsible for the concept and supervision of the works. In
1442 – 1456 the provost was Jakub of Sienno, Dębno coat of arms, later Archbishop
and one of the most enlightened members of the kingdom's elite. He was the
nephew of the already mentioned Cardinal Zbigniew Oleśnicki, a contemporary
of Jan Długosz, whom he must have known. Educated in Bologna and Rome,
befriending Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, he was certainly a person who was able
to consciously use the relics of the past to mark the prestige of the institution
he headed at the time. Jakub knew similar cases not only from Krakow (from
1435 he was a cathedral canon, from 1446 provost) but probably also from Rome
(legal protection of Traian's column). Thus, both the employment of the capital's
workshop to build the nave in the most fashionable forms at the time, and the
display of the remains of the older collegiate church seem to be a deliberate action
aimed at maximizing the prestige and antiquity of the Skalbmierz's chapter in the
visual sphere.11

The status of the Collegiate Church in Skalbmierz, in which many representatives

of the kingdom elite served, were undoubtedly reflected in its furnishings.
The confirmation of this can be the record of Jan Długosz that it was rich.
Unfortunately, only few of its elements have survived. The figure of the Madonna
with Child comes from the 14th century, and was recently dated by Marek Walczak
to around 1360 (Fig. 5).12 Although it was probably located in Skalbmierz from the
beginning, the source records allow to reconstruct its history only from the 18th
century. It is known that at that time it was venerated as the Mother of Consolation
and was located in the chapel under the south tower. Around the middle of the
century, a new retable was made for it, ordered in Krakow in the workshop of

8 M. Walczak, “Dlaczego król Kazimierz Wielki zachował od zniszczenia wawelską rotundę Najświętszej Marii Panny”
in Lapides viventes: Zaginiony Kraków wieków średnich, ed. J. Gadomski et al. (Kraków, 2005), 93-114;
P. Pajor, “Król spogląda w przeszłość: Romańskie relikty w murach katedry krakowskiej i kolegiaty w
Wiślicy jako nośnik programu historycznego w działalności fundacyjnej Kazimierza Wielkiego,”
in Historyzm – tradycja – archaizacja: Studia z dziejów świadomości historycznej w średniowieczu i okresie
nowożytnym, ed. M. Walczak (Kraków, 2015), 83-109.
9 M. Walczak, “Power and History: The Past as a Means of Legitimating of Ruler’s Authority in the Court Art of
14th century Poland,” Umění 1, no. 64 (2014): 4-8.
10 P. Gryglewski, De sacra antiquitite: Odwołania do przeszłości w polskiej architekturze sakralnej XVI wieku
(Warszawa, 2012), 100-111.
11 Sowała, “Średniowieczna architektura kościoła św. Jana Chrzciciela,” 520.
12 M. Walczak, Do źródła (Kraków, 2020), 183-186.

177
 Reliquary of Saint John the Baptist, Saint John the Baptist’s
Collegiate Church in Skalbmierz (photos by Wojciech Sowała)

Reliquary of Saint John the Baptist, Saint John

the Baptist’s Collegiate Church in Skalbmierz

Madonna with Child. Muzeum Diecezjalne w Kielcach

(photos by Wojciech Sowała)

Sarcophagus excavated near the Saint John the Baptist’s

Collegiate Church in Skalbmierz
(photo Wojewódzki Urząd Ochrony Zabytków w Kielcach,
Ewidencja Dokumentacji Naukowo Technicznej, sygn. BA 48)

178
 Stalls, Saint John the Baptist’s Collegiate Church
in Skalbmierz (photo Wojciech Sowała)

Details of the talls, Saint John the Baptist’s Collegiate Church Details of the stalls, Saint John the Baptist’s
in Skalbmierz (photo by Wojciech Sowała) Collegiate Church in Skalbmierz

179
prominent sculptor Wojciech Rojowski.

In the second half of the century, the figure was also decorated with a pair of silver
crowns and a scepter, preserved to this day, although in a very bad condition, in
the church treasury.13 After World War II, the heavily damaged figure was replaced
with a statue of Christ, and the Madonna was transferred to the Seminary in Kielce,
where the exhibits were collected in connection with the plans to create the
Diocesan Museum. At that time, the sculpture was also subjected to preservation,
which included reconstructing the lower part and the left arm, and strengthening
the whole with a wooden frame (Fig. 6). The Madonna of Skalbmierz was most
probably made by one of the workshops in Krakow, working in the then-popular
Bohemian manner.14 The arrangement of the figures and the way of folding the
garments were modeled on the stone figure of the Madonna from the Old Town
Hall in Prague. It is clearly legible despite the simplification of the modeling and
the lower artistic class of the figure from Skalbmierz, although it should be noted
that the sculptor showed a lot of inventiveness in posing the baby, especially in
the way in which it grabs the maforion of the Mother of God. This is also visible
in the maforion worn very courteously over the shoulders and neck. This type of
Madonna was very popular in Lesser Poland. One can mention the figure of Our
Lady of Regulice as an example.

Another medieval work is a silver reliquary in the shape of the head of John the
Baptist on a platter (Fig. 7). Mentioned in the inventory from 1544 and later, it
was renovated at the expense of canon Andrzej Nechrebecki in 1748, when the
platter and the relics repository were replaced. The work is made of soldered four
sheets of silver, in the repoussé technique.15 Not only is the outstanding quality
of workmanship noticeable, but most of all the idealized and antiquated face
(Fig. 8). Both the inner corners of the eyes made in teardrop forms, as well as a
rectangular mouth and a slightly flattened nose resemble an ancient sculpture
or Italian Renaissance plastic art modeled on it. The more so because the face
and especially the eyes were designed in a very sculptural way, reminiscent of a
stone or woodcarving. The comparison with the works of Donatello (i.e. Penitent
Magdalene, Florence, Museo dell’Opera del Duomo), Andrea del Verrocchio or
Francesco da Sangallo suggests that the Skalbmierz’s reliquary could have been
made by a goldsmith or sculptor educated there, probably in the second half
of the 15th century or at the beginning of the 16th century. Especially that Italy's
sculptors often had a goldsmith training. Reliquaries in the shape of the Head of
John the Baptist on a bowl appeared in Europe in the 13th century, the head from
the cathedral in Naumburg being one of the oldest.16 In the fifteenth century they
were already very popular throughout Europe. The motif of John the Baptist's head
on a platter was also used in heraldry or coinage. Especially in Silesia, this motif
was widespread. It was used on coins as early as the end of the 11th century17 and it
also often appeared in architectural sculpture. Nevertheless, the iconography of
the Skalbmierz reliquary was not accidental. John the Baptist was the collegiate’s
patron saint, which was reflected on the seals of the chapter and the city, which
contained the head of John the Baptist. A similar image was also found on the

13 W. Sowała, Artystyczne dzieje kolegiaty świętego Jana Chrzciciela w Skalbmierzu (Kielce, 2022), 74-75.
14 Walczak, Do źródła, 183-186.
15 Kutrzebianka, “Skalbmierz,” 85; K. Myśliński, ed., Ornamenta Ecclesiae: Skarby diecezji Kieleckiej (Kielce,
2000), 119-120; Sowała, Artystyczne dzieje, 42-44.
16 B. Baert, Caput Johannis in Disco: Essay on a Man’s Head (Leiden, 2012), 45-49.
17 W. Garbaczewski, Ikonografia monet pisowskich (Warszawa; Lublin, 2007), 260-266.

180
keystone in the choir. The celebrations of John's birth took particularly solemn
forms in Skalbmierz, then the general chapter was held, so the liturgy was
celebrated in the presence of most if not all of the canons. There was also a fair
at that time, which in turn resulted in an increased number of believers.18 The
founding of the reliquary can also be seen as a reference to a similar foundation
from the Krakow cathedral, for which Cardinal Zbigniew Oleśnicki ordered a silver
head of John the Baptist on a platter to house the relics of the Prophet he had
obtained.19

The last element preserved in the collegiate church from that time is a wooden,
richly decorated bench, made in the first third of the 16th century (Fig. 9). In 1952
it was renewed and partially reconstructed, but as can be deduced from the
comparison with the 19th century engraving, the most important elements of figural
decorations and ornaments are mostly original or faithfully repeated.20 What draws
attention in the bench is the harmonious combination of Gothic and Renaissance
elements, the last especially visible in the use of a classic cornice to top the canopy,
and the use of inlay as the basic decorative technique. The ornament consists
of geometric motifs arranged in stripes or appearing individually. In addition,
the backs of the stalls depict multi-story towers topped with fancy rags (Fig. 10).
The vault is decorated with stripes of ornament imitating vault ribs in a cross
arrangement with yoke ribs (Fig. 11).The juxtaposition of the Skalbmierz’s stall with
two similar ones from the Church of St. James in Levoča and the Church of St.
Aegidius in Bardejov (today at the National Museum in Budapest) is intriguing.21
Both the composition and the ornamentation show far-reaching similarities. In
all three cases, similar or even identical geometric motifs were used in analogous
arrangements. Here one can indicate the method of decorating the bases of the
slats separating the backrest segments. In all cases, this element is devoid of
profiling (present in the upper part) and is decorated with inscribed squares with a
star (Fig 12). Architectural motifs are also composed in a similar way – they occupy
narrow and high fields in the middle parts of the backs, separated with ornamental
stripes. The similarities even apply to the use of an intuitive perspective in
depictions of urban buildings decorating the stalls in question. Considering that
in Poland there is furniture of slightly different forms, decorated mostly with
bas-reliefs and not inlay, while Spiš was at that time the centre producing similar
equipment on a large scale, one can, in my opinion, put forward a thesis that
the Skalbmierz’s bench was made in one of the Spiš centres. The more that both
regions had intensive trade contacts at that time.

Conclusion
In conclusion, I would like to point out a few things. First of all, the collegiate of
St. John the Baptist in Skalbmierz is one of the oldest chapters in Lesser Poland,
and the Romanesque church is one of the most architecturally interesting noble

18 Sowała, Artystyczne dzieje, 44.

19 M. Walczak, “Działalność fundacyjna biskupa krakowskiego kardynała Zbigniewa Oleśnickiego,” Folia Historiae
Artium XXVIII (1992): 65.
20 W. Łuszczkiewicz, “Stalle intarsyjowane w Skalbmierzu,” Przyjaciel Sztuki Kościelnej 6, no. 2/5 (1884): 87-88;
Kutrzebianka, “Skalbmierz,” 85; Sowała, Artystyczne dzieje, 42
21 D. Buran et al. eds., Gotika Dejiny slovenského výtvarného umenia (Bratislava, 2003), 776-777; Z. Ludiková, ed.,
Renesancia: Dejiny slovenského výtvarného umenia (Bratislava, 2009), 492-493.

181
foundations and in addition, it probably became the resting place of its founder.
Secondly, the fifteenth-century reconstruction should be considered as one of the
best work in Lesser Poland, both in terms of the class and scale of architecture, as
well as the sophisticated ideological program emphasizing both the most current
and prestigious patterns and displaying the relics of the old church to show the
antiquity and prestige of the institution. Thirdly, the surviving elements of medieval
furnishings are a testimony to both the good artistic taste of the founders and the
ties linking the collegiate church with the rest of Europe. The canons of Skalbmierz,
it seems, were familiar with the current artistic trends and ordered furnishings in
Krakow or imported them from other, sometimes distant regions.

Summary in Polish
Kolegiata w Skalbmierzu została ufundowana w XII w. i należała przez całe
średniowiecze i część epoki nowożytnej do najważniejszych kościołów w diecezji
krakowskiej. W artykule omówiono średniowieczną architekturę oraz wyposażenie
kościoła zachowane do naszych czasów. W obecnym kształcie świątynia składa
się z XII-wiecznego korpusu i wież, stanowiących dzisiejsze prezbiterium oraz
dobudowanego w XV w. trójnawowego korpusu nawowego. Na podstawie znalezisk
archeologicznych, w artykule postawiono tezę o innym niż dotychczas sądzono,
bardziej wydłużonym kształcie wschodniej partii świątyni. Zwrócono również
uwagę na niewątpliwe nawiązania XV-wiecznego korpusu nawowego do wzorów
krakowskich, świadczące o prestiżowym charakterze fundacji i silnych związkach ze
stolicą Królestwa Polskiego. Na korzystanie ze stołecznych wzorów wskazuje także
zachowana rzeźba Madonny, pochodząca z ok. 1460 r. Wyrób prawdopodobnie
krakowski ale wykonany zgodnie z najmodniejszymi praskimi wzorami. Pozostałe
zachowane elementy średniowiecznego wyposażenia kolegiaty również świadczą
szerokich kontaktach kanoników i dbałości o kolegiatę. Wspaniały srebrny
relikwiarz, w kształcie głowy Jana Chrzciciela na misie pochodzi prawdopodobnie
z Italii i datowany jest na drugą połowę XV w. Jego kształt nawiązuje nie tylko
do popularnego wówczas typu relikwiarza ale także podkreśla lokalną tradycje
miejsca. Motyw ten pojawia się na pieczęciach miejskiej i kapituły oraz na zworniku
w prezbiterium. Ostatnim omówionym obiektem są stalle z początku XVI w.,
których ornamentyka i technika wykonania wskazują na spiskie pochodzenie.

182
183
The 13th Century Dominican Church
of St. James in Sandomierz
– The Results of Interdisciplinary Research

Justyna Kamińska, MA (Jagiellonian University, ul. Gołębia 24, 31-007 Krakow

Dr. Eng. arch. Małgorzata Doroz-Turek, Kielce University of Technology, al. Tysiąclecia Państwa
Polskiego 7, 25-314 Kielce
Andrzej Gołembnik, MA, INCEDO3D, ul. Kościuszki 41, Ostrówek, 05-205 Klembów
justyna.kaminska@doctoral.uj.edu.pl

Above: Dominican Church of St. James in Sandomierz

Abstract: Medieval Sandomierz, located on important trade routes and being the
second most important political and religious centre in Lesser Poland after Krakow,
could boast of several significant brick buildings, the largest and most important of
which were undoubtedly the royal castle, the collegiate church and the town hall.
The Dominican church and monastery on the St. James Hill likely stood out from
those due to its location outside the city walls and to the unique ceramic decorations
of its brick walls. Fortunately, the medieval monastery complex has been preserved
to this day in relatively good condition, but, deprived of written sources and at
the beginning of the 20th century subjected to restoration, which to some extent
distorted its appearance, it remained largely enigmatic for subsequent architectural
researchers. Finally, archaeological and architectural research conducted several
years ago shed some light on the history of the construction of the monastery and
the church bell tower.
Its continuation has been interdisciplinary research work carried out in the church
of St. James by authors in 2021 and 2022. The combination of research methods
of several disciplines (history of art, architecture, and archaeology), with the
application of modern technologies for measurements, photography and for the
creation of a digital model allowed for the first such detailed analysis of preserved
architectural structures in the history of the monument. As a result, it was
established that both the presbytery and the nave of the church of St. James were
built over the course of the 13th century in many stages, interrupted by construction
disasters, hostile invasions and changes in architectural concepts. A hypothesis was
put forward that the construction of the church began from the nave part. It was
also proposed to reconstruct the construction phases of the presbytery, which was
probably initially built without a vault.

Keywords: Church of St. James in Sandomierz, brick architecture, mendicant

architecture, interdisciplinary research

Introduction
In 2021 – 2022, as part of the MiniGRANT POB Heritage of the Jagiellonian
University in Kraków, a team consisting of Justyna Kamińska (Project Manager),
Małgorzata Doroz-Turek and Andrzej Gołembnik carried out interdisciplinary
research on the Dominican church of St. James in Sandomierz.1 The research

1 See for example: Zofia Gołubiew, “Kościół dominikański p. w. św. Jakuba w Sandomierzu w XIII stuleciu i jego
dekoracja architektoniczna,” in Studia nad historią dominikanów w Polsce 1222 – 1972, ed. Jerzy Kłoczowski, vol. II

185
included an archival query, in situ observations and measurements, as well as the
preparation and analysis of digital scans of the monument. The goal of the project
was to attempt to reconstruct and date the successive stages of the construction
of the presbytery and the nave of the church in question. In this paper, we would
like to present the course and results of our research, paying attention to selected
threads from the history of construction and reconstruction of the medieval
monument. In the last part of the paper, the monument will be placed within the
context of 13th century architecture in Poland and Central Europe.

Situation
Medieval Sandomierz, situated on the trade routes leading along the Vistula
towards Gdańsk and overland to Przemyśl and Lublin, and further to the
Ruthenia and Hungary, was the second most important political and religious
centre of Lesser Poland after Krakow.2 The settlement was developing on several
neighbouring hills rising at the Vistula River.3 As early as the 14th century, the city
boasted several significant buildings. The largest and most important of them were
undoubtedly the royal castle, the collegiate church and the town hall. [Fig. 1] The
Dominican church and cloister, despite their smaller size and location outside the
city walls were no less impressive. They stood out because of their unusual building
material (brick) and, most of all, due to exceptionally rich ceramic decorations of
their walls.

The Dominicans came to Poland as early as 1222 and established their first convent
in Krakow.4 In 1225, the Polish Province of the Order was created, and a year later
a second Dominican monastery in Lesser Poland was founded in Sandomierz.5
The construction of a new brick church and the first cloister buildings probably
began right after the friars’ arrival, on the eastern slope of the St. James Hill.6 It
is an area of a former settlement, by some researchers considered the first city of
Sandomierz.7 From the end of the 13th century the settlement was located outside
the city defensive walls, from which it is separated by a wide Piszczele Ravine.

(Warszawa, 1975), 9-196; Jerzy Zub, Sandomierz: Kościół p.w. św. Jakuba i Klasztor Dominikański (Tarnobrzeg, 1995);
Andrzej Kadłuczka, Klaudia Stala, “Kościół św. Jakuba i najstarsze założenie klasztorne: Synteza przekształceń
zespołu,” in Dominikański klasztor św. Jakuba w Sandomierzu. Archeologia i architektura, historia i współczesność,
ed. Andrzej Gołembnik and Marcin Lisak (Kraków; Warszawa, 2019), 131-172; Justyna Kamińska, “Kto fundował XIII-
wieczny zespół klasztorny dominikanów w Sandomierzu?,” Biuletyn Historii Sztuki 82, no. 2 (2020): 175-207.
2 Teresa Wąsowicz, “Sandomierska sieć drożna w wiekach średnich,” in Studia sandomierskie. Materiały do dziejów
miasta Sandomierza i regionu sandomierskiego, ed. Teresa Wąsowicz, vol. 1 (Warszawa, 1967), passim; Tadeusz
Lalik, “Sandomierz w świetle źródeł pisanych,” in Sandomierz: badania 1969 – 1973, ed. Stanisław Tabaczyński, vol. 1
(Warszawa, 1993), 49-72; Andrzej Buko, Początki Sandomierza (Warszawa, 1998), 110-111, ill. 66.
3 Piotr Okniński, “Główne etapy formowania się miasta lokacyjnego w Sandomierzu w XIII-XIV wieku,” Roczniki
Historyczne LXXXII (2016): 79-106.
4 Marcin Szyma, Kościół i klasztor dominikanów w Krakowie. Architektura zespołu klasztornego do lat dwudziestych
XIV wieku (Kraków, 2004); Tomasz Gałuszka, “Przybycie św. Jacka Odrowąża do Krakowa w 1222 roku w świetle
nowo odkrytego źródła,” Roczniki Historyczne 88 (2011): 55-76.
5 Jan Długosz, Liber beneficiorum dioecesis Cracoviensis, ed. Aleksander Przezdziecki, vol. 3 (Cracoviae, 1864),
450; Jerzy Kłoczowski, Dominikanie polscy na Śląsku w XIII–XIV wieku (Lublin, 1956), 288-292; Dariusz Aleksander
Dekański, Początki zakonu dominikanów prowincji polsko-czeskiej: Pokolenie św. Jacka w zakonie (Gdańsk, 1999),
103-106.
6 It is suggested by the results of the archaeological research and the stratigraphy identified in the area of the
southern end of the east cloister wing – see: Andrzej Gołembnik, “Badania archeologiczne przy południowo-
wschodnim narożniku klasztoru dominikanów na Wzgórzu Świętojakubskim w Sandomierzu w sezonach
2016 – 2018: aspekt metodyczny i wstępne wyniki dotyczące faz najstarszych,” in Dziedzictwo architektoniczne.
Badania oraz adaptacje budowli sakralnych i obronnych, ed. Ewa Łużyniecka (Wrocław, 2019), 5-19.
7 See for example: Eligia Gąssowska, “Z problematyki badawczej wczesnośredniowiecznego Sandomierza,” Rocznik
Muzeum Świętokrzyskiego 7 (1971): 55; Andrzej Buko, Stanisław Tabaczyński, Sandomierz. Starożytność,
wczesne średniowiecz (Rzeszów, 1981), 122-125.

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From the north, the Church of St. James borders Staromiejska Street and the
aforementioned ravine. From this side, the building is surrounded by tall greenery
and a cast-iron fence with the main gate opposite the northern portal. The second
entrance to the church area leads through a side gate located in the fence on the
eastern side. From the east, in front of the presbytery and the eastern wing of
the monastery, there is the Vineyard of St. James and a view of the Royal Castle
and the Vistula River. From the south, the remains of the monastery are adjacent
to modern vineyard buildings, behind which there is the Queen Jadwiga Ravine,
stretching to the south, towards the river. From the west, a bell tower cuts into the
steep escarpment of St. James Hill, and a preserved fragment of the western wing
of the monastery adjoins the church body. Right next to them there is another
part of the church fence, behind which there is a plot of the Retired Priests' House,
separated by an internal road.

The medieval complex has survived to our times in relatively good condition.
After the dissolution of the convent in 1864, unfortunately, a significant part
of the monastery buildings of medieval origin was demolished. It was possible
to reconstruct their outlines thanks to surviving iconographic sources and to
archaeological surveys conducted since the 1980s.

The church of St. James consists of three parts: the presbytery, the nave in form
of a non-vaulted basilica, and the belfry. [Fig. 2] The length of the building is
approximately 43.30 m plus 5.80 m of the belfry. The height of the presbytery
(including the gable) is about 19.20 m, the nave – 21.30 m, and the bell tower – 22
m. The almost completely preserved east wing of the cloister adjoins the chancel,
and a fragment of the west wing (today the chapel of St. Hyacinth) adjoins the
nave. The dominant building material from which the complex was made is brick,
used in the Vendian and Gothic bond (partly in the southern aisle, today's Rosary
Chapel, and in the bell tower), and in some fragments without any regular bond.
The bricks used in individual parts of the temple differ in size. In addition, stone
was used in the construction in some places – these are large sandstone blocks
appearing in the foundations and plinth parts of the nave and presbytery, in the
plinths and imposts of the inter-nave pillars, in the keys of the arcades, as well
as in the architectural detail of the portals (church and eastern wing).8 Another
characteristic feature is the use of relief-embossed ceramic decorations, which are
found only in the nave and in the eastern cloister wing.

Research questions
Even this general description shows that the medieval structure of the church and
monastery is not homogeneous. It can be observed that the belfry was added to
the north-west corner of the northern aisle of the already built nave.9

8 Małgorzata Doroz-Turek, “Późnoromańskie portale w kościele pw. św. Jakuba Apostoła i klasztorze dominikanów w
Sandomierzu,” in Dziedzictwo architektoniczne. Badania oraz adaptacje budowli sakralnych i obronnych, ed. Ewa
Łużyniecka (Wrocław, 2019), 20-35.
9 Małgorzata Doroz-Turek, “Badania architektoniczne dzwonnicy kościoła pw. św. Jakuba Apostoła w Sandomierzu,”
Architectus 56, no. 4 (2018): 13–30; eadem, “Dzwonnica – akcent architektoniczny kościoła św. Jakuba Apostoła
ojców dominikanów w Sandomierzu,” in Dominikański klasztor św. Jakuba w Sandomierzu. Archeologia i
architektura, historia i współczesność, ed. Andrzej Gołembnik and Marcin Lisak, (Kraków; Warszawa, 2019), 173-196.

187
2. Results of the scanning of the church of St. James in Sandomierz: view on the northern façade and a plan
(the author of all scans used in this paper is A. Gołembnik and the author of all illustrations is M. Doroz-Turek)

188
1. Map of Sandomierz under the reign 3. Northern inter-nave pillars
of Casimir the Great, after: Okniński 2016, (photo by M. Doroz-Turek, 2022)
p. 106, fig. 4:

1 – town hall
3 – Collegiate church
4 – Church of St. Mary Magdalene and sec-
ond Dominican cloister
6 – castle
13 – Church of St. James and first Dominican
cloister

5. Interior of the nave, c. 1907 (after Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec,

Aleksandr Musin, Organizacja i finansowanie restauracji kościoła
św. Jakuba w Sandomierzu w latach 1905 – 1914,
„Zeszyty Sandomierskie” 27, no. 51 (2021), p. 38, ill. 2)

4. Southern inter-nave pillars

(photo by M. Doroz-Turek, 2022)

6. Władysław Łuszczkiewicz, plan of the church of St. James

in Sandomierz, 1881 (after Łuszczkiewicz 1881, ill. IV.)

189
7. Eastern half-pillar of the southern arcades 8. Interior of the presbytery, view on the eastern wall
(photo by M. Doroz-Turek, 2022) (photo by J. Kamińska, 2019 )

10. Zone above the Rosary Chapel, stratigraphy

9. Stratigraphy of the longitudinal section of the 11. Zone above the Rosary Chapel, polychromies
church (junction of the presbytery and the nave), in the archway of the bricked-up presbytery window
view to the south (photo by J. Kamińska, 2022)

190
 15. Premonstratensian church in Jerichow,
photo by J. Kamińska, 2021

14. Window in the Norbertine church in

Krakow (after Bojęś-Białasik, Czechowicz
2015, p. 118, fig. 13)

13. Reconstruction of the body of the church and the eastern

wing of the monastery in Mogiła in 1266
(after Dariusz Niemiec, Średniowieczne fundacje rodu
Odrowążów w podkrakowskiej Mogile przed 1266 r., „Materiały
Archeologiczne Nowej Huty”, vol. 26 (2020), p. 160, fig. 7)

12. Zone of the chancel arch: stratigraphy of

the cross-section (view to the west)

16. Northern façade of the parish church in Sandau

(photo by J. Kamińska, 2021)

191
However, the question of where the construction of the church began – from the
nave or from the presbytery, remains unresolved. The fact that they were built
at different times may be indicated by their different structural and decorative
solutions, and thus most likely the involvement in the work of various plastering
and construction workshops. Explaining this issue has been rather difficult so far,
because almost no medieval or early-modern sources of the history of the building
have survived, and some of the walls themselves are difficult to access. Moreover,
in the early 20th century the church was restored under the direction of Jarosław
Wojciechowski, which to some extent distorted its appearance.10 As a result,
various hypotheses appeared on the subject.11 For similar reasons, little has been
established so far regarding the provenance of mason’s lodges.

Research methods
In the conducted research, it was decided to adopt an interdisciplinary perspective,
allowing the maximum use of both the information contained in the walls of the
building itself, as well as the historical context of its creation and transformation.
It was assumed that the basis for the recording of spatial analysis would be laser
scanning of the body of the church and the remains of the monastery – the
precision of the laser scanner measurement, supplemented with spatial short-
range photogrammetry, allows for a true, millimetre-accurate inventory of historic
buildings.12 The geodesically positioned model of the church became an active
material for the GIS database built by the researchers. [Fig. 1] In the perspective
of the next stages of research, this will allow to combine the results of the
architectural analysis and the searches of archaeologists. It will also become the
basis for spatial reconstructions of subsequent phases of the construction of the
church and, in the future, a collective model of the entire architectural complex.

A lot of new significant information was brought by the architectural research

of the church walls. Inside, the observations focused primarily on the area where
the presbytery and the nave meet, especially in the attic, due to the 17th century
reconstruction of the church and, among others, the enclosure of the rood arch
with pillars that were left after the restoration carried out by Wojciechowski. In
the attic space, above the vaults, the original brick wall has been preserved. The
contact of both parts was also observed on the southern façade of the church and
in the interior above the Rosary chapel and the sacristy. The junction of both parts
was also observed on the southern facade of the church and in the interior at the
level of the chapel and the aisle and above them, where seams and penetrations of
walls from different construction phases were identified.

Another research method was the analysis of the preserved late-modern and 20th
century source materials, so far used to a small extent by the researchers of the
monument, as well as the analysis of archival iconographic materials. It helped

10 Justyna Kamińska, “W stronę nowoczesnej praktyki konserwatorskiej u progu odzyskania niepodległości –

renowacja kościoła św. Jakuba w Sandomierzu w latach 1907-1909,” in Niepodległość i nowoczesność.
Studia z historii sztuki, ed. Lech Karwowski, Dariusz Kacprzak and Szymon Piotr Kubiak (Szczecin; Warszawa, 2019),
73-88
11 For state of research see: Kamińska, Kto fundował, 189-191.
12 Andrzej Gołembnik, “Rola nowych technik dokumentacyjno-pomiarowych w interdyscyplinarnych działaniach
badawczo-konserwatorskich,” Wiadomości Konserwatorskie 40 (2014): 83–93.

192
in particular in more accurate dating of the observed modern reconstructions
and in determining the scale of the reconstructions from the beginning of the
20th century. Additionally, in our analysis, we used the results of the latest
archaeological works carried out in recent years in the area of the southern end of
the eastern wing of the monastery, which brought new data on the chronology of
the construction of the oldest parts of the monastery complex.

Results
The observations and precise measurements allowed identifying many irregularities
in the walls of both the nave and the presbytery, unnoticed in previous studies.
[Fig. 1] The main nave of the basilica slightly widens towards the presbytery, while
the side aisles are narrower by about 10 and 20 cm. The distances between the
pillars between the naves are not the same; they oscillate between about 3.60 m
to over 3.90 m. The not entirely regular shape of the basilica, and thus the spacing
of the pillars, may result from the location of the church and the shape of the plot
limited from the west. The interior of the presbytery tapers to the west by 30 cm
and at the outer contour of the walls by 50 cm. Despite the application of this
correction, the presbytery remains slightly wider on the rood arch line than the
main nave.

The inter-nave arcades differ in height, the northern one is lower than the southern
one by about 2 m. [Fig. 3, fig. 4] Decorations of the pillars and arcades are also
different. In the 17th century, the southern arcades were lowered and levelled
with the northern ones, and the walls of the church were covered with plaster,
from under which, however, the outlines of the higher arcades were visible. [Fig.
5] At the beginning of the 20th century, Wojciechowski returned to the original
state, reconstructed the stone imposts and refreshed the polychrome decoration
of the southern arcades. The stone imposts in both rows of pillars were largely
reconstructed by him, however, preserving the original profiling (different for
the southern and northern arcades), recorded by Władysław Łuszczkiewicz in the
1880s.13 [Fig. 6]

Originally, the arcades were planned to be built symmetrically, but the concept
was changed quite quickly, and the southern arcades were raised. Researchers
have already paid attention to this, suggesting that it could have resulted from
the decision to better illuminate the interior.14 There could also have been some
construction disaster though, because in the inner north-eastern corner of the
southern aisle and on the southern half-pillar at the eastern wall of the nave,
we observed remains of an older wall. [Fig. 7] They could be associated with the
original inter-nave wall and the original wall closing the southern aisle from the
east. The slender pointed arch introduced into that wall was designed in the same
way as the southern arcades (the same bond of bricks forming the archivolt, the
same design of the key), except only for the painted decoration. The discussed
correction must have taken place in the 13th century, because the inter-nave wall is
crowned with Romanesque windows corresponding to those on the north side.

13 Władysław Łuszczkiewicz, “Kościół św. Jakuba w Sandomierzu: Zabytek budownictwa ceglanego XIII wieku,”
Sprawozdania Komisyi do badania Historyi Sztuki w Polsce 2, part 2 (1881): 27-52.
14 Gołubiew, Kościół dominikański, 68; Doroz-Turek, Dzwonnica, 192.

193
Apart from the irregularities observed within the eastern half-pillar, the interior
features a particularly made brick bond above the southern arcades. According
to Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec, it may contain messages supplementing the content
encrypted in the main portal.15 We suppose that it may have resulted from a
significant slope of the terrain from the west to the east and the need to level
it with layers of bricks, as was done on the northern and eastern façades of the
belfry. For this purpose, equalizing layers in the form of masonry bricks with the
base surface to the wall face were introduced. The same reason could have led
to the uneven level of the windows in the nave above the aisles. The difference
between the first eastern window and the western one is almost 40 cm in the
southern wall and over 20 cm in the northern wall.

The presbytery is currently covered with Baroque vaults introduced here in the 17th
century, probably between 1624 and 1631.16 However, traces of a beam ceiling are
visible above them and traces of a three-span rib vault with a pointed arch outline
can be seen on the inner side of the walls. [Fig. 8, fig. 9] In the attic space, nests in
the wall under the crown of the wall are visible. Under these openings, and above
the early modern vaults, we found traces of plaster, probably from the period later
than the 13th century, and earlier than the 17th century renovation. The builders of
the chancel encountered some construction problems. This is evidenced not only
by the cracks in the facades, but also by the strong deviations of the southern
and northern walls, clearly visible in the cross-section obtained from our scans of
the church. Moreover, the buttresses of the northern wall of the presbytery were
clearly added later, while the corner buttresses are tied to the walls.

In the early modern period, a new room was arranged over the sacristy, as
evidenced by the plaster on the face of the wall (the southern facade of the
presbytery) and openings for the roof beams. Due to the arrangement of the
chapel, first of St. Valentine, then of the Rosary, two presbytery windows were
bricked up. In one of them an original painted decoration with a characteristic
motif of a heraldic lily has been preserved. [Fig. 10, fig. 11]

In the attic of the church, we focused on examining the perimeter walls and the
gable above the rood arch, with particular attention to its outer facing and nodal
points in the corners. The wall of the gable, both from the east and from the
west, has a clear, original monk bond. The wall narrows upwards – at the base it
is about 100 cm wide, and above the passage between the parts it is 60 cm wide.
Importantly, in the corner on the south-west side of the presbytery, we noticed
a difference between the walls and the addition of the southern wall of the
presbytery to the rood wall. [Fig. 12] The cross-section also shows that from the
side of the presbytery, up to a certain height, the gable wall was faced with brick. It
seems that when building the gable, the masons knew the height of the nave’s roof,
since both from the side of the presbytery and from the nave, there is no visible
superstructure of the gable above the rood arch, as could have happened if the
gable of the presbytery was erected first.

15 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec, “Portal główny kościoła św. Jakuba w Sandomierzu: Zawiązek interpretacji treści dzieła,”
Biuletyn Historii Sztuki 83, no. 2 (2021): 213-252.
16 Melchior Buliński, Monografija miasta Sandomierza (Warszawa, 1879), 296.

194
Conclusions
The conducted research allowed the formulation of hypotheses concerning the
medieval process of building of the nave and the presbytery of the Dominican
Church in Sandomierz, including their relative chronology. The presbytery was
most likely added to the basilica that was under construction. This is evidenced by
the traces in the corner above the vaults. The presbytery was first roofed, and the
interior was originally covered with a beam ceiling. At the next stage, a three-span
rib vault with a pointed arch outline was introduced, supported on stone consoles.
Due to the fragile structure and instability of the walls, buttresses were added to
them. The brick vault probably collapsed or was replaced in the 17th century due
to its poor construction. Perhaps there was also a phase before the 17th century
when the presbytery had again a beam ceiling and its walls had been covered with
plaster.

The observed cracks in the walls of the presbytery but also the traces of a possible
construction disaster in the basilica and the irregular brick layers in the walls of
the nave and belfry show that the static problems concerned all the elements of
the 13th century church. These problems could have resulted from the nature of the
soil, from the possible use of some of the older foundations of the pre-Dominican
Church17, and from sudden breaks in construction caused, for example, by the Tatar
invasions of 1241 and 1259.18 All the perimeter walls bear numerous traces of later
brickwork, both early modern and from 20th century. This was indicated in the
documentation prepared by our team and may constitute a reference point for
further research on this monument.

Our research shows that the 13th century Dominican convent in Sandomierz was
erected in many stages and probably with the participation of various mason’s
lodges, also within the nave itself. The construction concept was changing
dynamically and depended most probably on the financial situation of the friars,
as well as on the accessibility of workforce. Such a course of that process is more
typical for medieval mendicant convents in Poland and Europe19 than the erection
of the presbytery by just one workshop and of the basilica by another, in short and
coherent building processes, as has been adopted in many previous studies.20

Comparative analysis
Unfortunately, we still do not have data that would allow us to define exactly in
which years the stages of the construction took place. The years 1226 (foundation
of the convent), 1241 (1st Tatar invasion) and 1259 (2nd Tatar invasion) remain the
reference points. A comparison of Sandomierz forms with those used in other
buildings from a similar period in Lesser Poland and Silesia may be of some help.

17 Marek Florek, “Wyniki badań archeologicznych prowadzonych przy kościele św. Jakuba i dawnym klasztorze
dominikańskim w Sandomierzu za lata 1990 – 1992,” Materiały i Sprawozdania Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka
Archeologicznego za lata 1991 – 1992, no. 14 (1993): 111-138.
18 Idem, “Najazdy mongolskie na Ziemię Sandomierską w średniowieczu w świetle źródeł pisanych, legend i wyników
badań archeologicznych,” Z Otchłani Wieków 62, no. 1-4 (2007): 34-46.
19 Caroline Bruzelius, Preaching, building, and burying: friars and the Medieval city (New Haven, 2014).
20 See for example: Łuszczkiewicz, Kościół św. Jakuba; Zygmunt Świechowski, “Die Bedeutung Italiens für die
romanische Architektur und Bauplastik in Polen,” Acta Historiae Artium 10 (1964): 1-56.

195
Such references can be found both for the nave and the presbytery. Among the
buildings in Lesser Poland, it is worth mentioning, for example, the Cistercian
Church in Mogiła near Krakow (before 126621) [Fig. 13], and in Krakow itself, the
Norbertine (between 1241 and 125222) [Fig. 14], Dominican (1241 – 1251/125823) and
Franciscan (approx. 125024 or around 126925) churches. Similar elements in Silesia
can be identified, among others in the Church of St. Giles (the turn of the 20s and
30s of the 13th century26) and the Church of the Dominicans in Wrocław (erected
before 124127), as well as in the Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Środa Śląska
(around 123028). Therefore, it seems that local workshops could be responsible for
at least some of the building phases identified above.

There are no regional analogies, however, for the forms of the main portal and
the polychrome decorations of the presbytery windows. In the literature on the
subject, the prevailing view so far was that the solutions used in Sandomierz are
of northern Italian origin29, but in our opinion that hypothesis should be rejected.
Further research points to the Jerichower Land region in Saxony Anhalt (historically
Altmark).30 The Church of the Premonstratensians in Jerichow, built around the
mid-12th century or around 1178, is a non-vaulted basilica, with a transept and a
massive westwork.31 Other brick churches in that area, showing similarities to the
Jerichow church, were erected until approximately the mid-13th century, when a
stylistic change and a shift towards Gothic forms can be seen.32 [Fig. 15, fig. 16] The
observed similarities concern the form of the building (non-vaulted basilica), the
arrangement and shape of the windows, polychrome decorations, arcaded and
diamond frieze, and the form of the portals.

The current state of research does not allow explaining the reasons why the
builders of the Sandomierz complex should have come from that region. It is
worth pointing out though that the role of Bologna as a leading centre of the
Dominican Order started weakening after the first few years, and the ties between

21 Marcin Szyma, “Architektura kościoła cystersów w Mogile w XIII i XIV w.: Fazy budowy i ich datowanie,” Wiadomości
Konserwatorskie Województwa Krakowskiego 7, 152-154.
22 Anna Bojęś-Białasik and Jacek Czechowicz, “Late Romanesque convent church of the Norbertine sisters in
Zwierzyniec in Cracow in the light of architectural research from 2010 – 2011,” in Cihla a stavební keramika ve
středověku a novověku v městské architektuře střední Evropy = Bricks and building ceramics in medieval
and modern urban architecture of Central Europe. Forum Urbes Medii Aevi IX, ed. Zdeněk Měřínský (Brno, 2015),
114.
23 Anna Bojęś-Białasik and Dariusz Niemiec, “Kościół i klasztor dominikanów w Krakowie w świetle badań
archeologiczno-architektonicznych w latach 2010-2012,” in Sztuka w kręgu krakowskich dominikanów,
ed. Anna Markiewicz, Marcin Szyma and Marek Walczak (Kraków, 2013), 299, 306-307.
24 Waldemar Niewalda and Halina Rojkowska, “Średniowieczny kościół franciszkanów w świetle ostatnich badań,” in
Mendykanci w średniowiecznym Krakowie, ed. Tomasz Gałuszka, Krzysztof Ożóg and Anna Zajchowska (Kraków,
2008), 281-283.
25 Marcin Szyma, “Kościół Franciszkanów w Krakowie na przełomie XIII i XIV wieku,” in Artifex doctus: Studia
ofiarowane profesorowi Jerzemu Gadomskiemu w siedemdziesiątą rocznicę urodzin, ed. Wojciech Bałus, Wojciech
Walanus and Marek Walczak, vol. 1 (Kraków, 2007), 253.
26 Zygmunt Świechowski, Katalog architektury romańskiej w Polsce (Warszawa, 2009), 633-637.
27 Edmund Małachowicz, “Architektura zakonu dominikanów na Śląsku,” in Z dziejów sztuki śląskiej, ed. Zygmut
Świechowski (Warszawa, 1978), 102-104; Jakub Adamski, Gotycka architektura sakralna na Śląsku w latach 1200 –
1420. Główne kierunki rozwoju (Kraków, 2017), 96-99.
28 Świechowski, Katalog architektury, 517-521.
29 Łuszczkiewicz, Kościół św. Jakuba, 46-50; Świechowski, Die Bedeutung, passim; Krystyna Białoskórska, “Problem
relacji polsko-włoskich w XIII wieku – zagadnienie mecenatu biskupa Iwona Odrowąża i małopolskich
opactw cysterskich,” Sprawozdania z Posiedzeń Komisji PAN, no. 10 (1963): 249-257.
30 Justyna Kamińska, “Extra et infra muros: Formy i funkcjonowanie dwóch konwentów dominikańskich w
średniowiecznym Sandomierzu,” Zeszyty Sandomierskie 27, no. 50 (2021): 40-41.
31 Reinhard Schmitt, “Jerichow und Havelberg in der zweiten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts,” in Backsteinarchitektur in
Mitteleuropa (= Studien zur Backsteinarchitektur 3), ed. Ernst Badstübner and Uwe Albrecht (Berlin, 2001), 171.
32 Damian Kaufmann, Die romanischen Backsteindorfkirchen in der Altmark und im Jerichower Land: Studien
zur Kleinkirchenarchitektur an der Mittelelbe und im südlichen Ostseeraum, Schleswig-Holsteinische Schriften zur
Kunstgeschichte, vol. 19 (Kiel, 2010).

196
the Dominicans from Poland (including Sandomierz) and the German environment
grew stronger, for example through participation in chapters, dependence on
two generals of the order of German origin – Jordan of Saxony (1222 – 1237) and
John of Wildeshausen (1241 – 1252), or the role of Polish provincials of German
origin, such as Henry of Saxony or Gerard of Cologne.33 Usually, it was typical for
mendicants in the 13th century to employ local workshops for construction work.
Importing masons from further away could have been caused by a clear wish of the
founder, close relationships between Polish and German friars, or perhaps because
of a difficult situation on the local market, caused for instance by the Tatar
invasion of 1241.

The research was funded by the Priority Research Area Heritage under the
programme Excellence Initiative – Research University at the Jagiellonian
University in Krakow, within a research project entitled „Medieval Construction
Phases of the Dominican Church of St. James in Sandomierz (1226 – 14th century)”
(„Średniowieczne fazy budowy kościoła dominikańskiego p. w. św. Jakuba w
Sandomierzu (od 1226 r. do XIV wieku)”).

Summary in Polish
Średniowieczny Sandomierz, położony na ważnych szlakach handlowych i będący
drugim po Krakowie najważniejszym ośrodkiem politycznymi oraz religijnym
Małopolski, mógł poszczycić się kilkoma znaczącymi budowlami murowanymi,
z których największymi i najważniejszymi były bez wątpienia królewski zamek,
kolegiata oraz ratusz. Na ich tle wyróżniał się zapewne już wówczas – z uwagi na
swoje położenie poza murami miejskimi,na Wzgórzu Św. Jakuba, oraz na wyjątkowe,
niewystępujące w tamtych okolicach dekoracje ceramiczne ceglanych murów –
kościół i klasztor dominikanów. Średniowieczny zespół klasztorny zachował się
szczęśliwie do naszych czasów w stosunkowo dobrym stanie, lecz, pozbawiony
źródeł pisanych, a w początkach XX wieku poddany restauracji, która zafałszowała
w pewnym stopniu jego wygląd, pozostawał w dużym stopniu enigmatyczny dla
kolejnych zajmujących się nim badaczy architektury. Nieco światła na historię
budowy klasztoru i kościelnej dzwonnicy rzuciły przeprowadzone kilka lat temu
badania archeologiczne i architektoniczne.

Ich kontynuacją są interdyscyplinarne prace badawcze prowadzone w kościele

św. Jakuba przez autorów od 2021 roku. Zastosowanie metod badawczych
właściwych dla historii sztuki, architektury i archeologii, z wykorzystaniem
nowoczesnych technologii do pomiarów, fotografii i stworzenia cyfrowego modelu
pozwoliło na przeprowadzenie pierwszej w historii obiektu tak szczegółowej
analizy zachowanych struktur architektonicznych. W efekcie udało się ustalić, że
zarówno prezbiterium, jak i korpus nawowy kościoła św. Jakuba były budowane
na przestrzeni XIII wieku w wielu etapach, obejmujących katastrofy budowlane,
wrogie najazdy i zmiany koncepcji architektonicznych. Postawiono hipotezę
o tym, że budowę świątyni rozpoczęto od części nawowej. Zaproponowano
także rekonstrukcję faz budowy prezbiterium, które postało najpewniej jako
niesklepione.

33 Gołubiew, Kościół dominikański, 57-58.

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Protection of Historic Greenery
in the Slovak Republic

Ing. Eva Semanová

evaseman63@gmail.com

Above: Spišský Hrhov, manor house with grounds, park, main axis view in the park
Abstract: The paper summarizes the basic principles of protection of historical
greenery, its legal protection, including established and used procedures in the
monument protection. For their clarification, key terms based on international
concepts and conventions are defined and implemented into practice according to
the terminological dictionary and the Central List of Monuments.

Keywords: historic greenery, orchard landscaping, vegetation structure, monument

protection

Historic greenery
Historic greenery as a professional term in Slovakia is the equivalent of the
internationally recognized term Historic Gardens.1 It represents an author’s
purposefully arranged surface and spatial vegetation structure, which is an
integral part of the layout scheme with appropriate technical, decorative and user
equipment. Its origin is related to a certain historical period; it is in a continuous
development process in accordance with the laws of nature and its condition is in
a certain current age stage.2 The designation of historic garden refers to small, tiny
gardens as well as to large-scale shaped and landscaped parks.3

The protection of historic greenery is ensured in the Slovak Republic by two laws,
Act No. 543/2002 Coll. on Nature and Landscape Protection and Act No. 49/2002
Coll. on the Protection of the Monument Fund (Monument Act), both as amended.
According to the Act on Nature and Landscape Protection, all greenery growing
outside the forest land fund is protected, but according to the Monuments Act,
only greenery that has been specifically declared protected may be protected.

Neither law addresses the protection of historic greenery as a separate category.

Both laws address greenery as an integral part of a wide range of natural and
cultural heritage for which they regulate the conditions of protection. Specific
protection of greenery can be declared under both Acts. The greenery protected

1 The Florence Charter, Historic Gardens, Florence 1982.

2 The Florence Charter, Historic Gardens, Article 1 A historic garden is an architectural and vegetative composition
that is of social significance in terms of history or art. and Article 2 A historic garden is an architectural
composition whose essential components are primarily vegetative, so living and as such ephemeral and renewable.
Its appearance therefore reflects the constant balancing act between the cycles of the seasons, the growth and
death of nature, and the desire of artists and craftsmen to keep it ever intact.
3 The Florence Charter, Historic Gardens, Article 6.

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under the Monuments Act is, in legal terms, historic greenery. In order to be
protected under the Monuments Act, historic greenery must be declared protected
by a separate administrative act and, once it has been legally declared, it must
be entered in the Central List of the Monuments Fund. The Central List of the
Monuments Fund has four registers4 – for historic greenery there are currently
only three, namely the Register of Immovable Cultural Monuments, the Register
of Monuments Reserves and the Register of Monument Zones. It is clear from
this classification that the protection of historic greenery can be individual or
territorial.

According to the Monuments Act, the following are considered to be heritage

funds:5

1. a set of movable and immovable things declared under the Monuments

Act as national cultural monuments – a park, garden, alley, arboretum, orchard
landscaping, tree.

2. conservation areas declared under the Monuments Act as conservation

reserves or conservation zones – the greenery system of the entire territory
(greenery of public spaces, streets, grounds, yards, gardens, fortifications,
landscape vegetation...)

The Slovak Republic is bound by international conventions in the protection of

historic greenery

1. The Venice Charter for the Protection and Restoration of Monuments and
Sites6

2. The Florence Charter on Historic Gardens7

According to Article 2 of the Florence Charter, the historic greenery, in its loosest
presentation, is an architectural and vegetative composition whose building
material is primarily plant, i.e. living, and as such is impermanent, disappearing but
renewable. Its appearance results from a constant balance between the cyclical
change of the seasons, the blooming and dying of nature, an artistic will and a
sophisticated intention that seeks to stabilise its condition through permanent
maintenance. It is precisely the constant maintenance, i.e. repeated systematic
interventions to stabilize the author’s idea that represents a contradictory
paradigm with the goals of nature conservation, where targeted maintenance is
minimized or excluded altogether.

4 Zákon č. 49/2002 Z. z. o ochrane pamiatkového fondu, § 22 ods. 2 [Act No 49/2002 Coll. on the Protection of the
Monument Fund, Art. 22(2)].
5 Zákon o ochrane pamiatkového fondu, § 2 ods.1 [Act on the Protection of the Monument Fund, § 2 (1)]: The
Monument Fund is a set of movable and immovable objects declared under this Act as national cultural
monuments, monument reserves and monument zones. The monument fund shall also include items for
which proceedings for the declaration as cultural monuments, monument reserves and monument zones have been
initiated.
6 The Venice Charter for the Protection and Restoration of Monuments and Monumental Sites, 1964.
7 The Florence Charter on Historic Gardens, 1982 The International Committee on Historic Gardens ICOMOS-IFLA
decided at its meeting on 21 May 1981 in Florence to draw up a charter on the protection of historic
gardens, with the name of the city in which it was adopted to bear the name of this document. The Charter was
drawn up by the International Committee and registered by ICOMOS on 15 December 1982 as a supplement to the
Venice Charter in this specialised field.

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The architectural composition8 of the historic greenery consists of four basic
areas. These are the ground plan and terrain profiles (layout, modelling and relief
shaping, regular terraces, connection to the surroundings...), the planting material
(trees, their amount, shape, colour, distribution, interrelations, lawn areas, flower
beds...), the connectivity system (pavements, roads, platforms, courtyards, parking
areas, bridges...), construction and decorative elements (fences, gates, gazebos,
benches, pergolas, pavilions, podiums, artistic artefacts, ornamental decoration,
elements for relaxation, sports...) and also water elements (fountains, ponds,
lakes, natural streams, water channels, rills, ditches, wells...). These principles are
currently the basic postulate for the protection of historic greenery as a type of
cultural monument or as part of the greenery system in a conservation area.

Current conservation management in the

protection of historic greenery
In order to see how the system of protection of historical greenery is set up in
practice according to the Monuments Act, it is necessary to make a short excursion
to the beginnings of its formation. Until 1990, the protection of monuments
and nature protection was covered by one institution, the Slovak Institute of
Monument Care and Nature Conservation, and it was natural that the principle of
nature protection prevailed in the attitude of professional methodologists for the
protection of historic greenery. In 1991, the long-running institution split into two
separate organisations. Nature protection was organizationally attached to the
Slovak Commission for the Environment and the Slovak Institute of Monument
Care remained under the organizational administration of the Ministry of Culture
of the Slovak Republic.9 From the 1990s onwards, new procedures were gradually
established and shaped in the monument conservation management, which had
the ambition to accept the international documents of the Venice Charter and
also the specialised Florence Charter. These principles guided the professional
view of architectural-vegetation compositions as purposefully man-made works,
where vegetation (greenery) is the basic building element and, in accordance
with the above information, the protection of historic greenery thus came to be
predominantly judged according to the monumental values of the whole, not just
the vegetation component. At that time, the protection of historic greenery was
governed by Act No 27/1987 Coll. on State Heritage Conservation. The attitude
that historic greenery is trees with a high value of age and atypical species of trees
(old trees and exotic trees) has been abandoned in conservation management. Of
course, the laws of nature apply to living plant material, which are fully respected
in the protection of historic greenery, but this is not the only value of historic
greenery.

8 The Florence Charter Art. 4 The architectural composition of a historic garden includes: its plan and topography;
its vegetation, which includes the plant species, proportions, colour, distribution and relative proportions of the
different species, trees; its structural and decorative elements; its flowing and stagnant waters reflecting the sky.
9 Accessed May 5, 2023, https://www.pamiatky.sk/o-urade/historia-uradu.

201
Spišská Kapitula, Bishop's Garden, restored Baroque layout

Trebišov, tree avenue in the park of the manor

(photo by Michal Valach)

202
 Krajné Čierno, Church of St Basil the Great, landscaping of the surroundings

Červený Kláštor, Carthusian monastery, landscaping of the archaeological site

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The provisions of the new Monuments Act10 have reinforced this effort and
in monument management historic greenery has achieved a more adequate
status among other types of monuments, although under the provisions of the
Monuments Act it has an equal status, realistically its society-wide significance has
not been, and is not currently, adequately appreciated.

In accordance with the provisions of the Monuments Act, the protection of

historic greenery can be individual and territorial. Historic greenery with individual
protection, which is registered in the Central List of the Monument Fund, i.e.
national cultural monuments, has been gradually classified in the monument
management under unified categories – park, garden, alley, arboretum, tree
and orchard landscaping. Other unified names according to the terminological
dictionary,11 are also related to these categories, e.g. preserve, grotto, parterre,
pond, fountain and many others. In the past, the aim was to create a clear
terminology, to clarify the differences in related terms, to unify synonymous terms
and to create standard unified names for nationwide application. For the purpose
of the protection of the monument fund, the definition of unified names in relation
to the identification of monument values is sufficient. The individual categories
with unified names have been further subdivided according to their content and in
relation to the standard terminology, especially for built cultural monuments.

Individual protection of historic greenery

A park is a large orchard landscaped area with vegetation elements, vegetation
groups, dominant solitaires, parterres, lawn areas, flower beds, meadows,
overlooks, paths, building and decorative elements, possibly with a water
system arranged in a unified composition unit either as an independent cultural
monument park or related to cultural monuments – a manor house park (Fig.
1), chateau park, spa park, monastery park or city parks. The registered gardens
are smaller composition units and are also related to buildings – a villa garden,
monastery garden, bishop’s garden (Fig. 2), manor house garden, country house
garden and others.

Alleys as a compositional element are based on the repetitive visual effect of

tree trunks and crowns in a terraced planting in a certain pattern, usually related
to the road. In the monument fund, alleys are registered as part of large nature-
landscape parks, alleys connecting a park or a residence with a historic building in
the landscape (Fig. 3), alleys near churches, or as accompanying tree-lined historic
roads.

An arboretum is a specific architectural-vegetation composition in which various

species of trees are concentrated as an educational diverse collection in order to
present native species but mainly exotic, interesting features of the plant kingdom
with an educational mission.

10 Zákon č. 49/2002 o ochrane pamiatkového fondu, pamiatkový zákon [Act No. 49/2002 on the Protection of the
Monument Fund, Monument Act].
11 Terminologický slovník, interný odborný materiál PÚ SR z 06/1999 [Terminological dictionary, internal
professional material of the Monuments Office of the Slovak Republic from 06/1999], which was
gradually supplemented.

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A tree as a separate individual is also part of the monument fund. Trees, whose
presence is related to a significant historical event, or which are of exceptional
monumental value, e.g. for their age or as a remnant of a defunct landscape, are
registered as cultural monuments. The category most commonly associated with
cultural monuments is the category of orchard landscaping, which represents
the landscaping of the immediate surroundings of various types of monuments.
Thus, they are registered as, e.g. the orchard landscaping of the surroundings of
sacral monuments (Fig. 4), sepulchral buildings, calvaries, cemeteries, school or
hospital grounds, presentations of archaeological sites (Fig. 5), the landscaping
of fortifications (Fig. 6), castles, the landscaping of the surroundings of technical
monuments, memorials, artworks and the landscaping of the areas of historical
sites.

Each classification carries specific indicators which are the essence of the heritage
value12 and these are the guidelines for their protection. Parks near manor
houses have different attributes, villa gardens, alleys or orchard landscaping in
the immediate surroundings of sacral buildings, cemeteries or near statues and
monuments also have different attributes. The Monuments Office of the Slovak
Republic has an update sheet of each national cultural monument of historic
greenery, which summarizes all known information about its establishment,
its historical development, a description of the actual state of the vegetation
structure and equipment, negative interventions are summarized and mainly
the monument values of individual specific monuments of historic greenery are
determined, which is the basis for determining the conditions of protection and
intervention in the restoration.13 In reality, these conditions are determined in
accordance with the provisions of the Monuments Act by the competent regional
monuments office, the territorial jurisdiction being determined by the locality in
which the national cultural monument is situated.

Territorial protection of historic greenery

The subject of the territorial protection of historical greenery is the greenery
system of the conservation area – the conservation reserve or conservation
zone. A conservation area is a settlement territorial unit or landscape territorial
unit of concentrated heritage values for which it may be the subject of territorial
protection.14

There is a postulate in historic preservation that historic greenery is

complementary to the urban plan in area and complementary to architecture in
mass and volume. The greenery system of each conservation area is an integral
part of its urban structure, forms a unified whole with the architecture and has

12 Zákon č. 49/2002 Z. z. o ochrane pamiatkového fondu, § 2 ods. 2 [Act No. 49/2002 Coll. on the Protection of the
Monument Fund, § 2 (2)]: Monument value is the totality of significant historical, social, landscape,
urban, architectural, scientific, technical, artistic or artistic-craft values for which things may be subject
to individual or territorial protection.
13 Zákon č. 49/2002 Z. z. o ochrane pamiatkového fondu, § 32 ods.1 [Act No. 49/2002 Coll. on the Protection of the
Monument Fund, § 32 (1)]: Restoration of a cultural monument is a set of specialized arts and crafts activities and
other professional activities that carry out maintenance, conservation, repair, adaptation or reconstruction of a
cultural monument or its part in order to preserve its monumental values.
14 Zákon č. 49/2002 Z. z. o ochrane pamiatkového fondu, § 2 ods. 4 [Act No 49/2002 Coll. on the Protection of the
Monument Fund, § 2(4)].

205
evolved gradually from the passive presence of natural greenery to regulated,
purposefully established and maintained surface and spatial vegetation structures.
It represents special categories of historical greenery, which can be divided
in monument protection into greenery of street interiors and public spaces,
separate park layouts, greenery of courtyards and gardens, orchard landscaping of
premises, and greenery of fortifications in urban settlements defined by walls or
vegetation of open countryside in rural settlements, always specifically according
to the real conditions of the particular monument area. Street interiors in historic
buildings are complemented primarily by street tree plantings that accentuate
the longitudinal lines of the streetscape and also segregate pedestrian movement
from other forms of traffic (Fig.7). In the past, public spaces were landscaped as
rest areas for short-term recreation. Some conservation areas, at their foundation
or in later years on the sites of defunct buildings, were given park-like layouts in
their urban design, which have served as residential amenities (Fig.8). The greenery
of courtyards and gardens depends on their use and is a functional-purpose
combination of paved areas and greenery, with a variable ratio between them
(Fig.9). The complexes were added to the conservation areas in the late 19th and
early 20th centuries, and their landscaping was conceived and established along
with the buildings. Although some vegetation elements were lost due to lack of
maintenance, they are always renewable and presenting them as they were at
the time of their foundation provides an aesthetic balance between architecture
and greenery. In the walled conservation areas, the partial or total removal of the
wall created opportunities for the establishment of compositionally interesting
landscaping, particularly in the moats, and the 19th century brought many valuable
plantings that have survived to the present day. In the urban plan, rings of
greenery were thus created in both area and space, separating the medieval town
from the newer settlement structures (Fig. 10). It is similar, in the conservation
areas of vernacular buildings, where natural vegetation in the open countryside
forms a backdrop to the original farmsteads and buildings. All of this creates a
system of greenery that completes and integrates the buildings into a complex
balanced urban whole. Territorial protection also includes the green space system
of the protection zone, which is an area defined for the protection and guided
development of the environment or surroundings of an immovable cultural
monument, a conservation area or a conservation zone.15 Thus, the principles
of territorial protection apply to the greenery which is part of the territory of
the defined protection zone, the conditions being determined in relation to the
greenery in the immovable cultural monument or conservation area.

The basic protection of a cultural monument according to the provisions of § 27

of the Monuments Act also remembers the permanent maintenance of the good
condition of its environment, while the immediate surroundings are defined as the
area within a radius of 10 meters from the immovable cultural monument. Most of
the landscaping in the immediate surroundings is in the form of surface vegetation
structures (lawns, flower beds, etc.) and spatial structures (trees, shrubs, etc.).

The conditions of the definition of historical greenery are also met by many
sites that are not nationally significant, but have considerable regional or local
significance and these sites of historical greenery are mentioned in the Monuments

15 Zákon č. 49/2002 Z. z. o ochrane pamiatkového fondu, § 18 ods.1 [Act No. 49/2002 Coll. on the Protection of the
Monument Fund, § 18 (1)].

206
Act by the provision of Section 14 (4) of the Monuments Act, according to which
each municipality may decide on the establishment and professional maintenance
of a register of monuments of the municipality, where it is possible to include e.g.
combined works of nature and man, historical events, commemorative places and
others.

Perspective on the protection of historical

greenery
In recent years, the procedures of the well-established system of monument
conservation management in the protection of historic greenery have begun to
lag behind the rapidly advancing knowledge in the field, inadequately reflecting
the societal requirements and current development trends. The elaborated
architectural-historical studies of historical greenery have brought a lot of new
insights and these contexts give a prerequisite for increasing the quality of
preparation and implementation of specific renovations. The diversity of the
components of the heritage fund in the Slovak Republic and its current more
thorough and deeper understanding raises the requirement for educational
mobilization of professionals in the field of historic greenery protection. There
was also a pressure to reunify professional terms and methodological attitudes
and to harmonize the unified names in the registration of the monument fund.
Also not insignificant is the adaptation of procedures for the protection and
renovation of historic greenery in relation to climate change, which will probably
also require fundamental changes in the assessment of the presence of greenery
in the historic environment. For all these reasons, in recent years the Monuments
Office of the Slovak Republic has been developing new terminology16 and preparing
methodological rules for the protection and renovation of historic greenery. It is
positive that the starting postulate for all the documents under preparation is to
remain on the basis of the provisions of the specific international document of the
Florence Charter on Historic Gardens.

Summary in Slovak
Pod historickou zeleňou sa v Slovenskej republike v právnom význame rozumie
zeleň evidovaná v Ústrednom zozname pamiatkového fondu buď ako samostatná
kultúrna pamiatka alebo ako súčasť pamiatkového územia. Ďalej je to zeleň
nachádzajúca sa v ochrannom pásme alebo v bezprostrednom okolí kultúrnej
pamiatky.

Na všetku historickú zeleň sa vzťahuje aj ochrana podľa zákona č. 543/2002 Z. z. o

ochrane prírody a krajiny, minimálne v prvom stupni ochrany. Predmetom ochrany
oboch zákonov je ten istý objekt, princíp a podmienky ochrany sú však rozdielne.
Je potrebné odlišovať a nestotožňovať termíny starý strom a historická zeleň.
Historickou zeleňou nemusí byť len starý strom, ale môže ňou byť aj sadovnícka

16 Terminológia a klasifikácia pamiatok záhradnej architektúry a umenia v databázach informačného systému, interný
materiál PÚ SR [Terminology and Classification of Monuments of Garden Architecture and Art in the Information
System Databases, internal material of PÚ SR] (not yet published).

207
úprava s mladou výsadbou v súlade so špecifickými podmienkami Florentskej
charty o historických záhradách. Rovnako je historickou zeleňou plošná štruktúra
trávovo-bylinného spoločenstva, kde je priestorovo pôsobiaca hmota vegetácie pre
prezentáciu pamiatkových hodnôt niekedy aj nežiaduca.

Orgán ochrany pamiatkového fondu nevydáva povolenia na výrub stromov, to

prináleží len orgánu ochrany prírody a krajiny, ale v svojich rozhodnutiach a
záväzných stanoviskách špecifikuje požiadavky na zásahy do porastovej štruktúry
historickej zelene s cieľom zachovania a obnovy kompozície z doby jej založenia,
akceptovania kvalitných sekundárnych zásahov v minulosti alternatívne aj
vytvorenia vhodného neutrálneho novotvaru pre možnosť adaptácie objektov
historickej zelene pre súčasné využitie.

The paper is written on the basis of the author’s personal long-term experience and
established procedures applied in the Regional Monumets Board Prešov (KPÚ Prešov)
and The Monumets Board of the Slovak Republic (PÚ SR).

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Bardejov, monument reservation area, fortification, landscaping of the fortification

Prešov, monument reservation area, greenery system, street interior,

tree-lined avenue along the houses

209
Sabinov, monument reservation area, greenery system, park layout in the centre

Prešov, monument reservation area, greenery system, townhouse, greenery in the courtyard

210
Levoča, monument reservation area, greenery system, greenery fortification,
vegetation ring

211
Gemer is a name that has gradually been returning into awareness in Slovakia. For
the cultural public, it is associated with connotations such as history or monuments.
In the past, Gemer was one of the richest provinces in the centre of Hungarian
Kingdom, today it is a rural area in the Slovak border region. Its glorious past is
defined by the meeting of different cultures, nations, languages and denominations.
The research on the cultural heritage of this region and its restoration, which had
been neglected, are progressing and yielding results. Every two years, the Gothic
Route Association, dedicated to the promotion of the sacral heritage of Gemer
and neighbouring Malohont, organizes a conference in the heart of Gemer, in the
historic town of Rožňava, that makes the fruits of this professional work public. This
collection of papers is the embodiment of the individual contributions of the 2022
Conference, which was held for the first time in an international format – with the
participation of scholars from the four countries of the Visegrad Group. Gemer is
thus once again a crossroads of cultures and heritages.