ETHNICITY AS A BASIS OF

STRATIFICATION
I
Structure
0 Objectives

I 9.2 Ethnicity: History, Definitionand Elements

9.2.1 History of the Concept
0.3 Early Conceptions of Ethnicity
9.3.1 E,thnic Groups
9.3.2 Major Elements of Ethnicity
0.4 ContemporaryPerspectives
I 9.4.1 Ethnicity and Functionalism
9.4.2 Political Perspective onEthnicity
5 Ethnic Stratification
9.5.1 Ethnic stratification
9.5.2 Nation and Ethnic Group
9.5.3 Nationalism and Ethnicity
9.5.4 Development of a Nationality
9.5.5 Ethno-Nationalism:The Indian Case
6 Let Us Sum Up
7 Key Words
!8 Further Readings
9 Specimen Answers to Check Your Progress

0 OBJECTIVES
After going through this unit you should be able to:
8 outline the different conceptions of ethnicity based on biological descent, cultural
homogeneity and ethnic self consciousness;
* explain the rise of etl~nicitywith the help of cultural ethnicity and political ethnicity
approaches;
o discuss the phenomena of ethnic stratif~cationand ethnic nationalism; and
differentiatebetween Nation and ethnic group and nationality and ethnicity and
describe the rise of ethno-nationalism(with special reference to India)

1 INTRODUCTION
In the last three decades words like ethnic group, ethnic identity and ethnicity have become
commqn place, being menti~nednot only in academic analysis but also in the mass media.
In fact, in recent times ethnicity is among the most common categories that present day
human beings use to establish their ideas about who they are, to evaluate their experiences
and behaviour and to understand the world around them. Although in some societies ethnic
categories and bes are more important than others, yet ethnicity is anlong the most
universal fundamental concepts of the twentieth century world. It is an omnipresent
phenomenon in both developing and developed countries,past and present. The tribes,
villages, bands etc., wlu& until recently were considered the features of the third world
sxieties only, are now becoming integral parts of new state structures even in the modem
s ~ i e t i e sbeing
, transfornled into ethnic groups with varying degree of cultural uniqueness.
I s a consequence, the phenofllenon of ethnicity has gained theoretical and investigative
iinportance.
I

Ethinic Stratification
9.2 ETHNICITY: HISTORY, DEFINITION AND
ELEMENTS
We will now discuss the history, definition and elements of ethnicity.
9.2.1 History of the Concept
The word ethnic has a long history. It is derived from the Greek word ethnos meaning
nation which is not depicted as a political entity but as a unit of persons with common
blood or descent. Its adjectival form ethnikos used in Latin as ethnicus referred to heathens,
the 'others' who did not share the faith. In English, the term referred for a long time to
some one who was neither Christian nor Jew, i.e., a pagan or heathen. In other words,
ethnics were those 'others' who are not 'us'. By the twentieth century its nleaning changed
again with reassertion of its Greek roots indicating the end of the 'theill vs us' idea, (them
or the others being ethnics). Now it is used as a particular way to define not only others but
also ourselves (Cornell and Hartmann, 1998). ti , ,
Oommen (1990) using the French version of ethnics, namely, ethnie defines them as a
people characterised by a common history, tradition, language and life style. However, he
also adds the feature of 'uprootedness from home' to this definition. In other words, for
him, ethnicity emerges when people are uprooted fr their homeland due to conquest,
'I?
colonization or immigration and diverse groups com into contact with each other in a new
setting. If such displaced people are away from their homeland and yet coiltinue to follow
their 'native' l i e style, t h y are ethnies.

9.3 EARLY CONCEPTIONS OF ETHNICITY

A look at the literaturereveals tluee popular conception$of ethnicity: biological, cultural
and psychological. The biological conception is based on a common genetic descent. In
this sense, ethnicity has been treated as synonymous with race. In many earlier works
(MacCrone, 1937; Dollard, 1937, Fumivall, 1972; Smith, 1965)biological factors have
been considered to be the elements constituting ethnicity and emphasis wqs laid on the
origins of race and racism in relation to colonialism. In this approach the cultural aspect of
etlmicity was totally ignored. The second conception of ethnicity involved a new thinking .
which differentiated race from ethnicity. This view treated race as a cultt~ralphenomenon
(Burgess, 1978). Here the mere sharing of physical traits was not seen as a sufficient
condition for defining an ethnic group. Rather, the symbolic differences anong groups
became the bases of ethnicity-withvalues, customs, historical back ground, life style,
territory and most importantly, language and religion being the prominent symbols of
ethnicity.
The third conception of ethnicity defines it in terms of the consciousness of a common
identity. Both commoll descent and cultural distinctiveness, individually and together, were
no longer considered enough to constitute ethnicity. Instead, awareness alllong the
members of a group regarding their similarity to each other and differencesfrom other
groups was what gave them an ethnic identity (Patterson, 1953; Connor, 1978). What is
there was not important but what is perceived and believed was seen as the basis of
ethnicity. Simply put, sharing of physical, attitudinal,behavioural and cultural featureswas
not considered sufficient to foster ethnic feelings. The group must also perceive themselves
as distinct from others, that is, the members must define thenlselves as a we group.
9.3.1 Ethnic Groups
Paul Brass (1991) discusses three yays of defming ethnic groups: a) in terms of objective
attributes, b) by reference to subjective feelings and c) in relation to behaviour. The first
defmition implies that there are some distinguishingobjective culturalfeat~11-es that
separate one group from the other-language, territory, religion, dress etc. All these are
called ethnic markersthrough which distinctionsbetween one ethnic group and another are
enlphasized betweenthese are maintained. So, while the ethnic groups lllijy interact with
one another for the purpose of, say, economic activity, the objective etlmic markers ensure
the continuity of separate group identity. The second aspect, i.e., presence of subjective
feelings implies the existence of an ethnic self-consciousness. As mentioned earlier. at the
base of etlmic affinity lies real or assumed common identity. The important thing to keep in
 Ethnicity as a &gig,
mind is that the fact of common descent is not as important as the belief in it. It is not what of Stratification
is that is critical but whatpeople perceive. In other words, ethnicity is a subjective
cc~nstruct,it is how we see ourselves.-Thethird dimension, namely, the behaviournl one,
points to the existence of concrete, specific ways in which ethnic groups do or do not
b~:havein relati011to, or in interaction with other groups. In this sense, the normative
b~:haviourof an ethnic group nlay include practices related to kinship, marriage, friendship,
rituals etc.
Thus, an ethnic group is a collectivity which is perceived by others in society as being
different in terns of language, religion, race, ancestral home, culture etc., whose menhers
perceive themselves as different froin others and who participate in sl~aredactivities built
around their actual or mythical common origin and culture. On the basis of these variables
a group can be ranged from being barely etlmic to fully ethnic. It is a collectivity within a
larger society characterisedby elements like real or imaginary cornlnon ancestry, memories
of a shared historical past, and a cultural focus on one or more symbolic elements such as
kinship patterns, religious affiliations, language or dialect forms, etc. Also imperative is
some consciousness of kind among the group members. Consecluently, most definitions of
~thnicityand ethnic groups focus on objective and involuntary external markers, as well as,
subjective and voluntary internal consciousness as its nlajor elements.
!).3.2 Major Elements of Ethnicity
Of the two major elements of ethnicity, nanely. the presence of objective external markers
;md subjective awareness, the latter-"consciousness7'-isconsidered nlore significatlt since
genetic and cultural similarities are seen as the 'givens' of social existence. However, as I
have discussed in an earlier article (Sabbarwal, 1992), this is only a partial explanation of
1:thnicity since it does not answer a fundamental question, nanlely, what creates this
consciousness the first place'? Some like Kuper and Smith (1969) and Gastil(1978) hold
hat when different ethnic groups come into contact with each other and interact with each
sther ethnic consciousness or awareness arises. However, this too, is not a satisfactory
explmntion as mere contact between groups need not always result in ethnic awareness.
To overcome this problem, a distinction, therefore, has to be drawn cultural ethnicify and
political ethnicify.
-- .
Check Your Progress 1
Write a note on ethnic groups. Use about five lines for your answer.

Write anote on the political perspective on ethnicity. Use about five lines for your
answer.
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Ethinic Stratification
9.4 CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVES
More recently, there havc crystallized two n~ajorperspectives on etlu~icitpantluopological
and political. The anthropological/cu[tzaa[approachto etlulicity refers to a belief in
shared cdtural values and practices. In this sense, etlulic group is identified in terms of
cultural phenomena such as colnmon customs, institutions, rituals, language etc This
conception of etlmicity is based on the functionalist view that people need 3 sense of
belonging somewhere which gives them strength to sustaul themselves in ~iincsof
pressures and this is provided by the etlulic identity. It is held that wid1 die emergellce of
urbanization, economic progress. technological adv~ulcement.mass education. illass media
etc., the individual faces a loss of tradition and prinlordial identities. This. hov ever, instead
of making ethnic identities weaker. actually results in their reillforcelnent ,is in a mass
society tlle individual feels the desperate need for solne kind of identity \\~liicllis smaller
tl12ul the State but larger than the family.
9.4.1 Ethnicity and Functionalism
It is notable tllat functionalism did not always advance this idea. In Tact. initially it held the
view that 'obsolete' ascriptive collectivities like etlulic groups did not 'fit' In the modern
societies. The assunlption was tllat inuniversalistic and achievement-oricntcd modem
industrial societies, etlulic and cultural differences decline. the society as a ~vholebeconles
increasingly honlogenous and this results UI the weakening of ethnic distinctions Sotne
scholars like Kerr et al. (1960). Rostow (1 960) and Hyden (1983) attributed it to the
homogenizing influence of market (econon~ic)forces. Others like Gelh~er(1983) said that
rise of natiollalistic (political) tendencies uilified the societies whichultimately resulted in
.-
tlle disa~vearmceof cultural and etlu~icdifferences.
1 Activity 1 1
Why does cthnicitj not cease to exist in a modern society? Discussnith other students and
knowledgeable persons. Note down your findings in 21 notebook.
.
Writers like Glazer (1975). however. have contended that not only does e~llnicitpnor cease
to exist in a modern society, but is actually 'revived' and what's more. the increasing
inlportance of ethnic identities or ethnicization can be attributed to the \ ' e n conditio~lsof
modenlization. Similarly, Eisenstadt (1973), Murphree (1986) and Wallerstein (1 986) point
out tlvat they see no visible signs of de-ethnicization in the modern world. Rather. one can
witness a resurgence of particularistic tendencies. Shanlu (I 990) illustrates this clearly
with esan~plesdrawn from the Indian society where despite technological, institutional,
val~~ational and behavioural signs of nlodenlization ethnicity reigns suprenze. For instance,
in tenus of food, dresS and interior decoration of one's homc, being 'ctllilic' is considered
chic (fashionable). Similarly; a n nod ern" institution like electoral democr;lc! llas led to the
rcawakeningof the priniordial co~~sciouslress of religion, caste elc. In short. Ihe later
functiollalist writings highlighted the persistence of ethnicity despite. or e\'en because of
modenlization.

Vegeti~blehls~rkrt,in Kollin~s
Corrrte.sy : Prof. Kapil Kymar
 9.4.2 Political Perspective in Ethnicity Ethnicity as a Basis
of Stl-atification
More popular today, however, is thepolitical perspective on ethnicity. It refers to tile
political awareness and mobilization of a group on ethnic basis, as a result of which certain
groups cor~sc~otrsf~ seek to assert their ethnicity, even exaggeraling their ethllic
c h ~ a ~ t e r i s t ito
c sachieve the end of political autonomy or sovereignty. The argulllent is
that the rise oj' capitalism has caused uneveli development leading to reinforcement of
parochial loyalties and ethnic self-consciousness. Most of the literature on etlulicity focuses
on discrin~inationand highlights how the perception of unequal distribution of resources by
the disadvantiiged groups results in the rise of ethnic awareness among them. A nunority
groulp. for insrance, in a culturally plural society may opt for political etlmicity when it is
pushed to the wall by the majority group which tends to be oppressive in pursuit of its
privileges. In such a case, nunority groups may mobilize or even invent 2111 etlulic identity
in an effort to oppose discrimination. Groups may also exploit primordial loyalties for
political reascns which may be used by them to advance their political interests and
masilluse their power. A key example of ethnicity being utilized for representing and
advancing the interests of a group is its use in politics where etlmic groups einploy
etlu~icityto make demands 111the political arena for alteration in their stahis, ecoilonlic
well-being. eclucational opportunity, civil rights etc. Put simply, ethnicity is interestbased
and e t h i c groups are interest groups.
Shamla (199f) has called these hvo categoriesgeneric and emergetit etlulicity. In the
generic connotation, it is an identity based on a set of objective cultural markers which help
tlie nzembers of a group differentiate themselves from other groups and be differentiated by
the oUler groups as well. 111this sense, a11 ethnic group is a bounded ct~lttrrolgroup having
certain distinguishing features separating 111from other groups. What is highlighted here is
the awareness of cultural diversity by different groups. However, when this awareness
becomes consciousness of political differentiation, emergent etlulicity is bonl marked by a
process of power struggle.
BOX9.01

The origin and resurgence of ethnicity lie in intergroup contact, that is, when different
groups come into one another's sphere of influence. Of course, the shape it takes depends
on the conditions in that society. The second point is that ethnicity is used to meet the
present demands of survival for the oppressed groups. When subjugated groups find it
difficult to tolerate the dominance of others and make efforts to improve their position,
ethnicity is generated.

9.5 ETHNIC STRATIFICATION

Stratification is a systenl wlicreby people are unequally r a k e d and rewarded on the basis
of wealth. power and prestige. It is part of e v e q society and may takevarious ionns like
class, gender, race and, of course. etlulicity. The earlier studies of stratificatio~~ used to
focus on the phenon~enaof caste and race while gender and edmicity were treated as side
issues. Howe~~er. of late not only have ethnicity and gender been getting solne attention in
stratification ailalysis, but ethnic stratification is even replacing class as the foremost fonn
of social division since now property relations tend to be deternlined by ethllic ranking
instead of it being the other way round. The model of ii~tenlalcolonialisnl is used to
analyse ethnic resurgence and conflicts by highlighting the doninant group's political
control over, econonic exploitation of and cultural domination over tlie nunority groups,
and their ideological justification of this unequal relationship. Ethnic stratification shares a
lot of things \+it11the other fonlls of stratification, such as, ranking, inequality,
discrinunatio~~, exploitation etc. However, there is one crucial difference. Etlu~icgroups
I
have the capability to acquire an independent nation, an option which is not available to
class and gencler groups.
9.5.1 Ethnic Nationalism
Menlbership of an e t h i c group tends to determine a person's status in society. This call
occur in two ways. Social rewards like money, prestige iuld power are often allocated along
etlulic lines. Secondly, in most societies one or more etlmic groups dolninate otllers in
economic, political a l d culh~ralmatters. Ethnic politics can, therefore, take the appearance
of etlmic stratification resulting in tltll eelllergence of ethnic nationalism. As discussed
Ethinic Stratification earlier, ethnic identity may sonletinles be related to political necessities Snd demands. This
happens when minority groups try to play the ethnic card in order to acquire a better deal
for themselves in a plural society. However, some ethnic groups go a step further and
demand a say in the political system or control over a piece of temtory or even denland a
national status, i.e., country of their own. If they succeed in achieving any of these
objectives they become a nationality or a nation (Brass, 1991).
9.5.2 Nation and Ethnic Group
The concepts of nation, nation-state, nationality, national minority etc. arose with t l ~ rise
e
of capitalism in Western Europe and spread to the rest of the world. Nation is derived from
the Latin word nasci meaning to be born and Latin noun nationem, i.e.. breed or race. It is a
historically evolved, stable uniforniity of languages, territory, economic life and
psychological make up which can be seen in the form of a common culture. More
inlportantly, it is atype of ethnic community which is politicized and lus universally
accepted group rights in a political system.
Box 9.02

Nation has a variety ofmeanings-country, society, state and even ethnic group. It has been
defined as a country, o r the inhabitants of a country united under a single independent
government, a State. It is also defined as a people connected by supposed ties of blood
which are generally observable in common interests a n d interrelations. The latter,
interestingly, is also the definition of an ethnic gruup. Often nation and ethnic group are
equated o r nation is seen as a typkof ethnic group characterized by a history or my thology
of statehood o r a strong desire for statehood. Reinforced by such myths, histories and
aspirations nationalism often unites people for ethnic movements in search ofhigher socio-
economic status, independence and autonomy. Thus, the desire of an ethnic community to
possess o r remember what they once had and wish to repossess, leads to the demands for
autonomy and political sovereignty, thereby turning them into a national community.
I

Oommen (1997) holds that nation and etl~nicgroup share many features but differ on a
crucial point, namely, territory. An ethnic group becomes a nation only when it identifies
itself with a territory. Contrarily, a nation becomes an ethnic comn~unitywhei~the
members are separated from their homeland. No single feature of ethnic groups can be
identified as being more important than the others. Each gains inlportance in different
situations. But a nation cannot be a nation without temtory. Thus, he calls ethnic groups
'passive nations', groups with potential to become nations while nations are 'active
ethnicity' as they emerge out of ethnic elements. Bacal(1997) too, offers t l ~ tenns
e 'micro-
nations' and 'macro-ethnies' for ethnic groups and nations, respectively slrpporting
Oommen's empQasison temtory being the key factor in differentiating the two.
Check Your Progl-ess2
1) Write 011 the nexus between nation and ethnic group. Use about Five lines for your
answer.
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2) What is ethno-nationalism? Explak in about five lines.

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10
9.5.3 Nationalism and Ethnicity Ethnicity as a Basis
of Str:%titication
Nationalism refers to the expressed desire of a people to establish and maintail1a self-
governing political entity. It has proven to be one of the most powerful forces in the
contemporary world, both a creator and destroyer of modern states. Nationality and
ethnicity are related, yet different. Ethnicity may become natioilalisln and nationalism is
always based on real or assumed ethnic ties. Yet, at the heart of nationalism lie the three
themes of autonomy, unity and identity. Autonomy implies an effort by apeoyle to
determine their own destiny and free thenlselves from external constraint. Unity means
ending internal divisions and uniting, and identity involves an effort by a group to find and
express their authmtic cultural heritage and identity (Cornell and Hartman, 1998).Thus,
nationalism is a form of ethlucity in which a particular ethnic identity is crystallized and
institutionalized by acquiring apolitical agenda. Nations are created when ethnic groups in
a multi-ethnic state are transformed into a self-consciouspolitical entities. Hence, it is the
goals of sovereignty and self-determination that set nationalism apaA from ethnicity.
1 Activity2
Discuss the nexus between nationalism and ethnicity with students at the study centre.
Also talk with people knowledgeable in the subject. Put down your findings in your
notebook.

9.5.4 Development of a Nationality

According to Brass (199 1) there are two steps in the fornution of a nationality. First there
;s transfomation of an ethnic category into a community which involves changes like
creation of a self-conscious linguistic unity, formation of a caste association etc. This
llappens in the early stages of nlodemization in multi-ethnic societies where social
~iivisionsof various kinds are still prevalent. The second stage involves the articulation and
;icquisition of social, economic and political rights for the menlbers of the group or for the
group as a whole. When the group succeeds by its own efforts in achieving and maintaining
group rights through political action and political mobilization, it goes beyond ethnicity
i~ndestablishes itself as a nationality.
I-Iowever,why does ethnicity become nationality'?This question is answered by the relative
deprivation approach which focuses our attention on the feeling of frustration caused by
the differencesbetween what people feel they legitimately deserve and what they actually
get. Similarly,when subjugated groups fail to achieve success according to the norms
t:stablished by the dominant group the nature of their response tends to be ethnic
antagonism which may take the form of a) struggle of the indigenous people's right to
their land and culture, b) efforts by minority groups to procure equal economic,political
2nd cultural rights; c) competition by ethnic groups for obtaining scarce resources; and d)
/

roovenlents for a separate nation.

51.5.5 Ethno-Nationalism: The Indian Case
Ibamm (199 1) has described how ethnic antagonism has posed four serious challenges to
tne Iildian state. These are:
Casteism-A curious mix of ethnic identity and modern interests in which the ethnic group
uses the caste ideology to further its economic and political interests, e.g., a political party
asking for votes of aparticular caste group.
Communalism-the "unholy" alliance between religion and politics in which religion may
be used for political or economic gains, e.g., the Hindutva concept useed by the BJP.
Plativism-the 'sons of the soil' concept in which regional identities become the source of
ethnic strife, e.g., the movement in Assam to expel the 'foreigners' from Bengal.
E thno-nationalism-the transfomliltion of an ethnic group to a nationality which may start
demanding autonomous governance in a particular temtory or even secession, separation
a ~ recognition
d as a sovereign nation, e.g., the movements in Kashmir and Punjab
(IChalistan).
Ethinic Stratification discrimination and when does it result in cultural affluence and social adaptability.
Conceptually, ethnicity is a search for an identity by a group and a demand that this identity
be publicly acknowledged. However, it also has a practical aim for that group, nanlely, the
d e n m d for progress, for a rising standard of living, for a more effective political order.
greater social justice and of playing apart in the large arena of the world politics of
exercising influence among the nations.
Etllnic lines will not disappear in the near future and ethnicity will persist. Etllnic
behaviour, attitudes and identities have been, are being and will be determined by not only
what goes on among the ethnics themselves but also by the developments in the larger
society and by how society treats ethnics. In most multi-ethnic societies the various ethnic
groups vary in wealth, power and status and ethnicity is a major factor in stratification
despite weakening traditions. As a result, most individuals will continue to think of their
ethnic group first when they examine their own identity. The solution is to llarnlonize the
individual, ethnic and hunranwide identities. All societies must create ~ U Ienvironment
which protects the right to ethnicity, strongly supports the concept of nlutual respect and
also works at making ethnic identity a relatively small part of a person's identity, The
ethnic distinctiveness must not be given preference over the equally crucial issues of
huinan individuality on the one hand, and identification with the national society on the
other. A balance has to be reached so that ethnic resurgence does not endanger individual
selfhood and national integrity and, in turn, individualism and nationalisill do not pose a
threat to ethnic identities.

9.7 KEY WORDS

Cultural Ethnicity : The anthropological way of defining ettu~icityin terms
of shared culturalvalues and practices
Cultural Marlters : Objective cultural features like language, religion,
dress etc. which differences between groups are
emphasised and distances maintained.
Emergent Ethnicity : When the cultural ethnic identity is used for political
differentiation and gain.
Ethnic Consciousness : The subjective perception of a group's lneillbers that
they are a collectivity different from others
Ethnic Group : A collectivity which is perceived by others in society as
being different in terms of lailguage. religion, race,
ancestral home, culture etc. whose ille~llbersalso
perceive themselves as different from others and who
participate in shared activities built around a real or
imaginary shared descent and culture.
Ethnic Nationalism : The phenomenon of ethnic groups demanding a
political and administrative autonomy, a national status
or a country of their own.
Ethnic Stratification : The unequal distribution of financial, power and
cultural resources on ethnic lines in a society
Ethnicity : A shared (real or imagined) racial. linguistic or cultural
identity of a social group.
Generic Ethnicity : An identity based on'a set of objective cultural features.
International Colonialism : A concept used to describe political and economic
inequalities between regions within the same society
and the underprivileged status and exploitation of
minority groups within a society.
Nation : A country or populace of a country connected
supposedly by common blood ties and under a single
government.
~at'ionalism : Expression of the desire of a people to establish a self-
govemingpolitical entity
Political Ethnicity : Political awareness and conscious mobilization of
groups on ethnic lines.
 Ethnici~tyas a Basis
9.8 FURTHER READINGS o f Stratification

Bacal, Azril. 1997. "Citizenship and National Identity in Latin America: The Persisting
Salience of Race and Ethnicity", 111 T.K. Oommen (ed.) Citizenship and National
Identity: From Colon~alrsmto Glohulism. N. Delhi: Sage Publications.
Brass, Paul K. 199 1 . Ethw~cityand Nationulr.sm: Theory and Conzparison. New Delhi: Sage
Publications
Burgess, M.E. 1978. "The Kesurfonce of Ethnicity: Myth or Reality", Ethnic and Racial .
Studies, l(3).

PROGRESS
Check Your Progress 1
I) An ethnic group has some ob-jective culture features that separate it from other
groups. Secondly it possesses an ethnic self consciousness. Thus an ethnic group is a
collectivity which perceives itself as different from other and which perceives itself
from being different in terms of language, religion, ancestral home culture etc.
2) The political perspective on ethnicity refers to the political awareness and
mobilization of a group on an ethnic basis. On this basis certain groups consciously
seek to assert their ethnicity even exaggerating their ethnicity to achieve political .
autonomy or even sovereignty.
Check Your Progress 2
I) Nation is a historically evolved stable uniformity of languages, temporary,
economic life and psychological make up in the form of a culture. Thus nation is a
type of ethnic community which is politicized and has rights in a political system.
Nation and ethnic groups share many features but differ on territory. This an ethnic
group becomes a nation when it identifies itself with a temporary.
2) Ethnic antagonism poses many threats to the state including, casteism,
commu~ialis~n and nativism. Above all the threat comes from ethno-nationalism
UNIT 10 TRIBAL ETHNICITY : THE
NORTH-EAST
Structure
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Tribes and Ethnicity
10.2.1 Distinguishing Features of Tribes
10.2.2 Transformation of Tribes
10.3 Etlulic Conlposition of North-East
10.3.1 Tribal Population of North-East
10.4 Social Stratification of Tribals in the North-East
10.4.1 Mizo Administration
10.4.2 Power and Prestige Ainong Nagas
10.4 3 The Jaitltim and Khasis
10.4.4 Traditional Ratking Systems
10.5 Tribal Movements in the North-East
10.5.1 TheNagaMovement
10 5.2 Tribal Policy in Tripura

10.5.3 Tripura Struggle in Manipur

10.6 Mizoram
10.6.1 Mizo Identity
10.7 Bodo Movenlent
10.8 Tribal Ethnicity as a Basis for Stratificatioil
10.8.1 Ethnic Movements
10.8.2 Mobility and Ethnic Groups
10.9 Let Us Sum Up
10.10 Key Words
10.11 Further Readings
10.12 Specimen Answers to Check Your Progress

10.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading and studying this unit you will be able to:
Explain the relation between tribes and ethnicity;
Outline the ethnic conlpositioll of the North-East;
Discuss stratification of tribals in the North-East;
Describe tribal movemeilts in theNorth-East: and
Delineate tribal ethnicity as a basis for stratification.

10.1 INTRODUCTION
The tenn tribe, which is of general use in anthropology sociology and related socio-cultural
disciplines as well as journalistic writings and day-to-day general conversation, has
attracted a lot of controversy about its meanings, applications and usages For one thing the
 tern1 has come to be used all over the world in a: wide variety of settings for a large number Tribal Ethnicity : The Yorth-East
of diverse groups. This diversity and the fact that all the groups referred to have been
uiidergoing varied clianges while the tern1 lias remained more or less fixed lias iilade tlie
task of providing a definition rather uiimanageable.

10.2 TRIBES AND ETHNICITY

Accordiiig to the Macnlillan dictionary of antliropology, tlie term has passed into general
usage as a synonym for a prinlitive group. Related to this is the anthropological neo-
e~~olutionaq~ usage wherein tlie ten11 figures as part of the ascending ordcr (1) band. Mainly
" coilfuied to hunthlg and food gathering society characterized by si~iipleco-operation (2)
tribe-referring to conlmunities of subsistence with limited exchange between conuilunities
(3) chiefdoill-related to inore advanced horticulture or pastoralisin with Ihe beghiing or
social division of labour and constitutionalised autlioritjl and (4) state in which there are
classes based on exploitation; centralised monopoly of force, aid. Mobilization of surplus
product .
In the conted of Africa, E.F. Evans Pntchard used the tenii tribe to refer to a distinct
politically organised sunit of the wider Nuer linguistic and cultural group. Thus liere die
term is used to distinguish tribal from a political organizatioli from 21 slate as well as from
the wide cultural group of which such an orgalised unit is a part. In the coiltext of India, a
number of earlier British colonial ethnographers used the ten11 tribe not only to refer to
distinct 'primitive' socio-cultural groups but also to castes: without iilakhig any real effort
to distinguish between tribes and castes. Risley, Lacy, Elwhi, Gigron, Talents Sedovith,
Martin were some of the more primitive aniong the ethnographers.
A.V. T l ~ k k awho
r wanted to enlpliasize the autochtho~ialcharacter of tribals (not
necessarily Inie, for many had traditioiis of nligration to the area they lived in) called them
as a aborigines or aboriginals, iiilplying thereby that their Hindu and other neiglibours were
lateconiers to tlie areas. G.S. Gllurye on the haid, called them backward Hindus to
emphasize the religious and cultural over lap betcveeii the tribals aid neighouring Hhidu
peasants. However, it is only after the independence of India hl 1947 that political and
scl~olarlyconcern for providing a more systeniatic defuiition of the term tribe aiid to
distinguish clearly the tribals from tlie peasant became illore pronounced.
Dube while pointing out the lack of precision and unsatisfactory nature of attempts to
defule the tenn tribe in India content, notes that of late the usage has 'tended to be
restricted only to the autochthonous; the aboriginal and the preillature groups. At no stage,
however, we had a set of clears indiqtors of tribalness' (Dube 1977:2). He further notes
that popular definitions mostly see in the tribes some, if not all of the following
Characteristics. They are original or oldest inhabitants, lit e in relative isolation in hills and
forest, have a shallow sense of history, remembered upto five to six generations, have a low
level of techno-econonucs development, stand out from other sections of society in cultural
ethos, are non hierarchic and undifferentiated if not egalitarian. Although none tliere
criteria are fully satisfactory, yet, Dube finds, distinctions between tribes aiid non-tribes
a i d 6.9 percent of the country is classified as tribal. Siice tlie classificatioii is influenced by
political consideration and includes groups known to tlie non-tribals and excludes others
h1ow11 to be kibals it has failed to satisfy the scholars as well as those excluded from the
list. Finding the debate over the definition of tribe. Still Dube (1 977:4) suggests it nlay be
best now to view it as an ethnic category defuled by real or putative descent and
characterized by a corporate self-identify and a wide range of coiini~onlyshared traits of
culture.. racial, religious and liilguistic groups can also acquire ethnic character and it is
necessary for us to consider tribal ethnicity alongside tlie ethnicity of sucli groups.
10.2.1 Distinguishing Features of Tribes
On the skholarly level the distinguishing features of tribes are enipliasized hl coillparjson to
caste. It is assumed that tribes and castes present hvo different kinds of social organisations,
attributes like hereditary, division of labour, hierarchy, principle of purity and pollution,
civic, and religious disabilities, regulating castes; while tribes function purged of these
factors. Similary in terns of governance of social organisations kinship, leanage clan are
paramount in tribal societies.
While inequality dependency and subordillation highlight caste societies. Similarly in terms :
15
Ethnic Stratification
of this contrast tribes do not differentiate sharply as caste groups do between the utilization
and non-utilization function of religion. Tribal society is seen as more homogei~eousin
contrast to society which are more homogeneous. Tribal society societies are seen to be
segmental in character with distinct customs, rituals taboos and trace their origin to
conunon temtory, ancestor etc. However, this ideal distinction does not exist in India while
some nlay be marked on either end of a continurn, the majority of tribal groups stand
somewhere in the middle possessing a number of diverse elements. The feah~reconunon
among theill which has been emphasised by Betilla relates to 'that they all stand inore or
less outside Hindu civilization.
Bailey tries to explain this distinction in temls of the relationship of a comuuunity with
land. 'The larger the population of a given society which has direct access to land, the
closer is that society which has direct access to land, the closer is that society to the tribal
end of the continum.. the larger is the proportion of people whose right to land is achieved
though a dependent relationship the nearer that society comes to the caste role. (c.f.
Chanana 1994: 170).
While Sura.jit Sinha criticised this criterion of Bailey and gave his own distinction, 'it
(Tribe) is isolated in ecology. demography, economy, politics.. from other e t h i c groups.
This isolation generates, and in turn is bolstered by a strong in group sentiments. .. Viewing
ones culture as autonomous with reference to those of other groups and consequently
disco~u~ections from the great traditions of Indian civilizations in temls of ob,jective reality
and in terms of subjective awareness, a value of system of equality, closeness of the human*
natural and supernatural world, lack of systeinatizationof ideas, a sophisticated stratum of
culture, ethical religion. and p~uitanicasceticisnl. In contrast caste is seen as 'typically
coilllected heterogeneous and stratified and is characterizedby nltrltiethnic residence in the
local community: inter-ethic participation in an economy (c.f. Chama 1994: 171).
10.2.2 Transformation of Tribes
.A ma-jor discussion on tribal society relates to the transfom~ationof tribes to caste and their
gradual absorption in the caste structure. This process largely undertaken tluongll the
process of:
i) Adoptionofteclu~ology
ii) Sanskritization
iii) State formation
iv) Hindusation

vi) Religion
This is followed by tlle transfornlation of tribes to peasant.and sociolly differentiated
societies.
However, this approach ignores the study of tribe as they are and as conununities. To
resolve this crisis these days attempts, have been made to study the problem of tribals from
the concept of ethnicity in order to have deeper insight into inter-group relatioils and how
the tribals perceive thenlselves in contrast to the others. 'The key featue of this concept are
the identification and labeling and contrast applied to groups and categories of people..
study of self, identify systems, stereo typing class, systems, systems of recourse
coinpetition systems of political and econonuc domination and change.. cultural persistence
and the construction of boundries that both separate and bind together people in a my raid
of ways.

10.3 ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF NORTH-EAST

Tlle North-East India is a well defined region and is charcterisedby a diverse and
heterogeneous, geographical economic and cultural tapestry. The regien represents 'an
ethno-cultural frontier, encompassing much of India's rich but lesser known Mongloid
heritage, a conlplex transition zone of linguistic racial and religions streams. It is also a
unique bio-geographic frontier where the mingling of India, Sinic and Malaysian-Burmese
strains have produced a treasure house of floral and faunal bi-diversity ' (Verghese 1994:2).
 However, its role as a 'bridge and buffer' region changed after the partition which Tribal Ethnicity : The horth-East
physically separated the North-East from the rest of India. Now it has virtually 3000 km.
Of international borders touching China, Myalmar, Bangladesh. Bhutan and is linked to
the rest of India by a narrow conidor. It covers an area of over 2.55 villages. The total
population of the region in 199 1 was 3 1 1 lakhs representation 3.73% of the country's total
population (Verghese 1994: 2).
.
It is con~posedof seven states Arunachal Pradesh. Assam, Manipur, Melglialaya, Mizoram,
Nagaland, Tripura. In temls of its terrains two s~~b-regions can be differentiated. These are
a) the plains of the Brahnlaputra, Barak, Implral revers, and b) the vast mouiltaiilous terrain
covering aln~ost72% of the area. Th states of Anmachal Pradesh. Nagaland, Manipur,
Mizoram, Tripura. Meghalya and Assam are largely hilly, while Assa~n,Manipur and
Tripura are encompassed by the plains. The division between tlie tribal and ilon-tribal
population too takes place along these lines. While the tribals who constitute alnlost 6
nlillion illhabit allnost 80% of the hilly states of Meghalaya, Mizoran, Arunachal Pradesh
(with the exception of Assan), the non-tribals inllabil the plains. The nlajority of the tribals
are of Mongoloid origin while the plains people trace their origin to the Caucasoid who ,

migrated in different epochs.

10.3.1 Tribal Population of North-East
However, the tribal populatio~lof the North-East displays a great deal of heterogeneity and
diversity. There are Inore tli~ulhundred tribal groups with different language, rihlals.
beliefs religions a l d culturalpattenls. Sinularly out of the 325 languages listed in the
people of India, Vol. IX series, the largest number belong to the Tibeto-Bunllal family a ~ d
175 north-east conlnlunities are shown speaking them. This heterogeneity is also reflected
in the types of customs prevailing. specially contrast between the matrilineal and patrilinexl
tribes. The similarities between the different tribal groups relate to their preservation of
Lraditioiral ecollomic pattenls, indulging in shifting cultivation, social and cultural pattenls
:LC. Similarly tlle manner of their response to n~odenlizatio? and development of etluiic
:onsciousness gives them a bonding of kind wit11 each other. Tlie colnposition of different
North-Eastenl states are:
) The state of Mizuri~mhas al~nost94.26% of tribal population. Tlie oral traditions of
Mizo history show tlle einergence of the Mizo ancestors from a cave or rock known
as Chunlung in distant China from where tliey ~novedthrough Tibet, into the ..
Huk\vang valley in Bunna and finally entering the Lushai hills in the 18" cenhiry.
However, the Mizo's iilaintained their isolatioii for a very long time finally
beconling a part of the British empire in the 18"' cenhiry. The tern1 Mizo nleans hill
~ n e nand is a generic tenu whicll encoinpasses alnlost fifteen tribes (e.g. the Lushis,
Ralte, Hmar, Pawis or Pols, Laker ses ) who have got together under the rubric of
'the single Mizo identity. Tlie two important factors ~1iic~vf;icilitated this process
were adoption of cllristianity and the Luesi dialect; ~ u b i i e nwith tlie roman script.
Idizoram consists of two cultural suti-regions, the fust influeliced by C1wisti;uiity
c:onstitutesthe Lushai hills area whih include nlost of the Mizo groups. The second region
is inhabited by tile Buddhist chaknlas and Maglis and the Hindu influenced Ria~igwho
inhabit the westernbelt bordering the Chittagong Hill tracts (Verghese 1994: 135:165:
Chib 1984: 132-1421 Sing11 1919'19).
i.) Tlie state of Nilgalant1 is donunated by 88.61% of tribals. Naga is a generic ten11
roughly nleanuig wanior for a cluster of thirty-two tribes, five of who reside in
Bunlla wliile tlie,othersare scattered in Nagaland (sixteen), Manipur (seven), Tirap
in Anlnacllal Pradesh and the North Cacher <andKarbi Anglong district of Assam.
The inlportant tribes among the Nagas are the Angamis, Ao's Cliakesangs,
I ; , Sangtaiils, Metikunu, Yimchunge etc. Tlie different tribes speak their own Tibeto -
. . Bunnm dialects and use Nagamese arc Cliristiaiis wliicli has played ;ul important
i role in forging a sense of unity within tliem. Thus 'Etll~~o-Linguistically
and
culturally the individual Naga tribes maintain internal unifonnily and intra-
conmlunity homogenity' (Verghese 1994:83-84). However, there has been a
tenden'cy for larger groups fommtions to take place with different tribes liaving
solne corninon trails coming together e.g. the Zemis, Langmei and Ro~ignleican1
together in 1974 as Zeliangrong. While the Chakrliu, Khem and Sangtali1fonned
the Cliakesa~gand t l ~ eSapo, Kechue and Khury became the Pocllury. (Cliib 1Y84: ,
156-158, 160-162) 17
Ethnic Stretitication iii) The state of Megha1y;i distinguished by its matriluieal society is one of the more
conlparitively peaceful states of the North -East. Almost 80.84%"of the state is
conlprise by the tribals population. Tlie dominant tribes living in Meglialya are the
Garos, Khasis and the Jaintias. The Garo's who consist of the Bnodo Tibetian -
Bumran stock have been inhabitants of the Garo hills for tile past four hundred
years. They are divided into five matrilineal clans. tlie Sallgn~isand the Maraks
being anlong the niost prominei~t.The head of the clan or noklna fa~iulyis the
youngest daughter whose husband administers the property.
The Khasis belong to the Mon-Khmer group. They are also matrilineal groups with the
inothers brotlier having an inlportant control and dominance. The twentlt)-ti1 e Khasi
principalities were divided into sixteen liinas or territories, each under a Syiem or chief.
This was followed by tlwee senu-independent units under Lyndolls, five subedarships and
a Wahadar. The Jaintias are also a generic ten11 for the Syntax or Pnars They are also
matrilineal tribes and the inlleritiu~cewhich is handed on from uncle to nephe.r~!.The
Jaintias have been stroiigly influenced by exposure to Hinduism ;uld Islam. However,
Christianity continues to have a strong presence in the area with almost 47% of the
population following the faith, On theothcr hand revivalist nlo\ements like the Seiig-Khasi
have tried to bring back the traditional tribal customs, religion and festivals (Verghese
1994: 195-197: Cliib 1984: 132-142).
iv) Mailipur is an ancient state of the North-East. The ilanle M;u~ipurcanie into
prominence in the eigliteentll century iulder the King Garib Nawaz when
Vaislulavism became tlle state religion. The inlportant tribes donlinating this area
were the Meities, Marangs, Luwangs, Khumans, Alllong these the Hindu Meities are
the most powerful and doininant tribe. They are probably of Tibeto-Bunnan origin
and consist of seven clans locally called Salai: Ninglhoi~ja,Luwiu~g.Khun~ul,
Moirang, Angonl, Khaba - Nganea and Chenglei. The other important tribal
conu~lunitiesare Aimol. Anal, Anganu, Chiru, Chothe, Gangte, Hmar. Kabui,
Kaclia, Koirao, Kioreng, Kom, Lan~g;ulg,Maram. Maning, Mao. Monsang,
Moyuon, Senla, Tangkhul etc. However, these tribal groups are sub-divided into two
broad general categories the Nagas and the Kukis or Kuki Chin :as thc!~are probably
known since they inhabit tlle hilly terrahi of Manipur, Cachar. Letha arid Arakan
hills of Bumla. In Mmipur allnost 60% of the population is Hindu. while the rest are
Cluistias with a smattering of Muslinls. (Chib 1984: 75-76,86-87: Vergliese 1984:
198-202).
v) Tlie state of A~uni~chal Priidesh previously known as NEFA conslihltes of nearly
79.02% of tribal population. It has roughly 110 tribes of nhicli twcnt! -six are quite
popular. Tlie pronunelit tribal groups being the Biflas ;uld Banguis. Minyongs,
Mishnus. Noctes, Apatanis, Miris. Akas, Sllredukpens, Mikirs. Tangeas. Compared
to the rest of tile North-East. the Arunachal region has remained ulorc remote,
distant and isolated. (Chib 1984: 280-281.288-295: Elwul 1959: 38-39)
vi) Tlie large state of Assam has around only 10.99%)of tribals.who inhabit the plains
of Brahmaputra. The iniportiu~ttribes being the Alloms, Bodo-Kachari. Raba, Mech,
Jo-jai,Lelung, Mikirs, etc. A mqjority of then1 have bcen absorbed by Hu~duismand
reflect a transitio~ifrom tribe to caste
vii) The state of Tril)ur;i is interested by six low ranges of hills froin the northwest to
tlie south east with an elevation between 100 to 3000 feet. tlle height increases from
the southwest to die nortli east, while tlie margins are cliaractersied by a strip of
plains. There are a total of eigliteen tribes largely belonging to tlle Tibeto-Burnran
groups. They are mostly Hindu witli hvo Buddhist trines Chaknla and Magh and six
tea garden tribes. The important tribes are the Tripuris (who belong to the Bodo
stock). Reang, Jarnatia, Naotia and Halam.

10.4 SOCIAL STRATIFICATION OF TRIBALS IN THE

NORTH-EAST
The system of social stratification covers two niain dimensions, the traditional systelil of
stratification based on age, sex, kinship, etc. and the stratification enlergiiig in tlie society
as a result of the influelice of a nulllber of ~ilodeniizhlgprocesses, education.
industrialization, occupalional differentiation, status hiemcliie associated with
 parliamentary democracy, godemlent employment etc. which tend to stratify the society in Trilpl Ethnicity : The North-East
tenlls of new class and status hierarchies modifying, reinforcing or undernliiling the
traditional hierarchical divisions.
Traditional the tribe of the North-East have not been homogei~eousegalitari'm units. A
number of factors have contributed to the development of the stratification system among
the different tribal communities, most important being lineage, relationship to land, ritual
status, position of economic, social and political dominance. The ilmnner in which these
factors are distributed leads to the formation and perpetuation of hierarchies within the
various tribal groups and of the dominance of one tribal group over the other. Anlong the
Garos, for example, the land meant for shifting cultivation and homestead plots was the
property of seven lineages (Mahari) known as a king.
Box 10.01
The right of management of a king is vested in a particular family. Similarly, among the
Khasi, while every member of the village of Reid could claim his right on the Ri land
(Communal Land); theRi Kynti werelands exclusively meant for some clans who enjoyed
on it proprietary, hereditary and transferable rights. A village study ofthe area showed
that 22 pel-centof the households controlled 7O0/oof the village land, 54%of the household
controlled the remaining30% leaving no land at all to cultivate for as much as 24'/0of the
household.

10.4.1 Mizo Administration

The Mizos had a well established system of administration through their chiefs. All activity
in the life of a village involved around the chief and his house. Each village was ruled by
its chief. It was the normal practice that the son of a chief was given on marriage a certain
number of households by his father to set up their own village and becdme independent.
Generally, the youngest or the eldest son depending on the clan would reniaill with the
father to succeed him and all his property on death.
Ainong the Silos hereditary succession is through the youngest while for the Paite it is the
eldest. In his work of administration the chief was assisted by couicil of elders known as
Upa aitd Zawlbuk, the youngnlen's donilitory. Upa were given preference in the choice of
field for Jhunls and favour at the time of feast or any other functions organised or
patronized by the chief. The other iiiiportant functionaries in the village were the Tlangau (
the village crier), the Thirdending (the village Blacksmith) and the Puithianl (the village
priest) each of these functionaries received a basetful of Paddy for perfomling professional
work for the members of thevillage. Similary the Zawlbuk was a impt institutional and
played avery crucial role,
The Mizo chiefs also had certain rights and privileges like (i) Fathang (paddy tax): (ii)
Schhiah (meat tax ) (iii) Salam (fee in the foml of fine) (iv) building and repairing of chiefs
house whenever asked to do so. The chiefs also granted the privileges to a class of farmers
called Ranlhual and Salen who the first choice of jhuill fields.
However after independence it was through the internal struggle, awareness, growth of
urbanisation and emergence of middle class with its aspirations that the institution
I chieftainship was abolished giving rise to stratification on the basis of class and other new
I
t emerging interests (Thanga 1998:26-256).
10.4.2 Power and Prestige Among Nagas
Ailloilg the Nagas too this inequality if reflected through the unequal sharing of power,
prestige and wealth, largely acquired through tile feast of merit where, 'perishable food
substances were redistributed which has social function to secure synlbolic presitige, and
honoured alliances during the war as well peace for example the Seillas were differentiated
in term of (i) Kekarni (chiefs), (ii) Chockomi (chiefs associated) (iii) Mughamis (Orphens
or commoner); Akaherni (chiefs dependents) and (v) Anukeshimi (chiefs fields cultivators).
Haimendorf has shown how the institution of chiefs survived anlong the knoyaks on the
principle of purity of blood.
Activity 1
In which way does power and prestige among Nagas differ or is similar to from other
groups in the North-East. Discuss with students at the study centre and put down your
findings in your notebook
Ethnic Stratification Further Haimendorf's (1992: 29,286-3 13,315-323) elaborate study of Arunachal Pradesh
drew attention to the prevalence of similar trends there too. The most important tribes of
the region are the Apatanis who live in seven villages ranging in size from 160 to 1000
houses. The Apatanis are agriculturists and live in a rigidly stratification society. There are
primarily two classes differing in status. There are primarily two classes differing in stafus:
a11 upper class whose members owned a large part of the land and wield political power in
class and villages, and lower class which used to consist of few men owning their own land
as well as domestic slaves. The primary difference being between the Mate, Mite-Guth
(Patricians) and the Mura, Cuchi (slaveslconnoners).
10.4.3 The Jaintias and Khasis
The Jantias too had a more elaborate stratification system. They were differentiated
between.
i) Rdja (king),
ii) Dolois (Governor),
iii) Wahen Ch Nong (Village headman),
iv) Myntries, Patas, Laskars, Sangat, Maji (who are commoners and include all categories
of officials.
Tilput Nongbri has discussed an interesting aspect of the stratification system of the
Tribals in the context of gender. She mentions that tribal customary laws like the non-
tribal soci~tiesdeny them equal right to property. This discrimination is specially meted
out in the case of inheritance laws, where women are entitled only to maintenance rights '

and expenses. In matrilineal society too, in the context of land, a sharp distinction is made
between 'ownership' and 'control'. Thus while ownership is passed on through women, the
control rests with men e.g. the Khasi, Jaintia, Garo, Rabha etc. Similarly where women
posses usufructory rights in the patriarchal societies, they are subject to a nunlber of
conditions like their remaining unmarried, having no brothers, being widowed and forced
to marry a prescribed in. Similarly women face a bias in the allocation and inanagenlent of '
common property resources. Women also face discrimination is matters of inaniage and
divorce. The practice of bride price by which women become almost like commodities is
particularly delimiting. The women also face the problem of being treated as threats to their
descent group and ethnic identity particularly in the context of the demographic
repercussion of a women's marriage with the outsiders have made many men want to
change the matrilineal system of inheritance to matrilineal thus weakening its base.
10.4.4 Traditional Ranking Systems
All these examples show elaborate and varying traditional ranking systems conditioned by
the particular ecological and historical circumstancesof different tribes. The beginning of
the colonial rule and its ending at the time of independence of the country led to a number
of inlportant changes which shook the carefully protected relatively isolated world of the
North-East Tribals. These included linking up the tirbals with colonial system of
administration with meant' opening up further towards. Shillong, Calcutta, Delhi and even
London, the coming in of the Christian Missionaries, introduction of the nmrket economy,
the formalization and consolidation of status hierarchy within the tribes by the British for
their administrative and political convenience, extension of protective discrimination and
development schemes for backward areas and finally participation in the democratic
process in independence India and resulting changes at various levels.
Check Your Progress 1
1) Write a note on Mizo Administration.Use five to ten lines for your answer. -
 ..................................................... :................................................................ Tribal Ethnicity : The R'orth-East

2) Discuss social stratificationamong the Jaintias and Khasis of North-East. Use

between five to ten lines for your answer.

These led to a weakening of the traditional system of social stratification,the emergence

of new socio-economic and political interests and linked disparitiestogether with a growing
e;-uphasison class position in society. Thus co-existing with ascribed status and both
reinforcing and modifying it, the achieved status became a significant factor of increasing
importance.

I
Box 10.02
The emergence of a new middle class, the contractors, middlemen, businessmen and the
politicians operating at local, district, state ofnational levels, all tended to divide the society
along class lines. However, those who held an economic and socially dominant positions
traditionally wereoften able to exploit their initial advantage to obtain high ranked positions
in the new setting as well. Thus all these interactions created a society broadly stratified
and linked to political, economic and soeial trends outside the region, stateandeven nation.

I
Ai:the same time these factors created also a need to preserve, protect and emphasize a
distinct identity.
-
10.5
- TRIBAL MOVEMENTS IN THE NORTH-EAST
W 2 need to bear in mind the unique geopolitical and historical background of the tribal
pe3ple of the North-East in order to understand the specificity and very different character
of the tribal movements of this region from those of other areas. These background factors
include:
i) Because of their location of i n t d - 1 borders, many of these tribal communities
played the role of bridge and buffer communities and so had developed bonds with
certain groups across the borders
ii) British colonial administrationfollowed a policy of insuring economic social and
political isolation on these tribes from the rest of the counuy. The tribal areas were
categorized as excluded or partially excluded areas and contacts of the outsiders with 21
Ethnic Stratification these areas were strictly regulated, particularly in the excluded areas where no
outsiders could enter without obtaining a pennit. Thus their areas not only remained
unaffected by the political influence of the freedom struggle in the countq~,but also
developed apprehensions about maintaining their own separate identity and political
autonomy in relation to independent India.
iii) Unlike the tribals of middle India, tribals in the North-East have througllout constituted
an overwhelming majority (expect in Tripura) and being free from exploitative
economic and social contacts with their Assamese neighbours including alienation of
their land and forests, failed to develop agrarian and nullenanan movements which
frequently characterised Uie tribals of other regions of the country.
iv) Spread of the Christianity and mission education gave the tribals a distinctive sense of
identity and made them apprehensive about their future in Indepe~~dent India.
v) Influence of the second world war as threatres of war came close to tlieir habitat in the
North-East.
vi) Inlpending independence of India and resulting heighteniiing of political consciousness
and struggle.
vii) After independence there was open unrestricted contact between the tribals and
outsiders. A number oftraders. refugees and other mib~antsbegan to settle in the area,
acquiring land and resources. All these generated fears of beiug swamped by outsiders
and loosing land, forests and other resources to the outsiders.
viii)The inlpact of modernization on Tribal life and social institutions, especially the
conflict between nlenlbers of the growing middle class and traditio~ialchiefs as well as
dislocations of the traditional pattern of land control and land relations.
Depending on the particular circumstances and ob,jectiveof the individual movements,
nlany of these factors in different conibinations affected the formation and developnlent of
the different tribal movements. Because of the characteristic coltditions of their genesis,
thrust of these movements has been largely political, centring on issues of 'identity and
security', with 'goals ranging from autono~nyto independcilcc and means froin
coiistitutional agitation to insurgency'. ~ l t h o u g ha majority of the nlovements have also Tribal Ethnicity : The North-East
centred on issues of language, script and cultural revival, the same political struggle
appears to have been reflected in these movements also. We will now look at some of the
movements in detail to understand their specificity.
10.5.1 The Naga Movement
A large number of factors acted as catalysts for the Naga Movement. These were:
i) fear of the losing special privileges bestowed upon them by the British
ii) the danger of erosion cultural autonomy and district 'ethnic identity'
iii) fear of losing the custonrary ownership of the hills.
iv) The spread of Christianity
v) Developnlent of format education in the Naga Hills.
vi) Reaction to the fornlation of complex political structures.
Though the Naga ethnic identity and the movement were sharply articulated after
independence, the roots were sworn with the formation of the Naga Club in 1918 at
Kohima. The first taken by the club was a memorandum submitted to the Simon
conmiission in 1929 seeking the continuity of the direct British Administration of the hills
and number of other issues. The memorandum was singed by representratives of most of
the Naga tribes.
A very important role in the resurrection of Naga identity was played by Zapu Phizo, who
had assisted the Japanese and the INA with the hope of getting help to form a soverign
Naga State (Verghese 1994: 85). Their was a great deal of debate over what the Naga's
.#anted after the British lift India. The issue centred primarily on autonolny Vs
~ndependence.
Box 10.03

The Assam rdvernor reached a nine-point agreement with the Naga National Council in
Kohima on June 29, 1947. An agreement which too was not without its controversies
specially the interpretation of clause 9. While the Naga's claimed it meant a right to self
determination after ten years, the government felt that all aspects of the agreqment had
been subsumed and taken care off under the sixth schedule of the constitution. While a
large number of members of theNNC were prepared to give this agreement a fair chance,
a majority under Phizo were arrested, but after his release took charge of the NNC and
conducted a 'plebiscite' on the questionof Naga autonomy which on the basis of the opinion
of a few thousands declared a 99xpreference for Independence.

The Nagas boycotted the first General Election in 1952 and the District Council Scheme.
This agitation took a violent turn when Phizo miouned the formation of a Republician
Government of Free Nagaland at 'Kautaga' on September 18,1954. In this endeavor the
moderate elements like Sakhrie were completely outnumbered. Soon, he was assassinated
ar~dundergroundgorilla warfare began in earnest. The army was called out to aid the
civilian government on August 27. 1955. Gradually the gorilla struggle lost momentum but
tll: people continued to suffer acute hardship under harsh arnly control This situation
becanle a rallying point for the moderates who abandoned independence and discussed the
possibility of a Nagalmd within the Indian Union with full freedom to preserve and protect
their heritage and way of life. A Naga Peoples' convention was called in Kohima in Augbst
1957. It was a conglomeration of 1760 delegates representing all the tribes in the Naga
Hills and the Tueilsang district of NEFA. After a long deliberation, the council decided to
-
s e ~ ak single Naga Hills Tuensang administrativeunit within the Indian Union. The
NHTA was created as an autononlous district directly administered by the governor of
As ;am on behalf of the President. This convention was followed by two more conventions
Thl: deliberation of the October 1959 convention led to a historic landmark agreement with
the government of India in July 1960. Under the agreement the NHTA was to be
redesigned as Nagaland and beca~nean independent state in December 1963. Even as the
elections took place to the assenlbly, the underground movement continued. Several
inconclusive rounds of the talks were held between the underground leadership and the
Goirernnlent of India. A peace nlission was set up in 1964 which had J.P. Narayan, B.P.
Calka, Rev. Michael Scott and Shandkm Dev as its members. All these activities and
efforts fnlaly culiminated in the Shillong accord of November 11, 1975.
Ethnic Stratification Under this agreement the underground accepted the constitution of India: deposited their
anns, security forces halted their operations and gave enough time to the undergro~md
organisations to formulate other issues for discussion for the final settlen~entto take place
Though this accord brought peace to the area, a section of the undergroud under the
Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland set up in 1980 is still struggling for a sovereign
state. (Dole,-- 1998: 16-20; Verghese 1994: 87-85,89,90; Dhanda 1993. 482-485).
10.5.2 Tribal Policy in Tripura 1
Tripura represents an'exan~~le of$ state which despite being ruled by a tnbal ruler
followed policies which reduced its original tribal inhabitants to a minority. The state
consisted of nineteen major tribes of which the Tripura is to which the n ~ l ebelonged
r were
the most dominant. Due to a variety of historical reasons most tribals had colue under the
influence of Hinduism, particularly Vaishnavism. For economic reasons the Mahar?ia, who
had zamidaris in the adjoining districts of Comilla, Noakhali and Chittagong, invited the
Bengali peasants from there to develop settled agriculture in Tripura. They were known as
Ziratia tenants and, they apart from promoting agriculture, generated niuch needed
revenues for the.state. For humanitarian considerations also the ruler allowed t l ~ Bengali
e
refugees to settle in his kingdom and reclaim forest lands for cultivation Sinlilarly a
number of entrepreneurs were encouraged to establish tea gardens. Bengali being the
language of the adnlinistration a number of Bengali professionals and white collkired
workers, teachers and others also got settled in the state.
Activity 2

Evaluate through discussion with other students at the study centre, the tribal policy in
Tripura. Put down your findings in your notebook.

This process changed the demographic profile of the state, the tribals who collstih~ted64%
of the population in 1974 were only 36% of the pbpulation in 1911, and by 193 1 the
number of inlmigrants from various other regions mostly Assam and Bengal had risen to
114,383. However the maharaja of Tripura in his proclamation of 193 1 and 1913 reserved
certain area almost 5050 sq. km. for settled agriculture offwe designated tribes the
Tripuris, Reangs, Jamatis, Naotis and Halams.
Box 10.04

With Independenceof thecountry, Tripura acceded to India on 13 August 1947. However,

surrounded by east Pakistan on all (except one) sides, socio-political developments there,
particularly communal riots, had a tremendous effect on the state particularly in terms of
theintlux of the Bengali refugees, Not only the population ofthe state increased considerably
(from 645,707 in 1951 to 1156,342 in 1971) (Mukherjeeand Singh 1982: 320). There were
also important repercussions for the tribal population, which though increased in numl)ers,
was reduced to 28.44% of the total in 1971. Further population density rose from 17 per
sq. km, in 1917 tc~49 in 1941 to 196 by 1981).

i) This demographic charge meant an increasing dominance and control of imn"grants

in various departments particularly the market and the credit systelll as \? ell as
professional and service sectors. 'This also resulted in largc number of tribals being
pushed back to tlic interior, tremendous pressure on land, increase in mortgages ;u~d
indebtedness, banning of slash and bum cultivation, increased alienation of land and
transfer from tribals to non-tribals. Thus, 'the changing denlographic balance,
econon~icpressures created by tlle sudden influx of population, and the spread of
r
I
education, combined to generate new impulses, a mix of expectations and discontents'
(Verghese 1994: 171).
The fust response to this unrest was the fornlation of the bibal militant orga~lisationthe
Seng Krak in 1947. This was followed by two other tribal bodies, the Adivasi Sanliti and
the Tripura Rajya Admivasi Sangh, both of which came together in 1954 in the Adivasi
Sansad. The Eastern India Tribal Union also established its branch in Tripura and
contested election in 1957 and 1962. Similarly the communists had established a strong
presence in Tripura forming the Rajya Mukti Parished in 1948 and taking up the cause of
the bibalsvis-A-vis the non-tribals, comnlunist leaders. The split and decline in the
colrmlunist party and the reemergence of the congress as a result of changing equations
created a lot of disillusionment and resentment among the younger generation who fornled
 the Tripura, Upajati Juba Samita (TUB) under Samacharan Tripura on June 10,1967. Tribal Ethnicity : The North-East
TUJS is a political organisationof the Tribals, With a fourpoint agenda (a) creation of an
autonomous district council for tribals under the sixth schedule of the constitution (b)
restoration of tribal lands illegally transferred to the non-tribals (c) recognition of the Kek-
Barak language (d) adoption of Roman Scupt.
ii) The TUJS campaigned massively for the fulfilment of its demands. Resorting to
agitation, propaganda, petitions, dharnas and protests, tluough phases of upswings
and downswings, the TUJS managed to retain its hold and work for the cause of tribal
upliftmen1 as Tripura became a full fledged state in 1972. The 1977 elections saw the
recovery of the communists who were returned back to power marginalising both the
congress and the TUJS.
The CPM government made a number of moves to restore and strengthen the tribal
position. Among them being the recognition to the Kek-Barak language, measures to
implement the agrarian laws on illegally alienated lands, set in motion the process of ,
fomling an autonomous hill council. Though these moves were welcomed by the tribals
and the nloderate section of the TUJS, a section of redicals s~nartingunder the declining
uifluence of the TUJS, came into prominence under the leadership of a Christian
Missionary Vijay Kumar Rankhel who saw the bond of Christianity as an iillportant vehicle
:o forge unity 2nd assertion anlong the tribal. He also sought the help of the MNF and other
organizations to train the TUJS vollulteers. He become the self-styled leader of the Tripurd
'Tribal National Front and the Tripura Sena. The secession and independenceof Tripura
hecame important goals for him. This revival of the movement coincided with the
'
inovenlent against foreigners in Manipur, Meglialaya and Assanl. The TUJS Conference of
March 1980 gave a call for the deportation of all foreigners who came to Tripura after 15
October 1949.'fieviolent agitation was begun by a call for boycott of foreigners,
~~articularly traders and protests outside importaut govemnlent offices. A lot of violence
took place against the Bengali and other settlers who countered it tluougll the Amla
13engali. The carnage reached a crescendo in alnlost a month. The fuse being ignited by the
3,enlbucherrd itxident.
iii) The Dinesh Singh Committee on Tripura set up by the centre saw the real solution of
the problem in the economic development of the region. It took note of the
transfonna~ionbrought in the state as a result of inroads made into tribal society by
traders, lend grabbers, refugees and missionaries. The committee made an elaborate
list of suggzsted short and long term measures to ameliorate the problem. These
included ellmination of disparities, restoration of land to the tribals and ensuring their
rehabilitation. The TUJS disassociated itself from the milit'mt Tripura National
Volunteers led by Rankhal and called a peaceful agitation for implementation of the
Dinesh Singh Coinmittee report, a judicial inquiry into the June incident and the
fornlation af Tribal Area Autonomous Council, while the Anti-foreigners agitation
was put on hold. After a period of intense struggle the TNV militants finally
negotiated a settlement with the government on Aug. 12, 1988. Under the agreement
promised speedy action in the restoration of alienated lands, the fonnation of a
Autonomous district council, stringent measures to prevent infiltration from across the
border, etc.
i
I
iv) However, not all factions of the TNV were satisfied with this agreement. They
established oreakaway groups to continue the agitation like the All Tripura Tribal
Force (which signed agreement with the state in 1993), the National Liberation Front
of Tripura. The Tripura Rajya Raksha Bahini Tripura Sfate Volunteers, Tripura
National Democratic Tribal Force. However, the intensive, conviction and
comnlitment of the agitation has waned. But the groups continue to sunfivepatronized
and supportcd simultaneously by different political parties and underground
I move~llentsacross the borders who provide resources and anununition.
(317-339;Doley 1998: 30-32; Verghese 1994: 165-195).
10.5.3 Tribal Struggle in Manipur
I

Manipur has a long history of struggle. The prominent among them being the Zeliangrong
Ntagauprising (1 930-32), the Kuki rebellion (19 17-191, the womens agitation, Meiti state
cc nlnlittee and a number of other agitations. Manipw was a princely state which merged
w:.th India in 1949, remained a UT till finally granted statehood in 1972. To account for the
Ethnic Stratification agitations to resurface in the state, Kabui relates it to crisis of identity, weakness of the
Indian political system, economic exploitation, corruption, unemployment and influence of
foreign power and ideology (cf. Doley 1998: 2 1). The various agitations launched in the
state were.
i) The Meitei State Conunittee was formed in 1967 in protest at Manipur's merger with
the India Union. This organisation gradually became a revolutionary body seeking an
independent Manipur governed on the lines of a Socialist ideology developed by Irabot
Singh. The movement weakened and the committee surrendered in 1971. This
movemeilt failed as result of (a) low level of education of leaders (b) lack of clarity
about the objectives of the movement (c) lack of strong infrastructural organization and
support. (Doley 1998: 24).
ii) The Kukis in Manipur revolted against the British in 1917-19 in response to the alien
intervention in the traditional pattern of and way of life of the tribal people. Though
this response was suppressed by the British. It found expression against the treatment
of the melties by the govenunent became an important turning point in the agitation.
A fillup has been provided by the growing prominence of the Sanmahi cult, which
explodes the myth of the Aryan origin of the Meities who converted to Hinduism in
the eighteenth century. An important role has been played by the Manipur National
Front which aims to revive the Mongloid heritage which would unit the Sananlahis as'
well as other Mongloid people of the NE. The front, as it trines to go back to its own
tribal religion, seeks to get rid of the borrowing and donination and exploitation
imposed on them by brahmin and Vaishnav practices. The Resurgence of the
Sanamahi cult revived the Meteir script, language and literature, thus giving from to a
distinct Metei identity. At the same time this asertion was also a reaction against
Hindus and outsiders. It emphasised the glory of Manipur and its cultural distinction
from India. An offshoot of the emergence of Metei, Nationalism has been the gradual
erosion of the word Manipur and Manipuri and its repalcement by Kangleipak and
Metei respectively (Kabui: 1983,p. 236-237) which can only be achieved by the
fomlation of a Meitei homeland.
All these factors have contributed to the spread of insurgency in Manipur. of the two main
organizations active in the state, the people's revolutionary party of Kangleipak (PREPAK)
and PLA @eoplelsliberation army), PREPAK is seen as a Marxist - Leninist party closely
linked to Meitei revivalism while the PLA has a radical ideology and a strong rural base
and prefers to propogate communist ideology and integrated insurgent groups across the
N.E. Thus the Meities represent an interesting group at the cross roads who have revived
their traditional religion and yet are unable to get the status of tribals which they aspire for
and failure to achieve which prevents them from getting privileges under the sixth schedule
(Doley 1998: 22-27, Verghese 1994: 113-134; Kabui 1983: 234-237; 1992.5357)
Resurfaced with the Kuki National Assembly in 1946, which gradually articulated a
political denmd for a autonomous district or state for Kuki Inbals in order to fully reaplise
the cultural and glory of their own culture and may of life. (Doley 1998: 25)
iii) The Manipur women protested agaisnt the Britisl; regarding Rice Trading and the
British export policy. The immediate cause of the movement was the shortage of
foodgrains in Manipur due to the vagaries of the weather; the high price of rice in the
local market due to exports and the pressure of the vested business interests. It was
one Manipuri woman, Aribam Chaotian Devi, who organised a few women to stop
selling rice to the mill owners. A chain reaction followed and other women got
involved in the agitation. Though this was suppressed by the British in 1941 but left
its impact on the administrative set up and cultural pattern of the state. (Doley 1998:
26-27).
iv) The Zeliangrong movement was started by three tribal groups the Zenlei, Liangmei
and the Rongmei who together were called the Zeliangrong. This movement began
essentailly as a social reform movement and was led by a young Rongmei Naga
Jadonang and his cousin Rani Gaidinliu. They fornled the Heraka cult which sought
to abolish some cuational customs, and to reform and revive the traditional religion,
as a response to Hinduism and impact of Christianity. The movenlent was also anti-
British and anti-Kuki, and it sought to establish Naga rule by forging a single
Zeliangrong identity Jadonang's subsequent arrest and execution gaye a jolt to the
 ~iuovenieiut.However. his cousin Gainilui canied it forward linking it to the struggle Tribal Ethnicit) : The North-East
against British rule and civil disobedience movement of tlie Congress (Kubui 1982:
56), She was, however. iniprisoned for alnlost 11 years a ~ ind the meal time the
niovenient lost much of its steam. It gradually got converted to a purely peaceful
moven~eiltand various triiibal orgalisations like the Kabilui Sanuty (1934), Kabui
Naga Association (1946), Zeliangrong Council (1917) Manipur Zeliangrong Union
(1947) all came into the picturc with the ob.jective of overthrowing the British rule.
After more than two decades the aim of the movenieilt becalne political, seeking the
creation of a separate Zeliaigrong Adnlinistrative Unit co~isistingof the Zeliailgrong
inhabited areas of Malip~ir,Nagaliuud and Assani's Cacl~arhills.

The process of identity fom~ationanlong the Mizos was essentially about 15 local tribes
assuming a district Mizo identity. Political consciousness began in the Lushai hills area
with Uie return of a number of first world war veteraus However. the level of political
articulation was lows, and no expression of political solidarity book place before the Siiiion
Conuiiissioil The area remained concenled as a1 'exclude' area under the 1935 act. With
the end of the second world war and the iinpending grant of independence, the new
Cllristian edlicated elite, curbed by the authoritarian style of functioning of their chiefs,
fonned tlie Mizo Conlnloii People's front and a Mizo Union in 1946 demanding equal right
to vote for chiefs as well as collunoners. Gradually as they organised themselves they
sought to asset their cultural a i d political distinctiveness as well as deiuxuld self
I detenuunation and a number of other benefits to preserve and protect their identity. The
I conulloners were incorporated in the District Conference. This also created a cleavage
I between tlie comilo~upeople and chiefs who begin to feel sidelined. They lornled a
political party the United Mizo Freedom Organization on July 5, 1947 which sought to
I iluerge the M i ~ oarea with Bunila. However, tlue leaders of the Mizo Union felt an affinity
i wiU1 India a i d opted for remaitling within India with liiilited autonomy and the freedom to
1 opt out when they wished to do so T l ~ goveniment
e ui response gave protection to the

I
tribes under t l ~ esixth schedule and cerlain special privileges to the Lusliai hills including a
District Council.
10.6.1 Mizo Identity
However, Uie perceived threat to tlie Mizo Identity became sharpened in reaction to the
decisioil of the Assaiil Govenlnlent to introduce Assanuese as the state language The

..? UMFO teamed up with the Eastenl India Tribal Uilioil seeking separation froill Assam. In
this endeavour they were also supported by the All PiIrty hill Leaders Conference.
The ininiediate cause for the Mizo unrest was tlie 'efflorescence of the banlboo om~autaiui
in 1959' which led to acute famine in the region. The inept handling of tlue issue by the
government, suppression of the farmers and the inadequate relief nleasures added fuel to
the fire on the issue of separate stateliood. In an attenlpt to come to tenns with tliis
sihlation, the Mi70 clilh~ralsociety was converted into a Mizo Natioxal Famine Front.
which gained popularity for its activism rclief nueasure Later it emerged as Mizo National
Front in 1963 under the leadership of Laldenga. The organization gained popular appeal
~ n sought
d help from Pakistan for its cause. On February 28, 1966 Mizorani was declared
,111independent sovereign state with the launcli of 'operation Jericl~o'Ma,jor governlneiit
ljuildings, installations, etc. were taken over. The IAF and the arnly had to inove in.
i2onsequeiitly MNF was declared uillawful and the 'rebel govt.' was forced to inove
nnderground. hlozoram was declared a disturbed area and placed under Anliy control.
I:ollowing this, a strategy of grouping of villages was canied out in four pliases between
1967 ;uld 1970 under the Defence of India nlles and Assan1 maintenmice of Public Order
Act.
<:heck Your Progress 2

1) Discuss the Naga Move~iientin the North-East. Use about ten lines for your answer.
Ethnic Stratification ........................................................................................................................

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2) Elaborate on tribal struggles ul Manipur. Use about 10 lines for your answer.
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The MNF went underground and its leader Laldenga escaped. A further degrouping of
villages tookplace and Mioram became a Union Territory. After a long arduous struggle
Laldenga came to the negotiating table and a mutually agreed 'peace accord' was signed on
July 1,1976. Under this record the MNF agreed to end insurgency offer surrender and seek
a political settlement within the constitution. However theunderground movement
continued ind hostilities resumed. Phases of continued suppression and negations
followed. The process of negotiating eventually came to an end with fornlal agreement
singed by Laldenga, Lal Tbanwala and Pradhan in Delhi on June, 30, 1986 and Mizoram
finally emerged as a separate state within the Indian Union (Verghese 1994: 135-165)

10.7 BOD0 MOVEMENT

The Bodos movement is of considerableinterest in contemporary times. Tbe movement
was started by the All Bodo StudentsUnion (ABSU) in 1987 seeking (a) a separate state on
fhe banks of the Brahmaputra @) Inclusion of the Bodo-Kaharis and some other tribes in
the Sixth schedule: The origin of this movement could be traced to the particular position
of the Bodos as a dominant tribal group; in a largely non-tribal state. The other factors
which were catalyst in this movement are government neglect and apathetic attitude
towards the tribals, fear of erosion of Bodo identity in terms of exploitation, control over
land,jobs, other resources, language, scrip and other cultural aspects on life.
 Tribal Ethnicity : The North-East
10.8 TRIBAL ETHNICITY BECOMES AS A BASIS FOR
STRATIFICATION
An inlportant feature of ethnicity is that like caste it is a status group; intermediate between
the family and the state or nation In Weberian ternls a status group is a group which enjoys
a characteristics prestige and honour in relation to similar other groups. In any wider group
there are always cultural differences,but with the rising ethnic consciousness, certain
cultural differences come to used as ethnic markers of group identity. This stress on group
identity and selected markers facilitates the mobilisation of the group for various collective
ends, econonlic, political, social cultural etc. These collective ends to the extent they are
realised andnot realised affect the process of stratification.
10.8.1 Ethnic Movement
Ethnic movements are generally seen as a reaction to a particular social situation in which
the groups feel deprived because it fails to get what it feels as its due recognition. This due
recognition may be that their members are not treated as status equals, or are ranked
inferior to so~lleother unduly Concern may be for equality of status or for higher status as
ones 'due'. Thus aside from considerations about nlaterial interests, concern about status,
social recognition, prestige becomes equally important. The tribe may seek equality, or
emphasise the superiority of their culture and language e.g. The carving out of states of
Nagaland, Mizoranl, and Meghalya after an intense struggle by the tribal people from the
state of Assani Followed by the continuing struggle of the Bodos for their own state as
well as language and script affected the inter-etlmic and inb-ethnic stratification system in
important respects.
An important aspect of ethnic struggle is concerned with mobilization to gain positions of
economic advantage,jobs, educational facilities etc. This may takethe form of demands
that certain positions may be given exclusively to a particular tribe or distributed in relation
to the respective ethnic population. Thus the process of ethnic mobilisation effects at two
general levels struggle for (a) due recognition and (b)for greater economic and political
advantageon some special ground. As soon as the ethnic mobilisation process and struggle
starts, new positions come into existence at thevarious organizational and leadership levels
enjoyingvarying amount of power, prestige and econonlic advantage, this new phenomena
may alter already existing similar relationship within the group.
10.8.2 Mobility and Ethnic Groups
This new kind of opportunity may become available to individuals and sub-groups within
the broader ethnic groups leading to upward and downward mobility between sub-sections
and the individual levels. The overall occupational differentiation in income, lifestyle,
:ducation etc. may further develop with one group emphasizing within group differences in
#culture,honour, prestige etc. Tliis process may even threaten the boundary markers
between ethnic groups by creating cross group similarities and increasing intragroup
differences, especially when class and class linied lifestyles cut across ethnic
group may form a new formation combine, emphasise closeness to win material
recognition and reward. It may even seek a claim for a separate state or separate provincial
autonomy. The moment this objects is achieved, then there is a possibility of new fault
lines developing in this group particularly in the context of the North-East the
implementation of the sixth schedule of the constitution, policy of protective
c~iscrimination,policy of developmentand integration, participation in the electoral
process have sharpened the ethnic consciousness as a stepping stone towards greater
political power, resources; and mobility. Due to these factors the overall relationship
between the tribals and non-tribals is also changing. Tribals as a category are no longer
despised or inferior; infact they may be the dominant group in the state. The tribal group
niay be a deprived group within which strong inequalities exist. Thus to an extent
differencesbetween tribals and non-tribals are getting reduced as against people of
cc~mprableeducational, classbtatus, where similarity may be much more egalitarian then
b:tween Tribals andNon-Tribals.

10.9 LET US SUM UP

Viewed positively Ethnicity is a means of equality, greater means of self-worth, preserving 29
Ethnic stratification cultural heritage, cultural diversity, spreadllg egalitarianism social order etc. ln that sense
the ethnic group nlobili7ation may be seen as a means of curtailing the power of the state.
However at the same time it can lead to strife, ethnostrife, ethnic-intolerance subordination
of groups etc.

10.10 KEY WORDS

Absorption : Aprocess by which tribes were assinulated into other groups and
conununities.
Ethnicity : Comprises culturdl layers of habits, traits and origin which bind into
solidarity the entire comnlllnity which is of aparticular ethnic stock.
Identity : Characteristic features of a particular person group or community
Power : Ability to influence a person or group, even against their will.
Prestige : a type of status which has become associated with a person, group or
community.
Tribe : Can be distinguished through various fcatures of such a group/
community. See text for elaboration.

10.11 FURTHER READINGS

A.C. Bhupender Singh (ed.). Tribal Studies oflndia Series T. 183Antiqui& to hlbdernity in
Tribal lndia. (Vol. 11) (p. 22 1-247).
Burman, B.K. Roy, 1972. 'Integrated Area Approach to the Problems of Tribals in N.E.
India' in K. Suresh Singh ( 4 . ) Tribal Situation in India. New DelhiIShimla: Motilal
Banmidas.

10.12 SPECIMEN ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR

PROGRESS
Check Your Progress 1
1) Through the institution of their chiefs, the Mizos had a well established administration
system. The chief and his house were the centre of activity. On nuniage the son of a
chief was given some households to set up their ownvillage and be indepe~ldent.One
son however remained with the chief to succeed him. Adnunistration of the village by
the chief was aided by a council of elders.
2) The Jaintias were divided into king Governor, village Headman and Conlmoners
(including officials) ownership is passed on through women, the control rests with the
men. Where usufructory rights were there women were to remain ~nmanied,have no
brother etc. Women also face discrimination is matters of nianiage and divorce. Bride
price was also a humiliating practice.
Check Your Progress 2
1) There were many factors which were important in creating the Naga Movement.
These included fear of losing privileges created by the British and erosion of their
ethnic identity. Naga ethnic identity tracess back to 1918 when the Naga Club was
formed. In 1947 the Assan1 Governor reached an agreement with Nt~gas.The Nagas
boycotted the General Election of 1952 was reached, and the Naga uilderground
accepted the Constitution of India. However in 1980 the Nationalist Socialist Council
of Nagaland was still struggling for a sovereign state.

I
2) Tribal struggling in Manipur have a long history including Zeliangrong Naga 1930-
32 uprising and the Kuki rebellion 1917-19. These struggle have been attributed to
various reasons including identity crisis, weak political system of lndia exploitation of
all sorts, corruption, and unemployment. Other agitations include the Meitee State
Committee formed for an Independent Manipur in 1967. The Conlnlittee surrendered 1
in 1971. Lack of education, and weak infrastructure were reasons whicll led to failure.
The Kuki rebellion of Manipur (19 17-19) was against the British. Other organizations
include Manipur National Front which aims to revive the Mongoloid heritage. Finally
1
script language and literature,provided to them a distinct Metei identity.
 UNIT 11 RELIGIOUS ETHNICITY : THE
CASE OF THE PUNJAB
Structure
11.0 Obi ectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Concepts of Ethnicity and Ethnic Identity
11.2.1 Religion as Form of Ethnic Identity

11.3 Religious Ethnicity as a Basis of Stratification: Minorities aid Majorities in the

Modern Nation States
11.3.1 Politics of Religioud Ethnic Identities in Punjab
1 1.4 Historid Background
11.4.1 Punjab after the Independence
11.4.2 The Rise of Militancy
11.4.3 Militancy and Human Rights
11.4.4 Implicationsof mlitancy
6

1 1.5 Conditions Under which Religious Etlulicity becomes a Basis of Stratification

11.6 Key Words
11.7 Further Readings
11.8 Specimen Answers to Check Your Progress

11.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit teaches you to the concepts of ethnicity and religion and they can become a basis
o csocial stratification. After studying this unit you should be able to:
Describe ethnicity and religion as a fornl of ethnic identity;
Discuss religious ethnicity as a basis of stratification;
Outline politics of religious and ethuic identities in Punjab; and
Describe conditions under which religious ethuicity becomes a basis of stratification.
-
-11.1 INTRODUCTION
Human societies are made up of different types of social grouping. The most important of
th~se,in modern times, are the nation states. However, nation states are not the only
collective identifies that individuals in conteinporary societies identify themselves with.
i Most of the nation states today, industrialized developed countries of the West and the
developing countries of the third world alike, are inhabited by a variety of social grouping,
distinct cultures and ways of life. In other words, most countries of the world today are
phlral societies. Plural societies are those in which there are several large ethuic
groupings, living in a common political and economic system, i.e. ,&e nation state, but
otherwise largely distinct froin each other.

11.2 CONCEPTS OF ETHNICITY AND ETHNIC

IDENTITY - - - - - - --

It is in the context of the modem nation .states that the tern1 etlulicity became popular in
the disciplines of sociology and social anthropology. It began to be used around the middle
of Ihe twentieth century in American sociology to describe people of different national
ori$n. Ethnic groups are supposed to differ from each other on the basis of some cultural
crileria. An e t h i c group, according to R.A. Schermerhom, is a 'a collectivity within a
 ,-.
Ethnic Stratification larger society having"&il or putative common ancestry, memory of shared l~istoricalpast,
the cultural focus on one or more symbolic elements defined as the epitonle of their
peoplehood. Examples of such synlbolic are: kinship patterns, physical contiguity,
religious affinity, language or dialect fomls, tribal affiliation, nationality, phenotypal
features, or any combination of these. A necessary acompanilnent is some consciousness of
kind among members of the group' (as in Sollor, 1996: xii). Members of an ethnic group
not only share a colnnlon identity of belonging to that group but are also seen to be so by
others in the society.
However, ethnicity is not merely a symbolic or cultural phenomenon. In certain contexts it
could also become a source of political nlobilization and conflict. As Shamla points out
ethnicity has two dimensions, d o m m t and salient. In its donnant fonn, 'etlmicity
represents an innocent mode of identification based on certain relatively distinct cultural
attributes. In its salient foml, ethnicity signifies an urge for political power based on a
sense of cultural distinction' (Shamla, 1996: 105). The distinctive c~llhlralconsciousness
of an ethnic group could gets politically activated due to various sociologicid and historical
reasons, such as a fear of assiillilation into the nuinstream culture, experience of
discrimination or the emergence of political aspiration for autonomy and self-govenrance.
11.2.1 Religion as a Form of Ethnic Identity
Religion has often been associated with the idea of the "sacred or "God. According to
4
Anthony Giddens, all religions 'involve a set of symbols, invoking feelings of reverence or
awe, and are linked to rituals or ceremonials practiced by a comnlunity of believers'
(Giddens, 1989: 452). This definition suggests that the concept of religion involves two
aspects. One, a system of rituals and beliefs including tlle ideas of a sacred symbol or a
notion of the divine; and two, it involves a " conununity" of believers who share those
ideas. Emile Durkheiin had also enlphasised the point that religions are never just a
measure of belief. All religion involves regular ceremonial and ritual activities, in which a
group of believers meet together. Regular participation in these ritual activities helps in
binding the members of such groups together into communities. These religious
"communities" in the contenlporary contest of the nation states, particularly those
inhabited by believers of more than one faith, have tended to pursue their distinct culturi~l
identities and have tended to identify themselves as distinct e t h i c groups. Thus religion
-in these cases becomes the basis of etlulic identity.

11.3 RELIGIOUS ETHNICITY AS A BASIS OF

STRATIFICATION: MINORITIES AND
MAJORITIES IN THE MODERN NATION STATES
Ethnic distinctions are rarely neutral. As Giddens points out, they are coinmonly
associated with marked inequalities of wealth and power. The ethnic colnposition of the
most plural societies is such that their citizens is generally made of one large ethnic group
and many other ethnic with small populations. This divides the nation states into one
"majority" and several "minorities". The majority group invariably controls powej in
most of these societies while the minorities tend be the victims of prejudice and
discrimination. This obviously leads to a relation of inequality and social smtification
among the ethnic groups, a powerful and dominant majority and several subordinate
ethnic minorities.
Though the expressions minority and majority are often used in numerical temls,
sociologically their distinctions involve much more than that. According to Giddens
(1989: 245), a minority group has the following features.
i) Its members are disadvantaged, as a result of discrimination against them by others.
Discrinunation exists when rights and opportunities open to one set orpeople are
denied to another group. For instance an upper caste Hindu landlord nlay refuse to
rent a room to someone because she or he is a Muslim or a tribal.
ii) Members of a minority have some sense of group solidarity, of 'belongh~gtogether'.
Experience of being the subject of prejudice and discrinunation usually heightens
feeling of common loyalty and interest. Members of a minority group often tend to see
themselves as 'a people apart' from the ma-jority.
 Religiou!; Ethnicity :
iii) Minority p u p s are usually (at least to some degree) physically and socially isolated The Case of the Punjab
from the larger
- community. They tend to be concentrated in certain neighbourhoods,
cities or regions of a country. There is little intermarriage between those in the
majority and members of the minority groups. Members of the minority groups
attempt hard to maintain their ethnic and cultural distinctiveness.
Some have suggested that, the notions of n~inorityand majority are sociological rather than
numerical, a minority group might in certain circumstances consist of the majority of
population. The example that is cited in this context is that of South Africa during the
apartheid regime when a small number of White people ruled over a large Black majority
This, however, happened only in rare circumstances. In most cases, the minorities groups
are constituted of those ethnic communities that are numerically smaller in number.
However, it nmy be kept in mind that not all groups that are nun~ericallysmall in number
necessarily constitute an ethnic minority. An ethnic group can be described to be a
minority only when it fulfils the above mentioned sociological criteria. There are many
instances where small ethnic groups are well integrated into the power structure of a
country and do not experienceany discrin~inationvis-a-vis the other groups. Similarly,
there are no permanent minorities. It largely depends upon the political process. Changes
in political regimes and their ideologies can change the position of different ethnic groups
in the power structure of a society. In a democratic society the chances of minority groups
feeling marginalised and discriminated against are lesser than in an authoritarian regime.
Also, over a period of time certain groups that were well integrated in the power structure
could develop a district identity and begin to experience prejudice and discrimination.
This process is called minoritization. It is in this framework of minoritization that we can
~uiderstandthe case of the Sikhs in Punjab, who over a period of time have come to
develop to distinct self-inmge of a minority group.
11.3.1 Politics of Religious / Ethnic Identity in Punjab
'The present day Punjab is a rather small state located in the northwest of India. Despite it
being relatively small in size, the state of Punjab occupies an important place in the India
politics. The state is located on India's border withPakistan. The effects of the partition of
the sub-continent in 1947 were felt the most in Punjab. A largenumber of people
migrated from both sides of the "new" border. Most importantly for us, Punjab is one of
the states of India where a majority of the population belongs to a minority religion.
Nearly sixty percent of Punjab's population is that of the Sikhs. Not only that, the state has
also witnessed various ethnic mobilizations during the late nineteenth century. But the
most important separatist movement occurred during the decade of 1980s. As a
consequence of these mobilizations, the Sikhs of Punjab acquired a sepwdte ethnic and
religious identity.
,"

Check Your Progress 1

11 Describe religion as a fornl in ethnic identity. Use about five lines for your answer.

i
1 2) Write a note on religious ethnicity as a basis of stratification. Use about five lines
.. for your answer.
i
Ethnic Stratification
11.4 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Historical speaking, the state of Punjab was anlong those regions of the sub-continent that
experienced strong mobilization against the British colonial rule. Beginning in the late
nineteeth century, the state wimessedvariety of social refornl and protest movements. It
was around this time that the consciousness of a separate religious identity first emerged
anlong the Sikhs.
Activity 1

Enquire about the background of the state of Punjab, from your Punjabi friends. Make a
note in your notebook of the important reform and protest movement that happened in
Punjab.

The process of social and econon~icdevelopment experienced in Pulljab after the British
established their rule in the state led to the emergence a new middle class alllong the
Sikhs. This class initiated refornl movements anlong the Sikhs in the region and began to
assert that Sikhism was separate from Hinduism. The campaign was spearheaded by two
of the reformist organizations, the Singh Sabha movement and the Chief Kl~ilsaDewan.
Their main mission was to strengthen internal communicatioil anlong the Sikhs and
defile clear boundaries between the Sikhs and the Hindus.
The process of redefining conununal boundaries culmu~atedin some important social
movements among theSikhs. Foremost of these being the movement for the "liberation"
of Gurudwaras (the Sikh Temples) from the Hindu rnahants during 1920s. The Sikhs
demanded that all the historic Gurudwaras by brought under the governance of newly
fomed Sikh organisation, the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Conlnlittee (SGPC). The
Sikh political party, the Shiromani Akali Dal was also formed d u ~ this
g movenlent.
While on the one side, the movement helped in developing a distinctive self-innge among
the Sikhs, on the other, it brought the Sikh masses into the freedom struggle. The British,
during this movement of the Akalis, sided with the Hindu niahants and the Sikhs in
Punjab turned against the colonial mlers, Being a non-violent mass nlo\rement, the Akalis
received the support of the Indian National Congress and became part and parcel of the
broader nationalist movement. After a long drawn struggle, they succeeded in getting the
Gurudwaras 'Liberated' from the mahants.
Box 11.01

The process of social differentiation among the Hindus and Sikhs received a boost when
the British conceded separated electorate to the community in 1921. Similarly, the
introduction of census during the late nineteenth century I)y the colonial rulers played its
own role in redefining communities in Punjab. For certain administrative and political
purpose, the British rulers began to categorise populations into well defined religious
communities. The people ofpunjab were asked to chose betweenHindu and Sikh identities
even when the two communities were not clearly distinguishable in the region.

11.4.1 Punjab after the Independence

Due to the nlultiplicity of factors, the ethnic composition an self identities of different
religious communities underwent significant changes during the British rlrle in the state,
particularly during the last decade of the 19" century and the Tist half of tlie 20k century
From a religious sect, the Sikhs emerged as a separate etlmic group, ob,je~ti\~ely
differentiated as well as subjectively self-defined comn~unity.This process continued to
unfold itself during the post - Independenceperiod also.
When the states were reorganised on linguistic lines after Independence, Punjab was left
undivided, even though it included a large Hindi speaking area. The Sikhs were unhappy
about it. They wanted a state where they were in a majority. The changes that came in the
demography of the region with partition had made it possible for the Sikhs to achieve this
goal. The partition of India was acconlpanied by a "population exchange" between India
and Pakistan.
Alniost the entire population of Sikhs and Hindus living in the western Punjab migrated to
the Indian side of the border and the Muslims migrated to the Pakistani side. As a
consequence of.this, the Sikhs became a n~a.jorltyin certain district of the state. In
undivided Punjab, Sikh constituted only around 13 to 14 percent of the total population. .Religic~usEthnicity :
The mass migration of the Sikhs from the western districts that went to Pakistan increased The Case of the Punjab
their proportion to nearly 55 percent in the northwestern districts of the post - partition
Indian Punjab. The Akalis saw in it an opportunity to demand for a Sikh majority state.
They began to mobilize the Sikhs for a re-organization of Punjab in a manner that the
state boundary included only the Sikh majority districts. Since the Punjabi Hindus opted
not to identify with the Sikh aspirations and went so far as to record Hindi as their mother
tongue during the census enu'meration after Independence, the Akalis could demand a
Sikh majority state on linguistic lines as well. After a long struggle, the state of Punjab
was divided on September 1, 1966. The Hindi speaking districts of southern Punjab were
put together into a new state the came to the known as Haryana. Some of the hill districts
on the northeast were transferred to the state of Hirnachal Pradesh.
Box 11.02

In the new Punjab, the Sikhs were in a clear majority but Hindus also continued to be a
substantial number. While the Sikhs have clearly dominated the political institutions in
the state, their position in the,Punjab economy has been only partially dominant. The
demog~.aphicand economic structure of Punjab is such that while the Sikhs almost
exclusively control the agricultural land, the urban trade has been a near monopoly of
the Hindu trading castes. This is reflected in the table presented below. While the Sikhs
are clearly in majority in the state as a whole, they are a minority in the urban areas of
Punjab. Nearly 69 percent of the Sikhs live in rural areas of Punjab, more the 66 percent
ofthe Hindus live in towns. In the Sikh concentrated districts, like Amritsar and Bhatinda,
this pattern is even more pronounced.

The tension between Hindus and Sikhs became more acute with the success of the Green
Revolutior~Technology in Punjab's agriculture. With Green Revolution came an extensive
use of modern inputs in farming. This increased the productivity of land many folds.
Farmers shifted to cash crops and took their surplus farm produce to the market. They also
needed to 3uy modem inputs, such as chemical fertilizers, high yielding variety seeds and
pesticides From the urban markets. In the market place traders were much more powerful
than the farmers, Farmers, particularly those with smaller landholdings, became
dependent on the traders. They often had to borrow money from the traders. There was a
new relation of dependency that the otherwise politically dominant farmers felt in relation
to the traders. This economic conflict between the Sikh peasantry and the Hindu traders
was also seen in communal terms by some. Some scholars have even explained the rise of
militant movement among the Sikhs during the 1980s in terms of this very factor.
Table 1

Source: D' Souza in Samiuddin ed. 1985 p. 54.

Ethnic Stntitication 11.4.2 The Rise of Militancy
The state of Punjab witnessed anotherpowerful nlovelileilt on religious/ etlulic lines among
the Sikhs during the decade of 1980s. The k a l i Do1 started the ~novenlcntfocussuig purely
on secular issues. But gradually it was taken over by militant elenlents within the Sikh
conullunal politics and its become a ~iiovenlentfor secession fro111the India State. The
Akalis had initially started mobilizilig the Sikh peas2ulQ for Punjab in tlie early 1980s on
[lie question of the distributi~nof irrigation water of the rivers tliat passed tluough the state.
Even Ute Co~lunuiiistParty of India (Marxist) was one of their allies in this slruggle.
Gradually the Akalis shifted the focus of their struggle towards the deiiia~idfor greater
auto~ioniyto the states within the franlework of a resolution passed in 1974 at a meeting of
some Sikh organizations in a town called h a n d p u r Sahib. "The l l a n d p u r Sahib
Resolution", as it came to be known, delilanded lilore auto~ionlyto the slates of the Indian
union. It asked the Central Govemnlent to keep only the critical areas of governance with
it, such as, issuing currency notes, nlanageineiit of arnled forces. and for~nulationaid
nianagement of the foreign policy. The rest should be &insferred to t l ~ eslate goveniments.
The Akalis initially projected the l i a n d p u r Sahib Resolution in a secular Cranlework
asking for inore autoiloniy to all tlie states of the Indian union and an over-all
decentralization of powers. They eve11 received support fro111other regional parties.
However. the central goveniment saw in the l l w d p u r Sahib Resolutio~lsuggestions of
secessionism. The intentions of the Akalis became suspect.

United Akali Do1 Meeting in Golden Te~nple

Courrc.sy : IT

A new political trend had begun to gain momentum in the Sikh politics around the same
time. Under the leadership of a religious preacher by the name of Sant Janiail Sing11
Bhindranwale, a militant movement for a separate nation for the Sikhs began to take
shape. The rise of Bhindranwale could be traced to a religious struggle bctwee~ithe
followers of the Sant and those of tlie Nirmkari Panth, a refomlist religious sect of tlie
Hindus a i d Sikhs. Some Congress politicians also patronized the Sant who. they though,
would emerge as a alternative to the Akalis in the Sikh religiouspolitics. However, the
Sarit soon began to act on his own a ~ started
d mobilizing the Sikhs for a separate state of
Khalistan. He received active support from across the border. The political strategy
adopted by the militants was that of creating panic by terrorizing the public tluough both
selective and indiscriminate killbigs. Interestingly, tlie Kllalistimis were given niucl~more
attention by the media than the Akalis had ever been given. Consequently. the Akalis
began to get marginalised in the Puijab politics.
 Religious Ethnicity :

I
Activity 2

Discuss among your fello~rstudents whether violence is acceptable as a solution to intra-

II The Case ot the Punjall

nation political problems. Make a note on this in your notebook.

After having initially encouraged them, the Congress government at the Centre cane to
realise that thiuigs were getting out of hand. Mrs. Indim Gandhi, the then Prime Minister
of tlle country. decided to deal with the Sikh lnilitants by the use of force. The Government
of India issued an order for anliy action at arrest Salt Jmlail Sin@ Bhindr:ulwale, who.
along with his heavily miled followers. was hiding inside a Sikh shrine, the Golden
Tenlple at Anuits'ar. This mned operatioil was ternled as "Operation Bluestar".. Tlie
strategy adopted mas that of direct confrontation with the ~llilitants.The Indian army, fully
equipped with tanks and other arms, attacked the Sikh shrines on June 3 1984 and the
first phase 01' the "Operation" was over by the night of June 6, 1984.
The 'mny en:ered the Golden Tenlple on a day when pilgrinls had come to visit die
Gurudwara cn the occasion of a Sikh festival. A large number of these pilgrims, including
wonlen and children. died in the crossfire. According to one estimate, the total casualties
of officers and army men were about 700 and of civiliails about 5,000 (Joshi, 1984 161)
While the Akali leaders who were inside the temple were brought out safely by the army,
Bhindranwal:. as well as most of his close associates, were killed during the operation.
However, alt~oughthe militant leadership had been liquidated, the political crisis in the
state was far Fronl over. I11 fact the post-operation Bluestar phase of the militant politics in
the state was even more violent. The m11y action had nude inost of the Sikhs very angry
against the crntral government and as a consequence the militant outfits increased in
nu~nbersas well as swelled in strength. The violence against hulocent Sikhs in different
parts of the country that followed tlle killing of Mrs. Indira Gandhi in October 1984 only
served to further broaden the militants' support base. Menibers of these "terrorist '
organizations were able to acquire sophisticated weapons froill across the border and some
of them also trained in the neigl~borillgcountry of Pakist;ui.
11.4.3 Militancy and Human Rights
However, the militant movement lost direction. It was not only the security forces that the
militants targeted. Eve11 conunon people, Hindus a l d Sikhs, living in Punjab and the
neighboring slates, becanle victims of their terrorist activities. Si~icethe nlilitants largely
came from nual areas of Punjab and they often used these villages as tlleir hiding places.
the security forces too began to l~arassthe averagc citizen. People of Punjab nearly forgot
what it illant to live i 1 peace Tlieir basic human rights were being violated both the
terrorists and the security forces. Extortion kidnapping and indiscriminate killings becaine
regular featurcs of everyday life 111 the state. The militmits also tried to impose a moral
code of condut;t on the coiiunon on the conmlon Sikhs. The Sikh women were directed
against wearing "western-style" dresses. They also issued directives on things like how the
Sikh weddings should be arranged. The conl~nonSiklls did not approve of these "refomls"
initiated by the militants
Box 11.03

The police and para-military forces too harassed common people un allegations of
sympathizitlg and sheltering the militants, even when they had no proof of it. On the ,
other hand the innocent villagers were forced to shelter a militant, if he so demanded,
simply for the fear of the gun. In such cases, they could Ile at the receiving end both ways.
- - --

'The denlocraticpolitical process had come to a halt in the state and no elections were held
for a long time. The militant's movement for an independent state of Khalistan could gain
only limited support from the common Sikhs in Puniab. Though mailly Sikhs were angry at
the Central Go\,ernment particularly for the army action of Golden Temple and the
lllassacre of Sikhs in Delhi in November 1984, they were also unhappy with politics of
rnilitmcy. In thc absence a popular political base, the Khalistan movement began to
cisintegrate by the late 1980s. The militant groups got divided and started attacking each
cther. The state police used this opportunity to repress the militants with force. In some
cases the police even recruited ex-militants to fight the terrorist groups in Pun.jab. By early
1990s, most of Ihe groups had either disintegrated or had been physically elbliimated,
directly or indirectly, by the security forces. The nulitant Sikh Inovenlent was thus over
Ethnic Stratification without having achieved anything at all in political terms the democratic process was
revived in the state and the Akalis came back to power in the state i11 11996.

11.4.4 Implications of Militancy

Though politically movement failed and could not achieve anythii~gconcrete for the Sikhs,
its implications for the community as well as for the couiltry were mmy. It created an
unprecedented sense of political crisis all over. Those in acadenucs and in policy-making
began to review the process of nation building in India afresh. For the Sikh community,
the crisis of 1980s was a testing time. Apart from tragedies like the "Operation Bluestar"
and the anti-Sikh riots in Delhi and in other parts of India, the "crisis" redefmed their
identity. Their sense of being a nliuority ethnic group became much more acute. Not only
the Sikhs began to see thenlselves as being a distinct minority: others also began to see
them in sinular light. The "Operation Bluestar" and the anti-Sikh riots in different part of
India provided then1 for the first time, with a proof of their being discriminated against as
3 conununity which also reinforced their sense of a collective identity. They began to see
their status as being nluch closer to the above-mentionednotion of an etlulic minority. To
put it in different words, the nulitant movement and the crisis of 1980s furthered the
process of minoritization of the Sikhs in India.

The Sikhs constitute a little more than two percent of the total population of the countq.
Nearly 75 percent of the live in the state of Punjab and the rest 25 percent in different part
of the country and the globe. Since they continue to be in majority in the state of Puniab,
for a large n~.jorityof the Sikhs their sense of being a minority is not experienced in
everyday life. However at the level of consciousness. they coiltinue to see themselves as an
ethnic minority.

11.5 CONDITIONS\UNDER WHICH RELIGIOUS

ETHNICITY BECOMES A BASIS OF
STRATIFICATION
In much of the classical sociological literature, the structure of social stratification has
generally been conceptualized through "secular" categories. Almost all theories of social .
stratification have emphasized on categories like class, occupation or power. It is only
recently that sociologists have come to recognise the signific;u~ceof factors like gender
and ethnicity in detemhing the structure of social stratification. Ethnicity has been seen
to work as a basis of social stratificationin two different fonlls. First, in the form racial
discrimination, as it has existed in the western societies for a long time. Second the
discrinunation on the basis of religion, against those belonging to the religious minority
groups.
The classical example of the racial discrinlination is that of the Blacks. In nlost of the
Western countries, the dominant White population has for ages discriminated against the
Blacks. Racial discrinlination operates at various levels, It has been seen to work within
organizations and also in the larger society. For example, the senior positions in
organizations are likely to be occupied by the members of the "superior" race and the
positions at the lower levels are largely occupied to those coming from the "inferior.'
races. There have been many political movenlents against the practice and ideology of
racism. Over the years, the racial prejudice against Blacks has become illucll less.

Discrinlination against religious nlinorities has been a feature many societies during the
modem times. It has taken various forms, ranging form the extreme case of fascist
extermination of Jews during the regime of Hilter, to more subtle forms of discrimination.
Though most of the modem nation states claim to follow secular principles in governance,
their origin in most cases could be traced to ethnic nlovements. Also. most of the present
day nation states have citizens belonging to more than one ethnic origin, which makes
them plural societies. However, the state power is generally not shared equally among
different ethnic communities. It is this distinction that leads to inequalities and .
stratification on ethnic lines. Apart from language, religion has been the most important
source of ethnic difference.
Checlc Your Progress 2
.. Religious Ethnicity :
The Case of the Punjab
1) Outline the historical background to religious ethnicity in Punjab. Use about five
lines for your answer.
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2) Discuss the rise of nditancy in Punjab. Use about five to ten lines for your answer.

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Ethnic1religious differences in themselves do not lead to ethnic inequalities. There are
many countries where inenlbers belonging to different religious conununities enjoy more
OF less equal status. Religious ethnicity becomes the bases for social stratification only
under certain circumstances. First and foremost of these in the nature of the politic;rl
regime. If a p;micular society has a secular democracy, it is unlikely that those belonging
to the nunority religion will face any systematic discrinlination against them. However, if
it is a theocratic and undemocratic country, religious ethnicity becomes an important basis
of stratification. Those belonging to religious minorities are not likely to be given
positions of power in the society. Even in a secular - democratic society, a11ethnic minority
could face discrimination if a strong prejudice exists against it anlong the other sections of
the society. Similarly, an ethnic group could become a victim of discrimination if a given
political formation finds it useful to mobilise con~muilitiesagainst it for electoral gains.
The second important factor that can lead to religious ethnicity beconung basis of social
stratification is the demographic structure of a country. If a country is inhabited by one
Large majority and several religious minorities, the chaices of religious ethnicity
'~ecomulga basis of social stratification would be much higher than in a country inhabited
13ya large nunlber of religious conlmunities without any single conuuunity enjoying the
n+iority status Or where the entire population belonged to a single etlmic comnlunity.
'Third inlportant factor is the relationship between religion and economy. If the members
of a particular religious community control the productive forces in the economy, they arc
likely to enjoy a n~uchmore powerful position that the other comnlunities. Finally and
itlost inlportantly are the cultural and historical factors that determine the relations
1)etcveeilethnic] religious conmlunities in any socicty. A society tliat has cultural values
that encourage tolerance and mutual respect, is less likely to discrimu~ateagainst the
religious minorities than those societies that do not have such culhral values. Sinularly,
1- istorical nlemorics play their own role. If the past of a society is marked by etlmic
rzvelries, the present is also likely to be marked by prejudice.

-11.6 KEYWORDS
E,thnicity : Pertaining to shared culturc ancestral past. arid a
feeling of bondedness.
Identity : A recognitioil of the uniqueness of a group/in&vidual
based on factors such as ethnicity.
Ethnic Stratification Religion : A corphs of data pertaining to an ideology directed
towards the supru~ationali.e. the sacred and the
profane.
Militancy : An aggressiveviolent stance used in coiljunction with
an aim such as demand for autonomy of a ethnic group.

11.7 FURTHER READINGS

Giddens, A.(1989), Sociology,Cambridge, Polity Press.
Grewal, J.S. (1994), 17re Sikhs of Punjab, Cambridge, CambridgeUni~ersityPress.

11.8 SPECIMEN ANSWER TO CHECK YOUR

PROGRESS
Check Your Progress 1
1) Religion has regular rites and rituals which the believers enact. Such activities bind the
believers into a conln~unity.In cases of nations with believers of more than one faith
several cultural identities fonn. These tend to identify theillselves as distinct ethnic
groups. In these cases religion becomes the basis for ethnic ideiltih
2) Religious ethnicity divides a state into majority and nlinority where the former
controls power and minorities lend to be discriminated against. This leads to a
relation of inequality and social stratification among ethnic groups. There is usually a
powerful and dominant majority and several subordinate ethnic minority groups.
Check Your Progress2
1) Punjab historically experienced strong n~obilizationagainst British colonial role. It
has also witnessed social reform and protest movements in the late 19"' century and a
separate religious identity emerged. It also led to redefining conu~lunalboundaries.
All the major religio-political groups were gradually fornled. The sikhs were also
involved in masses in the freedom struggle.
2) In the 1980's the Akali Dal begun a secular movement, which was gradually taken
over by ilulitants. Whereas fornlally issues such as irrigation rights were debated,
gnadually the demand shifted to autonomy from the Indian state. The hist& thereafter
was conflict with the state which led to use of force in 1984 under 'Operation
Bluestar'. Following this militancy lost direction as it had targeted not just military but
civilians also.
 LINGUISTIC ETHNICITY IN
INDIA

12.1 Introduction
'1 2.2 History of Language in India
2.3 Linguistic Ethnicity: Re-Organization of States
12.3.1 Linguistic Ethnicity and the State
12.3.2 Language and Modernization
1 2.4 DMK Movement
12.4.1 Birth ofDMKMovement
12.4.2 Role of Universal Primary Education
12.4.3 The Language Issue
12.4,4 Policy on Language Issue
1 2.5 Punjabi Suba Movement
12.5.1 A Separate Linguistic State
12.5.2 TheNehru-Master Pact
12.6 Other Linguistic Ethnicity Movements in India
12.6.1 Reorganisation of States
12.7 Tribal Linguistic Movements
12.7.1 The Santhali Language Movement
12.7.2 Tile Language Movement of the Mishings
12.7.3 Ethno Linguistic Aspirations ofthe Jayantia
12.7.4 Language and Culture
12.8 Causes of Language Movement
12.9 Let Us Sum Up
12.10 Key Words
12.1 1 Further Readings
12.12 Specimen Answers to Check Your Progress

-12.0 OBJECTIVES
After having read and studied this unit on linguistic ethnicity in India you should be able
to :
. Outline the main aspects of history of language in India;
Describe the reorganization of states on the basis of linguistic ethnicity;
Discuss the D M . movement;
Outline the Punjabi Suba Movement and other linguistic movements; and
Describe tribal linguistic movements in India.

12.1 INTRODUCTION
-
It was in 1953, that the 'word' ethnicity found its accorded use, to describe the character

/ or quality of an ethnic group. Ethnic Group in turn is derived &om the Greek word Ethnos
that refers to a category of people, who can be distinguished on the basis of their culture,
religion, race, or language. Any group using one or more of these characteristics for
identifying its-self need not be using these idatification markers for discrimination.
1
I
Individuals participating in these categories may assert these criteria for accentuating in-
Ethnic Stratification group solidarity. Language renlains on of the nlost significant mediunl of establishing this
cohesiveness, and it is this feeling of intra group solidarity experienced by a group of
people speaking the same dialect or using the same language that we define as Linguistic
V'
Ethnicity. In India, over the years more than 1500 mother tongues have been identified.
Hindi as you are aware is identified as the National language, followed b? fourteen
regional languages identified by the Eighth Schedule of the constitution. All other
languages are not accorded any official status. 1000 or inore individuals each speak
approximately 105 languages. Historically. there is little concurrence among the linguistic
experts about the total nunlber of languages spoken in India. In the Linguistic Survey of
India conducted by George Crierson; 544 dialects and 179 nlajor languages were recorded.
The first linguistic census survey conducted in the nineteenth century recorded that
'language changes' every 20 miles in India'. The 1961 census recorded 1652 spoken
languages, of which 1549 were indigenous of India. It was further assuined that out of
1549 indigenous languages, about 572 covered iiearly 99 percent of India's elltire
population. The 15 languages initially recognized by the constitution, accouuted for 387
spoken dialects, and it was claimed that they cover 95 percent of India's total population,
India's multi lingual nature was acknowledged by the State Reorgallisation Conlnlission at
the time of independence. Restructuring of states on the basis of linguistic and cultural
hoinogeneity was an endorsement of the polyglot nature of the Tndia democratic nation
state. Eight nmjor language groups, Assames, Bengali, Kaulada, Kashnuri. Malaj~alm.
Telgu and T i n i l were given illdependent Status by 1956. Gujarati and Marathi were given
independent Status by 1966 and in 1966 Punjabi acquired specific state recognition. Along
with five Hindi Speaking State by 1966 all tlie fifteen recognized languages except
Sanskrit, Urdu and Sindhi, had a State Stahls. Deliberately or iiisdvertentl~language
became a legitinme mode of re-org2uiisation of States in Independe~itIndia

Anthropologists studying India Tribals concur that nlost of the illdigellous inhabitants are
of Austro-Asiatic origin belonging of sub fanlily Muda. Their languages were in affinity
with the Mon-Khamer language, particularly Wietnamese that stretch from Chota Nagpur,
eastward to Indo-China. Aryans speaking Indo-European languages arived hi 1500 BC
from the northwest. By Vedic period (approx. 1500-500 BC) Sanskrit was spoken all over
large parts of Northern India. Sanskrit secured as Lingua francs of India prior to Muslim
invasion in its various spoken form. The oldest fonn of Middle Indo -Aryan language
varieties known as Prakrits developed hi this period. Lhiguists suggest those Indo-man
languages, Sanskrit and its Prakrits were spoken fron north India to Decciul. 211id
Dravidian lai~guageswere spoken in Sought India to lower reaches of Deccan plateau.
Language historians have often talked about great divide between an Indo-Aryan North
India and Dravardian South India (reder to map in Appendix). 1ndia:s right linguistic
tradition enriched itself as a sequel to its extensive cultural heritage. Recorded evidence
suggest that literary excellence in the Tamil, dates to second century B.C.. Kanada to the
fourth centry A.D., Malayalam to tenth century A.D. and the Telugu dates [roll1 the
seventh century A.D. It is interesting to note here that the written records English and
Genlmn date froill the fifth century A.D. Caryapada the old Buddhist hymn were
conlposed in Bengali/Assamese/Oriya between A.D. 1000 and 1200. Siulskrit along with
other regional l'ulguages served as the language of administration till Persian in lslanlic
India, particularly in northern India replaced its. Even though politically ~narginalized,
India's rich language diversity contiilued to thrive as a11 instnuinlent of eillotional and
individual expression.
Box 12.01
Those aspiring for higher positions in administration equipped themselves v\ ith Persian
and its laterversion Urdu, nationalist in conformance with their nationalistic and patriotic
needs produced rich literature in regional dialects and languages. Oral tradition I~ecame
the most significant tool for protecting rich cultural and linguistic heritage of each ethnic
grouk. Orientalists admit that the literature available in native India languages in far
richeq than the produce of English Language, which rules the roc~stin the ~~rc~rld tc~day.
Engli$h made inroads into Indian cultural fabric as a vector for modernization and political
empowerment. In the post independence period, it came to be projected as the language
for fhe powerful and rich, it also acquired natural acceptance in the early period of
latguage riots.
 Linguistic Ethnicity in India
112.3 LINGUISTIC ETHNICITY: RE-ORGANIZATION
OF STATES
llobert D. King, an enlineilt linguist and expert of Asian studies, is of the opinion that the
~ d e aof nations of states corresponding of 1;ulguage boundaries is a recent phenomenon in
l;eo politics and dates back to 1 9 century
~ Being a monoglot certainly has advantages as
c:onununication becomes easier, but that polyglot societies are essentially fissiparous, is not
inle Assumption that isornorpl~ic,lionloga~eoussocieties have greater political viability
;uld sustainability has been consistently undermined by India's ability to thrive as a
tlemocratic political ullion. However, it has had its teething problems. Linguistic etlmicity
;md reorganization of states on this principle was one of them. Prior to India's
~ndependence,state boundaries were arbitraq-. Except tile states of Punjab, Bengal and
ISind, no other State collfonned to the ilornls of historical org;u~icitybased on etlmography.
(culture.language, and use. religion or any other ingredient of shared etlulicity. Take for
(:sample, Madras Presidency - it ranged froill Cape. Ca~llorinon Ule South Eastenl decline
1 0 Jagkumathpuri Teillple and touched Bay of Bellgal in tl1e east and the Arabian Sea along

lle Malabar Coast in the West. The major 1;ulguages spoke11UI Illis constituency were
Oriya, Malaydam, Telgu, Tamil and Kannada. It is interesting to record here that in 1931,
15.03% of the population of Madras residency spoke a language other than Tamil. Similarly
57 2 percent people residing in Bombay Presidency spoke a langwage other than Marathi,
nanlely, Gujrati, Sindhi and Kmlada. The presidency of Bellgal comprised of 70,000,000
3eople and included present day states of Billar and Orissa, extending upto river Sutlei in
the iuothwest. Lord Curzeil decided to split the Bellgal Presidency in two halves, creating a
province of eastern Bellgal and Assam witll a approxi~natepopulatioil of 3 1,000,000 Two
iinportant languages spoken in tlth region were Bengali and Assamese. The otller province
consisted of Western Bengal, Orissa and Bihar with three languages namely Bengali,
Bihari, Hindi and Oriya Historians have argued Illat though the reasons for this partition r
were apparently administrative, they actually aimed at creating a Muslim dominlatited
I
eastern Bellgal and a largely Hindu donliilated Westem Bengal. In this reorgailizatioll
I
religious ethnicity was overplayed and liilguistic constituents were underscored. Herbert
Risely aclaimed Anthropologist did suggest that this would solve the question of Oriya
Language over and for all" The reporl of the State Reorg;u~iz;-ltionCoilunissioil(1955)
says.
"The linguistic principle was, however, pressed into service on these occasions only as an
~neasureof adlninistrative com~enienceand to the extent it fitled into a general pattern
which was determined by political exigencies. In actual effect, the partition of Bellgal
involved a flagrant violation of linguistic affinities. The settlement of 19 12 also showed
i little respect for the linguistic principle, in that it drew clear distinction between the
Bengal Muslillls a1tlle Bengali Hindus. Both these partitions tllus ran counter to the
I ass~unptionthat different linguistic groups constituted distinct units of social feeling with
coilunon political and econoinic interest". (SRC rcport PP. 10-1 1).
1 12.3.1' Linguistic Ethnicity and the State
British adnlinistrators never saw linguistic etlmicity of political organization of a state.
Most of the states in the Prc British period and also during British administration were by
and large historical accidents Inadvertently, reorganization of Bengal was instrumental in
pro~notingtlle policy of State restructure by India National Congress on h e basis of
vernacular. It was in the Montagu Chemsford report 1918, that first evidence of vernacular
movement in India were recorded. Despite this paradigm shift, the Govenlment of India
Act 19 19 made no significant move to prolnote regional languages. In 1920, Mahatma
Gandhi favoured fornlatioil of linguistic provinces, even lhough he was apprehensive that
favouri~lgfomlation of linguistic provinces may interfere with his plans to proinote
Hindustani, as a national language. However, Gadhi's tactical nod and Neluu's grudging
approval led to the reorg:u~ization of Indian National Coilgress on linguistic provincial
basis. Twenty-one provincial congress comnlitlee were created. By 1927, Congress passed
a resolution asking for creating of linguistic provinces for Andlua, Utkal (Orissa), Sind .
and Karnatka.

43
Ethnic Stratification
Box 12.02
Ten years later (1937) Nchru accepted the idea c~flinguistic states. Prior to that in the
report of all party conference, language was recognized as cc~rrespontlingto a special
variety of culture, literature, and tradition. It\vas also suggested that in a linguistic area
these factors will, promote general progress of the province. These endorsements mark
the beginning of rise of linguistic ethnicity as a social movement in the pre-independence
and the early pust independence histopof India. It was in 1930 that the British stiiped
taking note of linguistic stirring and its political implications. Formation of the province
of Orissa that had the approval of Joint Parliamentary Committee (Session 1032-33) is
often hailed as the success of the first linguistic movement in India. Man), historians
helieve that creation of Orissa was not on linguistic consideration hut wiis created to
appQse Hindu sentiments, whilc Sind mas carved not for sindhi spealting people but to
appease majority Muslim sentiment.

However, congress continued to pursue its policy of linguistic province and den~uldedtwo
more provinces of A~ldllraand Kan~ataka.Kerala followed suit 11 1938 dctlla~ldjllgan
autonomous linguistic province for Ma1ayal;ull speaking peoplc Second World War
provided a brief interlude to growing dcinaild for linguistic provinces 111 1045-46,once
again. in its electioi~m:u~ifesto.congress retreated its view that adnunistrativc units
should be coilstituted as far as possiblc on a linguistic and cl~lturalbasis Some British
historians in their postcolonial interpretations llavc talked about hidden and ulterior
nlotives ul Uthese demands. According lo Robert D. King: "tlrc drive for lingl~islicslates or
provinces lay aspirations grounded not so much hl language as in castc and cornmnl~nal
rivalries, in grappling for privilege": (1997:70).
12.3.2 Language and Modernization
India, as a nahon state in its nascent phase struggled resolviilg tlre parado\ or llaving a
colilnloil language for adninistration, without ~llini~llizing the inlporlancc ol' individual
languages. Hindi was designated as the official language of India by lhc Co~lstiti~tio~l of
India in 1950. Nevertheless, English rc~ilainedthe working language of the officials,
acadeiuics and business. In the constitution English was givcn :I leasc of fifteen years to
co exist along side Hindi as the 1:ulbwagc for the union Tor official purposes English is
popularly accepted as a tool for ~ilodernizationand global participdtioll This is the
primary reason that even the diehard liilguistic eUulocentric have acccplcd tllc popularily
and prevalence of English without preiudice to the linbvistic etlulicit! T'lrc Dra\ idian
Indian especially Tamil heartland was opposed to Hindi. Indian nation sl;~tcsattcalpt to
defule Hindi as a icon of India nationality and patriotisill resulted in rcbcllio~iIn the
SouUlern states R.N. Srivastva argued that Lhe Dravida Kazhagon (DK) and latcr the
Dravida Munnetra Kaztraganl (DMK) were merely tlle extension of inrcnsification of
militant and dy~~anlic anti-religious feelings. "Self respect lnovelnellt of 1925" D K.
Naicker a DK leader pronloted DK to organized a Ravan Leela on Decel~lber25, 1974 in
which effigies of Ran1 Sita and Laxman were burnt. Anti Brahilla~licalfeclings ulanifested
itself in 2ulti Hindi n~ove~nent. Prior to this. in 1956 the acadeluly of Telugu convened a
language convention in Madras. This conventio~lvellenlently protested agi~iilsttlre
inlpositioll of Hindi on lllc South. In 1958 again an all India Language Conference was
held under tlle leadership of Rajagopalacllari. 111this coilfcrcnce. Frank Antl~ongstated.
"The new Hindi today is a symbol of co~lununalisnlit is a sy~nbolof religion. it is a
syillbol of language Chauvalism and worst of all, it is a sylllbol of oppression ofthe
minority languages". Rajagopalacllari at this conveiltion declares: Hhdi is as much a
"

foreign Idrguage to the non-Hindi speaking people as English lo the protagollists of

Hindi". Spearheading this movement. DMK organized the Madras State a~i~i-Hindi
conference on kuluary 17. 1965. This conference declared January 26. 1965 as a da), of
mournh~g.A violeut agitation followed. Number of students participalcd in tlre protest
movement They later fornled a Taulil Nadu students Anti Hindu Agitation Cou~~cil More
than ffity tl~ousandstudents of llie Madras Collegc took out a procession These
deriloilstrations took place all over Soutll. Two students imnlolated tlleillsclves [n the
prolonged agitation 70 people died. Following this, a11 official lanbwage Aille~ldlneiltAct
of 1967 was proinulgated. lliis act encolrrages bilingualisill States wcrc g i en ~ the choice
to use Hindi or English in official matters. e.g. (a) resolutions. general order rules,
notificatioil etc. @) adnlinistrative and other reports and (c) contracts. agreenlents,
licenses, tender fornl etc. Translations ofinaterial supplied in Hindi to English were also
made possible under the anlendment.
 Acti1,ity 1 Linguistic Ethnicity in India

Why does the language issue create so much passion? Talk to students and friends who
have a different mother tongue and note down yourtindings in your noteboc~k.
- - - -

12.4 DNIK MOVEMENT

The north-south divide on the language issue dates back to the days of early western
scholars likeRoberto di Mobili (1577-1656) Constanius Beschi (1680-1743. Rev. Robert
Caldwell(1819-1891). Caldwell was originally responsible for developing the theory that
Sanskrit was brought to South India by Aryan Brahman colonists. Tliey also developed a
peculiar type of Hinduism, that encouragcd idol wbrship. Tamil was cultivated by Ule
native inhabitants who were addressed as Sudras by the Brahmans. hherent in this were
traces of brahnlanical dominance, because the original i~lhabintswere infact Cliicftains,
Soldiers, Culbvators etc. Brahman inunigrants failed to conquer these 'Tanulians7.
According to h e locality, sllould be substituted. (cf. Eugenc Jrscliick 1969: 276). Tlius, it
becomes obvious that the linguistic etlmicity in the South is rooted in caste politics.
Mountstawl Elphinstone Grant Duff, Governor of Madras in 1886, in his address to the
graduates of t l ~ euniversity of Madras said: "It mas these Sanskrit speakers, not Europeans,
who lunlped up tlie Southenl races as Raksliusas dernons. It was they ~ l i deliberately
o
grounded all social distinctions on varna, colour". Infering froin these details Banlett
concludes, 'The ideological category "non Brah~ilian"'therefore, was proceeded by the
development of a sensc of a Dravidian cultural history separate, distinct, and perhaps
superior to that of the South Indian Brahmins'. It was this cultural history that led to tlie
formation of the South Indian Liberal Federation (Justice Party) in 1916. st'uted as a
reactionary nlovenlent challenging supremacy of Brahmins ul elite occupations, its
political discourse remained in English and not in Tamil. Fro111 this one may interpret that
post-independence linguistic nlovelnents were anti-Hindi and pro-E~lglishbut not
necessarily pro-Tillniliai.
Box 12.03

, The endoresement of Dravidian identity was central to the movement launched by the
Justice party through its english language publication 'Justice'; and Tamil weekly
'Dravidian'. Initial attacks were on Varnasharma Dharma and Gandhi Ji's early
endoresemcnt of Varnasharma came under scathing criticism. Pre-ponderance of
Brahmins in elite social and political institutions widened the gulf Iwhveen Brahmins
and non-Brahmins in the South.

! 13arliestreference to importance of Tamil language is found in an article publisl~edin

1 Dravidan dated September 29. 1920 that expressed satisfaction in the proposal of setting a
Taniil university. 'flie decision was taken at the Tricha~apolynon-Brahnlin conference.
'The article argued; "Tamil in not properly encouraged in t l ~ present
e universities, and that
~iianyforeign dryans, who wielded an'influcnce in the university, brought the language to
i
its present low condition. The article further stressed that the Tanulians will attain
progress and acquire political influence only wlie~ithe Tamil language is approved. (cf.
I3arnett: 1976, 27).
,
These antiBralunanica1 seiltimeilts were further strengthened by the formation of Self-
Respect League in 1924 by E.V. Ramasanii. The movement was an attempt to develop
liable cultural alternatives. It did radicalize social and political consciousiless anlong non
Elrahmins. The Iniportalce of self-respect movement declined with thc rise of pragmatic
congress politics. The non brahmanical wing of the congress party became active in the
1930's and 1940's with the growing realization that congrcss will be the ruling party in
independent India. The leading non-Brahnh Comnlunities of Kar?lmas and Kapoos was
pro-congress. In 1936, Congress won the elections hi Madras presidency, under the
Ciovenlment of tndia act 1935. C. Ra-jagopalachariabecame the premier of Congress
govemmcnt. It is at this point in history that tlie Dravidian independence movement was
born. The agitation was the result of introduction of Hindustani in certairr schools as a
co~npulsorysubject. Kudi Arstl Revolt and Justice were opposing Hindi and Hindustani as
n~itheniAryan languages since early 1920's. The language issue thus became a
-
convenient rdlying point for the non-congress political parties. The intensi~ agitation
Ethnic Stratification followed. Political parties in opposition picketed outside 'Prenuer's' residence
Denlonstrations were held outside certain high schools. This was followed by number of
~lleetiilgsand processions. The most provocative slogan used in these delllollstrations was,
"Down with the Brahmin %j'. A report prepared by the home departnlent in 1939,
recorded that 536 persons were arrested during this agitation. The agitation which was
pronouiiced i11 1938, dinlnled conlparatively in 1939. Two significant eT0elitsof this period
were the rise of C.N. Annaduri as a skilled agitationist ;uld the coilferel~ceof the title of
Periiyar to E.V. Ranrasami at the Tanul Nadu Women's Conference held in Novenllber
1939. Tanlil speaking districts of Madras Presidency nanlely North Areol. Salem,
Trichinopoly, Tanjore. Madurai and Ranmad. The denland Dravida Nadu separation day
was proclaiilled on July 1, 1939. E.V. Ranlasanu articulated the co~u~ection between the
need for sepaltion and the language issire. The slogail 'Dravida Nadu for Dravidians' was
earned as a response to Brahiluncal political donunance and penetration of Aryan ideas
into Tanulian culture. The anti-Hindustani agitation was interrupted due to second world
war. The Congress organized 'Quit India' nloveillent and did not support British was
efforts. On the other hand E.V. Ranlasami opei~lycame in support of the British and also
met cripps con~nlissionand persisted with his demand for a separate Dravida Nadu. He
also met Jinnah and Ambedkar with his proposal. Despite vigorous efforts made by
Ramasanu between 1939-1944: till the fonuation of the Dravida Kazhagam. he received
very little support from the people. Barnett's suinnlation of this period is most emphatic

I Activity 2
I
I Do you feel that a separate state on the basis of a separate language is justified? Talk to
fellow students and friends and note down your tindings. I
Radicalization of the Dravidian ideology occurred mainly in the 1930s. but had its roots in
activities of E.V. Ran~asanli,reaching as for back as the 1924 founding of Kudi An~su.
During the 1930s, despite increasing congress popularity as illanifesled in the 1936
electoral victory and the cleavage between radicals and modrates in the Dravidian
movement, "Dravidian" political identity remained salient.
12.4.1 Birth of DMK Movement
The Dravida Kazhagam (DK) was founded at Party's salein conference in 1944. Though
Ranlasanli.was elected as the president of the Justice party in 1938, after the anti-
Hindustani agitation, while he was in Jail, his ability to generate support was
insignificant. When the party re-named itself as DK: Annadurai's influelice on the
political agenda of the party became distinct, Annadurai realized that old Justice party
lacked mass base, as it was perceived to be a party of the rich. He made consistent efforts
to pronlote populist schemes for the uplift of now-growing anti-British feelings anlong the
common people. However, Party President Ran~asaruiand C. Annaduri publicity disagreed
on Party's political stand on the day of India's independence, the Aupist 15, 1947 formal
split occurred in DK. The DMK emerged as the new party and nearly 75.000 of DK
members switched party loyalitics. Though the agenda of both the parties renlained
sinular, DMK gained immense political mileage with the pilblication of Aqan illusion by
C. Annaduri, which was banned in 1952 for being i~flanmlatory.
12.4.2 Role of Universal Primary Education
In July 1952, C. Rajagopalachari, congress government's chief-Minister promoted a
progranmle of universal primary education. According to this programme: cliildren were
suppose to spend half-day in school and the other half of the day at their traditional
occupations. This was labeled as 'caste based education' by DMK and a massive agitation
was launched. Also at the same time, DMK started denlanding change in h e nanle of the
town Dalmiapuram to Kallakudi in Trichy district. This was demanded because Dalmia
was a north-Indian cement magnate. These were the first post-independence period
developments in which the dominance of the north in the Southern states was challenged.
The protests were significantly violent. Hundreds of people were injured and at least nine
demonstrators died.
 Linguistic Ethnicity in India

This period also recorded the rise of Kamraj faction within the Congress itself. In 1954,
Kamraj on the advise of E.V. Ramasami of DK became the chief-Minister of the state.
Ramasami called Kamraj "Pukka Tamizhan" (PureTarnilian) as he came from a backward
caste community, had little formal education and did not converse in fluent english like
the other well-entrenched leaders. Kamraj ruled the state from 1954 to 1963. It was

1 during this period that DMK built its mass base.

They included many Tamil scholars in their rank and file. Tamil literature and linguistics
witnessed a renaissance with the publication of Mursoli, Marn Nadu, Dravida Nadu and
,Wanram as party papers and magazines. Drama and other folk medium was used
c:xtensively to promote Tamil awareness. Poverty and alienation of Tamils was highlighted
through plays like Parasakti which was-written by Karunanidhi in 1952 and in which
!$hivajee Ganeshan started. The mass appeal and the mass communication media carried
IIMK ideology to every household in Madrsas. It was under these influences that the
'Tamil language issue assumed violent proportions in 1965.
3L2.4.3 The Language Issue
I%ynow, the language issue became very complex. It no longer restricted itself to DMK's
concern for Tamil language and the opposition of Tamil to Hindi, Tamil to Sanskrit, Hindi
ti3 English or Tamil to English. But in it were incorporated elements to student politics.
(Barnett, 1976: 129). Regional identities assumed proportions of subnationalism. DMK
pointed out that 'Hindi speaking' areas constituted only one region of the country.
Dominance of a regional language and its compulsory knowledge for recruitment to
government jobs created immense insecurity among the student community of the
southern states. On January 26, 1969, when protest march was organised, a DMK
supporter self-immolated, calling his aitions a protest against the imposition of Hindi at
the altar of Tamil. Between January 26 and February 12''' four more DMK supporters
c~~mmitted suicide. These self-immolations became highly patriotic events among the
studnets in the state. Even though DMK leader C. Annadurai condmned these politically
N otivated self-immolation bids, the anti-Hindi 'Martyars' provided student leadership
legitimacy for wider and open political participation. This encouraged the Tamil Nad
students Anti-Hlndi Agitation council to take an independent stand with or without DMK
support. For the first time Dravid cukural movement found support outside DMK. Both
Ka~nrajof the congress and Annadurai of DMK evoked the central congress leadership to
reassure the students in the state, that the assurance given by Pt. Nehru in 1963, about the
associate status of English will not be revoked. During this period about 900 arrests were
made in Madras city and nearly 200 people arrested in Madurai. In Madras, a ban was
iniposed on Public meeting till February 15'~.
Schools and colleges were re-opened on February 8"'. But students refrained from
atlending classes on a call given by Tamil Nad student Anti-Hindi agitation. They
demanded a constitutional amendment for retaining English as the language for official
communication. Lawyers joined their cause on February 9' and refrained from attending
courts. Violence followed. A bus was burnt in Trichy. Two post-offices attacked and the
appeals made by Annadurai went unheared. From February 10 through 12, what followed
was mayhem. Public buildings, Police Stations, Trains, Buses, Post-offices, factories were
looted and burnt. According to official estimates 70 people died. This induded three
chlldren who were killed by Police firing. Ten thousand people were arrested. Property
wcrth ten million rupees was destroyed. The lumpen elements from the slums and streets
joiled the mob-violence. Two constables in Madurai were beaten to death by the police.
DMK's role in these events was not hidden. Though openly they condemned the violence.
Thl: violence of 1965 ensured DMK popularity. It also opened vistas for DMK's debacle.
DhlK now realised that they could no lon$er sustain a radical agenda which was based on
separatist leanings. Hence, they moderated their stance on issues of political autonomy.
Also, at the same time necessity of keeping language issue alive, by protecting Tamil
interests was not lost sight of; and for this; law abiding citizens like lawyers were roped in
for a movement of sustained protest.
It was in the wake of these events, that Lal Bahadur Shastri, then Prime-Minister of India,
in 2 nationwide broadcast on February 11"' 1963; reaffirmed Nehru's assurn *eto the
student community and made the following statements.
Ethnic Stratification "for an indefinite period.. .......I would have English as an associates
language.. ..........because 1do not wish the people of non-Hindi areas to feel that certain
doors of advancement are closed to them ...........I would have it as an alternative
language as long as people require it, and the decision for that I would leave not to the
Hindi knowing but non Hindi knowing people.. ....".
12.4.4 Policy on Language Issue
Policy decisions stated by Shastri in this regard were:
i) every state can transact its business in the language of its choices or English
ii) interestate communication could bk in English or acconlpaniedby an authentic
translation.
iii) non-Hindi states could correspond with the center in English.
iv) transaction of business at the central level would be in English
v) although recruitment exams for central service posts were in English, in 1960, it was
decided that Hindi was to be permitted as an alternate. This was followed by a re-
assurance given by Shastri to non-Hindi speaking students that their interests would
be protected at all expense.
Check Your Progress 1
1) Write a note on linguistic ethnicity and the reorganizationof states. Use between
5 to 10 lines for your answer.

2) Write about the DMK Movement concerning the language issue. Use between 5 to
10 lines for your answer.
Shastri's assurances were lauded by the anti-Hindi agitationists and they withdrew their Linguistic Ethnicity in India
protest on F~brary22nd.This was also followed by nunlerous regret speeches stating that a
peaceful demonstration was taken over by anti-social elements. However, this paved way
for DMK to gain political supremacy and in 1967, DMK emerged as the ruling party in
the state, it was during DMK regime that on November, 27' 1967, an amendment Bill to
the official languages act of 1963, section 3 was introduced in the the Lok Sabha. This Bill
stipulated that English be used for certain purposes between the central government and
the state governments of non-Hindi speaking states. This Bill also enabled Hindi speaking
states to dispense states. This Bill also enabled Hindi speaking states to dispense with
English altogether, if they so desired. DMK though disturbed decided to support the Bill if
it was passed undiluted. That is if it granted statutory sanction for continued use of the
English.

12.5 PUNJABI SUBA MOVEMENT

The most significant linguistic movement in the north dates back to 1919. Central Sikh
League was set up in December, 1919. This was followed by the formation of Shiromani
Akali Dal in 1920. Started as an organization for the protection of religious shrine, it soon
became a religio -political organization, fighting for the interests of the Sikh community.
By the end of 1946, communalpattern ofpolitics was distinctively visible. On August 18',
1947, Punjab was divided on communal lines according to Radcliffe Award. Hindus who
constituted only 30% in the united Punjab became a majority recording 70% of the total
population. 15% of Sikh population of un-partition Punjab now registered 30% and
became the only significant minority in post-partition Punjab. Muslims were reduced to
insignificant members. Migrations from newly formed Pakistan resulted in the
concentration of Hindus in the south Eastern Districts and Sikhs in the Central District.
This resulted in general refugee tension acquiring a comnlunal shade, rural urban
cleavages emerged among the Sikh settled and migrant populations. Local Hindu
population of region felt that the more advancedpeople of erstwhile Punjab exploited
them.
Migrant Sikhs and majority of local Sikhs were rooted in the soil. They were peasant
proprietors whose love for land is legendary. The refugee Sikhs population was the worst
victim of parlition. Because of easy identification, they suffered heavy losses. Large
number of their sacred shrines and cultural centres were left in Punjab. The Hindu
population, both refugees and original inhabitants were by and large traders. They were,
with some efforts able to re-establish themselves. Their cultural roots were intact. There
was a Pan Hindu Culture and they could easily mesh into it. The politics of early partition
days was turbulent. The landed peasantry and urban sikhs aligned themselves with
Congress. Efforts of the Akali Dal to force a political unity among Sikhs proved futile on
18' March, 1948all the elected MLA's joined the Congress. However, Akali leadership
outside the legislature continued a vocal struggle for the protection of Sikh identity. While
the constitution of India was taking its shape, Akali Dal demanded constitutional
safeguards, and recognition of Punjabi language in Gurnlukhi Script.
Box 12.05
On 15'hNovember,1948 at the behest ofMaster Tara Sngh, Twenty three Akali legislators
asserted that if five statutory safeguards in their demands were not accepted, they should
be allowed to form a separate province comprising of seven Districts of Ludhiana,
Ferozepur, Amritsar, Gurdaspur, Jalandhar and Hoshiarpur. Punjabi Suba was given as
an alternative slogan. But in April, 1949, Sikh convention declared Punjabi Suba as its
sole objective. The demands for separate electorate and reservation of seats for Sikhs in
the legislaturewere out rightly rejected by the then constituent assembly. For adoption
of Punjabi language, Bhim Singh Sacchar, then Chief Minister of Punjab evolved a
formula. According to this formula, the province was divided into two zones - the Hindi
Zone and the Punjabi Zone.
Punjabi written in Gurmukhi Script was to become the language of the Punjab Zone, and
Hindi written in Devnagri Script was to become to language of the Hindi Zone, not to
retain the bilingual character of the State, it was imperative that people learnt both
languages. This fornlula ran in trouble. The Arya Samaj Schools refused to subscribe to it,
Soon enough, Sacchar lost support. Akali disenchantmentwith the state widened. As a
follow-up of this chain of events; on 10" October, 1949, Master Tara Singh stated.
Ethnic Stratification The Sikhs have a culture different from the Hindu language of the Sikhs is different their
traditions and histories were different, their heroes were different, their social order was
different, their there has no reason, why they should not claim the right of self
determination for themselves. (Akali Patrika, 1l~ October, 1949).
12.5.1 A Separate Linguistic State
Master Tara Singh, by July, 1950 started demanding a separate linguistic state for people
speaking Punjabi and writing in Gurumu&i Script. He also wanted internal autonomy for
the province as was granted to Kashmir. Historical evidence as recorded by Harcharan
Singh Bajwa, a member of the Akali Dal Working Committee from 193 1 to 1960 record
that demand for a linguistic state was an outcome of Dr. Ambedkar's advise. Following
suggestions are attributed to Dr. Anlbedkar by certain Akali leaders:
If you had cast lots with Pakistan, you would have been a minority there. In joint Punjab,
you were a minority except in two Tehsils, which too were not contagious. In Eastern
Punjab too, you are a minority. If you clamour for a Sikh State, it will be a cqr in the
wilderness. Why don't you ask for a Punjabi speaking state? Congress is conlrnitted to
linguistic basis for reorganization of the states. They can defer satisfaction of this denland
but they cannot oppose it for long. You can have a Sikh State in the name of "Punjabi
Suba".
Bajwa says this suggestion opened the path to have a de-facto Sikh State. The movement
further acquired momentum because of opposition from Hindus. This resulted in the 1951
census debacle. Majority of the Punjabi speaking Hindus reported Hindi as their mother
tongue. The urban Punjabi Hindu put forward their demand for a Maha Punjab conyrising
of temtones of Punjab, PEPSU, Himachal Pradesh, Delhi A d some Districts of Uttar
Pradesh, in opposition to demand for "Punjabi Suba'. However, Hindus ul the South
Eastern part of Punjab, now known as Haryana, were not receptive to the idea. They
wanted their own separate state.

Anti-Hindi Denlo~lstrationin Cllemlai

Couriesy : Sundaram
 The Akali Dal submitted an eighteen page menzorandum to the sate reorganization Linguistic Ethnicity in India
coi~missionfor the demarcation of Punjabi Suba. They also mobilized support of rural
Sikhs. The Sikh religion was evoked as commandment for political participation. The
state re-organisaion comnlission rejected demands of Akali Dal. Instead, a fornlula was
proposed for the integration of Punjab, the PEPSU and Hiinachal Pradesh into one
administrativeunit. However, on the personal intervention of Pt. Jawahar La1 Nehru,
February, 1956. the following regional formula was proposed:
i) Hirnachal Pradesh to be kept out of Punjab (contrary t i the SRC9srecommendation)
and PEPSU to be merged with the Punjab.
ii) The new State of the Punjab was to be demarcated from the Punjabi and Hindi
speaking regions. Both Punjabi and Hindi were to be declared the regional languages
of the State.
iii) The Punjab was to remain a bilingual State and Punjabi ( in Gurmukhi Script) and
Hindi (in Devnagri Script) were to be the official languages of the State.
iv) for admini,strative and development purposes, the two regions would have two
regionar comnlittees consisting of the elected members of the Assembly (including
the ministers from each region). The final decision, however, in each case was to be
taken by the State Cabinet. In case of difference in the views of the Regional
Committees. the Governor was to take the final decision.
12.5.2 The Nehru-Master Pact
This arrangement was followed by Nehru- Master Pact. 111 accordance with this pact the
Akali Dal merged with the Congress, on 3 0 September,
~ 1956, the Working Committee of
Akali Dal declared; Dal would concentrate on the protection and promotion of
"

educational religious, cultural and economic interest of the Panthi". But this arrangement
was not satisfactory for U h a n Punjabi Hindus. They felt their power was eroded. The
Pun-jabi-Hindus resisted teaching of Punjabi in Gurmukhi Script to Punjabi Hindus.
Though 'Save Hindi Agitation' died by December, 1957, Pratap Singli Kairon then Chief
Minister of Pun-jab realised its consequences. Thus he never implemented the Regional
fomlula. On 1sthSeptember, 1958, Master Tara Sing11 re-opened the demand for Punjabi
Suba. The demand received legitinlacy because of bifurcation forBombay into States of
Mahatrdshtra and Gujarat.

Why was tlieNehru-Master Pact not satisfactory'? Talk to fellow students m d discuss the
text above with them. Note down your findings in your notebook.
This left Punj;~bas the only bilingual state. Encashing this fresh support, the Akali Dal
contested Shisomani GurudwaraPrabhanadhak Conunittee (SGPC) election on the issue of
'Punjabi Suba'. They won 132 out of 139 total seats contested. On 22'"' May, 1960 a
Pu~njabiSuba convention was held at Amritsar. The denland for a separate Punjabi
Speaking State in this convention was also supported by leaders of Swantatra Party,
Samykat Socialist Party (SSP), Pra-ja Socialist Party (PSP) and freedom fighters like
Saifudin Kitchloo and Pandit Sunder Lal. A formal agitation for a separate Punjabi State
was launched in May 1960. After the arrest of Master Tara Singh, Fateh Singh, Vice
President of Akali Dal at that time, took over the leadership. He finnly asserted that they
wanted only a Funjabi Linguistic State. Whether Hindus constituted a majority of Sikhs
h was not their priority. Subsequently political realignments tookplace. Communists now
s~rpportedAkalis in their demand. Congress strengthened its mass base among the rural
Sikhs. Jansangh became popular with urban Hindus and a small section of urban Sikhs.
Box 12.06
Political scientists like Paul Brass have suggested that it was the process of the elite
formation that gave momentum to Punjab Struggle. This period also witnessed a split in
AkaliDal. Master Tara Singh and Sant Fateh Singh's stand on creating a linguistic state
within the territorial boundaries of India nation state was vindicated. Sant Fateh Singh
i temporarily suspended the movement at the time of Chinese aggression in 1962. The

I movement resurrected itself after the death of Kairon andPt. Nehru in 1964. La1 Bahadur
Shastri's regime also continued to resist the demand for 'Punjabi Suba'. After the failure

i of talks with Shastri Government, Sant Fateh Singh announced from Aka1 Takht on 16'h
August, 1965 that if his demands were not met, he would fast unto death from loth
September, 1965. He furtheremotionalised his demand saying that if he survived the fast
for fifteen days, he would immolate himself on the tifteenth day. On 5'hSeptember, 1965,
started. During War, Sikhs proved their valour once again.
Ethnic stratification The centre set-up a three menlber committee comprising of Y.B. Chawan, Indira Gandhi
and Mahavir Tyagi; two days after the c a s e -fire to look into the denlands for a 'Punjabi
Suiba'. This tluee member comnlittee was asisted by 22 members parlianlentary conlnlittee
under the Chairmanship of Lok Sabha Speaker Sardar Hukan Singh. After Ihe d a t h of
Shastri in January, 1966. Mrs. Gandhi convened a meeting of congress party's working
committee on 9~ March, 1966. This conunittee passed the resolution recluesting the
Government to create a Punjabi speaking state. This was followed by parliaiuentary
committee's resolution on the same lives on 18'' March 1966. A Puqjab State's re-
organization bill and appointnlent of Punjab boundary conllnission under the
Chaimanship of Justice J.C. Shah followed these developments, the other tno nleinbers of
the comnlission were Subinal Datt and M.M. Philip. It was 011 lS'November 1966 that the
state was finally divided into Pilnjab and Havana. The state of Pi~njabnon coinprised of
41% area and 55% of the total population of erstwlile Pu~!jab.Majority or its population
was now glat of the Sikhs. The central Governmenl kept its co~ltrolover Cha~ldigarhand
Bhakhra and Beas Dan1 Project. However, most of the objections of Akali leadership were
met. Tile Sikhs constituted a n~a.jorityin eight of the eleven districts
Re-organization of Punjab using linguistic etlmicity as its plank has not been without
trouble. Many Punjabi speaking areas were left out in the p r o c p . Chandigarh sh>iringof
river water that led to post 1980's problems continties to daunt the region One nlay state
here that linguistic ethllicity in Indian contest has been used as a complement to religious.
caste and other etlulies. It has never operated as an exclusive principle of re-organization

12.6 OTHER LINGCTISTIC ETHNICITY MOVEMENTS

IN INDIA
Surendra Gopal argues that by the tentll century, the basic nationalities ul lildia had been
formed. He lists these nationalities as the Assamese. Oriyas. Andluas, Pu11,jabis. Gi!jaratis,
Marathas, Bengalis, Kmladigs, Tamils, Malayales, etc. and also asserts the fact that these
nationalities settled around the ferkile Yamuna Gmga Doab region and its soutl~eril
neighbour in the territory of central India. These nationalities emerged as strong etllno
linguistic groups largely coilfonning to regional territories. Brij. Awadhi. Bllo.jpuri,
Maithalli, and Chattisgiri developed in the Yan~unaDoab region. commonly known as
Aryaviut11, Aryuratha, politically renlained most significant. But it never acquired strong
etlulo linguistic identity. The language movenlent remained donnant, as the local
langauages were denied imperial patronage. It was sufi saint tradition perpetuated by
Kabir, Malik Mohanllnad Jyasi, Vidyapati Tulsi and Surdas tllat kept the local languages
vibrant. E h l o linguistic nationalities peyehlated under the Mughal Elnpcror Akbar.
Akbar directed his einpire into the provinces of Ajnler, Lahore. Giijarat, Bihar Bengal etc.
the Rajput and jat etlmo - linguistic groups asserted thenselves in this period. The
Maratha identity under Slliva jee was in response to Mughals lnarcl~to Peilninsular India
Tlie Kanada Telu~widentities surfaced at tlle time of m ~ c s a t i o nof Bi,japur iuld
Golkunda Kingdoms. Powerful etlulo-linguistic nationalities crystalized in the Punjab, tlle
Bengal and the Mysore by the end of the 18" century. It was priillarily for this reason that
two most important etlmo-linguistic nlovelnents in British India surfaced in Bengal and
Punjab. Both these movements were linked to regional aspirations, ihey acquired obvious
national or 'Swadeshi' over tolies to gather larger acceptance and legitimacj.. The slogan
'.Pa@ Salnbalo Jata" (beckoning Punjabi jats, to fight the Britishers) was symbolic of
linguistic solidarity. This linguistic etlu~icsolidarity absorbed within its fold Hindu,
Milslim and Sikh individualities. Punjabi nationality also co~ltributedto the forination of
powerful1 Gaddar Party in America. Denla~ldsfor a separate Punjabi nalion state were also
rife during this period for some time. It was at this time that u~~ionist par[! with the
support of British Government captured power in Punjab. The Sikh etlmicily asserted
itself under the leadership of Akali Dal Muslin1 ethllicity was also nurtured by using Urdu
as tlle link language for establishing religious and national identity.
12.6.1 Reorganization of States
The organization of states of independent lndia on tlle principle of linguistic affinily
witnessed dismenlberment of large regional entities. ~ a d r a and
s Cenlral Provinces
provide one example. On a similar pattern srnall states were integrated. Madllya Bharat,
Patiala and East Punjab were integrated. The same process also resulted UI linguistic
strife's in different parts of the nascent democracy. Demand for linguistic nationality Linguistic Ethnicity in India
resulted in the splitting of Bombay into Maharashtra and Gnjarat. Maha Punjab was
divided into states of Himachal Pradesh. H'ayana and Punjab.
Regional and linguistic solidarity has also been responsible for the emergence of regional
political parties. The rise of DMK, AIADMK, Telgu desam, Akali Das, Assam Gana
Parished, Maharashtrawadi Gomanatak Dal National Liberation Front, Jharkhuld Mukti
Morcha etc. are all expressions of political alllbitions of provincial ethno-linguistic
nationalities. Inteniational aspects of linguistic nationality issue constantly assert that
India has successfully dealt with its linguistic diversity issues. A detailed examination in a
historical perspective suggests that, it these were violent linguistic movements in the part,
there are strong under currents in certain pockets even now.

1 2 7 TRIBAL LINGUISTIC MOVEMENTS

Out of 1965 r lother tongues recorded by the 1961 census, approximately 500 were
reported fron- tribal regions. The Santhali, Gondi and Khasi are major linguistic groups,
Tribal linguistic groups in the India are classified as (i) Dravidian (ii) Austric (iii) Tibeto
Chinese. The diversity of tribal languages were crushed in the process of re-organization
of state stnlcture. A case shidy of language scenario from Orissa nukes it explicit. In the
1961 census state of Orissa recorded only 15 million Oriya Speakers. In 1981 this figure
dramatically doubl.ed to 30 million. while the number of Kharia and Bhunuji speaking
people dec1in:d from 1.4 lac and 91,000 (1961, 1971 census) to 49,000 and 28,208
respectively i I the 1981 census. It is surprising that none of the tribal languages are
recognised b l the eighth schedule of the constitution, even though they are spoken by a
large segment of Indian population. Santhali is spoken by 36 lakh, Bhili by 12.5 lakh.
Lamnu by 12 lacs, yet they find no official recognition. Inadvertent hierarchy of languages
created by thc eighth scheduled of the constitution, and state patronage granted to the
official state language under the three language formula has further alienated the original
inhabitants of our motherland. With the risuig levels of literacy anlong the tribals, the
awareness of h e their etlmic attributes is also heightened. This has led to some significant
linguistic ethricity movements among them. I an1 referring to only tluee of them here
placed in the eighth schedule of the constitution.
12.7.1 The Santhali Language Movement
Santhali identlty assertion movements are recorded since the beginning of the 19" century
with the K h e r ~ a movement.
r Essentially a social mobility movement, Santhals wanted to
register their presence as an inlportant segment of larger Hindu population. They acquired
Sanskrit traits and started weariilg the sacred thread. The Janeodhari Santllals
distinguished them from non Jmeadhari and did not intenlrany. But by 1938, Adabasi
movement started consolidation itself in the Santhal Paragona region. They started
demanding a a#eparateprovince for the original tribes of Chota Nagpur area, sought
representation in the Bihar assembly and demanded introduction'of Santhali and other
aboriginal lan,gages as nlediunl of instruction in schools. The Sarna Dhorma Samlet
started by Ragnath Murnlu was started as part of the Jharkhand Movenlent to express
tribal solidarity. This organization is perpetuating santhali origiilal scripts and scriptures.
An icon callec Guru Gomke is created. Guru is the original creator the K h e ~ ~ v aBir, r
which is an equivalent of Mahabharta. The saithals who constitute a larger linguistic
group tlleu the Sindhis and Kashnuris assert their identity. However there are division
with the movement. One segment supports R o n m script conlprising of converted
Cluistiaus, another group supporting A1 Chili Santhali. The leaders of the Jharkhand
movenlent ha\ e tried to nunimise this difference in order to consolidate their demand for a
separate state. Santhali is now introduced as a medium of instruction at primary school
level but has failed to acquire a place in the eighth schedule of the constitution.
12.7.2 The Language Movement of the Mishings
The Mishings or Miri, original inhabitants of Siang and Subandshree districts of
Arunachal Pradesh are the second largest scheduled tribe of Assam. They number
approximately three lakhs. The Mishings have vehemently defended their traditional
boundaries and original dialect. In 1968, a group of enlightened Miris formed the
"Mishig Aga-n Kebang" that in Mishing implies language Association and adopted
Ethnic stratification Roinan Script for Mishing language. The Government of' Assam initially resisted native
Mishings attempts for recognition of Mishi language; but has now given in: under
increasing pressure. Efforts are still on to introduce Mishi at primary school level.
Government of Assam, has in principle agreed to appoint Mishi language teachers in
predonlinantly Mishi Schools.
12.7.3 Ethno Linguistic Aspirations of the Jayantia
Started in 1975, Jayantia language and literary association become active after Khasi
i
(language used by Khasi Tribals) gained recognition as a medium of instn~ctionin
schools. Written in Romanscript Jayantia language may remain confined only to a small
section of the Jayantia speaking populace. Thus a conscious effort was made to assert their
linguistic identity. The Jayarrtia language and literary association regularly holds literary
conferences, encourages debate and essay writing competitions. It also publishes literary
work in Jayantia language.
Independent India has witnessed number of tribal resurgence movements. Adibasi
interests remained unregistered because tribals did not constitute a pressure group. One
may argue that both development and deprivation are equally responsible for giving
impetus to ethno-linguistic movements. Literacy, mobility, political participation are some
of the factors that have made people aware of their distinct identity. Regional autonomy
aspirations are directly related to levels of political awareness. Issues that have emerged in
the demand for a separate Gorkaland, Bodoland, Jharkhand are significant pointers in this
direction. These agitations are essentially asking for greater autonomy and regional power
within the existing federal structure of Indian nation state. Emergence of Mizo Union
(1946), Goa National Council (1946), Eastern Tribal Council (1952), APHLC (1960) are
interpreted as middle class uprisings. Mizo Freedom Organization (1940), MNF (196 1)
were politically more vocal in their demands.
Check Your Progress 2
1) What do we refer to as the Punjabi Suba movement'?Write briefly on it in about
5-10 lines.

2) Clarify with an example the tribal linguistic movements. Write $ur answer in I
i
about 5-10 lines. 1
i ......................................................................................................................
I
Linguistic Ethnicity in India

12.7.4 Language and Culture

In order to achieve their political ambitions, leadership invariably combined the issue of
language and culture. Often, these resulted in fostering of group identify. This group
identity and solidarity thus authenticated demand for a separate regional entity. The fusion
of Gorkhali, Kunuali and Santali languages as workhold and Jharkhand movement is an
interesting example of this foundation. Similarly, formation of Khaskura, now recognized
I
as Garkhali language by the G.N.L.F. is a blending of various dialects of Nepali origin.
I Kurmali and Kuruli that were initially only oral languages acquired script and unite
historically under the Jharkhand movement. It is important to note there that regional

I movements are often portrayed as negative and divisive. The fact that nlany of these
regional linguistic movements have consolidated rich heritage available in the oral
tradition renlains understood.

12.8 CAUSES OF LANGUAGE MOVEMENT

Every ethno-linguistic conununity evolves a security net around itself. It takes upon itself
the task of protecting its dwindling heritage. If threatened it resolves to organise it and
launch protest movements. Regional language movements as an expression of ethnicity
emerge, when they are threatened by:
i) On adoption of Hindi as an official language, small linguistic communitieswere
apprehensive that this move would restrict Government Jobs for their community
menlbers, subsequently their voice in the affairs of the government would become
inaudible.
ii) Middle class power elite was propagating continuation of English for official use. This
bilingualism further reduced opportunities for those not conversant with either Hindi
or English.
iii) Coilsequently a north south divide occurred, since post independence leadership
largely identified itself with northern India, primarily due to disproportionate size of
the individual state, its affinity with Hindi was overplayed. Anti Hindi Movement that
originated in the South interprets a Hindi domination as symbolic of Aryans and
Brahrnnical cultural domination.
e iv) Despite tall claims and protection given to linguistic minorities and languages under
Articles 350, 29.1, 344 (I), 345, 346 and 347, language claim of the mhlorities are
often ignored Article 350(a) of the constitution provides that every state authority
v should facilitate primary education in the mother tongue. But the common perception
at the level of district administration and education enlpowernlent is that such efforts
would disintegrated the Indian nation state. They would encourage individuals ethno-
linguistic aspirations, and thus isolate him. There is also apprehension that education
in local dialects would deprive people from attaining higher and quality education.
The inherent ambiguity in the constitution between 350 and 35 1, the fornler providing
individual languages and the later supporting official use of Hindi, has pronloted
linguistic conflicts in India.

12.9 LET US SUM UP

For the past three decades, Indian State has not confronted any serious linguistic conflict.
From this one may infer that India's linguistic conflicts have successfully been
neutralized. They are no longer a threat to Indian Nation Integration. Post independence
era, particularly between 1947 - 1967 witnessed numerous linguistic conflicts. A sizeable
chunk of our political energy was spent in resolving these crises. Stray incidences of
Ethnic Stratification violence are still recorded. Badauitn in Uttx Pradesh was a scene of conlmunal rioting on
2~~ September, 1989, after the decision of Uttar Pradesh Governnlent to introduce Urdu as
the second official language of tile state. Language and ethnicity have close affulity.
Language is perceived as the symbol of ethnic unity. Even thong forces of modenlization
and exigencies of competitive society have reduced the functional imporl;u~ceof individual
mother tongues, as community attributes, they are very inlportmt. State interference in
language issues is now illininlal. Policy of accommodation has paid rich dividends. But
there is a caution at the end of all this and is summarily stated by Robert D. King -
Language problenx are almost never what they appear be to be: tlwy are very often
can~ouflageto hide agendas that are linked only tenuously to language and linguistics''. It
has already been shown that language movenlents in south were reactions to caste
domination and exploitation. Similarly Punjabi Suba nlovenleilt had its roots hl Sikh
identity. Tribal linguistic movements are also located in ethnicity, identity and sunrival
debate. Though linguistic etlulicity poses little tlueat to Indian Nation, its active status for
etlmic formation should always be remembered.

12.10 KEY WORDS

Ethnicity : Refers to a category of people who call be distinguished on
the basis of the culture, religion, race or language.
Linguistic : Coilcerns the language of a category of people which in
turnhas ramifications for culture of the area.
Modernization : The process by which a culture or society becolues socially
and teclmologically more advanced and a better livelihood
is assured forvast sections of society.

12.1 1 FURTHER READINGS

Barnett, Ross Marguerite 1976, The Politics oJCultural Arationalisrrr iri South India. New
Jersey: Prinection Univ. Press.
Gupta, R.S., Avita Abbi, Kailash S. Aggarwal (ed.) 1995, Langtrage arrd the State:
Perspective on the Eight Schedule. New Delhi: Creative Books.
King Robert. D. 1997, Nehru and Language Politics of India. Delhi: Oxford Univ. Press
Krishna, Sun 1991,India 's Living Language. New Delhi: Allied Publishers
Jrschick, Engene, 1969, Politics andSocial Conjlict in South India: The iVor7-Brahnzanical
A4ovement and Tamil separation. Berkley: Univ. of California Press.

12.12 SPECIMEN ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR

PROGRESS
Check Your Progress 1
1) The idea of nation-states corresponding to linguistic boundaries began in the lgn'
century. In India this principle was not immendiately accepted. Prior to India's
Independence, state boundaries did not follow a linguistic principle. After
Independence the language issue and the reorganization of states was seriously
considered. However it must be pointed out that linguistic reorganization of states also
involved aspirations for caste and conununities, to better their lot. The debate
regarding language and the reorganizatioil of states continues to this day and
language is a very sensitive issue. However today India has many states that have been
organized on the basis of language and use their own language for transacting
business within the state itself. Linguistic ethnicity between the Nortll and the South
in India is several centuries old, and is rooted in caste politics according to Jrschick.
The DMK emerged out of the DK when differences emerged among the leaders over
the day of Independence. In due course of time DMK helped align Tainil literatures
a l d published books, party papers, and magazines in Tanlil to promote Tanil ,
awareness. DMK ideology was spread all over Madras. By 1965 student poJitics came
 into the language issue Regional identity became very important and self-immolations Linguistic Ethnicity in India
by students became politically motivated. These were condemned by DMK leaders but
student violence on the language issue in 1965. All this led to the formulation of a
policy on language and its use in the Centre and the States.
Cl~eckYour Progress 2
1) The Pubjabi Suba refers to the establishment of a Pubjabi speaking state. The
antecedents for such a demand date back to 1919 and continued beyond Independence
in 1947. The advise for a Punjabi speaking state rather than a Sikh state was given by
Ambedkar. Who advised that through a language (Pubjabi) a Sikh State called Pubjabi
Suba could be obtained. In 1966 the Punjab State was divided into Pubjab and
Haryana.
2) As literacy rose among the tribals their awareness of their ethnic attributes also
increased. For example the Jayantias asserted their identity since 1975 holding literary
conferences and publishing literary work. Literary, mobility and political participation
were ways in which a distinct ethnic identity was asserted.
Ethnic Stratification
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NOTES