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 9
I
mmigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education presents an in-
depth understanding of how immigrant students at a major public research uni-
versity balanced keeping their family cultures alive and learning U.S. culture to get
to college. A revitalized anthropological understanding of acculturation provides the

Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys

theoretical framework for the book. The text builds its analysis using extensive quotes
from the 160 immigrant students who participated in the 21 focus groups that form

Immigration,
the core of this study. The students’ families come from Africa, Asia, the Caribbean,
Europe and Latin America, and reflect a wide diversity of experiences and insights into
how these students successfully pursued higher education. A key theme of the book is

Diversity
the “immigrant bargain,” where students repay their parents’ hard work and migra-
tion sacrifices by excelling in school. A large majority of the parents made clear that a

to
major motivation for immigrating was so their children could have better educational

and Student Journeys

opportunities; these parents had the original dreams for their children. Immigration,

Higher Education
Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education examines the similarities and
differences across this diverse group of students, ending with a series of recommen-

to Higher Education
dations about how to improve acculturation research and how to facilitate immigrant
students’ journeys to educational success.

“Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education offers a much

needed and insightful account of the successful transition to university among Peter J. Guarnaccia
immigrant students. The compelling analysis draws on the voices of students to
highlight the powerful role of family, community, schools and the university context
in shaping their paths to and experiences with higher education. College is now the
ticket to upward mobility in the United States, and yet, we still know little about how
the children of immigrants make this critical transition, along with the crucial identity
and language shifts they encounter along the way. Peter J. Guarnaccia, an expert in
immigrant cultural adaptation, has written a timely and important book.”
—Vivian Louie, Professor of Urban Policy and Planning at Hunter College,
Author of Compelled to Excel: Immigration, Education and Opportunity
among Chinese Americans and Keeping the Immigrant Bargain:
The Costs and Rewards of Success in America

Peter J. Guarnaccia is Professor in the Department of Human Ecology and Investigator

at the Institute for Health at Rutgers University. He is co-editor of A Death Retold: Jes- Guarnaccia
ica Santillan, the Bungled Transplant, and Paradoxes of Medical Citizenship (2006).

www.peterlang.com
PETER LANG

Cover image: © 2018 Steven Guarnaccia

 9
I
mmigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education presents an in-
depth understanding of how immigrant students at a major public research uni-
versity balanced keeping their family cultures alive and learning U.S. culture to get
to college. A revitalized anthropological understanding of acculturation provides the

Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys

theoretical framework for the book. The text builds its analysis using extensive quotes
from the 160 immigrant students who participated in the 21 focus groups that form

Immigration,
the core of this study. The students’ families come from Africa, Asia, the Caribbean,
Europe and Latin America, and reflect a wide diversity of experiences and insights into
how these students successfully pursued higher education. A key theme of the book is

Diversity
the “immigrant bargain,” where students repay their parents’ hard work and migra-
tion sacrifices by excelling in school. A large majority of the parents made clear that a

to
major motivation for immigrating was so their children could have better educational

and Student Journeys

opportunities; these parents had the original dreams for their children. Immigration,

Higher Education
Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education examines the similarities and
differences across this diverse group of students, ending with a series of recommen-

to Higher Education
dations about how to improve acculturation research and how to facilitate immigrant
students’ journeys to educational success.

“Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education offers a much

needed and insightful account of the successful transition to university among Peter J. Guarnaccia
immigrant students. The compelling analysis draws on the voices of students to
highlight the powerful role of family, community, schools and the university context
in shaping their paths to and experiences with higher education. College is now the
ticket to upward mobility in the United States, and yet, we still know little about how
the children of immigrants make this critical transition, along with the crucial identity
and language shifts they encounter along the way. Peter J. Guarnaccia, an expert in
immigrant cultural adaptation, has written a timely and important book.”
—Vivian Louie, Professor of Urban Policy and Planning at Hunter College,
Author of Compelled to Excel: Immigration, Education and Opportunity
among Chinese Americans and Keeping the Immigrant Bargain:
The Costs and Rewards of Success in America

Peter J. Guarnaccia is Professor in the Department of Human Ecology and Investigator

at the Institute for Health at Rutgers University. He is co-editor of A Death Retold: Jes- Guarnaccia
ica Santillan, the Bungled Transplant, and Paradoxes of Medical Citizenship (2006).

www.peterlang.com
PETER LANG

Cover image: © 2018 Steven Guarnaccia

 ADVANCE PRAISE FOR
Immigration, Diversity and
Student Journeys to Higher Education
“This book, rich with intimate and insightful quotations and narratives from
immigrant college students, unpacks the challenges that students from many different
countries face, often with limited resources, in navigating multiple languages, cultural
expectations and performances, and family and institutional demands. Written in
accessible language, the concepts it unfolds—identity, language, culture,
acculturation—are central to understanding and appreciating the complexities of the
immigrant experience in higher education. A classic of its kind, the book offers a
valuable theoretical, social, cultural and political contribution to the contemporary
dialogues and diatribes around immigration, migration and the resilience of recent
arrivals to the United States as they strive for success in American higher education.”
—Jean J. Schensul, Senior Scientist and Founding Director of the Institute for
Community Research in Hartford, CT, Adjunct Professor in the Department of
Community Medicine at the University of Connecticut, and
Editor and Author of The Ethnographer’s Toolkit

“Peter J. Guarnaccia’s book is an enjoyable and thoughtful examination of how

cultural capital plays a role in the triumphant educational stories of immigrants. It is
rare to read reflections of successful immigrants effectively navigating the educational
U.S. system, but Guarnaccia’s book does exactly that. His book is a revelation of how
culture anchors immigrants to persevere through educational challenges, from
applying to college or being ‘seen’ as different in college. It touches on the intimate
maintenance of cultural roots and how those roots embed values, routines and
interpretation in everyday life that can become assets. His book opens a window into
how culture imprints identity and meaning, weaving the scientific research evidence
with the personal narratives and reflections of immigrant college students. At the same
time, it reveals the author’s personal journey to better understand how our heritage
gives us meaning and a lens to construe interpretations of the world. It also is an
insightful exploration of how immigrant families’ dreams of social mobility get
transferred into the DNA of their children.

I very much enjoyed the descriptions of how the immigrant family clan supports
educational aspirations, and his chapters offer perceptive views of how ‘cultural
resources and optimism’ characterize immigrants, even in the face of adversity. Many
will recognize themselves in these pages since it is a glorious collaboration of
Guarnaccia’s storytelling with the lived experience of immigrant students. From this
book, we can learn much about why immigrants do so well, and what we might need
to learn from them.”
—Margarita Alegria, Professor, Departments of Medicine & Psychiatry,
Harvard Medical School and Chief, Disparities Research Unit,
Department of Medicine, Massachusetts General Hospital
Immigration, Diversity
and Student Journeys
to Higher Education
 Virginia Stead, H.B.A., B.Ed., M.Ed., Ed.D.
GENERAL EDITOR

VOL. 9

The Equity in Higher Education Theory, Policy, & Praxis series

is part of the Peter Lang Education list.
Every volume is peer reviewed and meets
the highest quality standards for content and production.

PETER LANG
New York  Bern  Berlin
Brussels  Vienna  Oxford  Warsaw
 Peter J. Guarnaccia

Immigration, Diversity
and Student Journeys
to Higher Education

PETER LANG
New York  Bern  Berlin
Brussels  Vienna  Oxford  Warsaw
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Control Number: 2018032663

Bibliographic information published by Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek.

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the “Deutsche
Nationalbibliografie”; detailed bibliographic data are available
on the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de/.

ISSN 2330-4502 (print)

ISSN 2330-4510 (online)
ISBN 978-1-4331-5991-6 (hardcover)
ISBN 978-1-4331-5524-6 (ebook pdf)
ISBN 978-1-4331-5525-3 (epub)
ISBN 978-1-4331-5526-0 (mobi)
DOI 10.3726/b14521

© 2019 Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., New York

29 Broadway, 18th floor, New York, NY 10006
www.peterlang.com

All rights reserved.

Reprint or reproduction, even partially, in all forms such as microfilm,
xerography, microfiche, microcard, and offset strictly prohibited.
To my parents, Paul Guarnaccia and Helene Sulzer Guarnaccia, who taught me the
importance of being multicultural and multilingual, and to Elizabeth Guarnaccia,
my aunt, who was so proud that I was the first Ph.D. in the Guarnaccia family.

To my wife, Linda Melamed, who has been with me on this journey for more than
40 years, and whose editing always improves my work.

To my children, Jaime and Shara, who have extended our family’s explorations of
multiculturalism and multilingualism in new directions and continue to inspire me.
 table of contents

List of Figures ix
List of Tables xi
Foreword xiii
Preface xix
Acknowledgments xxiii

Introduction: Why Are the Links Among Immigration,

Acculturation and Educational Attainment Important? 1
Student Reflection: Growing up the “Filipino Way” 23
Chapter 1. The Front Door as a Divider Between Two Worlds:
Students’ Explorations of Their Ethnic Identities 25
Student Reflection: Growing Up Bilingual 47
Chapter 2. The Balancing Act of Speaking Multiple Languages:
The Intimate Connection of Language to Culture 49
Student Reflection: Only Through Education
Shall Humanity Progress 79
Chapter 3. We Are Family: The Dreams of Immigrant Parents  81
Student Reflection: A Complex Path to College  99
Chapter 4. Applying to College: “I Had to Figure It All Out Myself” 101
viii immigration, diversity and student journeys

Chapter 5. Community Sources of Cultural and Social Capital:

The Roles of Ethnic Schools and Student Cultural
Organizations125
Chapter 6. Conclusion: Where Do We Go from Here? 147

Appendix A: Focus Group Guide 165

Appendix B: List of All Codes with Memos
and Coding Trees 169

Index 181
 figures

Figure 1.1: Foreign-Born Students’ Countries of Birth 31

Figure 2.1: Languages Spoken by Study Participants 54
Figure 2.2: Contexts of Language Used by Study Participants 55
Figure B.1: Ethnic Identity  178
Figure B.2: Learning Ethnic Culture 178
Figure B.3: Learning American Culture 179
Figure B.4: College as a Goal 179
Figure B.5: Applying to College 180
Figure B.6: Coming to College 180
 tables

Table 1.1: Students’ Nativity by Ethnic Identity 30

Table 1.2: Ethnic Identity: Best Label—All Groups 32
Table 1.3: Cultural Identity Scale 33
Table 1.4: Ties to Ethnic Group 34
Table 1.5: Views of Ethnic Group: Student Perspective 34
Table 1.6: Perceived Discrimination from Adults 34
Table 3.1: Parents’ Highest Level of Education 86
Table 3.2: Importance of Family 86
Table 3.3: Students’ Family Responsibilities 87
Table 3.4: Importance of School for Future: Student Perspective 87
Table 3.5: Students’ Educational Goals 88
Table 3.6: Parents’ Wishes for Students’ Educational Attainment 88
Table 4.1: Where Parents Went to College 109
Table 4.2: Number of Siblings Who Graduated College 111
 foreword
Alex Stepick

Emeritus Professor of Global and Sociocultural Studies,

Florida International University
Professor of Sociology, Portland State University

Peter Guarnaccia and I met while we were both Fellows at the Russell Sage
Foundation in the mid-1990s. At the time, Peter’s work focused on medi-
cal anthropology and particularly mental health. In 1994–1995, Russell Sage
hosted a contingent of scholars focused on immigration and particularly sec-
ond-generation immigrants. As a keen observer and listener, Peter absorbed
the questions that we immigration scholars posed. As he notes in the Intro-
duction to this book, he eventually turned his attention to this topic, suc-
cessfully wrote a grant and conducted the study whose important results are
reported here.
Immigration, Diversity, and Student Journeys to Higher Education highlights
a crucial U.S. resource that has received relatively little public or research
attention—the educational efforts and successes of the children of immigrants.
Embodying Robert Merton’s wisdom that more is learned from examining a
single case of success than from multiple failures, Immigration, Diversity, and
Student Journeys to Higher Education concentrates on the children of immi-
grants who have made it to a selective, major public university. Through
analysis of focus group data with an especially diverse group of 1.5 and second-
generation immigrant students at Rutgers University, Peter Guarnaccia elu-
cidates not only the positive academic orientations that characterize these
xiv immigration, diversity and student journeys

children of immigrants, but also what factors contribute to their access to

higher education and their success in college.
Public attention and, until recently, most scholarly research has focused
on first generation, adult immigrants. Not until the past 20 years or so have
many researchers devoted attention to the children of these new immigrants.
Some of these children were born in the U.S. and therefore labeled second
generation immigrants. Others were born abroad but brought to the U.S. when
they were young and are often labeled the 1.5 generation of immigrants. Since
second generation and 1.5 generation immigrants have at least one immigrant
parent, but have grown up in the U.S., they constitute a unique population
that confronts the conflicting forces of U.S. structural racism that pressures
them to Americanize and the competing pressures they may feel from their
immigrant parents to maintain their distinct cultural heritage while excelling
in U.S. institutions.
The rapidly expanding research on this unique population has demon-
strated that children of immigrants generally have a positive educational
orientation (see, for example, Kasinitz, Mollenkopf, & Waters, 2004; Suárez-
Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2001), i.e., they want to do well in school at the
same time that they confront structural racism (e.g. Stepick, 1998 in the
case of Haitian Americans; Telles & Ortiz, 2009 in the case of Mexican-
Americans). Immigration, Diversity, and Student Journeys to Higher Education
adds to the research on how these immigrant students find pathways to col-
lege and the attendant struggles and challenges they have confronted and
overcome. Many of the students in the sample have parents with postsecond-
ary education. However, that education was nearly always completed abroad,
leading to gaps in the U.S.-specific knowledge and cultural capital that could
help facilitate access to U.S. higher education for their children.
Using a theoretical lens that resurrects early anthropological conceptual-
izations of acculturation (Redfield, Linton, & Herskovits, 1936) rather than
traditional sociological assimilation theory, Guarnaccia confirms that immi-
grant integration is not a one-way replacement of one’s parents’ cultural her-
itage with American culture. The anthropologist Gibson (1988) coined the
phrase selective acculturation, in which immigrants and their children adopt
some aspects of American culture, such as learning English, while maintain-
ing their own traditional values, such as respect for elders and parents’ beliefs
that educational achievement is more important than extracurricular activi-
ties or just spending time with friends.
However, this process of selective acculturation is decidedly unbalanced,
as structural and cultural forces cause U.S. culture to almost always dominate
 foreword xv

(Stepick, Grenier, Castro, & Dunn, 2004). The dominance of the host soci-
ety can enforce acculturation through the political process, direct violence
and repression, and/or with symbolic violence through ethnocentrism that
claims that established resident norms are superior to others (Beals, 1962).
Still, immigrants develop creative means of resistance and accommodation
(Stepick & Stepick, 2002). Guarnaccia further substantiates early anthropo-
logical conceptualizations of acculturation that noted that immigrant parents
are often the guardians of cultural continuity, while children become the
agents of change, a relationship that may produce intergenerational tensions
and threats to family unity (Spiro, 1955; see also Stepick, Stepick, Eugene,
Teed, & Labissiere, 2001).
In his analysis of the students’ evolution of their pathways to higher edu-
cation and how their identities changed between high school and college,
Guarnaccia highlights how the students often came to appreciate their par-
ents’ strict discipline. They assert that this discipline kept them from getting
into trouble, which meant they were not distracted from their and their par-
ents’ educational goals for them. The focus group discussions reflect the wide-
spread process of what Louie (2012) labels the immigrant bargain, wherein
immigrant parents work hard to provide their children with educational
opportunity and in return their children work hard in school.
This book’s combination of a broad sample of national origin groups along
with nuanced qualitative data yields insights unobtainable by either just large
sample surveys or qualitative data on small samples. Previous research tends
to be either large sample surveys with highly diverse samples but limited
in-depth data, or qualitative research with rich data but restricted, relatively
homogenous samples. There are some exceptions of large scale projects that
gather qualitative data on a broader range of national origin children of immi-
grants, but they are the exception. This qualitative analysis is one of those
exceptions—rich with nuanced data from respondents of diverse national
origins, and, crucially, centers the voices of these 1.5 and second-generation
immigrant students.
The data in this book confirms that the educational experiences of 1.5
and second generation immigrant students are not monolithic, even when the
analysis is limited to a sample of students in one university. In gaining access
to higher education, these students confront structural barriers and variable
prejudices of institutional gatekeepers. A telling example that Guarnaccia
elaborates in Chapter Four is a Chinese-American student whose first high
school guidance counselor asserts a model minority stereotype and tells her
she will gain admission to Harvard because the student is of Chinese heritage
xvi immigration, diversity and student journeys

and has good grades. However, this same student’s second high school guid-
ance counselor attempts to instead encourage her to apply for community
college. Most of the students faced similar negative stereotypes, with teachers
or counselors trying to temper their educational ambitions.
While the students confronted barriers to success in mainstream insti-
tutions, Guarnaccia argues that immigrant ethnic institutions, ranging from
religious institutions to university student organizations and more, may
advance educational goals. Here again, this book adds to the literature that
demonstrates how such institutions may buffer the effects of discrimination
(Zhou & Bankston, 1998), and promote the formation and maintenance of
social ties that facilitate information sharing about educational opportunities
(Louie, 2012; Louie & Holdaway, 2009).
The integration of policy recommendations with primary data that
concludes this book provides empirically based suggestions for institutional
change to promote successful trajectories of students to the university. The
data clearly indicate that immigrant students often do not understand how
to apply to college and they would certainly benefit if they only had to pay
in-state tuition and were eligible for public financial aid. Guarnaccia con-
cludes by returning to his medical anthropology, mental health roots with
suggestions for improving acculturation research.
For scholars of immigration, this book revitalizes the concept of accul-
turation and reconfirms many of the substantive findings of previous studies,
while also providing critical suggestions for institutional change. Peter Guar-
naccia’s listening and keen attention at Russell Sage Foundation has paid off.

References
Beals, R. (1962). Acculturation. In Sol Tax (Ed.), Anthropology Today: Selections. (pp. 375–
395). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Gibson, M. (1988) Accommodation without Assimilation: Sikh Immigrants in an American High
School. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Kasinitz, P., Mollenkopf, J., & Waters M. (Eds.). (2004). Becoming New Yorkers: Ethnographies
of the New Second Generation. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.
Louie, V. (2012). Keeping the Immigrant Bargain: The Costs and Rewards of Success in America.
New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.
Louie, V., & Holdaway, J. (2009). Catholic schools and immigrant students: A new generation.
Teachers College Record, 111(3), 783–816.
Redfield, R., Linton, R., & Herskovits, M. J. (1936). Memorandum for the study of accultura-
tion. American Anthropologist, 38(1), 149–152.
 foreword xvii

Spiro, M. E. (1955). The acculturation of American ethnic groups. American Anthropologist,

57(6), 1240–1252.
Stepick, A. (1998). Pride against Prejudice: Haitians in the United States. Boston: Allyn and
Bacon.
Stepick, A., Grenier, G., Castro, M., & Dunn, M. (2004). This Land is Our Land: Immigrants
and Power in Miami. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Stepick, A., & Stepick, C. D. (2002). Becoming American, constructing ethnicity: Immigrant
youth and civic engagement. Applied Developmental Science, 6(4), 246–257.
Stepick, A., Stepick, C. D., Eugene, E., Teed, D., & Labissiere, Y. (2001). Shifting identi-
ties and inter-generational conflict: Growing up Haitian in Miami. In R. Rumbaut & A.
Portes (Eds.), Ethnicities: Children of immigrants in America (pp. 229–266). Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, Russell Sage Press.
Suárez-Orozco, C., & Suárez-Orozco, M. M. (2001). Children of Immigration. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press.
Telles, E. E., & Ortiz, V. (2009). Generations of Exclusion: Mexican Americans, Assimilation, and
Race. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.
Zhou, M., and Bankston III, C. L. (1998). Growing up American: How Vietnamese Children
Adapt to Life in the United States. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.
 preface
Personal Experiences of Acculturation

Some may say I was born to be an anthropologist. I am the son of a Sicilian

Protestant father and German Jewish mother. Both my parents were Spanish
teachers. I was a three Sunday Unitarian and then raised Jewish from the
fifth grade onward and confirmed in a Reform Synagogue. I am a professor
and medical anthropologist at Rutgers University where I conduct research
on Latino health and mental health issues, as well as acculturation among
diverse ethnic groups in the United States. As is the dream of immigrant par-
ents, I have achieved an upper middle-class status through higher education,
becoming the first Ph.D. in my extended family. Educational attainment was
very much part of my family’s project of acculturation, just as it is of many of
the students I interviewed for Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to
Higher Education.
My understandings of acculturation, an organizing framework for this
book, come from a wide range of personal and research experiences,1 starting
with the stories of my parents’ families that I grew up with. These personal
experiences were some of the important stimuli for this book and they provide
windows into my thinking about acculturation and educational success.
My father was the youngest of nine brothers and sisters born to Sicilian
parents who immigrated to the United States in the early 1900s. My pater-
nal grandparents, who died before I was born, came to the U.S. after my
xx immigration, diversity and student journeys

grandfather was converted to Protestantism in the military and tried to start

a Protestant congregation in the town of Pachino, Sicily. He and his family
settled in Wakefield, MA, where there were jobs in the shoe industry (my
grandfather had been a shoemaker in Sicily). My father and two brothers were
born in the U.S. The six older siblings were born in Sicily. My grandparents
never spoke English and my father only spoke Sicilian until he went to school.
All but the two oldest siblings went to college and became educators.
From my father’s stories, I learned several lessons about the processes of
acculturation and educational attainment. Acculturation often begins in the
country of origin. My grandfather was influenced to change religions by an
Austrian army officer he worked for. This change in religion set off a cas-
cade of events that led to my father’s family coming to the United States.
Acculturation is not without its costs, but it also brings benefits. Like many
contemporary immigrant families, my father’s family attained social mobility
through education—a story repeated many times by the subjects of Immigra-
tion, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education.
Language use is central to the experience of acculturation. My father’s
family was held together in part by speaking Sicilian. At the same time, all my
aunts and uncles learned English well, and my father and his brother learned
and taught Italian and Spanish. Language use is highly charged. My father
told stories of being criticized for speaking Sicilian in Italian class because he
was not speaking proper Italian.
My mother’s family story is quite different, and the contrasts provide
further insights into the themes of this book. My mother’s parents, who
I knew well, had their family origins in the German speaking part of the
Alsace-Lorraine region. Their families left Europe in the mid-1800s because
of the conflicts leading up to the Franco-Prussian wars. As has often been
the case, European wars were particularly perilous for Jewish populations.
As both my maternal grandparents were born in the U.S., English was their
primary language. My grandfather’s family arrived first in New Orleans,
then made their way through Ohio and finally to New York City. While my
great-grandfather was born in Germany, my great-grandmother was born in
Louisiana. In Ohio, my grandfather’s family became involved in the Reform
Judaism movement. By the time I knew my grandparents they were assimi-
lated Jews.
From my mother’s parents’ stories, I learned about the diversity of the
Jewish experience. My grandparents came two generations before the Holo-
caust and were not shaped by that experience in terms of personal losses,
 preface xxi

though they would never buy a German car. The different histories of the
Jews in Europe led to different waves of migration. The time periods when my
grandparents immigrated, the reasons they left, and the U.S. they came to all
shaped their acculturation experiences.
Religion was another marker of acculturation and another indicator of
the particular history of nineteenth century Jewish migration. My grandpar-
ents arrived before the large influx of Jews from Eastern Europe and felt tre-
mendous pressure to assimilate. The goal of my grandparents’ generation of
German Reform Jews was to become American as quickly as possible. Yet they
maintained strong Jewish identities, in part by living in a Jewish enclave on
Long Island.
For my mother’s parents’ family, mobility was possible through business
rather than education. Intergenerational progress was marked by moving from
the poultry business to more luxury occupations; my grandfather was a jeweler
on Fifth Avenue in New York City. Depending on histories and the opportu-
nities available, acculturation strategies differ markedly. Furthermore, both
my mother and her brother went to college.
My parents met at the Middlebury College Summer Spanish School,
where my father’s brother was a professor. My mother was a Spanish major
at Connecticut College. My father was seeking to improve his Spanish as
he transitioned to teaching the language with the disappearance of jobs for
Italian teachers after World War II. My parents both became Spanish teachers
and aspects of Hispanic culture became an adopted third culture of our family.
While our family life was filled with elements of German Jewish and Sicilian
cultures, this third culture has shaped much of my personal, professional, and
academic life.
I decided to write this personal narrative of acculturation to place myself
in the book. This is more than an academic project. It reflects my personal
and family journeys. I hope that this fuller understanding of my own position
in the research provides an additional dimension to Immigration, Diversity and
Student Journeys to Higher Education.

Note
1. This Preface was inspired by two papers by Floyd Rudmin (2010a, 2010b). In these papers,
he argues for using reflections on personal experience to revitalize research on accultura-
tion. He uses his own acculturation experiences to highlight new questions for accultura-
tion research. I follow his lead in discussing my own experiences.
xxii immigration, diversity and student journeys

References
Rudmin, F. (2010a). Editorial: Steps toward the renovation of acculturation research para-
digms: What scientists’ personal experiences of migration might tell science. Culture &
Psychology, 16, 299–312.
Rudmin, F. (2010b). Phenomenology of acculturation: Retrospective reports from the Philip-
pines, Japan, Quebec and Norway. Culture & Psychology, 16, 313–332.
 acknowledgments

A great debt of gratitude goes to the Rutgers student cultural organizations

who welcomed me to their meetings and were excited about the project. The
student participants in the research project were sharp, insightful, and com-
mitted to making sure that I understood their acculturation experiences and
their journeys to higher education. Immigration, Diversity and Student Jour-
neys to Higher Education would not have been possible without them. Due to
human subjects’ requirements, I cannot identify the groups nor student partic-
ipants by name. But they should know that I deeply value their engagement in
the project and the depth of their wisdom about the experiences of immigrant
students in their pursuit of their dreams of educational success.
The research reported in this book was supported by Award Number
R21HD065053 from the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child
Health and Human Development (NICHD) of the National Institutes of
Health. The content is solely the responsibility of the author and does not
necessarily represent the official views of NICHD nor of the National Insti-
tutes of Health.
I owe a huge debt of gratitude to Manfredi (Fred) Giliberti, who served as
Program Coordinator for the entirety of the research project. Fred’s enthusi-
asm and his organizational skills were invaluable to the effort. His own expe-
riences as an immigrant from southern Italy further enriched his contributions
xxiv immigration, diversity and student journeys

the study. He ably organized all the focus groups, managed the transcription of
the focus group recordings, kept excellent records of all phases of the project,
helped supervise the undergraduate research assistants, and was involved in
all aspects of the quantitative and qualitative data analysis. He did this all
with a wonderful attitude and great style. He also designed all the graphics for
the study. He was willing to stretch himself to learn new things and he always
came through brilliantly.
Igda Martinez was involved in the pilot work to plan for the study and
consulted to the project on the qualitative analysis. Igda and I have been col-
leagues since she was an undergraduate, through graduate school and then as
a postdoctoral fellow at the Rutgers Institute for Health. We have published
many papers together. We did three pilot focus groups that served as a strong
basis for the NICHD application and for her subsequent consulting on quali-
tative analysis of the focus groups.
Carolina Hausmann-Stabile joined me as a postdoctoral fellow after com-
pleting her doctorate in Social Work at Washington University in St. Louis.
Carolina’s strong qualitative skills were a tremendous asset to the project; she
was deeply involved in the coding of the focus group interviews. Carolina and
I authored a review paper on the history of acculturation in anthropology that
sharpened my thinking about this topic. She also read multiple drafts of the
book chapters and provided invaluable feedback to improve the manuscript.
I was fortunate to have an outstanding group of undergraduate research
assistants. Some were funded by the NICHD grant and several were sup-
ported by the Rutgers Aresty Research Center that promotes undergraduate
research. Many were themselves immigrant students and shared their insights
throughout their involvement with the project. The team of research assis-
tants included Nicole Hernandez, Nicholas Hughes, Shaili Kapadia, Xiaoyu
Anna Li, Nina Macapinlac, Musunga Mulenga, Reza Razvi, Hima Sathian,
Ireh Shin and Maryann Torres. In addition, Crystal Bedley, a graduate student
in Sociology, assisted in the coding process.
I want to thank the chairs of the ethnic studies programs at Rutgers Uni-
versity for sharing their insights about the project: Rick Lee, Coordinator of
Asian-American studies programming; Nelson Maldonado-Torres, Department
of Latino and Caribbean Studies; and Edward Ramsamy, Department of Afri-
cana Studies. Their supportive and critical comments particularly informed my
thinking about the implications of the study for Rutgers and beyond.
The heads of the Rutgers Cultural Centers and Douglass Global Village were
very supportive in connecting me with the student cultural groups and recruit-
ing for the focus groups. They included Ji Hyun Lee of the Asian-American
 acknowledgments xxv

Cultural Center, Carlos Fernandez of the Center for Latino Arts and Culture,
and Prosper Godonoo, former director of the Paul Robeson Cultural Center. Ria
DasGupta was former director of The Douglass Global Village.
Andrew Fuligni, UCLA, and Krista Perreira, UNC-Chapel Hill, provided
invaluable consultation during the development of the project. Their insights
were particularly helpful in developing the questionnaire for the focus groups.
Their work on immigrant youth was an inspiration to this project.
I want to thank my colleagues in the Department of Human Ecology at
Rutgers, and especially William Hallman, chair, for their support of a year
without teaching in order to finish the book.
From 1994–1995 I spent a wonderful year at the Russell Sage Founda-
tion. It was at RSF that I was first introduced to the studies of second genera-
tion students in high school. I was particularly fortunate to get to know Alex
Stepick well. Alex graciously agreed to write the Foreword to this book.
I received able assistance from Erica Wassall and ADA Transcription for
timely and accurate transcripts. Fred Giliberti and I greatly benefitted from
attending the Professional Development Workshop on qualitative research
and the Atlas.ti software offered by the Social Science Data Library at Temple
University and Research Talk, Inc.
I want to thank Peter Lang Publishers for their skill at bringing this book
to fruition. The initial anonymous reviewers of the book proposal provided
supportive criticism and important suggestions of additional literature. I want
to especially acknowledge Dr. Virginia Stead, who enthusiastically accepted
the book into her series on Equity in Higher Education Theory, Policy, and
Praxis. Dr. Stead ably reviewed the book and prepared it for publication. I
also want to thank Sarah Bode and Megan Madden, editors at the Peter Lang
Education List who efficiently took the book through the editorial process,
and Jennifer Beszley, who managed the production process.
I want to thank my parents, Paul Guarnaccia and Helene Sulzer Guarnac-
cia, for raising me with a strong sense of the value of cultural and linguistic
diversity, and my aunt, Elizabeth Guarnaccia, who supported my own journey
to a Ph.D.
I want to thank Steven Guarnaccia, my brother and Associate Professor
of Illustration at Parsons The New School for Design, for the creative cover
illustration for the book.
Very special thanks are due to Linda Melamed, my wife, for all her support
over the past more than 40 years. She has been especially engaged in this proj-
ect through her comments on several drafts of the book and her careful and
tireless editing of the manuscript.
 introduction
Why Are the Links Among Immigration, Acculturation
and Educational Attainment Important?

The research considers us successful because we made it to college. I think we

wouldn’t be here without our parents. That’s just the bottom line. Our parents had
so much personal drive and so much dedication to bring us to where we are now.1
—Korean student

Reflection
I am standing in front of my class getting ready to call the roster. I take a
breath and look at the list to prepare myself to say the names as best I can. I
go down the list of names: Ajemian, Ancontentani, Birnbaum, Chiu, Dough-
erty, Gajda, Hernandez, Igo, January, Laakso, Levy, Magaya, Mizrahi, Nashaf,
Nguyen, Ogunnowo, Patel, Piccirillo, Qammouh, Razvi, Rosas, Schevchenko,
Sliwecki, Tang, Vinh, Waleed, Walter2—the whole world sits in front of me!
I have been a professor at Rutgers University, a large northeastern public
research university, for more than three decades now. As I have taught my
classes, I have been very aware of the growing number and increasing diver-
sity of immigrant students at the University. I define immigrant students as
either students who immigrated with their family to the U.S. at a young age
or were born of at least one immigrant parent. Kim and Díaz (2013, pg. 4) pro-
vide a similar definition of immigrant students as “students who have moved
2 immigration, diversity and student journeys

to the United States from abroad at some point in their lives and (intend to)
live here permanently as well as those who were born in the United States
with at least one immigrant parent.”
I have been reading about the challenges immigrant students face in
public secondary schools and in going on to college (Kasinitz, Mollenkopf,
& Waters, 2004; Kasinitz, Mollenkopf, Waters, & Holdaway, 2008; Portes
& Fernandez-Kelly, 2008; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Stepick, Nicholas, &
Stepick, 2008; Stepick & Stepick, 2003; Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco,
2001; Suarez-Orozco, Suarez-Orozco, & Todorova, 2008). Now I am looking
at a classroom full of immigrant students who have been successfully admitted
to a major public research university. I have been thinking a lot about the
meanings of acculturation and how the process affects the journey to higher
education. Sitting in my classroom and throughout the University were my
experts on what it is like to go through these processes. Immigration, Diversity
and Student Journeys to Higher Education presents and analyzes my research to
better understand the journeys of immigrant students to higher education.
My interest in acculturation research initially developed through my long
involvement in Latino mental health research in Puerto Rico and the U.S. I
have worked on several complex studies that utilize large, sophisticated data
sets collected by colleagues who were epidemiologists and mental health ser-
vices researchers (Alegria et al., 2004; Guarnaccia, Canino, Rubio-Stipec, &
Bravo, 1993; Guarnaccia, Martinez, Ramirez, & Canino, 2005; Guarnaccia
et al., 2010). As the anthropologist on the research team, I had often been
asked how to best assess acculturation and was dissatisfied with the tools
available (Guarnaccia et al., 2007; Guarnaccia, 2009).
In 2011, I received funding from the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National
Institute of Child Health and Human Development [NICHD] to carry out
a multi-year, mixed methods, in-depth research project that could help bet-
ter understand the journeys of immigrant students to higher education and
improve acculturation theory and methods. Immigration, Diversity and Student
Journeys to Higher Education is the product of that research study.

Framing of the Book

The second half of the twentieth and beginning of the twenty-first centu-
ries have seen massive movements of people from Latin America, Asia, and
Africa, as well as Europe, to the United States. In 2013, 232 million people,
or about 3.2 percent of the world’s population, were migrants (United Nations
 introduction 3

Population Fund, 2014). The U.S. has attracted approximately 20 percent of

those migrants from across the globe and in 2013 over 41 million immigrants
lived in the U.S. (Zong & Batalova, 2015). Combined, recent immigrants and
their children now make up about a quarter of the U.S. population. Immi-
grants to the U.S. have been more diverse than ever. People of Mexican origin
comprise 28 percent of the immigrant population in the U.S., followed by
Chinese (5.6 percent), and Indians (4.8 percent) (Zong & Batalova, 2015).
Never before in the country’s history have we witnessed such diversity among
our immigrant population.
Like the European immigrants of the early twentieth century, these new
arrivals formed ethnic enclaves and created a variety of cultural communities
(Portes & Rumbaut, 1996). Unlike the earlier immigrants, most of the new
wave of immigrants were racially different from the broader society and faced
different challenges of acculturation. Due to rapid changes in technology (such
as WhatsApp), many of these new immigrants also maintained strong transna-
tional ties with their home communities and countries (Glick Schiller, Basch,
& Szanton Blanc, 1995; Smith, 2006), which sustained language and culture
in ways quite different from the earlier European immigrants.
These rapid changes in the cultural make-up of the U.S. population make
understanding processes of acculturation and their relation to successful social
adjustment critical issues (American Psychological Association [APA], 2012).
The key question Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Educa-
tion seeks to answer is: how do immigrant students balance the complex pro-
cesses of learning and maintaining their family cultures while simultaneously
learning U.S. culture to successfully get to college? This balancing process is
termed acculturation in anthropology and, with somewhat differing mean-
ings, in psychology and sociology as well (Guarnaccia & Hausmann-Stabile,
2016). The book investigates the journeys that immigrant college students
travel while pursuing their educational dreams. While the study was done at
one university, the themes and issues it addresses are much broader in scope.
The research maintains a creative tension between examining the specifics of
these processes for immigrant students going to college and making a broader
argument about acculturation.

Studying Culture Change and Acculturation

Anthropologists’ contributions to the study of cultural change are timely in
light of the increasing number of people of different backgrounds who are
4 immigration, diversity and student journeys

migrating around the globe and settling in new communities. By examining

the anthropological literature on acculturation going back to the “Memo-
randum” by Redfield, Linton, and Herskovits (1936), I construct a theoret-
ical framework for understanding immigrants’ experiences, and especially
their journey to higher education (Guarnaccia & Hausmann-Stabile, 2016).
While it is important to acknowledge the pitfalls of anthropology’s past study
of acculturation, there are important features of the anthropological accul-
turation construct, as compared to those in other social science fields, which
continue to be relevant today.
In 1936, Robert Redfield, Ralph Linton and Melville Herskovits published
a “Memorandum for the Study of Acculturation” in the American Anthropol-
ogist. The Memorandum (or Memo), funded by the Social Science Research
Council, put forth a coherent framework for social science research on accul-
turation. Even though the Memo’s proposed framework was in skeletal form at
the time of its publication, it provided a broad blueprint that is still applicable
to this day. This section presents a selective review of the anthropological
literature to highlight the key dimensions of an anthropological approach to
acculturation.3
Written by three of the giants of anthropology of their time, the Memo
(Redfield et al., 1936) was intended as both an assessment of previous research
and a template for where the study of acculturation should go. Besides pro-
viding a definition of acculturation, the Memo outlined a basic roadmap of
elements to consider in the analysis of the processes and outcomes of accul-
turation. Redfield et al. (1936) defined acculturation this way: “Accultura-
tion comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of individuals
having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with sub-
sequent changes in the original cultural patterns of either or both groups”
(p. 149). The authors defined three potential results of acculturation processes
that were later echoed in the sociological and psychological literature. The
first potential outcome was acceptance. In acceptance, one group lost most
of their cultural heritage and took on the cultural traits of the other group;
this process was what sociology labeled as assimilation. A second potential
result was adaptation, which involved combining new and original cultural
features into a “historical mosaic” (1936, p. 148). A third possible result was
reaction, in which counter-acculturative movements arose in response to
cultural oppression. Reaction could result from a sense of pride in the older
culture, as well as compensation for attitudes of discrimination from one
culture towards the other.
 introduction 5

In 1953, almost two decades after the Memo, four anthropologists (Homer
Barnett, Bernard Siegel, Evon Vogt, and James Watson) and one sociologist
(Leonard Broom) spent two months reviewing the status of acculturation
research (Social Science Research Council [SSRC] Summer Seminar on
Acculturation, 1953). The researchers were not naïve to the impacts of forced
acculturation on minority groups; Bloom had studied the Japanese intern-
ments during World War II and Vogt had worked with Indigenous peoples
in the Southwest and in Mexico. They posited that acculturation situations
presented the best opportunities for understanding “cultural dynamics.” Their
work was a critique of more static and de-contextualized views of culture in
anthropology, and built on Herskovits’ (1941) critique of the anti-historical
stance of much of anthropology at the time.
Their contrast of the anthropological study of acculturation and the
sociological study of assimilation is worth reviewing. The authors argued
that for the assimilation of one group by another to occur two conditions
were necessary: the assimilating group had to learn the culture of the other
group, and the other group had to allow the assimilating group to partici-
pate fully in society, thus developing an important political dimension to
the research. They noted that complete assimilation was rare in actuality.
The members of the SSRC Summer Seminar (1953) contrasted sociology’s
focus on immigrants to the U.S. with anthropology’s focus on non-immi-
grant and non-Western peoples. The authors argued that most immigrants
to the U.S. had been from Western Europe and that both immigrants and
those in power shared a commitment to assimilation. They pointed out that
in anthropological studies globally, the West had come as colonizers to the
societies where anthropologists were conducting their research. Thus, there
was much more tension between cultural groups and much more resistance
to assimilation among those who were being colonized (SSRC Summer
Seminar, 1953, p. 989).
The authors also argued that “language communication is a principal
medium for the flow of cultural elements and provides an important clue for
assessing the dynamics of this transfer” (1953, p. 994). They highlighted the
development of multilingualism and also the development of creolized lan-
guages. They posited that in studying acculturation it was critical to examine
the social characteristics of those who became multilingual, of the situational
nature of the use of one language over another, and the processes for develop-
ing skills in multiple languages (these issues are discussed in Chapter Two on
language issues).
6 immigration, diversity and student journeys

Melford Spiro (1955) made a compelling case for anthropology to exam-

ine the issue of the acculturation of U.S. ethnic groups. Spiro questioned
why anthropologists had focused so extensively on the study of acculturation
globally when the phenomenon was also happening closer to home, among
immigrant groups living in the U.S. He observed that under colonial condi-
tions, acculturation processes involved a numerically smaller, but politically
more dominant group imposing its culture on the local group and threatening
that group’s integrity. In contrast, in the U.S., the cultures that immigrants
brought with them were under pressure from a larger and politically more
dominant group. Spiro (1955) saw in these two different situations an oppor-
tunity for developing comparative acculturation research.
Spiro (1955) also noted that family, food choices, and religion often
changed at a slower pace than other aspects of culture, and that they served as
additional buffers against discrimination from the larger society. In the accul-
turation processes undergone within families, parents were the maintainers
of cultural continuity, while children became the agents of change. He noted
that this results in intergenerational tensions that pose threats to family unity.
In Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education, maintain-
ing family culture is an important strategy for promoting children’s success in
academic settings (see Chapter One on ethnic identity and Chapter Two on
language).
Just a few years after Spiro’s (1955) article, Ralph Beals (1962) reviewed
the literature on acculturation again and organized his critique in two areas:
the conceptualization of acculturation and the methodological issues of its
study. One key feature of U.S. studies of acculturation was the use of the con-
cept of force. Acculturation processes often involved one group forcing the
other to change its culture. While that force could be overt, force could also
be indirect through psychological and other means. Beals (1962) made the
important point that acculturation had always been a dynamic process that
provided an opportunity to compare processes of change. Beals argued that
quantification of acculturation assessments was important to allow for the
comparability of studies, but that quantification was not a goal itself.
In 1974, the sociologists Teske and Nelson provided an insightful analysis
of acculturation and assimilation in their article for the American Ethnologist.
Teske and Nelson (1974) argued that acculturation was a “dynamic process,”
rather than a single event. They also highlighted that acculturation was a
group rather than individual process, because the process was initiated by the
encounter between cultural groups. The authors posited that acculturation
 introduction 7

was almost always a two-way process (1974, p. 354). They highlighted the
roles of power and dominance in acculturation processes; dominance occurred
through political processes of the application of power as well as through nor-
mative processes where one group was viewed as superior to the other. They
suggested that assimilation always required the incorporation of one group
into another, while acculturation had many potential outcomes in the rela-
tionships between groups in cultural contact.
Within psychology and sociology, there have been major reassessments
of the field of acculturation research (Brubaker, 2001; Chirkov, 2009; Glazer,
1993; Rudmin, 2003, 2009). Chirkov (2009) faulted previous work in psy-
chology as (a) being overly concerned with finding universal processes; (b)
using simple quantitative measures that do not accurately assess accultura-
tion; (c) misunderstanding the centrality of language to culture; and (d) rely-
ing on cross-sectional studies using quantification and statistics that cannot
possibly assess the diversity and complexity of acculturation processes. He
argued that psychological research on acculturation had been both ahistorical
and acultural.
Brubaker (2001) argued against the return of the “old assimilation” in
sociology with its assumptions about homogenization and conformity to some
imagined and often imposed national culture. He explained that his changing
understanding had “… entailed a shift from an assimilationist understanding
of assimilation—a global empirical expectation and normative endorsement
of assimilation—to an agnostic stance, varying by domain and reference pop-
ulation, concerning both the likelihood and the desirability of assimilation”
(2001, p. 544). Often these reviews and critiques pointed back to the anthro-
pological approach to acculturation research in all its dynamic complexity
and historical specificity.
Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education incorpo-
rates a revitalized anthropological approach to acculturation and proposes an
expanded definition of this key concept. Acculturation is a complex process
in a multicultural context that encompasses both enculturation and assimi-
lation. Enculturation comprises the processes that individuals, families and
communities go through to learn and maintain the culture or cultures from
their countries of origin. Assimilation refers to the processes of adopting
cultural features from a population in a new country. Acculturation is the
broadest process that can take multiple forms and directions depending on the
changing social contexts of different cultural groups in contact. Acculturation
involves a range of forms of cultural learning and practice.
8 immigration, diversity and student journeys

Key features of anthropological approaches to acculturation include an

emphasis on the dynamics rather than the traits of acculturation; a focus on
the complex and changing balance between maintaining the culture of origin
and adopting the new culture; and an analysis of the role of the power dynam-
ics in the larger society on these processes. Anthropologists have identified
several key dimensions of culture change. These include the nature of the cul-
tural contact and the groups involved; whether contact was friendly or hos-
tile; whether the two groups were similar in numbers or forcefulness of their
cultures; and which cultural elements were accepted or rejected. Another
key dimension of the contact was the role of political dominance and social
inequality between groups. It is critical to examine the processes of accultura-
tion in terms of which cultural practices are permitted and which are prohib-
ited by the larger society, which traits are accepted and which are resisted, and
the reasons for acceptance or rejection. These social and political processes
are often promoted by social institutions, with schools playing a central role.
Acculturation occurs in a broad social, ecological, and economic context
and is strongly shaped by these dimensions. At the same time, the historical
dimensions of acculturation processes are important to research, as the spec-
ificities are essential to understanding acculturation processes. Acculturation
research benefits by embracing comparative studies, especially in situations
where multiple groups are entering the same social context and responding
in diverse ways. Methodologically, acculturation studies should incorporate
qualitative and quantitative methods to capture the dynamism of accultura-
tion. Research methods that allow investigators to understand acculturation
processes from the perspective of those going through it are critical.
Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education examines
acculturation as a complex and multidirectional process that influences the
pathways to higher education. Acculturation is a guiding theoretical frame-
work for understanding and analyzing the stories of the students who par-
ticipated in this project. Students’ individual acculturation trajectories are
contextualized within families, schools, neighborhoods and communities.
Many students reconnected to their family cultures at Rutgers University
when they joined one of many cultural organizations and met many other
students from similar backgrounds. Experiences of discrimination and racism,
on the one hand, and policies fostering successful acculturation, on the other,
matter in shaping students’ acculturation trajectories.
A more detailed, nuanced analysis of acculturation can identify what
social and cultural capital are needed to successfully navigate growing up
 introduction 9

multicultural and being admitted to college. I follow Bourdieu (1986) in

defining different kinds of capital. Briefly, cultural capital refers to a range
of knowledge and skills, such as language abilities, a person acquires through
schooling, family cultural resources and life experience. Social capital refers
to the range of networks, connections and resources a person can draw on to
achieve some goal, including mentors who might help successfully transition
to college.
The book identifies similarities and differences across diverse groups of
immigrants. This study was intentionally comparative across the wide diver-
sity of cultural groups at Rutgers University.

Studies of Immigrant Students in College

Immigrant populations in higher education are fundamentally misunderstood, mis-
characterized, and understudied. There is simply insufficient research to inform
a comprehensive understanding of the experiences and outcomes of immigrant
students. …
—Ternashi, Martin, & Suarez-Orozco (2013, p. 1)

One innovation of Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Edu-

cation is that it focuses on immigrant students in the U.S. who are successfully
admitted to college, a critical area as the quote above indicates. This book
complements the literature on the adaptation and adjustment of immigrant
and second-generation young adults to educational settings. Several excel-
lent studies have examined the processes of educational attainment among
immigrant secondary school students (Kasinitz et al., 2004, 2008; Portes &
Fernandez-Kelly, 2008; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Stepick et al., 2008; Stepick
& Stepick, 2003; Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001; Suarez-Orozco et al.,
2008). These scholars have looked across ethnic groups and across the U.S.
to examine the factors that influence how students adapt to U.S. society and
what factors predict their academic achievement and social integration in sec-
ondary schools. This book builds on and extends their findings by focusing on
educational success in college among immigrant youth and the development
of skills to support successful, productive, and healthy adult lives (Fuligni &
Witkow, 2004; Glick & White, 2003; Louie, 2004, 2012; Portes & Fernandez-
Kelly, 2008).
Although national surveys have indicated that the majority of immigrant
parents expect their children to attend higher education (Glick & White,
2003; Kao & Tienda, 1995), educational disparities exist between youth of
10 immigration, diversity and student journeys

immigrant backgrounds and U.S. children (Baum & Flores, 2011). Among
immigrant students, achievement trends varied greatly across immigrant youth
from different countries and cultures (Baum & Flores, 2011; Kao & Tienda,
1995; National Institutes of Health, 2004). Overall, Kao and Tienda (1995)
found that immigrant students had higher aspirations to attend college than
US-born youth. Baum and Flores (2011) documented that immigrants overall
were more likely to attain college degrees than US-born youth. But they also
noted great variation among immigrants; for example, Asian immigrants from
China, Japan and Korea had particularly high rates of college attainment as
compared to Southeast Asian immigrants from Vietnam and Cambodia.
Fewer studies have done in-depth studies of immigrant youth’s pathways
to college to understand how young adults successfully achieve admission and
make the transition to higher education (Kasinitz et al., 2008; Louie, 2004,
2012; Portes & Fernandez-Kelly, 2008). Inheriting the City, a study of diverse
immigrant secondary students in New York City, includes a chapter on edu-
cational attainment that follows the students into college. Interestingly the
chapter opens with the following quote (Kasinitz et al., 2008, p. 133):

Interviewer: What does it take to be successful?

Respondent: School. College. Because with a high school diploma you can get a
job, but you can’t get what you want and it’s a battle out there. In
order to compete you have to have the material. [West Indian woman,
age 25]

The chapter in Inheriting the City compares immigrants to US-born European

Americans, African Americans, and Puerto Ricans. The chapter builds its
argument using quantitative data, with a selection of informative quotes such
as the one above. About a quarter of Dominicans, South Americans, and West
Indians received a BA or more; more than 60 percent of Russians and Chinese
earned BA’s. The authors compared these data for immigrant students to U.S.-
born students; 50 percent of European Americans and less than 20 percent of
Puerto Ricans and African Americans attained BA’s. Thus, immigrant stu-
dents did as well or better than U.S.-born students in getting to college.
A notable set of papers on immigrant students’ transition to higher educa-
tion was published in The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social
Science (Portes & Fernandez-Kelly, 2008) in a special issue entitled “Excep-
tional Outcomes: Achievement in Education and Employment among Chil-
dren of Immigrants.” In this special issue, various authors discussed their studies
and their own experiences with the transition of immigrant youth to college.
 introduction 11

Collectively, the contributors described what Alvarado (2008) referred to as

the “formula for success” for immigrant youth. This formula included “‘tradi-
tional authoritative parenting’ … ‘really significant others’ … ‘cultural capital’”
(pp. 292–293). Later chapters of this book document this formula in action.
Rivas (2008) pointed out that “Exceptional Outcomes” is unique because
it studies students who succeed. In his commentary, he suggested that future
research analyze family definitions of success and the social context of immi-
grant families to more fully understand parental expectations of immigrant
young adults. These issues are central to this book.
Mora (2008) calls for more qualitative research that explores the cultural
strategies that immigrant young adults employ to navigate the various systems
they face, especially educational institutions. She further argues that such
research should explore familial relationships and how students hear their
parents’ messages and convert them into personal goals. These comments by
the authors in “Exceptional Outcomes,” several of whom have lived the tran-
sition first to college and then to graduate school, highlighted the importance
of in-depth, qualitative research that more fully explores the experiences
behind variables such as ethnic identity, family relationships, and academic
motivation. Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education
contributes to these kinds of insights.
There are a relatively small number of studies that explore in detail how
immigrant students translate their own and their families’ high academic aspi-
rations into college attainment (Baum & Flores, 2011; Kim & Díaz, 2013;
Louie, 2004, 2012). Kim and Díaz (2013) provide one of the most thorough
reviews of the research on immigrant students and higher education in the
ASHE Higher Education Report. Their summary statement of the needs for
future research match several of the goals of this book:

Despite the growing presence of immigrant students in the higher education land-
scape, there is a lack of empirical research on how immigrant students navigate tran-
sitions to college, psychosocial adjustment, cultural values, and academic and social
engagement, all factors that influence college persistence and success. We believe
building theoretical underpinnings that adequately explore the multiplicity of diverse
immigrant students’ experiences and contexts is necessary to the development and
implementation of effective policy, practice and research in higher education. (Kim
& Díaz, 2013, p. 25)

After a long section in their review where they examine the relevance of accul-
turation theory to studying immigrant students in higher education, Kim and
12 immigration, diversity and student journeys

Díaz (2013) call for studies that examine “the process by which immigrant-or-
igin students keep their cultural values intact while adjusting to educational
systems” (p. 33) in order to improve their journeys to higher education. Their
review provides both an argument and blueprint for the current book.
Vivian Louie (2004, 2012) has done excellent studies that provide inspi-
ration for this book. Compelled to Excel (2004) examined the experiences of
Chinese American students at a public and an elite university. Keeping the
Immigrant Bargain (2012) explored the college trajectories of Dominican and
Colombian immigrant students. Louie emphasized the “immigrant bargain”
where parents sacrificed to come to the U.S. so that their children had a better
chance for education and their children repaid them by excelling in college.
This theme emerged as well across the diverse students in my study, as the
opening quote to this chapter illustrates.
Louie (2004, 2012) also investigated the important roles of social diver-
sity across her studies and how family cultural and social capital affected the
trajectory of immigrant youth to higher education. She also looked at the role
of family and institutional supports in making the journey to higher educa-
tion successful. Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education
complements Louie’s valuable studies to provide broader perspectives from a
wider range of immigrant students on the roles of cultural and social capital
and how they are built by immigrant students to facilitate their journeys to
higher education.
Culturally Sustaining Pedagogy (Paris, 2012; Paris, & Alim, 2014) employs
the resource pedagogy approach to argue for the need for a shift in research on
and practice with multicultural and multilingual students in higher education.
While not initially informed by the culturally sustaining pedagogy approach,
the perspectives and findings in this book are very consonant with examin-
ing immigrant students from an assets approach. The book integrates anthro-
pological understandings of acculturation with the educational perspectives
contained in culturally sustaining pedagogy to inform our understanding of
the journeys of immigrant students to college. The book advocates for the
supports and multicultural, multilingual educational programs immigrant stu-
dents need to succeed (I return to these issues in the Conclusion).
In a similar vein, the book resonates with the Funds of Knowledge
approach to education (Moll, 2017; Moll, Amanti, Neff, & Gonzalez, 1992;
Moll & Arnot-Hopffer, 2005). Moll and colleagues, all higher education
researchers, describe Funds of Knowledge as the wide range of culture and
cognitive knowledge that households possess and provide to their children to
 introduction 13

foster educational success. This approach to family cultural and social capi-
tal is echoed through this book. Much of their work focuses on the benefits
of bilingualism (Moll, 2017) that is the focus of Chapter Two. Immigrant
families provide a wide range of cultural and social resources to support their
children’s journey to higher education (the focus of Chapter Three).
Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education examines
the multiple ways that immigrant college students tap into their families’ cul-
tural and social capital and learn how to navigate U.S. society to be successful
in gaining admission to college. The book builds on and complements the
literature reviewed in this section. By focusing in detail on the differing tra-
jectories of immigrant students at one large northeastern public research uni-
versity, the book provides a deeper understanding of the successful processes
of acculturation to U.S. society.

Methodological Orientation

Immigration, Diversity and Student Journeys to Higher Education examines the

successful educational trajectories of immigrant youth through careful inclu-
sion of a broad sampling of the diverse student body at Rutgers University.
For this project, I interviewed 160 immigrant young adults in 21 focus groups
(Merton, 2001) recruited from a subset of the over 50 student cultural orga-
nizations at the university. By immigrant students (Kim & Díaz, 2013, p. 4), I
mean students who have immigrated to the U.S. themselves (first generation;
N = 64) or who are children born in the U.S. of at least one immigrant parent
(second generation; N = 96).
The project was explicitly comparative across a diverse range of immi-
grant students in terms of countries of origin, social statuses, prior English
knowledge, family educational experiences, experiences of discrimination,
and a variety of social support systems. The final sample included 20 focus
groups: three African and Caribbean, eight Asian, five European, and four
Latino groups of six to twelve students each, largely from student cultural
organizations. The African and Caribbean groups were recruited through
the Paul Robeson Cultural Center at Rutgers University, the Latino groups
through the Center for Latino Arts and Culture, and the Asian groups through
the Asian American Cultural Center. The European groups were recruited
through their webpages. The twenty-first focus group included a diverse range
of students that cut across many of the cultural groups. Twelve percent of
participants were African or Caribbean students, 44 percent were Asian,
14 immigration, diversity and student journeys

21 percent were European, and 23 percent were Latino. While I am very

aware of the limitations of these broad ethnic categories, they were meaning-
ful to the student groups involved and to the analysis of the data, as they were
organized around the coherent themes of the cultural centers. They were also
useful for simplifying the presentation of data and for protecting the confiden-
tiality of the specific cultural organizations.
The Rutgers Institutional Review Board first approved this study in Octo-
ber of 2009 for pilot research. IRB approval has been continually renewed
through the data collection, analysis and writing phases of the study. The
study followed all the procedures described in the application and there were
never problems with subject participation in the study. In April of 2012, I
received a Certificate of Confidentiality from the Eunice Kennedy Shriver
National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) to
provide an additional level of protection to students in the study. The impetus
for applying for and receiving this extra level of protection was the receipt of
an e-mail communication from the Rutgers University President in February
of 2012 that the New York Police Department had carried out alleged sur-
veillance of Muslim students and Muslim student organizations on campus. I
felt it was very important to receive this enhanced level of protection for the
students participating in my study.
The focus groups were carried out from 2011 to 2013. Given the large
number of focus groups, it took considerable time to obtain approval from
each group and to complete the iterative process of recruiting the students,
interviewing the focus group, getting the recordings transcribed, and entering
the data. Student cultural organizations were contacted by the Project Coor-
dinator to request permission to recruit students for the study’s focus groups.
The cultural organizations provided written consent to participate in the proj-
ect. The Principal Investigator and Project Coordinator attended a meeting of
each organization, explained the study, answered questions, and had students
sign up to participate. The Project Coordinator then contacted interested stu-
dents to schedule the focus group. Focus groups were usually held in the eve-
ning at the Institute for Health, the host organization for the study, although
some were held at locations where student groups regularly met. All indi-
vidual participants signed a consent form prior to initiating the focus group.
We often served pizza as a snack as it was popular across the cultural groups
and it was easily adapted to fit the different dietary needs of the students. All
focus groups were digitally recorded and students received a $20 gift card for
participating. Before the conclusion of the focus group, students also filled
 introduction 15

out a structured questionnaire. 4 The questionnaire asked basic demographic

questions and a series of questions related to the aims of the study.
Students were also invited to submit a personal essay after the focus group.
These essays offered a chance for students to provide additional reflections.
Students could elaborate on issues in the focus group discussion and share
more personal experiences that they might not have been comfortable sharing
in the group. Following our instructions, these essays were up to three pages in
length; students received an additional $10 gift card for submitting the essay.
The essays were immediately de-identified and filed under a code number. I
received a total of 14 essays.
The focus groups followed a series of questions developed by the project
investigators (for the full Focus Group Guide see Appendix A). While a focus
group guide is meant to be a flexible tool to organize the group’s discussions,
all of the questions were usually asked by the end of the focus group. The key
questions asked in the focus groups included:

1. What kinds of things did your family do to help you maintain [your
culture of origin]?
2. What kinds of things did your family do to help you learn American
culture?
3. What was it like to learn English? How did learning English affect your
developing identity?
4. Now that you are in college, what expectations does your family have
of you in terms of being in contact with and helping family members?
5. Who encouraged you to set college as a goal and how did they help you
achieve it?
6. What obstacles or challenges did you face in applying to and getting
into college?
7. What helped you make it to college? What drove you to come to
college?
8. What kinds of things could high schools and communities do to help
children of immigrants achieve a college education?
9. What kinds of things could Rutgers University do to help children of
immigrants achieve a college education?

These questions worked very well across the full range and diversity of the focus
groups. The core material for the book came from the focus group discussions.
Quotes from the focus groups illustrate the major themes from this research.
Other documents randomly have
different content
Frisigense (Ott.) 152.
Fulmine (un) incendia l’Anf. Fl. 113, 126.
Fumi 157.
Fuscina 23.
Fusco (giostratore) 161.

Gabbie delle belve 56.

Gaetani 150.
Gara di riunire memorie sacre 289.
Garucci 195, 197, 302, 305, 308, 314.
Gatti (Giuseppe) 144, 190, 198, 207, 244.
Gaudenzio (lapide di Gaudenzio) 98; studio critico 285 e
segg.
Gaudenzio (S.) martire in Africa 323.
Gaudenzio (S.) di Novara 323.
Gaudenzio (S.) di Rimini 323.
Gaudenzio (S.) di Arezzo 323.
Gavazzi (P.) nel Colosseo 227.
Gellio 17.
Germani 115.
Geronimo (S.) 25, 50, 128.
Gerusalemme (dipinto che rappresenta) nel Colosseo 218.
Giampaoli 287.
Giostra di tori nell’Anf. Fl. (anno 1332) pag. 157 e segg.
Giovanni Crisostomo (S.) 270.
Giovanna (favolosa Papessa) 205.
Giovanni VII (casa di) 194.
Giovanni VIII (episcopio di) 150.
Giovanni Saresberiense 3.
Giovanni da Udine 44.
Giulia 272.
Giunia 271.
Giuochi Anf. 15; gladiatorî e venatorî 5.
Giuochi dati dagli Imp. 13; cessano del tutto 122.
Giuseppe Flavio 25, 32, 74, 78.
Gladiatori emeriti 15.
Gladiatori volontarî 20.
Gladiatori (salario dei) 21.
Gladiatori (nome dei) scritti su tavolette 21.
Gladiat. vinti deponevano le armi 22; (premî dei) vincitori 22;
damnati ad gladium 22: ad ludum; ib.; consacravano le
loro armi a Ercole 22.
Gladiat. Andabatae 25.
Gladiat. catervarii ib. (nota).
Gladiat. caesariani, ib.
Gladiat. cubicularii, ib.
Gladiat. dimachaeri, ib.
Gladiat. fiscales, ib.
Gladiat. laquearii, ib.
Gladiat. meridiani, ib.
Gladiat. pegmares, ib.
Gladiat. Postulaticii, ib.
Gladiat. supposititii, ib.
Gladiat. (Monumenti dei) 26.
Gnoli 279.
Gordiano III (spett. dati da) 113.
Gori Fabio 36, 39, 48, 52, 83, 101, 106, 110, 118, 120, 123,
152, 154, 163, 171, 190, 287, 306.
Goti 115, 121.
Gradatio 10.
Gradini esterni dell’Anf. 41.
Graffiti 16.
Graffiti sui gradini 75; nell’oratorio di S. Felicita 197; in un
altro Oratorio 199.
Graffito rinvenuto nel Colosseo negli scavi del 1874, pag.
239; altri graffiti 242.
Gregorio IX 133.
Gregorio XIII condanna a morte Ceccarelli falsificatore di
documenti 157.
Gregorio XVI 165; fa costruire sette arcate e restaura il terzo
portico 224.
Gregorovius 157.
Grimaldi 301, 304, 330.
Grimano (card. Domenico) 204.
Grisar (P.) 45, 46, 120, 121, 133, 148, 190, 273, 282, 283,
288, 299.
Gronow 288.
Gruter 311.
Guarini 8.
Guattani 9, 13, 32, 37, 41, 44, 96, 191, 222.
Guazzesi 9, 45.
Guerre Puniche 3.
Guerre Macedoniche 3.
Guiscardo (Roberto) 163.

Heinrichio 310.
Henzen 21, 23, 24, 25, 33, 74, 104, 106.
Hipogaea 9, 55.
Hochart (P.) 272.
Home (Leon) 88.
Hoplomachi 23.
Huelsen 60, 88, 130, 131, 201, 279, 330.
Hübner 33, 40, 65, 75, 78, 81, 82, 85.

Iansoni 318.
Iberi 115.
Ignazio (S.) martire 271, 283.
Incavature nella fronte dei piloni fra le mensole dell’arena
239.
Incendio nell’Anf. Fl. 126, 128.
Ingressi dell’Anf. Fl. 9, 54.
Innocenzo II 150, 151.
Innocenzo III 152.
Innocenzo IV 153.
Intagli (l’Anf. è privo d’) 43.
Ipogei dell’arena 55, 231; costruzione 233 (varie opinioni
sull’epoca della), (ivi).
Iscrizioni messe nell’esterno dell’Anf. (a. 1675) 221.
Iscrizioni a musaico nella Confessione Vaticana 300, 304.
Isidoro 22, 23, 24, 25, 312.
Itinera 9, 68.
Itinerario d’Einsiedeln 136.

Jacquier (P.) 40.

Jordan 80, 85, 136, 235, 325.

Kaibel 144.
Kirchmann 50.
Kraus 283.
Kaufmann 294.

L
Labanio Antiocheno 119.
Laberinto di Lesurnio 320.
Laerzio 23.
Lam 287.
Lampadio (restauri di) 121.
Lampridio 24, 54, 91, 109, 127, 282.
Lanciani R. 35, 40, 60, 64, 67, 82, 101, 107, 113, 118, 119,
125, 126, 128, 131, 144, 145, 157, 164, 165, 173, 175,
194, 199, 201, 205, 232, 235, 248, 251, 274, 276, 278.
Lanistae 21.
Laocoonte 143.
Lapidi pompeiane 14; con apici 301.
Lapide modenese 111.
Lapide dedicatoria 280.
Lapide di Furfone 302; con apici sugli I come quella di
Gaudenzio 303.
Lapide veliterna 57.
Lattanzio Firmano 118, 269.
Laureolo 19.
Legati 14.
Legato Pont. (vescovo d’Orvieto) scrive a Urbano V 164.
Legge roscia 11, 79, 80.
Leggi riguardanti i delitti e la pena di pugnare colle fiere 265.
Legione partica ad Albano 228.
Lentulo 5, 21.
Leonardo (S.) da Porto Maurizio 222.
Leone XII p. 176; fa edificare un contrafforte nel Colos. 224.
Leoni 18.
Libro Pont. (Ed. Duchesne) 135, 136, 329, 230.
Ligorio (Pirro) 100, 131, 288; criticato dal Marini 292.
Lipsio 10, 13, 25, 31, 32, 53.
Locus 11.
Lodovico della Polenta di Ravenna (giostratore) 159.
Lonigo 205.
Lübker 320.
Lucilla sorella di Commodo trama la congiura contro il
fratello 109.
Lucillo 59.
Lucio Fauno 49, 277.
Lucrezio 89.
Ludi (collegi) loro vastità 21; principali di Roma 21.
Ludi Castrensi 279.
Lugari (G. B. Card.) 143, 274, 275, 305, 321.
Lugari (Cav. Bernardo) 321.
Lupi, suo giudizio intorno alle lapidi 294, 293, 310.
Lupi al campo Teutonico 149.

Mabillon 207, 210, 287, 288.

Macchine 9, 105.
Macrino 126.
Maestri di glad. 20.
Maffei 10, 31, 37, 38, 39, 43, 46, 51, 68, 112, 113, 132; sua
opinione circa la voce «Colosseo» 138; 281, 282, 292,
307, 312.
Magnan 287.
Magnificenza degli spett. 6.
Mai (Card.) 195, 289, 292.
Mamachi 287.
Manica (bracciale) 24.
Mansuetarii 15, 16.
Manzi 157.
Marangoni 36, 97, 98, 99, 126, 132, 154, 167, 168, 191, 287,
289, 311.
Marco Aurelio dà spettacoli 108, 197.
Marco F. Nobiliore 5.
Marchi (P. G.) 311.
Mareri (De) Franciotto (giostratore) 161.
Maria 271.
Marini 24, 33, 82, 100, 132, 287, 289; sue schede 292, 312.
Marliani 277.
Marmorata (marmi grezzi di) 309.
Marquardt 78.
Marsilio Onorato 99.
Martignoni 276.
Martino (S.) 283.
Martinelli 49, 192.
Martiri (l’Anf. Fl. e i) 265 e segg.
Martirologio d’Usuardo 324.
Martirologio Geronimiano 329.
Martigny 283, 288.
Marucchi (O.) 98, 101, 195, 288, 293, 329.
Marziale descrive gli spettacoli dati sotto Domiziano nell’Anf.
Flavio 11, 12, 15, 16, 18, 19, 23, 32, 35, 36, 54, 60, 70, 80,
81, 86, 97, 103, 104, 105, 106, 138, 143, 245, 315, 320.
Masciano 50.
Masdeu 234.
Massimo 156.
Mazzolari 287.
Mazzucchelli 286.
Medaglie 37 e segg.; di Sev. Alessandro 113, 127; di
Faustina 125; di Gord. Pio 128, 262.
Medicus 21.
Meeting, nel Colosseo (1870) 229.
Meier 242.
Mellini (Benedetto) 190, 192, 194.
Memorie enciclopediche romane 69.
Menazzi (Attilio) 98, 286.
Meniani dell’Anf. Fl. 33.
Mercurio (testa di) nel museo Chiaramonti (Vaticano) 258.
Messius 130.
Mèta Sud. 37, 208.
Migne 324.
Milizia 71.
Mimo 54.
Mirabilia (libro delle) 145.
Myrmillones 23.
Minuzio 13.
Miseria del popolo romano 3.
Missio 22.
Mnesicle 320.
Modena 21.
Modesto e Vito (Ss.) 283.
Modiglioni 47.
Mommsen 33, 79, 301, 302, 304.
Monache (monastero di) nel Colosseo, parere degli scrittori
193.
Monaldeschi (giudizio sulla sua Historia) 157.
Monte Settimio 324; era sull’Oppio e non nel Cispio 326.
Monumenti deturpati 49, 50 (noncuranza dei) 51.
Monumenti dell’Ist. di Corrisp. Archeol. 16.
Mora (giuoco della) 3.
Morcelli 13, 195, 308, 312.
Moroni 167, 213.
Morti nelle giostre dei tori (a. 1332) pag. 161.
Motivi per cui si falsificavano le lapidi 291.
Munerarius 13, 20.
Müller 67, 325.
Müntz 279.
Munus 20.
Munus castrense 279, 280.
Muratori 17, 24, 25, 52, 97, 114, 117, 129, 152, 157, 206,
312.
Musaici del Museo Gregoriano 16; della Villa Borg. (Umberto
I) 26; Albani, ib., Pamphili, ib.
Museo epigrafico Pio Lateranense 297.
Museo di Catania 297.
Museo di Ravenna (arcivescovile) 297.
Museo di Verona 302.
Mussato (A.) 52, 154, 166.
Muzio 320.

Nardini 277, 278, 280, 325, 331.

Narcisso 272.
Nasica 5.
Naumachia 9, 36; nell’Anf. Fl. si celebrarono 245; gli scavi
l’han confermato 248.
Nereo 272.
Nerone proscrive il cristianesimo 266, 272; fa incendiare
Roma (ivi), 268.
Nibby 19, 31, 37, 38, 39, 44, 45, 47; sua opinione circa la
voce Colosseo 140; 49, 63, 97, 98, 120, 128, 157, 164,
173, 195, 234, 278, 280, 287, 306, 307, 314, 325, 328.
Niccolò V trasporta i travertini 173.
Nicchie arcuate nel perimetro dell’Ipogeo 236.
Nimes 8.
Nispi-Landi 9.
Nolli 36, 278.
Noris 310.
Numeriano 115.

Ocrea 24.
Oderici 309.
Olivetani (monaci) 172.
Olimpiade ricordata da S. Paolo 272.
Olivieri 152.
Omero 19.
Onorio e Arcadio 119.
Opus spicatum 61.
Oratorio di S. Felicita 195, motivo dell’erezione 195.
Oratorî (altri) vicini all’Anf. Fl. 198.
Orazio 79.
O’Reilly 287, 321.
Orelli 24.
Orfeo 106.
Origene 270.
Orsi 287.
Orsi della Dalmazia 16; della Libia 18.
Orsini (gli) nel mausoleo di Adriano e nel teatro di Marcello
149.
Orosio 269.
Orti Largiani 202.
Ospedale di S. Giacomo ad Colossaeum 167.
Ospedale Ss. Quad. 204.
Ovidio 8, 81, 86.
Ovum (l’Anf. detto) 8.

Padri di Cappadocia (testimonianza dei) intorno ai Ss.

Quaranta Martiri di Sebaste 204.
Palazzo Barberini e i trav. del Colosseo 174.
Palermo 5.
Palladio 274.
Palma 22, lemniscata 25.
Palmireni 115.
Pandette e codice di Giustiniano 317.
Panvinio 150, 152, 153, 277, 318.
Paoli (P. Angelo) 218.
Paolo (S.) 271.
Paolo Diacono 129.
Paolo Giuric. 14, 50, 265.
Paolo II e i trav. del Colosseo 173, 174.
Paparese, giostratore, 160.
Papi in Avignone 249.
Parcker (E.) 104, 129.
Parisotti 136.
Parma 23, Fig. illustrata dal Rich. 3.
Parricidî (condannati ad bestias) 271.
Pasquali (P.) 149.
Passio S. Perpetuae 271.
Passio S. Pionii (ivi).
Patroba 272.
Patroclo 19.
Pausania 106, 107, 117.
Pegma (macchina) 17, 60.
Perezio 317.
Peridromo, cosa fosse 108.
Perni metallici 48.
Perni di legno, ib.
Perni derubati 49.
Perni (proibizione di togliere i) 50.
Persiani 115.
Perside 272.
Petnene (Paolo Liello) 206.
Petrarca 163.
Petronio 20, 56.
Piale 195, 196, 287.
Piani dell’Anf. Fl. 42.
Pietra specolare 58.
Pietre tolte dagli edifici esistenti ed usate nelle nuove
fabbriche 35.
Pietre (cadute) del Colosseo messe in vendita 164.
Pietro (S.) esorta i nuovi cristiani alla costanza della fede
nella persecuzione neroniana 268.
Pietro Berrettini da Cortona 287.
Pighio 131.
Pinelli (card.) 273.
Pinnirapus 24.
Pio II, 168.
Pio IV 204, 211.
Pio V (S.) 208.
Pio VII 165, 176; ordina l’edificazione del contrafforte 223;
restaura l’interno 224.
Pio IX, 165, 176; restaura l’ingresso imperatorio 228.
Pizzamiglio 308.
Planesium 93.
Placido e Valentiniano 121, 129.
Plauto 59, 93.
Plebs, ove sedesse nell’Anf. 69.
Plinio 5, 6, 7, 14, 53, 67, 79, 89, 106, 117, 138, 139, 143,
266.
Plinio giun. interroga Traiano 268.
Podio 63 (parapetto del) (ivi); forma 64.
Poggio Fiorentino 171.
Poggio Braccioli 206.
Policarpo (S.) 271.
Pollici alzati e abbassati dal popolo 22.
Pollione 6.
Pompeo 6.
Pompili Olivieri 228.
Pomponio Leto 277.
Ponte di S. Maria restaurato coi materiali, caduti, dell’Anf. Fl.
209.
Pontifices ove sedessero nell’Anf. Fl. 70.
Porticus 10, 69.
Portico dell’Anf. convertito in deposito di letame per trarne
salnitro 217.
Portico d’Ottavia 320.
Porta libitinense 19, 54.
Porte Anfiteatrali 9.
Porte posticiae e non posticae 56.
Posi (Paolo) rinnova le edicole della V. Crucis 221.
Posti (distribuzione dei) 74.
Posti personali 77.
Pothier 269.
Praecinctiones 11, 63, 68.
Praelusio 22.
Pozzuoli (anfit. di) 55.
Pretestati 70.
Pretori 13.
Prigionieri venduti a maestri di scherma 21.
Primitivo (iscrizione del martire) 300.
Prisca ed Aquila 271.
Prisciano 320.
Prisco 22.
Probo (spett. dati da) 114.
Procopio 17, 275.
Procurator 21.
Profumo Prof. Attilio 266.
Promoteo 19.
Promis 288.
Properzio 8.
Propilei di Atene 220.
Provocatores 28.
Prudenzio 13, 65, 107; parla delle venationes 26; descrive
gli spett. 119, 269.

Quattro Santi Coronati 315.

Questori 13, 20.
Quintiliano 11, 12.
Quintilio Sulpicio Massimo 104.
Quinziano tenta la vita a Commodo 109.

R
Rabirio non fu l’architetto del Colosseo 97; lodato da
Marziale 320.
Rainaldo 153, 157, 165.
Randanini (marchesa Felice) 286, 300.
Re (Prof. Lorenzo) 233, 254.
Reggio 21.
Regionarii 88, 145.
Reimaro 255.
Rei di lesa maestà (condannati ad bestias) 271.
Reinesio 287.
Rete 23 (di fili d’oro) 67; come difendesse gli spettatori dagli
assalti delle fiere 68.
Reziario 22.
Riario (card.) e i trav. del Colosseo 174.
Ricchezze dei nobili 3.
Rich 23.
Ridolfi ab. Gaetano 253.
Rigaltius 24.
Ringhiera di bronzo 78.
Ripetta (ponte di) restaurato coi materiali, caduti, dell’Anf. Fl.
217.
Ritschel 79, 302, 305.
Robinson (Arm.) 271.
Rodope 106.
Roet 317.
Rohrbacher 288.
Roma, sue conquiste 3; disfatta subita dai suoi eserciti
pretorî e consolari 21.
Roma e l’Italia travagliate da dissensioni 157.
Romanelli 89.
Romani (cittadini) prima esenti per legge dalla pena della
damnatio ad bestias 270. Più tardi anche essi condannati
a quella pena 270.
Rosa (Comm. Pietro) fa togliere le piante che ricoprivano il
Colosseo 229.
Rosini 3.
Rossino (Pietro) 32.
Rovere (matrona) 157.
Rudes 22, 15.
Rudiarii 22.
Rufo Cecina Felice Lampadio restaura l’Anf. Fl. 129,
epigrafe (ivi).
Rufo ricordato da S. Paolo 272.
Ruinart 271.
Rulli d’avorio 67.

Sabatici 242.
Sabatini (F.) 151.
Sacerdotali (dignità) ove sedessero nell’Anf. 65, 70.
Sadeler (Marco) 150.
Sancta Sanctorum (compagnia di) al Colosseo 166; dona al
Pop. Romano il prezzo di certe pietre ecc. 169.
Sarmati 115.
Savella Orsina assiste alla giostra di tori (a. 1332) 168.
Savello (d’Anagni) giostratore 159.
Scacchi 3.
Scaglia (P. Sisto) 98, 100, 273, 288, 295, 307, 313.
Scalaria 11.
Scale 9.
Scale dei suggesti 55, 61.
Scaligero 310, 325.
Scauro 6, 7 (teatro di) 7.
Scavi (gli) eseguiti nell’Anf. Fl. 231; hanno rivelato essere
l’arena sostrutta e l’antico livello 236; oggetti rinvenuti nel
1874, pag. 241.
Scevola 50.
Scialoja (Senatore) 229.
Scipione Africano 6.
Schola dei venatores 281.
Scoperta importante a Nord dell’Anfiteatro Flavio sul declivio
dell’Oppio 244.
Scudo d’argento 24.
Scutillo (Gius.) 111.
Sebastiani (Antonio) 336.
Secutores 22.
Sedili 11, 76; a chi spettassero (ivi); come si perdesse il
diritto di occuparli (ivi).
Seggiole 12, curuli 12.
Segno d’abbrevazione sulle lettere 312.
Sempronio e compagni (Ss.) 283.
Senatori, ove sedessero 65, 76.
Seneca 3, 5, 6, 12, 19, 23, 25, 37, 60.
Sepolcro Apostolico dell’Appia (iscrizione damasiana) 304.
Septi 281.
Serlio 96.
Servio 20, 21.
Settimio (monte) 324.
Settimio Severo fa celebrare spettacoli 111.
Settizonio di Severo nelle mani dei Frangipani 149.
Severano 288.
Severo Ales. restaura l’Anf. 113.
Sezione dell’Anf. Fl. 52.
Sica 23.
Sifilino 255.
Signore (nomi delle) che visitarono gli scavi del cim. di S.
Agnese 290.
Signorili Niccolò 194, 205, 207, 208.
Silla 6.
Silloge di Closterneubourg 272.
Silloge di Göttwel 272.
Silloge (mariniana) 133.
Silloge di Tours 272.
Silverio (S.) 121.
Simmaco 16.
Simonetti Mons. Raniero pubblica un editto per ordine di
Benedetto XIV. 219.
Sisto III 272.
Sisto IV 204.
Sisto V 175; progetta grandiosi lavori nell’Anf. Fl. 209.
Sodalizio degli Amanti di Gesù e Maria nel Colosseo 222.
Soldati (Ss.) CCLXII 283.
Sollier 324.
Sotterranei dell’Anf. Fl. 55, 231.
Spagna e Portogallo (iscrizioni della) hanno i punti sugli I.
300.
Sphaeromachia 3.
Sparsiones 12.
Spartaco 21.
Sparziano 106, 107, 137, 320.
Speco nell’Anf. 284, 251.
Spese (somme) nell’edificazione dell’A. F. 40.
Spettacoli bramati dal popolo 34; dati nell’Anf. Flav.
dall’inaugurazione al secolo VI 103.
Spettacoli circensi 4.
Spettacoli gladiat. 4, 5, 19, 20.
Spettacoli sacri agli dei 12; occasione in cui si celebravano
14; proibiti da Costantino 26; da Arcadio 26; cessazione
(ivi).
Spettacoli (ultimi) dati nell’Anf. 147.
Soliarum 19, 25.
Sprengel 325.
Spugna 23.
Stachyn 271.
Stagna Neronis 32, 138.
Stalli (giostratore) 160.
Stara-Tedde 326, 331.
Statue 44; di bronzo raffigurate sulle medaglie di Gordiano
135; nella cavea 68.
Stazio 266.
Stemma del Senato e della Confr. di Sancta Sanctorum 168.
Sterbini nel Colosseo 227.
Stevenson 279.
Strabone 23.
Strepsicerota, che bestia sia 107.
Stucchi del sepolcro pomp. di Scauro 16.
Stucchi disegnati da Giovanni da Udine 44.
Suarez 154.
Subsellia 63.
Suggesti 64; divisi per cunei 77; separati dalla cavea 76.
Summa cavea 69.
Summum choragium 60, 105.
Suetonio 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 19, 21, 22, 25, 31, 32, 36,
45, 54, 63, 64, 65, 66, 70, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83,
84, 86, 103, 104, 138, 140, 143, 266, 279, 280, 299, 320.
Sulpizio Severo 269.
Suppositizî (gladiatori) 23.
Svevi 115.

Tabernacolo (di bronzo sulla confessione di S. Pietro) 300.

Tabulationes 69.
Tacito 8, 12, 45, 66, 70, 73, 81, 83, 84, 85, 266, 272.
Tarquinia (soldati di) 19.
Tarpeio (citarista) 299, 321.
Tasse 13, 127.
Taziana (S.) 283.
Teatro ligneo 7.
Teatro circolare 7.
Teatro di Scauro 7.
Teatro di Marcello nelle mani degli Orsini 149.
Telemaco (monaco) ucciso in Roma nell’Anf. Fl. 27, 120.
Temistocle 48.
Tempio di Cerere 320.
Tempio di Diana in Efeso 320.
Tempio di Giove Olimpico 320.
Tempio Isiaco 142, 332.
Tempio di Marte al Circo Flaminio 320.
Tempio dell’Onore e della Virtù 320.
Tempio di Piazza di Pietra, se fosse dedicato a Nettuno 302.
Tempio di Venere e Roma 60, 320.
Teodoreto 26, 120.
Teodorico 122, sua lettera diretta al console Massimo (ivi).
Teodoro (architetto) 320.
Teodosio 121, 129, 132, 133.
Teonio 220.
Terme di Tito e di Traiano 175.
Terme di Tito 143; differenza fra le Terme di Tito (private) e le
velocia munera di cui parla Suetonio 143.
Terremoto 57, 129, 148, 163, 165, 217.
Terribilini 287.
Tertulliano 10, 12, 13, 20, 23, 25, 196, 270, 271, 272.
Teti e Galatea (dee marine) 246, 254, 255.
Thermae Titianae 38.
Tillemont 27, 120.
Tigri 18.
Tiraboschi 286, 314.
Tito inaugura l’Anf. Fl. 32.
Tito Livio 5, 6, 19, 24, 45, 77, 79.
Tivoli 151.
Tocco 335.
Toga 11.
Tolomeo 287.
Tolomeo (F.) vescovo di Torcello 150.
Tomassi (P. Carlo) 214.
Tomasetti 205, 287, 288.
Torre Chartularia 150, 151.
Traci 23.
Traiano dà spettacoli grandiosi nell’Anf. Fl. 106.
Traiano edifica un teatro non un anfiteatro 107; sue parole al
Prefetto del Preterio 318.
Travertini asportati 166, 48.
Travertini scavati 164, 165.
Travi della rete di bronzo 53.
Trebell. 45.
Triboniano 15.
Tribuni, ove sedessero 69.
Tripodi per bruciare essenze odorose 68.
Tridente 23.
Trifena 272.
Trifosa (ivi).
Trionfo di C. Metello su Cartagine 5.
Trochus 4.
Tucidide 48.
Turba pulla (ove sedesse) 72.
Turbo (trottola) 4.
Turnebo 325.

Uggeri 335.
Ulderico Card. Carpegna 214.
Ulpiano 22, 50, 269.
Unni 129.
Uomini immolati ai defunti 20.
Urbano ricordato da S. Paolo 271.
Urbano VIII 174, 300.
Urlichs 136, 145, 201, 206.
Usuardo (martirologio di) 324.

V
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