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Christian Theology and Tragedy Theologians Tragic
Literature and Tragic Theory 1st Edition Kevin Taylor
(Editor) Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Kevin Taylor (editor), Giles Waller (editor)
ISBN(s): 9780754669401, 0754669408
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 1.66 MB
Year: 2011
Language: english
Christian Theology and Tragedy
Theologians, Tragic Literature
and Tragic Theory
Edited by
Kevin Taylor
Giles Waller
CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY AND TRAGEDY
Christianity can never turn its back either on tragedy or the tragic; not if it wants to
face the world squarely. The tragic all too evidently occurs and tragedy meditates
upon it - raising metaphysical and theological issues in its wake. This remarkable
collection of essays stages imaginative dialogues between voices, characters and
situations across two and half millennia of writing. And out of the conversations
created, as theological and philosophical reflection engages literary studies and
biography, comes a dazzling cross-fertilisation of thought and feeling. I have never
encountered a collection like this. It offers original and profound deliberations on
issues riddling human histories and sounding the mysterious depths of the human
condition itself.
Graham Ward, Professor in Contextual Theology and Ethics,
University of Manchester, UK
Drawing together leading scholars from both theological and literary backgrounds,
Christian Theology and Tragedy explores the rich variety of conversations between
theology and tragedy. Three main areas are examined: theological readings of a
range of tragic literature, from plays to novels and the Bible itself; how theologians
have explored tragedy theologically; and how theology can interact with various
tragic theories.
What have imagination and the arts to do with theology? For much of the modern era, the
answer has been, ‘not much’. It is precisely this deficit that this series seeks to redress. For,
whatever role they have or have not been granted in the theological disciplines, imagination
and the arts are undeniably bound up with how we as human beings think, learn and
communicate, engage with and respond to our physical and social environments and, in
particular, our awareness and experience of that which transcends our own creatureliness.
The arts are playing an increasingly significant role in the way people come to terms
with the world; at the same time, artists of many disciplines are showing a willingness to
engage with religious or theological themes. A spate of publications and courses in many
educational institutions has already established this field as one of fast growing concern.
This series taps into a burgeoning intellectual concern on both sides of the Atlantic
and beyond. The peculiar inter-disciplinarity of theology, and the growing interest in
imagination and the arts in many different fields of human concern, afford the opportunity
for a series which has its roots sunk in varied and diverse intellectual soils, while focused
around a coherent theological question: How are imagination and the arts involved in the
shaping and reshaping of our humanity as part of the creative and redemptive purposes of
God, and what roles do they perform in the theological enterprise?
Many projects within the series have particular links to the work of the Institute for
Theology Imagination and the Arts in the University of St Andrews, and to the Duke
Initiatives in Theology and the Arts at Duke University.
Redeeming Beauty
Soundings in Sacral Aesthetics
Aidan Nichols
Edited by
KEVIN TAYLOR
Pfeiffer University, USA
GILES WALLER
University of Cambridge, UK
First published 2011 by Ashgate Publishing
Published 2016 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for
identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Notes on Contributors ix
Introduction 1
7 Hans Urs von Balthasar and Christ the Tragic Hero 133
Kevin Taylor
8 The Tragedy is in the Pity: C.S. Lewis and the Song of the Goat 149
Michael Ward
viii Christian Theology and Tragedy
Bibliography 241
Index 255
An earlier version of Adrian Poole, ‘War and Grace: The Force of Simone Weil on
Homer’, first appeared in Arion 3rd series, 2.1 (Winter 1992): pp. 1–15. Reprinted
with permission.
Notes on Contributors
Ben Quash is Professor of Christianity and the Arts in the Department of Theology
and Religious Studies, King’s College London. He is the author of a number of
articles on Hans Urs von Balthasar and theological aesthetics, and of a number
of books, including Balthasar at the End of Modernity, co-authored with Lucy
Gardner, David Moss and Graham Ward (T&T Clark, 1999); Theology and the
Drama of History (Cambridge University Press, 2005); and Introducing Christian
Ethics, co-authored with Sam Wells (Wiley-Blackwell, 2010).
Kevin Taylor received his PhD from the University of Cambridge (Peterhouse).
He is an adjunct lecturer at Pfeiffer University and Belmont Abbey College, and
an ordained pastor in the United Methodist Church.
‘Christianity’, wrote Donald MacKinnon, ‘can provide men with a faith through
which they are enabled to hold steadfastly to the significance of the tragic.’1
This statement may seem surprising. Surely Christianity, with its emphasis on
redemption, on the ‘sure and certain hope’ of the resurrection, is inimical to
tragedy, with its endings in despair or dusty death? It has often been assumed,
and less frequently cogently argued, that there must be some sort of inherent
antagonism or opposition between Christian and tragic ‘worldviews’. One could
cite many examples of this, but it is perhaps Richard Sewall who puts the point most
forcefully: ‘In point of doctrine, Christianity reverses the tragic view and makes
tragedy impossible.’2 Such assumptions seem to rest on monolithic understandings
of tragedy – or a hypostasized notion of ‘the tragic’ – and an equally caricatured
‘Christianity’. On this view, Christian theology is presented as a naive escapism.
Earthly sufferings, like those of Christ, are negated or rectified by a compensatory
heaven,3 or rendered philosophically or theologically coherent in theodicies. This
is just the sort of theology to which MacKinnon was opposed. Similarly, one has to
pass through a great deal of selective interpretation to arrive at a view of tragedy as
straightforwardly nihilistic. The chapters in this volume show that, far from there
being an inherent antagonism between Christian theology and tragedy, they share
at the very least areas of profound mutual concern: the experience of suffering,
death and loss, questions over fate, freedom and agency, sacrifice, guilt, innocence,
the limits of human understanding, redemption and catharsis. We might even press
this further, and maintain with MacKinnon that an attentiveness to tragedy is vital
to a properly disciplined Christian theology and that, by the same token, Christian
theology can be a way of vouchsafing the true significance of tragedy. With the
breakdown of these caricatures of Christianity and tragedy, new possibilities for
conversation are opened up.
1
Donald MacKinnon, The Problem of Metaphysics (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1974), p. 134.
2
Richard Sewall, The Vision of Tragedy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1959),
p. 50.
3
See, for example, the great I.A. Richards, whose pronouncement on this might
be taken to be paradigmatic of this view: ‘Tragedy is only possible to a mind which is
for the moment agnostic or “Manichean”. The least touch of any theology which has a
compensating Heaven to offer the tragic hero is fatal.’ The Principles of Literary Criticism
(London: Kegan Paul, 1924), p. 246.
2 Christian Theology and Tragedy
Tragedy is a contested genre; according to one famous critic, a ‘dead’ one.4 There are
certainly disputes and confusion over what might meaningfully be called ‘tragedy’.
In grasping for a definition, many theorists have attempted to identify an ‘essence’
of tragedy, what Terry Eagleton, in a chapter aptly named ‘A Theory in Ruins’,
refers to as a ‘hunt for the Holy Grail of a faultless definition of the subject’.5 With
great satirical relish, Eagleton punctures a whole host of definitions and theories
of tragedy, concluding that ‘no definition other than “very sad” has ever worked’.6
Attempts to reduce one’s account of tragedy to a normative essence – for example
the notion that for a work to be tragic it must end in despair – frequently founder on
the obstinate resistance of particular works. A great many works that are habitually
accorded the status of tragedy do not end straightforwardly in despair, Aeschylus’
Oresteia being perhaps the primary example. George Steiner is one such critic
whose attempts to isolate ‘authentic’ or ‘absolute’ tragedy,7 a tragedy that is free
from ‘contamination by hope’,8 distil an essence of tragedy that is bound to be seen
in conflict with Christian theology, ‘contaminated’, as it must be, by some kind
of hope. David Cunningham in his chapter for this volume identifies just such a
manoeuvre in the recent critique levelled by David Bentley Hart against the ‘tragic
theology’ of Donald MacKinnon and Nicholas Lash.9 A procrustean and narrowly
drawn theory of tragedy is adopted, and then demonstrated to be in opposition
to theology. Such an approach closes down meaningful conversation between
tragedy and theology because it prematurely sets the terms of the conversation
within narrowly confined, and often rather tendentious, concepts of tragedy and
theology. The chapters in this volume aim to pursue a series of richer and more
varied conversations, alive to the diversity and complexity of both tragedy (and
theoretical accounts of tragedy) and theology. Indeed, this is one of the strengths of
4
George Steiner, The Death of Tragedy (London: Faber and Faber, 1961).
5
Terry Eagleton, Sweet Violence: The Idea of the Tragic (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003),
p. 5.
6
Eagleton, p. 3.
7
George Steiner, ‘Tragedy, Pure and Simple’ in M.S. Silk, ed., Tragedy and the
Tragic: Greek Theatre and Beyond (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 534–47,
and George Steiner, ‘“Tragedy,” Reconsidered’, in Rethinking Tragedy, ed. Rita Felski
(Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), pp. 29–44.
8
‘Where the axiom of human estrangement, of survival itself as somewhat scandalous,
is attenuated, where it is blurred by concepts of redemption, of social melioration (an
old-age home for Lear), where messianic intervention is harnessed, we may indeed have
serious drama, didactic allegory of the loftiest sort, lament and melancholy (the Trauerspeil
analyzed by Walter Benjamin.) But we do not have tragedy in any absolute sense. We have
contamination by hope …’ Steiner, ‘“Tragedy,” Reconsidered’, p. 32.
9
See pp. 215–28. Cunningham’s is one of several chapters in this volume to engage
directly with Hart’s critique.
Introduction 3
10
For a history of reflection on tragedy during this period, see Henry Ansgar Kelly,
Ideas and Forms of Tragedy from Aristotle to the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1993).
11
See pp. 75–100.
12
For a discussion of the post-Kantian philosophical reception of tragedy, see Miguel
Beistegui and Simon Sparks, eds, Philosophy and Tragedy (London: Routledge, 2000), and
Peter Szondi, An Essay on the Tragic, trans. Paul Fleming (Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 2002). As Szondi points out, Aristotle’s theory of tragedy is a ‘poetics’. It is not until
Schelling that the philosophical ‘idea’ of the tragic is developed.
13
Adrian Poole, Tragedy: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2005), p. 61.
14
Jennifer L. Geddes, ‘Religion and the Tragic’, Literature and Theology 19.2 (2005):
p. 98.
4 Christian Theology and Tragedy
15
Simon Goldhill, ‘Generalizing About Tragedy’, in Felski, Rethinking Tragedy,
p. 60.
16
Donald MacKinnon, The Stripping of the Altars (Collins: The Fontana Library,
1969), p. 42.
17
See p. 15.
18
See p. 18 this volume.
Introduction 5
Interpreting Tragedy
From Aristotle onwards, tragedy has been regarded as the most elevated and
prestigious of art forms. Its diction is lofty, its protagonists noble. An aristocrat
among literary forms, it is concerned with royal houses, those set apart from the
common lot, whose fate has ramifications for a city, people or kingdom. But with
the nineteenth century there was a shift in sensibility, form and subject matter.
With the rise of the bourgeoisie, tragedy was democratized, such as in Büchner’s
Woyzeck. For critics like Steiner, this is what sounds the death knell of tragedy;
an elitist, patrician form cannot survive the passage into commonplace bourgeois
culture intact. For Terry Eagleton, however, bourgeois modernity and democracy
do not so much dissipate tragedy as universalize it:
Tragedy, that privileged preserve of gods and spiritual giants, has now been
decisively democratized – which is to say, for the devotees of gods and giants,
abolished. Hence the death-of-tragedy thesis. Tragedy, however, did not vanish
because there were no more great men.19
After Freud, we are all tragic protagonists, formed by the pity and fear of Oedipus.
Just as the sort of person considered worthy of the status of tragic subject has
broadened, so have the forms of tragedy. For all but the conservative purist, the
novel is a form capable of tragedy, from Melville and Hardy to Faulkner and
Toni Morrison. Many critics are now willing to speak of various forms of non-
dramatic tragedy. The visual arts present us with images that might reasonably
be termed tragic, a locus classicus of theological discussion being the Crucifixion
from Matthias Grünewald’s Isenheim Altarpiece. Film is another medium that
is increasingly being analysed in terms of tragedy; Larry Bouchard’s treatment
of Denys Arcand’s Jesus of Montreal in this volume shows the rich potential of
such an engagement. What of documentary photography? Or contemporary news
media, so quick to describe events as tragic? Here the boundary between art and
life is blurred.20
‘Tragedy’ is a technical term, denoting a particular artistic genre. But it has
become a commonplace label to describe all too common experiences and events:
the death of a child, terrorist atrocities or the death of young soldiers in Afghanistan,
cast in terms of tragic sacrifice, as Jennifer Wallace discusses in her chapter in this
volume.21 The era in which tragedy as an art form has supposedly died has seen
more than its share of catastrophic suffering in world wars, genocides, famines,
terrorism, natural disasters and political oppression. The legitimacy of using
19
Eagleton, p. 94.
20
For a discussion of the tragic potential of documentary photography and other non-
dramatic forms, see Jennifer Wallace, The Cambridge Introduction to Tragedy (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 158–88.
21
See pp. 35–52.
6 Christian Theology and Tragedy
the term ‘tragic’ to refer to real-life events has been disputed by many critics,
especially those eager to preserve its aesthetic precision for a literary genre. As
Eagleton reminds us, the use of ‘tragedy’ to refer to real life is figurative: ‘Tragedy
begins as art, which life then imitates’, but these artistic resonances may then drop
out of the term altogether: ‘The word thus progresses from art, to life with an echo
of art, to life.’22
When engaging with tragedy, how are theologians to negotiate the tensions
and slippages between literary discussions at a formal level, and the sort of
discussions of tragedy that have seemingly very little to do with literature? Larry
Bouchard, in a particularly rich and sophisticated monograph on the relationship
between tragedy and theology, begins with the premise ‘tragedy is a method of
enquiry into the tragic’.23 Literary and other artistic forms of tragedy represent and
interrogate human experiences of suffering. Even though it may be in the idiom
of another culture’s moral imagination, unless artistic tragedy is seen as in some
sense mimetic of human experiences, there can be little point in theologians taking
an interest in it. A rigid separation between tragic literature, philosophical tragic
theory and tragic experience is likely to be too clear-cut, and there are bound to
be slippages between these categories. Nevertheless this collection is organized
roughly with this division in mind, separating tragic literature from tragic theory,
with a third grouping for how particular theologians have dealt with the problems
of tragic literature and experience.
Just as critics who assume an inherent antagonism between tragedy and theology
have operated with truncated concepts of tragedy, so they have caricatured
Christian theology in terms of a naive or bland optimism. There are undoubtedly
forms of Christian thought and practice that do exclude the insights and reflection
offered by tragedy. However, it is one of the claims of this book that, particularly
in our present historical moment, theologians ignore these insights and modes of
exploration at their peril. For centuries Christian theologians have wrestled with
what David Ford has termed ‘the dark mystery of evil and the bright mystery
of goodness’.24 In his conclusion to this volume, Ford makes an urgent case for
the renewed theological reception of and engagement with tragedy. In the wake
of the immensity of suffering seen in the twentieth century, tragedy can aid in
the development of a theology that does justice to the realities and power of sin,
suffering and evil.
22
Eagleton, p. 14.
23
Larry Bouchard, Tragic Method and Tragic Theology: Evil in Contemporary Drama
and Religious Thought (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989), p. 1.
24
David Ford, Theology: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2000), p. 77.
Introduction 7
25
‘At si noua ueraque non ex homine sumpta caro formata est, quo tanta tragoedia
generationis? Ubi ambitus passionis? Ego quippe ne in homine quidem non stulte fieri puto
quod inutiliter factum est’ (But if flesh had been formed new and real and not taken from
man, to what purpose was the tremendous tragedy of the conception? Where the value of
His [long] Passion? I cannot but consider foolish even a human action that is useless).
Boethius, Contra Eutychen et Nestorium, ch. 5, Loeb Classical Library, pp. 105–6.
26
For a discussion of the manuscript history of this text, see André Tuilier, ed.,
Gregoir de Nazianze. La Passion du Christ: Tragedie, Sources Chrétiennes, 149 (Paris:
Editions du Cerf, 1969), pp. 75–116.
8 Christian Theology and Tragedy
27
Literature and Theology 19.22 (2005).
28
Donald MacKinnon, A Study in Ethical Theory (London: A&C Black, 1957), p. 238.
29
Adrian Poole, Tragedy: Shakespeare and the Greek Example (Oxford: Blackwell,
1987), p. 166.
Introduction 9
his protections. Eustacia’s cry, in Thomas Hardy’s The Return of the Native, is
against her entrapped existence and the entangled plot of human passions: ‘O, the
cruelty of putting me into this ill-conceived world!’30 The irrationality and even
immorality of the world is a biblical problem as well, found in Ecclesiastes, Job
and parts of the Psalms.
‘Betwixt and between’; the Christian experience of the world is one of
ambiguity, in the ‘middle of the journey of our lives’, ‘lost’, like Dante, ‘in a
dark wood’ of sin, waiting for grace. George Steiner, in a celebrated passage of
Real Presences (a passage that is rather more hospitable to the notion of Christian
tragedy than his Death of Tragedy), evokes the image of Holy Saturday, ‘the
longest of days’.31 We wait, between the memory, trauma and despair of Good
Friday and the expectant hope of Easter. The experience is neither one of nihilism,
nor one of bland optimism. It is one in which we learn the difference between
optimism and hope, in which we are only able to hope for the best by confronting
the worst. As Hardy enjoined, ‘Who holds that if way to the Better there be, it
exacts a full look at the Worst’ (‘In Tenebris II’).
30
Thomas Hardy, The Return of the Native, ed. Margaret R. Higonnet, Oxford World’s
Classics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 341 (bk 5, ch. 7).
31
George Steiner, Real Presences: Is There Anything In What We Say? (London:
Faber and Faber, 1989), p. 231. For an evocative theological discussion, see Nicholas Lash,
‘Friday, Saturday, Sunday’, New Blackfriars 71.836 (1990), pp. 109–19.
10 Christian Theology and Tragedy
and philosophical thought. In our selection of material the primary focus has been
on literary tragedy, without, Larry Bouchard’s treatment of Jesus of Montreal
excepted, much treatment of visual, operatic or filmic arts.
The first section tackles the interaction between theology and tragic
literature, and encompasses the discussion of Scripture, Agamemnon, Dante and
Shakespeare. In Chapter 1, Ben Quash discusses four biblical characters and
corrects the misprision that tragedy is alien to the Bible. Outlining a tragic theory
that is attentive to the particularities of history, Quash develops a response to recent
theological critiques of ‘tragic theology’. Jennifer Wallace traces the significance
of Kierkegaard and tragic sacrifice in relation to Agamemnon and modern-day
military sacrifice (Chapter 2). In Chapter 3, Vittorio Montemaggi looks to Primo
Levi’s interest in Dante as inspiration for thinking about friendship and love in
ways that might contribute to the articulation of a Christian theological response
to tragic suffering. Shakespeare’s often neglected play, Timon of Athens, is used by
Robin Kirkpatrick to discuss tragic theory in the Elizabethan era and to tackle the
significance of Job (Chapter 4).
Our second grouping of studies delves more specifically into the ways in which
particular theologians have interacted with the concept of tragedy. Giles Waller
looks to Donald MacKinnon as a theologian who constantly returned to readings
of tragedy in ways that determinatively shaped his metaphysics, ethics, philosophy
of history and Christology (Chapter 5). Simone Weil’s interest in tragedy has not
received the attention it deserves, an omission that Adrian Poole corrects as he
examines Weil’s concepts of violence, necessity and grace in relationship to The
Iliad (Chapter 6). Kevin Taylor traces Hans Urs von Balthasar’s theological use of
tragedy as a prefiguring of Christ and the Cross (Chapter 7). C.S. Lewis’ interest
in both prosaic and literary tragic suffering, as a Christian and literary scholar, is
explored by Michael Ward (Chapter 8).
Our final section looks more specifically to theology engaged with tragic
theorists and theories. Craig Hovey explores Nietzsche and finds that his interest
in human life as celebratory and affirming surprisingly resonates with Christian
conceptions, especially in contrast with the tragic ‘sermon of death’ (Chapter
9). The problem of contingency in tragedy and theology is discussed by Larry
Bouchard (Chapter 10) through a reading of Beckett’s Waiting for Godot and
Denys Arcand’s film Jesus of Montreal. Douglas Hedley re-examines the topic of
tragic sacrifice in relation to the recurring questions of the religious interpretation
of tragedy, and the moral and aesthetic problem of taking pleasure in tragedy,
ranging over the post-Kantian philosophical reception of tragedy (Chapter 11).
In Chapter 12, David Cunningham examines the implications of developing a
more performance-based approach to the theological engagements with tragedy,
addressing recent critiques of the theological uses of tragedy. David Ford concludes
by tracing vital themes throughout the chapters, pointing to the significance of the
interaction and engagement with tragedy for future theology, and interrogating the
topic as a whole under the symbolic aspect of the anguished, human cry.
Introduction 11
We have greatly benefited from the range of scholars who have participated in
and furthered this collection. A special thank you is due to David Cunningham and
to Sophie Lunn-Rockliffe, who made invaluable comments on this introduction
and the project as a whole. In addition, the interest and support of our editor, Sarah
Lloyd at Ashgate Publishing, has been indispensible. She was willing to converse
with two graduate students on this topic and its possibilities for publication several
years ago and has seen it through with much patience, and to her we are most
grateful.
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PART I
Theology and Tragic Literature
This page has been left blank intentionally
Chapter 1
Four Biblical Characters:
In Search of a Tragedy
Ben Quash
Is there a tragedy in the Bible? It is a contested question. This chapter goes in search
of what I will call ‘tragic tropes’, with the help of four of the biblical characters
who might most plausibly claim to be tragic figures. The first three of these are
Judah, Samson and Saul. I will critically assess the literary force of their stories
in dialogue with some specific theories about tragedy (all of them theologically
informed). I will ask whether the category of tragedy is at all appropriate to such
narratives, and then ask what figural relationship, if any, Christian theology might
see between these narratives and the story of Jesus in the Gospels. The chapter’s
treatment of the scriptural canon will thus – to some extent – be indebted to pre-
modern modes of reading the Bible figurally.
Invoking the category of tragedy – whether, as here, in the context of theological
discourse or else in terms of literary theory or of some other philosophical
framework – presses one to give it some kind of definition. At the broadest level,
the tragic may be summarized as the woundingly ‘embroiled’ character of human
action. The details of what that means and how Christians are to interpret it are
worked out in markedly different ways in contemporary theological debate. But
a paradigmatic form of this ‘embroilment’ which many of the biblical narratives
can be read as illustrating (as we shall see) is indicated in the words from Samson
Agonistes quoted at the head of this chapter: the way in which it is possible for
human beings to be the often unwitting perpetrators of their own enslavement;
to so far tangle themselves up that they cannot undo the knots or cut through the
meshes they have made. In particular, this embroilment often takes the form of a
warping of what we intuitively regard as the natural relation between capability
and culpability – and at two levels. Relatively easy to understand are the occasions
when our power to make moral decisions and follow them through (our capacity
for the good) finds itself confounded, vitiated and becomes even – to our surprise
– a decisive agent in the overthrow of our aspirations. Our moral capability can
even kill us in such cases. Much more darkly disorientating, though, are the
occasions when we appear to have no power at all to make moral decisions in
the first place, but still seem held to account. We discover a culpability that never
16 Christian Theology and Tragedy
knew capability. In both cases what we assumed were the normal mechanisms for
translating action into a creditable reward for our labours seem wholly lacking and
we stand helpless before the undoing of our selves. This is what Christian tradition
has described with its category of sin. It is what was at stake in Augustine’s battles
with the Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians of his day.1
Ample recognition of this warping in the exercise of human agency there may
be both in the Bible and in the doctrinal legacy of Christian thought. However, my
eventual claim will be that the traditions of Christianity are neither of two things.
They are not straightforwardly tragic (because the divine Son had to die a human
death on the cross, for example); but nor are they untragic (because of Christianity’s
hope in the resurrection, for example). My view is that rather than stopping short
of tragedy, circumventing tragedy or resting with tragedy, Christianity’s doctrines
embrace and heighten tragedy when it is understood in a certain way. They do so
in order simultaneously to acknowledge tragedy’s full power to disrupt, disturb
and destroy – making people the dungeons of themselves – and also to let it mean
more than itself. Far from being anti-tragic, and concerned with the evasion or
denial of tragic experience, I will argue that the Christian narrative (including both
Old and New Testaments) is about a full entry into such experience, in order then
to suggest it might have a ‘beyond’ – thus refusing to make an idol of the tragic
moment. But, to repeat, this requires a particular understanding of what tragedy
is, and articulating such an understanding is one of the tasks of the chapter, to be
worked out as we proceed.
The title of this chapter deliberately echoes that of Luigi Pirandello’s 1921
play Six Characters in Search of an Author. In a work that provoked extreme
reactions at the time, Pirandello offers his audience the confusing spectacle of two
companies of actors encountering each other: a human cast in rehearsal for a play
and a body of characters who are not quite human. A stage direction suggests,
for example, that these latter might wear masks, with holes cut for eyes, nose and
mouth. They seem condemned eternally to re-enact a somewhat archetypal but
mesmerizing set of dramatic relations (guilt, vengeful anger, contempt, sorrow).
We learn that the author whose mind produced them never gave them embodiment
in an actual play and so they are doomed to roam the earth looking for someone
who will make them real. But when they act out their ‘parts’ for the benefit of the
professional actors in the cast, and when the cast then renders them back again, an
undecidability opens up about whether one is more truthful or ‘real’ than the other.
Pirandello writes in the notes to the play:
1
A recent discussion of this issue which makes use of the categories of capability and
culpability is Susannah Ticciati, ‘Augustinian Inscrutability and Pelagian Precipitousness’,
unpublished paper given at a Systematics seminar in Cambridge in 2009. I am indebted to
discussions with her for the development of these categories.
Four Biblical Characters: In Search of a Tragedy 17
The playing […] by the ACTORS will appear from the very first words as
something completely different from what was played before, without its
having, even in the slightest degree, the air of a parody.2
The divergence provokes the character called the ‘Father’ to exclaim in reaction
to the efforts of the cast:
[T]hey play our parts well […] But when they act … To us they seem to be doing
something quite different. They want to be the same … And all the time they
just aren’t.3
Part of what the play achieves is a questioning of whether a clear division between
the cast as genuinely human and the characters as fictional ciphers really holds.
Pirandello plays with our conventional categories here, fielding the terms ‘real’ and
‘natural’ against each other in an ironizing move. He describes the six characters
as ‘unchangeable creations of the imagination and, therefore, more real and more
consistent than the ever-changing naturalness of the ACTORS’.4 But at the same
time as this idealist rhetoric conjures for us a realm of the ‘unchanging’ and the
‘consistent’, the play conveys the unavoidable historicity of action, and quietly
suggests that such historicity may be the real ‘reality’. Each performance must
be different. The performances may ‘want to be the same’, but ‘they just aren’t’.
No performance can be the same as another – and the moment the actions even of
the supposedly ‘unchangeable’ characters are placed onto a stage, they become
part of a historical series and susceptible to change, just as the performances of
the actors are. This is a play that exposes the location of all personal identity
in a process of historical flux, and thus the frailty of such identity. No one fully
inhabits his or her character. Even the characters are dispossessed of their ‘ideal’
ownership of who they are – and thus become more like the actors from whom
they regard themselves as distinct, at the exact moment that the actors enter ‘non-
parodically’ into a rendition of their story in which they, the ‘natural’ actors,
become characters.
Taken as a whole, this play – like Pirandello’s other works – both shows us the
uniqueness and the limitation that go with our historical finitude. Our actions are
not generalizable; other people would play our parts differently. But at the same
time, the play suggests hauntingly that no action in any of our own lives is purely
ours either. We depend on others to write the plays in which we might play a full
part (discovering what may in fact remain forever unwritten), and our attempts
to play some sort of part anyway may involve us adopting all sorts of inherited,
conventional, archetypal or otherwise unwilled forms of behaviour which mean
2
Luigi Pirandello, Six Characters in Search of an Author, trans. Frederick May
(London: Heinemann, 1980), p. 45.
3
Pirandello, p. 48.
4
Pirandello, p. 6.
18 Christian Theology and Tragedy
that we can never neatly say afterwards that we were ‘just ourselves’ when we
acted. Moreover, each action we undertake immediately floats free of us, and
becomes subject to what others will make of it.
Pirandello’s play helps us to set out certain fundamental issues for this chapter.
It will be especially helpful later on for the attention it draws to the category of
historicity, for although a wish to do justice to history is a uniting one for all the
theologians we will look at (in particular, Hart and Hart’s foils, as we shall see),
the question of how best to do so is one of the key points of contention between
different attitudes to the tragic in modern theology. This seems a good moment to
turn to outline these differing attitudes.
As is often said, and amply recognized in this book as a whole, there is a bewildering
array of ways in which tragedy is conceived and defined. It is said to delineate
the irreconcilability of private and public obligation (the manifold ways in which
human beings who try to be ‘We’ find they can only be collections of ‘I’s). It holds
before us the irreversibility of time. It holds before us the permanence of loss.
It highlights the bitter irony that so many instances of human greatness harbour
the flaws that are precisely their destruction. Above all, as we noted at the outset,
it shows us to be the prisoners of dungeons of our own making: our capabilities
turned to culpabilities. But it also shows us to be prisoners of dungeons not of our
own making (made instead by the gods, for example): held to be culpable even
when we have no capability.
In the face of this concatenation of ‘marks’ of the tragic, which are rarely all
applicable at once, various recent and contemporary Christian theologians can be
found discussing tragedy in the service of articulating their theological positions.
Some are broadly for accommodating a tragic sensibility in Christian theology,
and include Donald MacKinnon, Nicholas Lash, Rowan Williams and Paul Janz.
Others are firmly against it, most notably in recent years David Bentley Hart
(drawing on John Milbank; although Milbank retains a more sensitive appreciation
of what literary tragedy seeks to convey – and why Christians might attend to it
– than Hart’s somewhat dismissive approach does). We will look at both sides in
what follows. As I have hinted already, one of the remarkable things in the midst
of this apparently robust difference of opinion is the joint commitment to history
from both sides. MacKinnon, Lash, Janz and others – in their various ways – say
tragedy is historicizing. Hart says tragedy is de-historicizing, and that only belief
in the resurrection gives us a truthful appreciation of history, and a truthful way of
living in history.
Janz’s book God, the Mind’s Desire will, for our purposes, serve well as
an example of the first position, not least because he works out his position in
careful dialogue with MacKinnon and thus represents his concerns too. The main
affirmation Janz wants to make of tragedy is its capacity to check the hubris of
Four Biblical Characters: In Search of a Tragedy 19
‘idealism’ in its various forms. By idealism he means the claim that the empirically
known world is a mind-dependent reality. He traces the history of rational and
empirical enquiry in western thought, noting its ambition in most cases (Kant is a
notable exception) to achieve a ‘finality of resolution’ about the material it deals
with, a resolution achieved in the medium of the thoughts it thinks. His eventual
aim is to challenge this use of reason in its assimilation of God’s transcendence
to an abstract (and therefore conceptual, and therefore really immanent) notion
of ‘beyondness’. While presenting itself as an acknowledgement of world-limit
or radical alterity, this sort of abstract transcendence always remains a moment
within thought, and is therefore always secretly still a sort of resolution of
transcendence. The tragedies of human experience meanwhile (to which literary
tragedy, or ‘tragedy-as-discourse’, is at its best a faithful witness) present us with a
different kind of finality: ‘the radical inversion of any finality of resolution sought
for in rational and empirical enquiry’.5 He goes on to write:
While tragedy is not in any way a model for representing God’s transcendence
(‘for transcendence by definition admits of no representative model’7), it is
nonetheless instructive or illuminating in the way it delivers to us the idea that
there can be a different sort of finality, which thought genuinely refers to but yet
does not comprehend. The tragic, and with it the problem of evil, is the site at which
human experience meets as real (and not as a conceptual conundrum), a finality
of non-resolution. Otherwise, human action is always a work of comprehension
or resolution. Thus:
5
Paul D. Janz, God, the Mind’s Desire: Reference, Reason and Christian Thinking
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 174.
6
Janz, p. 174.
7
Janz, pp. 175-6.
8
Janz, p. 175.
20 Christian Theology and Tragedy
9
Janz, p. 180.
10
John Milbank, The Word Made Strange: Theology, Language, Culture (Oxford:
Blackwell, 1997), p. 248.
11
David Bentley Hart, The Beauty of the Infinite: The Aesthetics of Christian Truth
(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003), p. 374.
12
Hart, p. 375.
Four Biblical Characters: In Search of a Tragedy 21
in with it and working with its forces. The wisdom tragedy imparts is one of
‘accommodation’:
13
Hart, p. 383.
14
Hart, p. 375.
15
Hart, p. 389.
16
Hart, p. 390.
17
Hart, p. 384.
18
Hart, p. 387n226.
22 Christian Theology and Tragedy
19
Janz, p. 201.
Four Biblical Characters: In Search of a Tragedy 23
20
Hart, p. 391.
24 Christian Theology and Tragedy
In this section, we will begin by tracing the outline of three Old Testament stories
that might plausibly claim to be tragic in character, but will note in our progression
from one to the next an intensification of the claim to be showing us something
tragic: to be showing us human agents ‘made the dungeon of themselves’. Having
reached the agonizing depiction of a good man disappearing into the void that
we find at the end of Saul’s story, we will turn to our fourth character, Jesus, to
see how his story might affect our reading of the earlier ones.
Before we do so, however, we might place before ourselves Pirandello’s
play once again, as a salutary reminder that human dramatic ‘characters’,
like biblical ones, ought never to be treated in idealist mode as unchangeably
consistent ‘types’. This is an important lesson for any attempt to read Scripture
figurally, and not only for one that seeks to talk in terms of tragic tropes.
As we have seen, there is an idealist temptation to look for unchanging forms
in historical process (or in written texts) – forms which are either recurrent, or
appear as an eternally valid archetype at a single definitive moment. In both
cases such forms can be deployed as the measure or judge of all the other lesser
forms or renditions around them. The instinct to find ahistorical ‘character
types’ in the scriptural narratives may be like trying to put paper bags over the
particular faces of actors in those stories, in order the better to discern the purer
patterns of relation or of action that they express, and then map these forms
of relation onto earlier and later ones in a display of the patterned nature of
history. In some Christian arguments, the purest form of patterned relation is
found in the story of Christ, which then yields a template for shaping all other
events. This may be a reassuring patternedness, replete with the evidences of
God’s providential care. Or it may – especially under the influence of a tragic
sensibility – be a horrifying display of the fact that all people are condemned
to have the sins and sufferings of their human lot visited again and again on
them in each new generation. Even Christ’s story will be seen as confirmation
of the lamentable discontinuity and pain that must attend all creaturely life.
This, as we saw in discussion of David Bentley Hart’s work, may provoke a
quite unchristian attitude of resignation in the face of the eternal recurrence
of an idealistically conceived tragic fate. In neither case – patterns reassuring
or patterns horrifying – will history be properly appreciated for its capacity to
generate the unforeseen.
Four Biblical Characters: In Search of a Tragedy 25
Character 1: Judah
21
David Dawson, Christian Figural Reading and the Fashioning of Identity
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), pp. 14–15.
26 Christian Theology and Tragedy
of Judah. Traces of Judah’s life are displayed between chapter 29 and chapter 49
of the Book of Genesis. We learn about success granted in the midst of fateful
entanglement.22
Judah is complicit in the deed whereby Joseph is sold into slavery, and his father’s
heart broken. Despite being a voice for clemency, and persuading his brothers to
sell Joseph rather than kill him, he cannot assert an honest agency for himself apart
from their collective crime, and he is responsible (and thus culpable) along with
the rest of them for their betrayal of Joseph and their subsequent lies about it. He
later undergoes trials and sufferings (including the loss of two sons, and public
shame at the hands of his daughter-in-law for his vow-breaking), and eventually,
when reunited with the disguised Joseph, he faces the apparent catastrophe that
Benjamin, the surviving ‘favourite’ son of Jacob (whose safety he has personally
guaranteed in a desperate attempt to save the whole family from famine), is to
be kept imprisoned in Egypt while the rest of the brothers return. In the face of
this, Judah pleads to be allowed to give himself up in Benjamin’s place – above
all out of love and concern for his father, and in evident sense of guilt for the past
misdeed of betraying Joseph. At this point, Joseph reveals his true identity and all
the brothers are reconciled, weeping upon each other’s necks. Judah, as Sedmak
notes, goes on to be the founder of the tribe which will become the Jewish nation,
and out of which Jesus will come.
In reading this as a story with the marks of tragedy, Sedmak sees this also as a
story full of lessons. He sees Judah as a figure whose sufferings teach him lessons
– and us by extension. For example, his unprepossessing beginnings (as a mere
fourth son; as the son of the wife Jacob loved less) do not have to define him: he
is part of a bigger history. His fate may be caught up inextricably with the fate of
others (his family), so that he is never a wholly free agent – and his actions may
have multiple and unforeseeable consequences (some good, some bad: Jacob’s
decline, and Joseph’s rise from slave to vice-regent), but he has room for inner
growth in the light of his experiences. He learns compassion; he learns to be self-
22
Alois Kothgasser and Clemens Sedmak, Geben und Vergeben. Von der Kunst neu
zu beginnen (Innsbruck: Tyrolia, 2008), p. 33. The translation is my own, and the original
German reads as follows: ‘Juda ist ein Sohn des Jakob und ein Vorfahre Jesu, der in den
Stammbäumen, wie sie in Mt 1 und Lk 3 zu finden sind, angeführt wird; er ist also von
zentraler Bedeutung für die christliche Heilsgeschichte, aber auch – als Vorfahre des
David – für die jüdische Tradition. Der Blick auf den Stammbaum Jesu lässt tief blicken,
es ist bemerkenswert, wer hier angeführt ist, in welcher Linie die Heilsgeschichte verfolgt
und erzählt wird. Ein Stammbaum gibt Auskunft über Herkunft, erzählt von Wurzeln und
Zugehörigkeit, gibt Anhaltspunkte für Identität. Die Identität Jesu wird im Stammbaum mit
der Gestalt des Juda verbunden. Spuren des Lebens von Juda sind zwischen dem Kapitel
29 und dem Kapitel 49 des Buches Genesis aufgezeichnet. Wir lernen über geschenktes
Gelingen inmitten schicksalshafter Verstrickung.’
Four Biblical Characters: In Search of a Tragedy 27
Character 2: Samson
23
Douglas Bush, introduction to Poetical Works, by John Milton, ed. Douglas Bush
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1966), p. 513.
28 Christian Theology and Tragedy
ranked with the ancient originals’, as one commentator puts it.24 This is true right
down to its concern with the ‘three unities’, and its use of a chorus to comment
upon and react to the action. But in doing so, he changed the complex, canny and
passionate figure into a man of ‘sensitive conscience, integrity, and piety’. Any
assumption that Milton saw a natural place for the tragic in a Christian perspective
needs to be cautioned by a reminder that for him in his time (as for Sedmak
today) tragedy was an educative and improving literary genre – not a register of
the non-resolution in human experience. Remarking in his commonplace book
on Lactantius’ hostility to drama, he asked: ‘For what in all philosophy is more
important or more sacred or more exalted than a tragedy rightly produced, what
more useful for seeing at a single view the events and changes of human life?’25
Tragedy, as it was anciently composed, hath been ever held the gravest,
moralest, and most profitable of all other poems: therefore said by Aristotle to
be of power, by raising pity and fear, or terror, to purge the mind of those and
suchlike passions, that is, to temper and reduce them to just measure with a kind
of delight, stirred up by reading or seeing those passions well imitated.26
Having said that, Samson is not Judah, and, in choosing to work with the story of
Samson, Milton set himself more stringent challenges than many biblical figures
would have given him. He does not seek to remove the terror of the Samson
story. What he does do is achieve ‘at a stroke the only kind of irony that is at
once compatible with a Christian outlook and as potent as any to be found in
tragedy anywhere’ – namely, he makes ‘the way of repentance and restoration,
the way back to God, also the way that leads inevitably to the catastrophe …’.
The moralizing aspect of Milton’s work lies mainly in the fact that he shows the
‘necessity’ which links Samson’s salvation and victory with his death not to be the
arbitrary imposition of an overruling Power, but instead ‘the outcome of Samson’s
conduct – of his sin and of his subsequent repentance’.27
Although he becomes the victim of it, Samson’s failure is not an externally
imposed one absolutely beyond his control: Milton’s play recognizes this truth and
relays it. He makes his own destiny, and is given one last terrible opportunity to
make something more out of that destiny when all seems lost. His failure comes to
something, even though it is not a return to responsible and productive historical
life as Judah’s is.
We can say that his is a culpability which deprives him – almost – of capability,
leaving only one last desperate capability before none is left to him at all. There is
24
Bush, p. 513.
25
John Milton, Complete Prose Works (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953),
vol. 1, p. 491.
26
Milton, Poetical Works, p. 517.
27
A.S.P. Woodhouse, ‘Tragic Effect in Samson Agonistes’, University of Toronto
Quarterly 28 (1958): p. 220.
Four Biblical Characters: In Search of a Tragedy 29
something of a tragic shape to this, but (as Milton knew) also a sort of resolution –
in heroic mode – which is not tragedy in the Janzian sense we have been exploring
in this chapter so far. It is nearer to tragedy than Judah’s story, but it has a little too
much of the heroic folktale about it to justify the appellation. Samson goes out,
we might say, in a blaze of glory; making his own sacrificial amends for his own
personal failure.
Nevertheless, we may at least say that Samson’s story qualifies the optimism
of Judah’s story. If Samson retains the moral capacity to make a difference to his
fate, through the exercise of a magnificent, self-assertive choice, it is nonetheless
a singularly constrained choice.
Character 3: Saul
Saul is ‘made the dungeon of himself’ by the withdrawal from him of his own
election, for which he is only obscurely responsible (if at all). In the wake of this
rejection by God, he pitifully lends himself to the process by which the rejection’s
consequences are played out. Mainly (and unlike Samson), it seems that Saul’s
dungeon was built by God.
Elisabeth Kübler-Ross, working with the terminally ill, observed a man, dying
of leukaemia, saying in utter disbelief: ‘It is impossible for me to die now. It can’t
be God’s will, because he let me survive when I was hit by bullets just a few feet
away during World War II.’ Kübler-Ross draws this conclusion:
Since in our unconscious we cannot perceive our own death and do believe in
our own immortality, but can conceive our neighbour’s death, news of numbers
of people killed in battle, in wars, on the highways, only support our unconscious
belief in our own immortality and allow us – in the privacy and secrecy of our
unconscious mind – to rejoice that it is ‘the next guy, not me’.28
Saul comes to be defined almost totally as ‘the next guy’ to another person. If we
read only the story of David in 1 Samuel we find a classic literary prototype. He
is a sort of male Cinderella visited by his fairy godmother, Samuel: chosen from
his lonely spot on the hillside when forgotten by the world. David’s story evokes
our sympathy inasmuch as he is someone who wins against the odds. There is a
particular appeal to heroes who are first the underdog and then make good. But
there is a problem with the David story, precisely on account of Saul. Saul is
another and different underdog who can be glimpsed slinking off as David enters
the scene, and in the worst condition imaginable: ‘The LORD said to Samuel
… “I have rejected Saul as king over Israel”’ (1 Samuel 16:1). It is especially
disconcerting that the proximate cause of Saul’s rejection is his moderation of
a divine command to commit genocide in conflict with the Amalekites. The
temptation to ignore Saul’s plight and simply to rejoice in David’s success may
28
Elisabeth Kübler-Ross, On Death and Dying (New York: Scribner, 1997), p. 28.
30 Christian Theology and Tragedy
suddenly seem like a naive act – like assuming that dying is something ‘the next
guy’ does, not me. It is to identify with the success story and distance oneself
wholly from the tragic failure. If we can imagine Saul himself asking, like the
wartime survivor, how it is possible that he can be rejected now, given that he
was elected once, then we may find an uncomfortable possibility attending every
thought of our own election.
Saul thus makes the narrative picture of David’s ascendancy a great deal more
complicated. After all, Saul has been the hero of much of 1 Samuel’s account
so far. He too has been anointed, and his handsomeness recorded, in a way that
is hardly different from David. And if our sympathies are with Saul, then what
are we to do with our natural inclination to identify with the success story of
David, with which his story is replaced? What are we to do with our attachment
to Saul as he slides into fitful and murderous irrationality, self-doubt, indecision,
superstition, fear and – finally – suicide? What are we to do as he becomes the
dungeon of himself, in self-fulfilment of the prophecy of God against him?
Uncomfortably, this narrative of substitution is one in which Saul has little
room for manoeuvre, virtually no room for moral growth or repentance, and
no heroic act to mark his ending. His condition is, we might note, strikingly
reminiscent of that of Pirandello’s ‘characters’. He is given a role, but then denied
(by the divine author) any opportunity to play it. It is taken away from him and
given to another. So he is a king without kingship. He can be imagined saying of
David something like what the Father says of the actors in Six Characters: ‘He
plays my part well, but to me he seems to be doing something quite different’ (Saul
killed his thousands, but David has killed his tens of thousands [1 Samuel 18:7]).
This substitutionary narrative is one of extreme desolation in its inscrutability,
especially given that it also has the air of such inevitability. Saul connives in his
decline, but all the time seems really to have no other options available to him.
Whereas Samson can make at least something out of his darkest hour, Saul has
no such opportunity. The non-resolution of Saul’s story is far greater than in our
previous two cases.
This is, then, a tale we might really call a tragedy. Saul has nowhere to go; no
good ending. It may be that, like Pirandello, the divine author has made him in
order to deny him his identity just for the sake of making a point (a point in this
case, perhaps, about the sinfulness of Israel’s demand for a king). But that makes
Saul’s actual life even more of a nihil.
What is curious, in the light of this, is that the wider narrative does not milk
all the tragic potential this story might in fact hold. And this raises the question –
which David Bentley Hart might well second – of whether the Old Testament is
particularly interested in tragic themes at all. In narrative terms, Saul is ultimately
made to be instrumental in a tale about David, and even more than that about
God’s purposes for his people. The real focus of the tale (increasingly so) is the
light-on-his-feet new king and his coming dynasty, whose triumphs are given
just a bit of added lustre by their Sauline counterpoint. Saul’s tragic dignity, if
that is what it is, is constantly interrupted and often rendered farcical by David’s
Four Biblical Characters: In Search of a Tragedy 31
Character 4: Jesus
in his 20-page discussion of tragedy, and thus never confronts texts and metaphors
which make Christ’s wounds, his blood and the cross itself heavily significant –
more central, it should be said, than the empty tomb, of which Hart makes a great
deal. The Gospels do not seek to set in reverse the story of intensification towards
tragedy that we have told in the figures of three Old Testament characters (and we
might have added others to them: Hagar, Tamar and Dinah, for example). Judah
may be read as a figure of Jesus in his self-offering for another, his intercession,
and his founding of a new people. Samson may be read as a figure of Jesus29 in his
victory out of humiliation, his descent into hell and defeat of the powers of evil.
But the story of Jesus’ redeeming work does not make the story of Saul readable as
more like that of Judah or Samson. It does not rewind the tape when we reach the
brink of Saul’s void, and find some new configuration (of culpability in relation
to capability, for instance) that makes Saul’s case seem less desolate. It does not
take away the particularity of Saul’s case – his uniqueness at a point in the biblical
history – by dressing him in a generic mask. All this would be once again to efface
him, and in a more pernicious way than the blunter, healthier, more matter-of-fact
consignment of him to history’s rubbish dump that may be the mark of a non-
Christian reading.
Not taking away the particularity of Saul’s case is a first way of being
responsible to him. It is a form of respect for his uniqueness – a status which
Pirandello’s play tests, and which Jesus’ careful facings of particular people in
particular circumstances seems to embody all the way through his earthly ministry
(and even after the resurrection).
But out of this first way of taking Saul seriously – by insisting on the uniqueness
and unsubstitutability of his story – there opens a second way in which he can be
taken seriously in light of Jesus’ narrative. It is not just that the Gospels implicitly
honour his case (as they do every case) by refusing to tidy it up into some larger
narrative solution; they seem to re-open his case.
The honouring of unique cases is accompanied in Jesus’s story by teachings
and actions which insist on the preciousness of each particular bit of creation. All
creation is of the deepest concern to God the Father, who will not let a sparrow
fall without noticing it (Matthew 10:29). The death of Jesus on the cross mirrors
this sort of love. And if the redemption of the whole of creation (which may be
affirmed without necessarily invoking a doctrine of apocatastasis) is in view in the
Gospel narratives, then no particular part of it can automatically be regarded as
outside that redemption – and we are certainly not in a position to say so.
So the figure of Jesus allows a new question to be asked of Saul (just as it does
of all the other characters in the Old Testament). His face comes before us again.
If Jesus himself goes into the void, in which those who are held culpable without
capability are held fast, then maybe we have to relate to this man who seemed to
have been dealt with in historical terms as ‘a failure’. We may have to find a new
way to be responsive to him, though the outlines of our relation to him may remain
29
C.S. Lewis seems to have done this with his image of the shaven Aslan.
Four Biblical Characters: In Search of a Tragedy 33
obscure, frightening, unresolved. This is not a thinning out of the tragic force of
Saul’s story in its Hebrew Bible context; it is a heightening of it. Where before it
was possible to say simply ‘that’s how it was’ or ‘it had to be that way’, we now
have to ask a question: ‘did it have to be that way?’ or ‘will it remain that way’?
Who and where is Saul now, and how do we stand with him? He is no longer just
a far-off figure from a far-off time; he has been brought near again.
If Samson qualified the optimism of Judah’s story, and Saul qualified the
heroism of Samson’s, then Jesus qualifies the nihilism of Saul’s story.30 His story
unsettles the assumption that any human life – after it has been and gone – can be
regarded simply as if it had never been.
This is at base an affirmation of Hart’s concern to take the resurrection
seriously as the breaking open of what we thought was forever closed. But we
are not given the final answer to these questions about how Saul and all the others
who have seemed ‘good for nothing’ may be restored to capability, for in the end
the answer lies in Janz’s genuine (and not ideal) transcendent: the freedom of
God, which creatures can only discern in a creaturely way, in the empirical matter
of history. The answer to the question ‘what about Saul?’ lies in the freedom of
God, just like the answer to the question ‘what lies between the dead Christ and
the resurrected Christ?’ It is what Janz calls this ‘impossible continuity’31 between
the crucified and risen Christ that ‘protects the love of God from portrayal as
the supreme authority of resolution, as the grandest, all-embracing holism, as the
ultimate coherence theory, as the highest “necessity”’.32
[W]hat we encounter most fiercely and tragically, in … the cross, is not first of
all the love of God, but rather the unbridgeable distance and strangeness of the
unconditioned freedom of God, without which the love of God would not be the
love of God.33
It is in this way that Christianity (at its best, which is to say its most responsible)
does not evade the actual challenges to interpretation presented to it by the
experiences we habitually call tragic. It does not round off their jagged edges into
some reassuring shape that will comfort us. On the contrary, it looks all the harder
at them, in all their angularity and discomfiting resistance to assimilation.
It does so in the hopeful expectation that there is more, not less, to them than
meets the eye.
30
That is not to impute nihilism to the broader story into which Saul’s is woven, but to
draw attention to the specific negation of Saul which Saul’s particular story seems to end in.
31
Janz, p. 179.
32
Janz, p. 179.
33
Janz, p. 179.
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more have you to expect, Antony?” exclaimed he, “Fortune robs you
of the only blessing which made life dear.” He commands his
freedman Eros to slay him; then, unfastening his cuirass, he
addresses this last adieu to Cleopatra: “O, Cleopatra! I do not
complain that thou art taken from me, since in a moment I shall
rejoin thee.” Eros, meanwhile, has drawn his sword, but instead of
striking Antony, he stabs himself. “Brave Eros,” said Antony, seeing
him fall dead at his feet, “you set me the example!” and, thrusting
the sword into his breast, he sinks fainting upon a couch.
In a few minutes he recovers consciousness. He calls and
entreats the slaves, the soldiers, to put an end to him, but none dare
to comply, and he is left alone, howling and struggling on the couch.
Meanwhile the queen has been informed of the fact. Her grief is
bitter and profound—the more bitter that it is mingled with remorse.
She must see Antony again; she commands that he be brought,
dead or alive. Diomedes, her secretary, hastens to the palace.
Antony is at the last gasp, but the joy at hearing that the queen is
not dead revives him, and “he rises,” says Dion Cassius, “as if he
might still live!” Slaves bear him in their arms, and, to hasten their
movements, he utters entreaties, invectives, threats, which mingle
with the death-rattle. They reach the tomb; the queen leans from a
window of the upper story; fearing a surprise, she will not have the
portcullis raised, but she throws down some ropes, and commands
them to be fastened round Antony. Then, aided by Iras and
Charmion, the only ones she has allowed to enter the mausoleum,
she begins to drag him up. “It was not easy,” says Plutarch, “for
women thus to lift a man of Antony’s size.” Never, say those who
witnessed it, was a sadder or more pitiful sight. Cleopatra, with arms
stiff and brow contracted, dragged painfully at the ropes, whilst
Antony, bleeding and dying, raised himself as much as possible,
extending towards her his dying hands.
At last he reached her, and they laid him on a bed, where she
long held him in a close embrace. Her grief spent itself in tears, in
sobs, in despairing kisses. She called him her husband, her master,
her emperor; she struck her breast, tore it with her nails, then again
casting herself upon him, she kissed his wound, wiping off on her
face the blood that flowed from it. Antony endeavored to calm and
console her, and entreated her to care for her own safety. Burning
with fever, he begged for a drink, and swallowed a cup of wine.
Death was rapidly approaching. Cleopatra renewed her lamentations.
“Do not grieve,” said he, “for this last misfortune; rather congratulate
me for the blessings I have enjoyed in my life, and the happiness
that has been mine in being the most powerful and illustrious of
men; congratulate me on this, that, being a Roman, none but a
Roman has conquered me.” He expired in the arms of Cleopatra,
dying, as Shakspeare says, where he had wished to live.
When Octavius heard of Antony’s death, he despatched
Proculeius and Gallus with orders to seize Cleopatra before she could
have time to kill herself. Their calls attracted the attention of the
queen; she descended and began to parley with them from behind
the portcullis. Deaf to the promises and protestations of the two
Romans, Cleopatra declared that she would only surrender if
Octavius would agree by oath to maintain her or her son on the
throne of Egypt; otherwise Cæsar should have but her dead body.
Proculeius, espying the window which had admitted Antony, left his
companion to converse alone with the queen, and, finding a ladder,
placed it against the thick wall, and thus entering the tomb, he
descended the staircase within and sprang upon Cleopatra.
Charmion, turning at the noise, exclaimed: “Unhappy queen, thou
art taken alive!” Cleopatra snatched from her girdle a dagger which
for some time she had carried in order to kill herself, but Proculeius
seized her wrist and only allowed her to free herself after being
assured that she had no other weapon and no suspicious phial about
her. He then resumed the respectful attitude demanded by the rank
and misfortunes of the royal captive. He assured her she had
nothing to fear from Octavius. “O, Queen,” said he, “you are unjust
towards Cæsar, whom you would rob of the noblest opportunity of
exercising clemency.”
Her treasures and her person in the power of the Romans,
Cleopatra felt herself without the means of defense. What availed it
that Cæsar left her her life, since henceforth she desired only to die?
The only favor she asked was to be allowed to pay funeral honors to
Antony. Although the same request had already been made by the
captains of his army who had served under Antony, Octavius,
touched with compassion, granted the prayer of the Egyptian.
Cleopatra bathed the body of her lover, adorned and armed it as for
a last battle, then she laid it in the tomb which she had built for
herself and in which she had vainly sought death. After the
obsequies the queen was conducted, by order of Octavius, to the
palace of the Lagidæ. There she was treated with every attention,
but she was, so to speak, never lost sight of (a prisoner forever
watched).
The terrible emotions through which Cleopatra had passed, the
intense grief which overwhelmed her, above all the wounds she had
inflicted on herself during the death-struggle of Antony, brought on
an inflammation of the chest, attended by a burning fever. In this
illness she saw the hoped-for death, and to hasten her deliverance
she refused for many days all medical treatment and all food.
Octavius was informed of this, and he sent her word that she must
have forgotten that he held her four children as hostages, and that
their lives should answer for hers. This horrid threat overcame the
resolution of Cleopatra, who then consented to be properly cared for.
Octavius meanwhile felt he had cause for disquiet. What if the
pride of the queen overpowered her motherly instincts? what if the
horror of gracing as a captive his approaching triumph should decide
her to a self-inflicted death? Doubtless she was well guarded, but
what negligence or what treason might he not fear? Besides, though
without arms or poison, might she not induce the faithful Charmion
to strangle her? “Now Octavius,” so says Dion Cassius, “conceived
that the death of Cleopatra would have robbed him of his glory.” He
resolved, therefore, to see her. He knew he possessed sufficient self-
control not to become entangled, and believed himself sufficiently
skillful to keep the queen uncertain of the fate to which he destined
her.
Cleopatra was no longer deceived as to the pretended
sentiments of love with which, according to Thyreus, she had
inspired Octavius; of this we are assured by Plutarch. Since the
emperor’s arrival in Alexandria he had not even expressed the
intention of seeing her, and the harsh treatment, the rigorous
seclusion, and the savage threats which she had to endure from him
did not certainly indicate a man in love. Can it be said, however, that
the prospect of the unexpected visit of Octavius aroused in
Cleopatra, desperate as she was, no glimpse of hope, no fugitive
vision of a throne, no last enthusiasm? that from her beautiful eyes
shot no ray of half-seen triumph?
The queen, scarcely convalescent, was in bed when Octavius
entered. She sprang from the couch, though wearing only a tunic,
and knelt before him. At the sight of this woman, worn out by fever,
emaciated, dreadfully pale, with drawn features, eyes sunken and
red with tears, bearing on her face and breast the marks made by
her own hands, Octavius found it hard to believe that this was the
enchantress that had captivated Cæsar and enslaved Mark Antony;
but had Cleopatra been more beautiful than Venus he would not
have been her lover. Continence was not among his virtues, but he
was too prudent and too clever ever to sacrifice his interests to his
passions. He urged the queen to return to her couch, and seated
himself near her. Cleopatra began to vindicate herself, referring all
that had passed to the force of circumstances and the fear she felt
of Antony. She often ceased speaking, interrupted by her choking
sobs; then, in the hope of moving Octavius to pity (of seducing him,
some say), she drew from her bosom some of Cæsar’s letters, kissed
them, and exclaimed: “Wouldst thou know how thy father loved me,
read these letters.... Oh! Cæsar! why did I not die before thee!... but
for me you live again in this man!” and through her tears she
essayed to smile at Octavius. Lamentable scene of coquetry, which
the wretched woman no longer could or knew how to play.
To her sighs, her moans, the emperor made no reply, even
avoiding looking at her and keeping his eyes fixed on the floor. He
spoke only to reply, one by one, to all the arguments by which the
queen sought to justify herself. Chilled by the impassibility of this
man, who, without being at all moved by her misfortunes and her
sufferings, was arguing with her like a schoolmaster, Cleopatra felt
that she had nothing to hope. Again death appeared as the only
liberator. Then she ceased her pleas, dried her tears, and, in order
completely to deceive Octavius, she pretended to be resigned to
everything, provided her life was spared. She handed him the list of
her treasures, and entreated him to permit her to retain certain
jewels that she might present them herself to Livia and Octavia in
order to secure their protection. “Take courage, O woman!” said the
emperor as he left her. “Be hopeful; no harm shall happen to you!”
Deceived by the pretended resignation of Cleopatra, Octavius no
longer doubted that he would be able to exhibit to the Roman rabble
the haughty queen of Egypt walking in chains before his triumphal
car. He had not heard, as he left her, the last word uttered by
Cleopatra, that word which, since the taking of Alexandria, she had
incessantly repeated: Οἰ θριαμβεúσομαι! “I will not contribute to his
15
triumph.”
A few days after this interview, an intimate companion of
Octavius, taking pity on such dire reverses, secretly revealed to
Cleopatra that the next day she would be embarked for Rome. She
asked to be allowed to go with her women to offer libations at the
tomb of Antony. She was borne thither in a litter, being still too weak
to walk. After pouring the wine and adjusting the crowns she kissed
for the last time the sepulchral stone, saying: “O, beloved Antony, if
thy gods have any power—for mine have betrayed me—do not
abandon thy living wife. Do not let thyself be triumphed over, by
making her at Rome take part in a disgraceful show. Hide me with
thee under this earth of Egypt.”
On her return, Cleopatra went to the bath; her women arrayed
her in her most magnificent robes, dressed her hair with care, and
adjusted her royal crown. Cleopatra had ordered a splendid repast;
her toilet ended, she was placed at the table. A countryman entered,
carrying a basket. A soldier of the guard desiring to see the
contents, the man opened it and showed some figs; and, the guard
exclaiming at the beauty of them, he offered them some to taste.
His good nature lulled all suspicion; he was allowed to pass.
Cleopatra received the basket, sent to Octavius a letter she had
written in the morning, and was then left alone with Iras and
Charmion. She opened the basket and separated the figs, hoping to
be stung unawares but the reptile was asleep. Cleopatra discovered
it beneath the figs. “There it is, then!” cried she, and began to rouse
it with a golden pin. The asp bit her on the arm.
Warned by the letter of Cleopatra, Octavius sent in haste to the
apartments. His officers found the guards at their post, ignorant of
what had occurred. They forced the door and beheld Cleopatra, clad
in her royal robes, lying lifeless on her golden couch, and at her feet
the corpse of Iras. Charmion was still alive; leaning over Cleopatra,
she was arranging with her dying hands the diadem around the head
of the queen. A soldier exclaimed in a voice of wrath: “Is this well
done, Charmion?” “Yes,” said the dying Charmion, “it is well done,
and worthy of a queen, the descendants of so many kings!”
Octavius put to death Cæsarion, the son of Cæsar and
Cleopatra, but he was merciful to the dead body of the queen.
Granting the mournful prayer she had made to him in her last letter,
he permitted her to be buried beside Antony. He also granted
honorable burial to the faithful slaves, Charmion and Iras, who had
accompanied their mistress to the world of shadows.
By her suicide, Cleopatra escaped contributing to the triumph of
16
Octavius, but failing her person he had her effigy, and the statue
of Cleopatra with a serpent wound about her arm was borne in the
triumphal procession. Does it not seem that the statue of this
illustrious queen, who had subdued the greatest of the Romans, who
had made Rome tremble, and who preferred death to assisting at
her own humiliation, had by her death triumphed over her
conqueror, and still defied the senate and the people on the way to
the Capitol?
We can easily conceive of Cleopatra as a great queen, the rival
of the mythic Semiramis, and the elder sister of the Zenobias, the
Isabellas, the Maria-Theresas, and the Catharines; but, in truth, only
those queens are great who possess manly virtues, who rule nations
and compel events as a great king might do. Cleopatra was too
essentially a woman to be reckoned among these glorious
androgynuses. If for twenty years she preserved her throne and
maintained the independence of Egypt, it was done by mere
womanly means—intrigue, gallantry, grace, and weakness which is
also a grace. Her sole method of governing was, in reality, by
becoming the mistress of Cæsar and the mistress of Mark Antony. It
was the Roman sword that sustained the throne of the Lagidæ.
When by the fault of Cleopatra the weapon was broken, the throne
tottered and fell. Ambition, her only royal virtue, would have been
limited to the exercise of her hereditary government if circumstances
had not developed and exalted it.
Knowing herself weak, without genius and without mental force,
she reckoned wholly on her lovers for the accomplishment of her
designs, and it too often happened to this woman, fatal to others as
to herself, to retard the execution of these, dominated, as she ever
was, by the imperious desire of some entertainment or some
pleasure. This queen had the recklessness of the courtesan; women
of gallantry might have considered her their august and tragic
ancestress. She only lived for love, pomp, and magnificence;
wherefore, when her lover was slain, her beauty marred, her wealth
lost, and her crown shattered, she found, to face death, the
masculine courage which had failed her in life.
No, Cleopatra was not a great queen. But for her connection
with Antony, she would be forgotten with Arsinoë or Berenice. If her
renown is immortal, it is because she is the heroine of the most
dramatic love-story of antiquity.
FOOTNOTES
1
Cicero to Atticus.—In this letter, dated from Brundusium,
June 14, 706 A. U. C., Cicero speaks of the long sojourn
of Cæsar at Alexandria. There is thought to be much
trouble there, “valde esse impedimentum.” This
“impedimentum,” of which Cæsar makes no complaint,
was Cleopatra.
2
If this were true, Cleopatra would have been as fatal to
Cæsar as she afterwards became to Antony.
3
We must not judge Antony wholly by the passionate
attacks of Cicero. Plutarch quotes a number of clever
retorts of this brave and excellent soldier; and, in
another order of ideas, his letter to Octavius and
Hirtius, from which we find long extracts in the “Third
Philippic,” is the work of a skillful politician as well as a
model of wit.
4
A curious inscription, discovered in Alexandria by M. C.
Vescher, is as follows: “Antony the Great, the
Inimitable.”
5
Pliny, IX. 35. The legend is not so much of a myth as it
appears. Pliny relates that Octavius, having found the
second pearl in the treasury of Cleopatra, had it cut in
two, and with it adorned the ears of the Pantheon
Venus.
6
Another incident, also related by Plutarch, says that
Antony sometimes sought relaxation from the excesses
of the “Life Inimitable” in more tranquil pleasures, such
as angling. Vain even in trifles, and mortified if he
caught nothing, he had fishes attached to his hook by a
diver. The trick did not escape Cleopatra. The next day
she had a salted fish fastened to his hook, which the
triumvir drew gravely from the water amid shouts of
laughter. From this time Antony renounced angling.
7
Appian says positively that Antony was in love with
Octavia.
8
Like all the Ptolemies, the last of the Lagidæ was a great
builder.
9
Antony also made a gift to Cleopatra of the 300,000
manuscripts of the library of Pergamos, to replace a
part of the volumes burned at Alexandria.
10
Thirty-five drachmæ were given to each legionary, and a
less sum to every soldier.
11
The Egyptian, says Florus forcibly, demanded as the
price of her favors, the Roman Empire from a drunken
emperor: “Mulier ægyptia ab ebrio imperatore pretium
libidinum Romanum Imperium petit.”
12
These verses were written after the battle of Actium, 31
B. C., but they no less indicate the sentiments of the
Romans at the commencement of the war. If this
indignation and hatred obtained with such violence
after the victory, what must they have been in the very
hour of danger? Lucan says: “This woman, the reproach
of Egypt, the fatal Erinys of Latium, incestuous
daughter of the Ptolemies; who made the Capitol
tremble with her sistra.”
13
It therefore seems probable that it was in the autumn of
32 B. C. that Antony must have married Cleopatra.
14
Dion says that Cleopatra betrayed Antony at Alexandria,
as at Pelusium, and that she sent him word of her
death that he might be urged to commit suicide, and
his body given up to Octavius. Once for all, we take for
authority Plutarch, who seems much more worthy of
credit. The taking of Alexandria was on August 1, 30
B. C.
15
The peculiar force of this verb in the passive form
cannot be fitly rendered in a translation. It is, word for
word, “I will not be triumphed.”
16
Cleopatra died the 15th of August, 30 B. C.
Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when
a predominant preference was found in this book;
otherwise they were not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected.
Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were
retained.
Table of Contents added by Transcriber and placed
into the Public Domain.
Page 53: “the war of Persia” was printed that way.
Page 65: “ἐρω.μένην” was printed with the period.
Page 103: “Οἰ θριαμβεúσομαι” was printed that way.
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